InternationalViewpointonlinesocialist

magazine

http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?
article3839

SellingSexualServices:ASocialistFeministPerspective
Sexualpolitics/
Wednesday,4February2015 /JohannaBrenner/

JohannaBrennerisacommunityactivistinPortland,Oregonandanadvisoryeditorof
AgainsttheCurrent.ShehasalsowrittenforNewLeftReviewandMonthlyReview.
SheisProfessorEmeritusatPortlandStateUniversity.Shealsoservedasdirectorofthe
UniversitysWomensStudiesProgram.
HerbooksincludeWomenandthePoliticsofClass(MonthlyReviewPress,2000)and
RethinkingthePolitical:Women,Resistance,andtheState(UniversityChicagoPress,
1995).

Thecurrentdebateaboutsexworkamongfeministsgeneratesmoreheatthanlight.Accusationsof
badfaithflybackandforthacrossthetwosides,researchfindingsaremobilizedtoundercutthe
othersideevenwhentheresearchitselfislimitedbyitsmethodsandscope,differentsexworker
voicesareauthorizedbyeachsideaseithergenuineormanipulated,dependingonwhoseposition
thosevoicesseemtosupport.
Feministswhowanttodefendsexworkersrighttosellsexualservicesarguethatitisnotso
differentfrommuchotherhighlygenderedservicework.Iappreciatethatthismovesprostitution
fromtheluridandsensationalizedtothedailygrindofeverydaylabor.[1]However,injustifyingthis
move,proponentstendtodownplaytheparticularlyriskyanddangerousaspectsofthework.And
theyignoreorrejectthefeministargumentthatprostitutionisanextremeexpressionofsexism.
Ontheotherhand,feministswhoarguethatsellingsexualservicesisinherentlyharmfuland
shouldbeeliminateddownplaytheresilienceandsurvivalskillsofprostituteswhomaynotregard
theirjobsasuniquelydifficultordangerousorwhotakeprideintheircapacitytosuccessfully
negotiatetheserisks.
Overthepastdecadeorso,thestakesinthisdebatehavebeensubstantiallyraisedbyeffortsto
legislatesexworkinthenameoffeministgoals.Ononeside,arefeministswhosupporttheNordic
modelinwhichthelawcriminalizesbuyersbutnotsellersofsexualservicesandoutlawsanythird
partiesfromprofiting,andwhoapprovetheexpansionofantisextraffickinglaws.Ontheother
sidearefeministswhocallfordecriminalization(andregulation)ofsexworkandwhobelievethat
antisextraffickinglawsareoverlybroad,penalizingratherthanprotectingwomenwhomigrateto
dosexwork.
Onceapoliticalbattleisjoined,thepressuresareenormoustooversimplifyanissueinorderto
winthefight.IdonotwanttotakearemovedpositionasifIstandabovethefray.Yet,Ithink
ithasnotservedfeminismwellthateachsideinthisdebateapproachesatopicasmultivaried
(especiallyasaglobalphenomenon),complex,anddifficulttoresearch(becauseofitsclandestine
nature)asprostitutionwithsuchunjustifiedcertainty.Ialsothinkitisamistaketoposethe
questionofsexworkinaneither/orway,e.g.,issexworkoppressiveorempowering?
Ifindmyselftornbetweenverycounterposeddescriptionsofprostitution,allofwhichseem
accurate.Thereisahugerangewithintheworkofsellingsexualservicesandwidedifferencesinthe
experienceofsexworkersdependingonthelocations,organizations,andconditionswithinwhich
theworkisdone.Thisisaclassandracestratifiedbusinessaswell.Inthe(relativelysmall)middle
classsectoroftheU.S.industry,whitewomen,90%withsomecollegeeducation,make$500an
hourandmoreworkingindependentlyasescorts.Womenofcolorareoverrepresentedinstreet
work,doingclientsincarsormotelrooms.EasternEuropeanwomenmigratetoworkinmassage
parlors,brothels,andclubsinthewest,FilipinawomengotoJapan,teenagegirlsfromruralIndia
aretraffickedtoKolkatabrothels.Migrantwomenwhoarenotdirectlycoercedrelyonbothlegaland
undergroundnetworkstotravelandonceatworkexperiencevaryingdegreesofexploitationand
coercion,fromoverworkandwagethefttovirtualenslavement.Itrytotakethisvariationinto

account,butinalimitedfashion,givenspaceconstraints.
IhavealwaysbeenasocialconstructionistwhenitcomestounderstandingsexualityandsoIam
generallyuncomfortablewithuniversalstatementsabouthowwomenexperienceourbodiesand
sexualselves.Yet,Idowonderif,giventheconditionsunderwhichmostprostituteswork,including
intensestigmatization,economicexploitation,aswellascriminalization,sellingsexualservicesdoes
notposeseriousriskstotheirphysicalandmentalhealthrisksthatarehigherthanmuch
feminizedservicework(whichiscertainlynotriskfree).
Asasocialistfeminist,Iamopposedtotheincreasingintrusionofcommodificationintoeveryarea
ofhumanexperience,includingintosexualrelations.Yet,Ialsounderstandthedangersfor
feministsofdrawingoncategoricaldualismsprivatevs.public,familyvs.market,thenaturalvs.
themanufacturedthathavebeenfundamentaltopatriarchalconstructionsoffemininityandto
womensoppression.
Iamdrawntothefeministargumentthatthereissomethinginherentlysexistinmenswishtoand
abilitytopurchasesexualgratificationwhethertheupscaledatewithanescortorthequickblow
jobinaparkedcar.However,Ialsostrugglewithhowtotakethatcritiqueintosocialpolicyorlaw
withoutreproducingthestigmatizationofpeoplewhosellsexualservices.
Inthisessay,Itrytosortthroughthevariousclaimsabouttheworkofsellingsexualservices.
Next,Iexaminetheargumentsanddatawithregardtodifferentlegalregimes,concludingthatitis
difficult,onthebasisofexistingevidence,tosortouttheircostsandbenefits.Nonetheless,I
concludesupportingdecriminalizationandregulationofthebusiness,becauseIthinkthatitoffers
greaterpossibilitiesforworkerstoselforganize.Evenunderconditionsofcriminalization,sex
workersincountriesasdiverseasIndiaandNewZealandhavebuiltimpressivegrassrootsbased
organizations.Decriminalizationoughttomakethiseasier.
However,decriminalization(oranylegalregime)isextremelylimitedinwhatitcanaccomplish,
sinceitdoesnottouchtheforcesthatcreatethedemandforandthesupplyoflaborinthis
industry.Contemporaryprostitutionislinkedtoglobalneoliberalcapitalismandthepatriarchal
social,cultural,andpoliticalarrangementsimbricatedwithinit.Itisimportant,therefore,that
feministswhocareaboutprostitutesjointhestrugglesofwomenacrosstheglobefightingforland
reform,forchangesinfamilylaw,forlaborrights,foranendtoausterity,toraisetheirwages,to
gainrecognitionforthevalueoftheircaringlabor,toendtheirpoverty.

Isprostiutionjustlikeotherservicework?
[2]Theclaimthatprostitutionisuniquelydifficultanddangerousrevolvesaroundthreeideas.First,
thatalthoughmuchserviceworkrequiresworkerstousetheirbodyortheiremotionsorbothto
meettheneedsofcustomers(orpatients,orchildren,orelders),prostitutioninvolvesalevelof
bodilyintrusionbytheclientthatisuniqueandinherentlyharmful.Second,thatworkers
experiencehighlevelsofviolence,extensivedamagetotheirhealth,andemotionaltrauma.Third,
thatpreciselybecauseitissuchawfulwork,noonewouldvoluntarilychoosetodoit.Thecorollary
beingthatprostitutesarealmostalwayscoerced(ortrickedorseduced)intotheworkandareheld
therebyothers.[3]
Gatheringcredibleevidencetosupportorrefutesuchclaimsisdifficultassomuchoftheworkis
clandestine.Some,probablynotinsignificantnumbersofprostitutes,workinslaverylikeconditions
andtheyareespeciallydifficulttofindorstudy.Prostituteswhoarewillingtobeinterviewedmaybe
thosewhohavethebestconditionsandareleastafraidtotalkwitharesearcher.Knowledgable
informants(e.g.police,socialandhealthworkers,NGOs,sexworkers)oftenhavetheirown
agendasandverypartialinformation,leadingtoverydifferentassessmentsonanyissueaboutsex
work[4]WhileIseenoreasontodenythatsellingsexualservicesexposesworkerstorisksof
physicalviolence,damagetotheirhealthandemotionaldistresswellbeyondtherisksofmost
feminizedservicework,Ithinkthattheconditionsunderwhichitisdonecaneitherheightenor
minimizetheserisks.

CoercionorChoice?
Allsidesofthisdebateagreethatdirectcoercion(bypimps,brothelowners,traffickers)iswrongand
supportoutlawingit.[5]Differencesrevolvearoundthequestionofchoice.Someprostituteshave
norealalternativesduetodrugaddiction,theirage,orextremediscriminationinthelegitimate

economy(e.g.transgenderpeople).Butformany,thebenefitsofprostitutionoutweightherisks,
giventheverylimitedchoicesavailabletothemingenderedcapitalistlabormarkets.Itisnot
primarilythedramaticcoercionofseductionandimprisonment,butthedullcompulsionofthe
marketthatdriveswomenintothisworkworkthatoftenpaysmoreandhasmoreflexiblehours
thanotherjobsavailable.(Formoreindepthanalysisofthequestionofchoiceandworkin
capitalism,seeNancyHolmstromsessayhere)
Thosewhoarguethatprostitutionisworkpointoutthatwerarelyquestionwhetherawomanreally
choosestobearestaurantserveroranursesaide.Whysoforprostitutes?Itakethispoint.Yet,I
wouldthenask,isgivingablowjobreallynodifferentthanservingapieceofpie?Orchanging
diapersinanursinghome?ThisisthequestiontowhichInowturn.

RiskstoEmotionalHealth
Itisdifficult,butnecessary,torecognizeourcomplicatedandculturallyshapedfeelingsabout
sexuality,intimacy,andbodiesinthisdiscussion.Themeaningsgiventobodilyboundariesand
sexualexchangesvarywithinhumancultures.Inthesociallocationofmostoftheprotagonistsin
thefeministdebate(andinmanycontemporarysocieties)ourbodilyboundariesareconstructedas
aninviolablelocusofpersonhood.Further,bodypartsmostcloselyassociatedwithsexualarousal
arecentraltothepsychologicalsenseofaprivateself.Manyfeminizedserviceworkershave
intimatecontactwithotherpeoplesbodiesandwiththedirtysidesoflife.Yet,theirownbodily
boundariesgenerallyremainintact.Notsoinprostitution.Here,intimatepartsareusedinthe
serviceofsomeoneelsespleasure,andnotonesown.Thisposesrealpsychologicalrisksof
alienationfromonesowndesire,ofdissociationfromonesbody,ofdullingdownoffeeling,
depression,andsoforth.
Prostitutesusearangeofstrategiestoprotectthemselvesfromtheseemotionalrisks.Oneisto
redefinebodypartsandsexualactivitiesasthosewhicharekeptforoneselfandonesintimate
partnersandthosewhichareusedforworkforexample,notallowingkissingoraclienttoperform
oralsex.Inseveralstudies,condomsweremarkersoftheboundarybetweensexatworkandsex
forpleasure,whenprostitutesinsistedoncondomswithclientsbutnotwiththeirintimate
partners.[6]
Inmuchofprostitution,aworkerisrequiredtodomorethanmakeherbodyavailableforuse.
MelissaGiraGrantarguesthatsexworkisaperformance.[7]Butwhatgenderedfantasiesare
beingperformedandwhatdowomenriskwhenperformingthem?
Theskilloftheactcentersonthepretenseofdesire.IwouldextendSusanBordosanalysisof
womeninpornographytoprostitution.Inpornographywomenaresubjects,butsubjectswhose
agencyexpressesitselfonlyasadesiretopleasetheprojectedmaleviewerThereisamindinside
thepornographicfemalebody,butitcommunicatesonlyalimitedrangeofnonthreateningdesires,
andthereforeitexistsasatruncatedself.[8]
Thecorefantasyenactedinprostitutionexpressestheinsistentmasculinenarcissismofculturally
authorizedsexualscripts.Menwhopurchasesexualservicesaregenerallysimilartomenwhodo
nottheyarenotnecessarilymorelonely,lessattractive,lesssexuallyconfident,unmarried,
althoughsomeare.[9]Inpurchasingsexualservicestheyareexpressingbroaderpatriarchal
constructionsofsexualitythatauthorizemasculineentitlementtosexualpleasure/releasefrom
womenandtowomensaffirmationoftheirmasculinepotency.[10]
Outsideofthemostlimitedencounter,inprostitutionthesimulationofpleasureiscentral.Several
studiesofprostitutionasworkdrawonArlieHochschildsanalysisofserviceworkinTheManaged
Heart.Hochschildarguesthatactinginaccordancewithfeelingrules,isapartofhumanrelating.
Wemaydrawonarepertoireofpastexperiencesoffeelinginordertoexpressemotionsthatwe
wishtofeel.Inthissense,wemanageouremotions.[11]
ButjustasMarxarguedthatalienatedlaborisnotaboutthedoinginitselfbutthecontextofpower
relationswithinwhichoneacts,Hochschildarguesthatonceemotionsbecomedirectedbyan
externalpowerbymanagementthentheworkerisindangerofbecomingestrangedfromher
self.Thisisnotamatterofcounterposingsomesortofessentialorauthenticselftotheself
thatisproducedinthecourseofwork.Itisrathertoaskthequestionwhetherornotthedemands
ofemotionmanagementincertainjobsandcertainworksettingsinterferewithanindividuals
capacitytomanageherfeelingsinherowninterestsandforherownendswhensheisnotat
work.[12]

Hochschildstudiednonunionizedflightattendantsworkingforasouthernbasedairline.This,she
says,allowedhertofocusonasectoroftheoccupationwherethedemandsforemotion
managementwouldbegreatest.Withthespreadoffeminism,speedupintheindustry,and
unionization,theflightattendantrolehaschanged.WedontseeImSaraFlymeadsforairlines
anymore.Thissortofshiftissimplynotpossibleinprostitution.
Hochschilddevelopedtheconceptsofsurfaceactinganddeepactingtodistinguishbetweenjobs
thatrequirelesserorgreaterdegreesofemotionalinvestmentintheperformanceofemotional
labor,withdeepactingproducingmoredestructiveformsofestrangement.AsElizabethBernstein
argues,inthepostindustrialarenaofprostitutioninglobalcities,thedemandsfordeepactingare
expandedwhenprostitutescompetetoofferboundedauthenticitythesaleofauthentic
emotionalandphysicalconnection.[13]Maintainingaclinicalattitudeandanemotionaldistancein
thecourseofproducingthegirlfriendexperiencemaybemoreratherthanlessemotionally
draining.
Finally,wehavetoconsiderthenegativeconsequencesofdoinghighlystigmatizedworkthatisso
psychologicallydemanding.Evenbeyondtheanxietiesproducedbycriminality,socialstigmathrows
itsshadowoverprostitutesworkinglives.
Inanycase,gaugingtheriskstoprostitutesemotionalhealthisdifficult.Itdoesseemthatwomen
engagedinstreetprostitutionhaveworsementalhealththanwomenoftheirsameageand
backgroundwhoarenotprostitutes.Itisdifficulttosortoutthemultiplereasonsforthisdifference.
Someresearchindicatesthatfactorsintheirlives,oftenassociatedwiththeirentryintosexwork
(e.g.,druguse,childhoodtraumaofvariouskinds,earlyageofentryintoprostitution),ratherthan
theworkitselfexplainsthedifference.[14]
Theevidenceforindoorprostitutionismixed.(Indoorcoversarangeoflocations,suchassaunas
andmassageparlors,calloutworkerslikeescorts,womenwhoworkontheirownorwithothers
outofanapartment,andworkinbrothelswhichmaybelegalorillegal).AstudyintheNetherlands
comparingworkersinlegalizedindoorvenuestowomenhealthcareworkers,mainlynurses,andto
peopleundergoingtreatmentforoccupationalburnoutfoundthatontwooutofthreemeasures,
thenursesandprostitutesscoredsimilarlyandmuchlowerthanthetreatmentgroup.Prostitutes
measuredhigherthannursesononemeasure,depersonalizationwithregardtoclients,whichhas
beenassociatedwithburnoutamongnurses.Higherscoresondepersonalizationmightbea
healthyadjustmentratherthanasignofburnout.[15]
FromHochschildsperspective,thisdistancingmaybeaformofsurfaceactingthatprotectsagainst
themorepervasivelossofasenseofself.Yet,therewasnoevidenceofarelationbetween
cynicismandpositivehealth,suchashighselfesteemandpersonalcompetenceandlowstress
symptomatology.Theresearcherconcludedthatdepersonalizationofclientsmaybeacoping
mechanismwiththenegativeconsequenceofemotionalexhaustion.[16]Asmallstudyofwomen
doneinNewZealandpriortodecriminalizationfoundthatsexworkerswerenotmorelikelyto
experiencelowerselfesteemorimpairedsocialrelationshipsthanwomeningeneral.[17]
Ontheotherhand,oneoftcitedcrosscountrystudy(MelissaFarleyet.al.)uncoveredextremely
highlevelsofPTSD,asmeasuredbyabriefquestionnaire.Althoughmostofthestudyparticipants
werestreetworkers,inMexicolevelsofPTSDweresimilarlyhighforbothbrothelandstreet
workers.[18]InhisdefenseoftheSwedishlaw,MaxWaltmanreferencestwostudies,onebasedon
interviewswithmentalhealthprofessionalstreatingformerprostitutesandanotherof46former
prostitutesinKorea(whowereindoorworkers)thatalsoindicatehighlevelsofPTSDamongformer
prostitutes.[19]

RisksofPhysical/SexualViolence
Streetworkers,atleastinEuropeandNorthAmerica,areinadifferentpositionfromindoor
workers.Manystudiesshowthatstreetprostitutesaremorelikelythanindoorworkersto
experienceviolencefromclients.Churchetalfoundthatintheirsampleofprostitutesinthree
Britishcities50%ofstreetworkersand26%ofindoorworkershadexperiencedclientviolence
duringthelastsixmonths.Intermsoftheirentireworkinglives,47%ofstreetprostitutesand
14%ofindoorworkershadbeenslapped,punchedorkicked,28%ofstreetworkersand17%of
indoorworkershadexperiencedattemptedvaginalrape,and22%ofstreetworkersand2%of
indoorworkershadbeenvaginallyraped.[20]Sincestreetworkersareaminority(1020%),their
experiencecannotbeusedtocharacterizeprostitutionasawhole.Still,consideringthelevelsof

violenceexperiencedbyindoorworkers,itisdifficulttoidentifyafeminizedserviceoccupation
where17%ofworkersexperiencedattemptedrapeaspartoftheirjob.(Whetherornotahighlevel
ofviolenceisanecessarypartofprostitutionisheavilydebated.Idiscussthisinthelastsectionof
thearticle.)

HealthRisksPhysicalHealth
AftertheAIDSepidemic,internationalbodiesandnationalstateshavesteppedupinterventionsto
encouragecondomuseanditdoesseemthatcondomuseinmany,butbynomeansall,countries
hassubstantiallyreducedtherateofinfectionamongwomensellingsex.[21]Still,theabilitytouse
acondomdependsonthewomansnegotiatingpower.[22]Sincemenarewillingtopaya
substantialbonusforsexwithoutacondom,asresearchreportedinTheEconomistshowed,if
womenneedthemoney,theymayverywellfeelthattheyhavelittlechoicebuttocomply.[23]
SomeprostituteshaveaccesstoregularhealthcareandcantreatSTIsandotherhealthproblems
thatarecommonintheirworksothattheydonotbecomeseriousthreatstotheirhealth.
Worldwide,however,womenoftheworkingclasseslackaccesstohealthcare,and,givenprostitutes
greaterexposuretoinfectionandotherailments,thislackparticularlydecreasestheirphysicalwell
being.

Feministinterventions
Contemporaryprostitutionisintimatelytiedtotheprofoundeconomicinequalitiesofneoliberal
globalcapitalism,theexpansionofthehospitalityandtouristindustries,thedrivetoward
gentrificationinglobalcities,austerityregimes,stateresponsestoindebtednessthrough
encouragingbothsextourismandfemalemigrationforremittances,etc.Itisalsotiedtopatriarchal
constructionsofmasculinesexualityandthelargeandpettypatriarchalpowersthatshapewomens
experiencesasdaughters,mothers,wivesandworkers.
Thesestructural/politicalcontextslimitwhatanyparticularsocialprogramsorlegalregimecan
accomplishwithregardtoprostitution.Perhapsthemosteffectiveinterventionwouldbeto
revolutionizetheglobalcapitalisteconomyby,forexample,raisingwagesingeneralandwomens
wagesinparticularandtoprovideaffordablehousing,affordablechildcare,andotherservicesthat
supportsoloparents,especiallybecausesomanyprostituteshavechildren.Whilewefighttomake
thesechanges,wearenonethelesscalledupontoidentifyinterventionsthatwillmaximizethe
benefitsandminimizetheharmsofthisbusinessfortheworkerswithinit.
Ifocushereontwoarenasforaction:1)providingsocialservicesandotherprogramsinanon
judgmentalwaysothatsexworkerswhowanttoleavehavetheopportunitytodoso2)legal
regulation.

SocialPrograms
Farleyet.al,surveying854prostitutesin9countries,foundthat89%wanttoquit.Itisdifficultto
knowwhatthismeans,however.Prostitutesinmanycountriesmakemultiplesofwhattheywould
earnintheotherjobsavailabletothem(jobswhichbythewayoftenexposethemtosexual
predationbyemployersandmanagers).[24]Itseemsquiteplausiblethatmanywanttoleavebut
wouldnotunlessforajobthatpaidatleastsomewhatequivalentlyandwhereconditionswere
betterthanthoseintheotherjobsnowavailabletothem.Antitraffickingprogramsthatteach
formerprostitutestousesewingmachines,forinstance,oftenfailtokeepwomenfromreturningto
sellingsexualservices.Somesexworkersintheglobalsouth,likesomeintheglobalnorth,haveno
wishtoleavetheirjobs.[25]
Allfeministsmightagreethatregardlessofthenumbersofpeoplewhowanttoleave,thereshould
beexpansive,effectiveserviceswhichsupportprostitutesinanonjudgmentalfashion,buildtheir
trust,andmeettheirneeds.Worldwide,HIV/AIDSpreventionhasledtoharmreduction
approachestoprostitutionsuchasincreasingcondomuse.AsFarleyargues,harmreductionneeds
tobeexpandedtoincludeservicesthathelppeopleleavetheindustry.
Criticsofantitraffickingandrescueprogramsarguethatitisnotonlycounterproductivebut
incompatiblewithfeministvaluesforsocialprogramstonarrowlyfocusonexit.Asfeminists,we
shouldbeawareoftherelationsofpowerbetweenproviderandclientthat,historicallyand
today,coursethroughmanygovernmentalandnongovernmentalprojectsaddressedtothewomen
oftheworkingclasses.[26]Servicesshouldbeprovidedwhetherprostituteswishtostayortogo.

Bestpracticesforhelpingprostitutestoexitinclude:recognizethatexitingisnotaonetimedecision
orevent,providehousing(emergencyaccommodation,halfwayhouses,andlongtermstabilized
housing),alcoholanddrugservices,childcare,careercounselingandjobtraining(althoughmany
prostitutesmentionthatthehigherwagesandflexiblehoursoftheircurrentworkmakeitdifficult
toleavefortheotherjobsavailable).[27]

LegalInterventions
Legalregulationisincrediblycomplex.[28]Althoughdebateabouttherationalityandeffectiveness
oflawsisnotlimitedtoprostitution,claimsaboutdifferentlegalregimeswithregardtotheirimpact
onpeoplesellingsexualservicesareespeciallydifficulttoevaluate.Studiesofclandestineactivityare
limitedbywhocanbeaccessedandwhattheyarewillingtotalkabout.Idisagreewiththosewho
arguethatonlysurvivorsarefreefromconstraintandareuniquelyqualifiedtocommentonthe
effectsofdifferentlaws.[29]Ontheotherhand,giventhatenslavementandcoercionareapartof
thisbusiness,ithastoberecognizedthatprostituteswhoparticipateinresearchrepresentan
unknownproportionallworkers.[30]
Withregardtosellingsexualservices,thereareroughlythreemodelsoflegalregimes(withafair
amountofvariationamongthem):criminalization,legalization,decriminalization.[31]WhileIam
goingtotalkabitabouttheevidenceonlegalization,Ifocusontwocounterposedlegalregimes,
bothofwhichareattemptingtodrivelegalreformwithfeministvalues:Swedenslegalregime,
oftentermedtheNordicmodel,whichcriminalizesallaspectsofprostitutionexceptthesellingof
sexualservicesbyanindividualandNewZealandslawswhichhavedecriminalizedallaspectsofthe
businessbuthavealso,unlikemostlegalizationregimes(e.g.Germany),institutedasystemof
regulationandenforcementthataimstowardimprovingprostitutesconditionsofwork.

Legalization
Thepurposeoflegalizationisgenerallytoprotectsocialorder(e.g.reducethecriminalelement,get
sexoffthestreet)ratherthansexworkers.Legalizationcanhaveperverseconsequences.
Legalizationforsomesexwork,e.g.onlyinlicensedbrothels,orforsomesexworkers,e.g.,only
thosewithdocumentstowork,canproduceevenworseconditionsforothers,e.g.thosein
unlicensedbrothels,onthestreet,orimmigrants.
Asoneillustrativeexample,inQueensland,Australia,thesizeoflicensedbrothelsislimited,they
cannotofferescortservices(outcalls)orservealcohol.Advertisingisrestrictedandcontrolled.Asof
2010,only25brothelshadbeenlicensedinQueensland,astatewithapopulationoffourandahalf
millionandathrivingtouristindustry.Researchersestimatedthatonly10%ofthebusinesstook
placeinlicensedbrothelsand75%intheoutcallservicessector.Individualsmaylegallydooutcall,
buttheymaynotworkwithanothersexworkeroremployareceptionist.Theymayemploya
licensedsecurityguardand(since2009)canmaximizetheirsafetybymakingphonecontactwith
anotherpersonbeforeandafterajob.Landlordscanbeprosecutedasthirdpartiestoprostitution
whentwoormoreworkersareoperatingfromthesamepremises.Thisdiscouragescollective
arrangementsamongprostitutesthroughwhichtheymightsharetheirearningsratherthanbeing
exploitedbyaboss.
Becausetherearesofewlegalbrothels,manyprostitutesworkinillegalbrothelswheretheyare
morevulnerable.Legalizedbrothelmanagersdonothavetoprovideparticularlygoodworking
conditionsbecausethesupplyofworkersissolarge.[32]Itisnotclearwhetherprostitutesasa
wholearebetterorworseoffinthiskindoflegalizedregime.
Oneoftheargumentsforlegalizationisthatifprostitutionbecomesajoblikeanyother,prostitutes
willhaveaccesstothesamerangeofbenefits(e.g.,healthinsuranceandpensionsatleastinthe
EU!.)asotheremployees.
However,mostbrothelworkersaretreatednotasemployeesbutascontractorswhorentrooms
fromthebrothelandpayfeesforvariousservicesthebrothelprovides.Theyarethereforeexcluded
fromthebenefitsofregularemploymentstatus.
Itshouldcomeasnosurprisetothoseofuswhohavetrackedtheriseinirregularand
precariousemploymentthroughouttheglobalnorth,thatthisisoftenafictionandtheirworkis
highlycontrolledandregulatedbyowners/managerslittledifferentlyfromnormalemployees.[33]
Itmaywellbethatlegalizationofbrothelsimprovesthepossibilitiesforworkerstoorganize.Butit

mayalsobethecasethatgivingbrothelownersalegalmonopolyundercutsthepotentialfor
collectivepower.Manyfeministsthinkitisparticularlyabhorrentforbrothelowners(orpimps)to
earnalivingfromwomenwhosellsexualservices.Whetherornotitispossibleeffectivelytooutlaw
thisformofexploitationisthequestionraisedbytheNordicmodel.

CriminalizingtheClient,thePimp,andtheBrothelKeeper
TheNordicmodelhassomeattractiontofeministsbecauseitcriminalizesthebuyerbutnotthe
sellerofsexualservices.Passedin1999,theSwedishlawalsocriminalizesorganizedsexworkof
anykind(inbrothels,saunas,escortservices,etc.)bymakingitillegalforanyoneexceptthe
prostituteherselftoprofitfromherlabor.Thelawisintendedtoshrinkthedemandforsexual
services,toencourageprostitutestoexitthework,toempowerprostitutesinrelationtoclients(for
example,toreportviolenceortheftbyclientstothepolice),andtolimitsextrafficking.
Thereisnospaceheretoenterintothehotlydebateddetailsoftheeffectofthislaw.[34]Overall,it
isfairtosaythatthejuryisoutonwhetherornotthemarketforsexualserviceshasshrunk
substantiallyasaresult.Streetprostitutionhasdecreasedhowever,thegovernmentsownreport
couldnotsayforcertainthatthelawhadreducedthetotalnumbersofwomeninprostitution,
becausetheydidnotknowhowmuchofthebusinesshadmovedindoors,facilitatedbythe
internet.Therewerenoreliablestudiesofindoorworkersprevioustothelawandthusitwasnot
possibletojudge.Variousestimateswereputforth.However,thereportcouldonlyconcludethat:
Altogether,thismeansthatwecanfeelsomewhatsecureintheconclusionthatprostitutionasa
wholehasatleastnotincreasedinSwedensince1999.[35]
Anotheroftencitedproofoftheeffectivenessofthelawaretwosurveys,onein1996andonein
2008thatshowedthatsincethepassageofthelawthenumberofmenwhosaidtheyboughtsex
haddecreasedbyclosetoonehalf(from13.6%to8%).[36]Whetherthisreflectsanactual
decreaseorreflectsmennotwantingtoadmitthattheyengagedincriminalactivityorincreasing
shameproducedbythelawisunknown.Supportersofthelawarguethatsocietalsupportfor
genderequalityisincompatiblewiththestateauthorizingmentopurchasesexualservices.Itmay
bethatthelawhasincreasednegativesocialattitudestowardmenwhopayforsex.[37]
Butonthedownside,opponentsofthelawarguethatwhateveritsbenefitsinchangingsocial
attitudesorshrinkingthemarket,ithasheightenedtherisksfacedbyprostitutes.Ingeneral,police
targetstreetworkers,becausepolicingindoorsexworkistimeconsumingandexpensive.(Another
mainreasonisthatstreetprostitutionismorevisible.)ThisisstillthecaseinSweden.[38]
Althoughstreetworkerscannotbearrestedthemselves,thepolicepresencemakestheirjobsmore
difficult.
Opponentsofthelawarguethatithaspushedclientstodemandmoresecrecy,doingbusinessin
moresecludedareas,givingprostituteshavelesstimetosizeaclientup,makingthemevenmore
vulnerablethanpreviously.ThereissomeevidencebutnosystematicresearchinSwedento
supportthisclaim.[39]
However,astudyinVancouver,B.C.thatinterviewedstreetbasedworkersbothbeforeandafter
theVancouverpoliceshiftedenforcementtowardarrestingclientsinsteadofprostitutesfoundthat
targetingclientsdidnotimprovelevelsofviolenceexperienced.Further,prostitutesreportedthat
thenewpolicyimpededtheirabilitytonegotiatewithclientsandelevatedtheirrisksforclient
condomrefusal.[40]
Opponentsofthelawalsoarguethatsinceclientsareafraidtocontractinpublic,thishasopened
thedoortoanincreasedroleformiddlemen,includingpimps.Onthispoint,Iamawareofno
reliableevidenceshowingeitherthatthelawhasincreasedpimpingordecreasedit.[41]
Proponentsofthelawarguethatitwillincreasereportingtothepoliceaboutrobbery,sexualand
physicalassaultbyclients,sincetheprostitutecannolongerbearrested.Thereisnoevidencethat
thelawhasincreasedreportingtothepoliceinanygovernmentreportsontheeffectofthelaw
availableinEnglish.[42]Thiswouldnotbesurprising.Prostitutesarereluctanttoreportinstances
ofviolenceortheft,forarangeofreasons,suchastheirownillegaldruguse,fearofretaliationby
clients,wishtopreservetheiranonymitybecausetheyarenotouttotheirfriendsandfamily,
skepticismaboutthelegalprocessgiventhatcasesaredifficulttoproveandsothetroubleof
reportingisoutweighedbytheunlikelihoodofredress.
Opponentsofthelawarguethatcriminalizingthirdpartiesdoesnotdiminishtheexploitationof

prostitutesandincreasestheirvulnerabilitytoharm.Recognizingthatbrothelsarenotnecessarily
thebestworkenvironments,theyarguethatforcingprostitutestoworkundergroundmakesthem
evenmorevulnerable.And,theyargue,thatifthelawdiscouragespimping,italsoprevents
prostitutesfrommakingarrangementswiththirdpartiesfortheirownprotection.Forexample,the
lawcriminalizesathirdpartyfromearningincomebybeingpaidtoprovidesecurity.Landlordswho
tolerateawomanworkingoutofherapartmentorseveralwomenworkingoutofahousethe
landlordownsisliabletoarrestasathirdparty.Prostituteshavebeenevictedbylandlordsforthis
reason.Anyadultwholivesinadwellingwithaprostituteandsharesherincomeisliablefor
prosecution.
Ithinkthisisaknottyissue.Itseemsabsurdtoallowwomentoprovidesexualservicesbutthen
penalizethelandlordwhorentsthemanapartment.[43]Anditdoesseemtobethecasethat,as
withpimping,itisnotalwayseasytosortouttheactualrelationshipofpowerbetweenaprostitute
andthethirdpartiesinvolved.[44]Ontheotherhand,defendersofthelawarguethereisno
evidencethatactualboyfriendsorhusbandshavebeenarrestedexceptwhentheyareactively
engagedintheprostitutesworkthatis,actingasapimp.[45]Evenwerethistooccur,Ithinkit
importanttodistinguishbetweenthelawanditsenforcement.Enforcementproblemsarenota
definitiveargumentagainstaparticularlaw.Forexample,thepolicyofmandatoryarrestwhen
policearecalledoutonadomesticviolenceincidenthasproventobecounterproductive.[46]This
impliesdoingsomethingaboutenforcementpolicies,butoughtnotleadustoconcludethatthelaw
criminalizingdomesticviolenceisinitselfnegativeforwomen.
Thequestionremains,though,whetherthecriminalizationofmostaspectsofsellingsexualservices
ispositiveornegativeforwomenwhodothework.ThisconcernlaybehindNewZealandslegal
reform.

Decriminalization
NewZealandhasgonefurthesttowarddecriminalization,passingtheProstitutionReformActin
2003.IntheNZsystem,brothelsmustbelicensed,itisillegalforbrothelkeeperstoforceworkers
totakeonclientstheydonotwishto,ownersarerequiredtoencourageandsupportcondomuse
(oral,analorvirginalsexwithoutaprophylacticisillegal),theymustmaketheirpremisesavailable
forinspection,theymaynothireanyoneunder18.Itisillegaltoinduceorcompelanypersonto
sellsexualservicessopimpingisacriminalact.However,itislegaltobeathirdpartythatis,to
liveofftheavailsofprostitution[47]TheNewZealandProstitutesCollective,whichwasvery
activeintheyearslongnegotiationsthatledtopassageofthelaw,arguedagainsthighbarriersfor
licensing,becausetheyfearedcreatingadualsystemsuchasthatinQueensland.
Moreimportant,theyargued,successfully,thatthelawshouldpromotebusinessesownedand
operatedbyprostitutes.Uptofourpeoplecanworktogetherfromaresidenceorrentedspace
withouthavingtoapplyforanoperatorslicense.(Ifmorethanfourpeopleareworkingtogether,
oneofthemhastoapplyforthelicense.)Theycanadvertiseunderthesamelimitationsas
managedbrothels.Theycanhirewhomevertheywishtohelp,withoutrestrictions(e.g.theydonot
havetobelicensedsecurityprofessionalsasinQueensland).Thelawalsoallowsprostitutesto
immediatelycollectsocialbenefits,eveniftheyquitworkvoluntarily.[48]
Opponentsofdecriminalizationarguethatitincreasesprostitution.Onestudyofthereformseffect
onthesizeofthemarketforsexualservicesinChristchurchisfairlycredible.Amethodologically
soundstudywasdonepriortoandthenthreeyearsfollowingthepassageofthePRA.Thestudy
found,atleastforthislocalitythesecondlargesturbanareainNewZealandasmallincreaseof
17people(from375to392)sellingsexualservices.[49]
Ithasalsobeenarguedthatlegalizationanddecriminalizationincreasetrafficking.Theoneoften
citedstudypurportingtoshowthatlegalizationincreasestrafficking,however,hasmanyflaws.[50]
ThedatameasuringtraffickingflowsindifferentcountrieswasdrawnfromaUNstudy,theauthors
ofwhichcautionedthatitwashighlyunreliable,sincethedefinitionsoftraffickingacrosscountries
andthecredibilityoftheirsourcesofinformationindifferentcountriesvariedwildly.Moreover,this
wasastudythatmeasuredalltraffickingnotjustsextrafficking,soitsapplicationtosextrafficking
isillegitimate.[51]InNewZealand,followingthereform,therewerenocasesoftrafficking
prosecutedbytheNewZealandimmigrationservice(whichmonitorsindoorworkers).Thereform
lawreviewcommitteeconcludesthattheprohibitiononnonresidentsworkinginthesexindustry,
coupledwithNewZealandsgeographicalisolationandrobustlegalsystemprovidesprotection
againstNewZealandbeingtargetedasadestinationforhumantraffickers..[52]

OneofthegoalsofthePRAwastoimprovetheworkingconditionsofprostitutes.Thereformdoes
seemtohaveopenedupopportunitiesforprostitutestoworkforthemselves.Again,referringtothe
Christchurchstudy,in1999,62%ofprostituteswereinthemanagedsectorwhile10%were
independent.In2006,managedworkersdeclinedto51%,whileindependentworkersincreasedto
23%.[53]
Inadditiontoshrinkingthemanagedsectorofthebusiness,thePRAaimedtoimprovethe
workingconditionsofmanagedworkers.Accordingtoonestudy,brotheloperatorswhohadtreated
workerswellbeforelegalizationcontinuedtodoso,butthosewithpriorunfairmanagement
practiceshadcontinued.Aswithmanyoccupationalhealthandsafetylaws,enforcementisdifficult
anddependslessonregulationsthanonthecapacityoftheworkersthemselvestochallenge
bosses.[54]Still,justbecauseweunderstandthelimitsofhealthandsafetyrules,doesnotseem
tomeadefinitiveargumentagainsthavingthem.Ifworkerbargainingpoweriscriticalhere,thenit
wouldstandtoreasonthatcriminalizationisproblematicbecauseitevenfurtherdecreasesworkers
bargainingpowerandopportunitiesforredress.

ViolenceandReporting
Prostitutessurveyedfeltthatsincethelaw,theyweremoreabletorefuseclientsandhadrefused
clientsmoreoften.Ontheotherhand,asopponentsofdecriminalizationhavepointedout,while
prostitutessaidtheyfelttheycouldreportviolence,mostlytheydidnotreportandwhentheydid
reportwerereluctanttofollowthroughoncomplaints.Thesamefactorsdiscouragingfollowing
throughonreportsofviolenceinothercountriesappeartobeoperativehereaswell.[55]Itmaybe
thatovertime,educationofenforcementofficersandchangesinenforcementpracticeswillopenup
morespaceforreportingandfollowingthrough.Ontheotherhand,thesocialstigmaofprostitution
isamajorbarriertoreporting.Prostitutesfearlossofanonymityandexposuretofriendsandfamily.
Perhapsovertime,decriminalizationwilldecreasestigmabuttherearegoodreasonstoexpectit
willnot.
TheNewZealandregimeexpressesfeministvalues.Itacceptsthecurrentrealitythatthereisa
largedemandforcommodifiedsexualservicesandfocusesonminimizingtherisksofapotentially
riskybusiness.ButwhatmostattractsmetotheNewZealandmodelisthatitencouragestheself
organizationofprostitutesbothasworkersandaspoliticalsubjects.Whilecollectiveactioncan
perhapsimproveworkingconditionsinthemanagedsector,Iwouldalsohopetoseeincreasing
governmentandNGOsupport(perhapsacoopincubatorprogram?)forcollectivelyoperated
workplaces.

Otherinterventions
PrahbaKotiswaranconcludesherreviewofsexworkinIndiawiththeobservationthatthemost
effectiveinterventionsonbehalfofworkershavecomefrommembershipbasedorganizationsrun
bytheDurbarMahilaSamanwayaCommittee(DMSC),asixtythousandmembersexworkers
organizationbasedinKolkata.TheDMSC
providesaccesstocreditandsavingsschemes,educationalfacilitiesforsexworkersandtheir
children,primaryhealth,andanavenueforculturalexpression,whilefosteringanactivepolitical
cultureofprotestagainstabusivecustomers,landlords,andbrothelkeepers..despiteahighly
abusiveantisexworkcriminallaw,anorganizationofsexworkershastakenroottoachievethe
veryresultsoflaborlawsthattheDMSCissokeentohaveappliedformallytothesex
industry.[56]
Shegoesontosaythatselfregulation,althoughithasproblemssuchasreproducingconservative
stereotypesofgoodandbadwomen,oughttobeconsideredasanalternativetothepoliceand
courts.
SexworkersinKolkatainterviewedpreferredtohavedisputesresolvedlocallyorbytheDMSCrun
selfregulatoryboardsratherthanbystatecourts.THEDMSCorganizesprotestmarchesagainst
physicallyabusivebrothelkeepersandcommunitysexworkersareknowntochaseawayviolent
customersoraccostthosewhomayhavestolenfromasexworkerorcheatedher.Thepoliceoften
arrivetoolatetobeofanyuse.[57]
Lawsareimportant.Butastheabovemakesclear,perhapsevenmoreimportantwouldbefor
feministstopourtheequivalentoftime,money,andpassionintotheselforganizationofprostitutes

thatnowisdevotedtopushingforandarguingaboutvariouslegalregimes.
TheNewZealandProstitutesCollectiveisanothermodelforselforganization.LiketheDMSC,the
NZPCoriginatedasaresponsetotheAIDS/HIVepidemic.Thefoundingmembersoftheorganization
cametogetheroutofangerandfrustrationattheirsocialstigmatization,policeharassment,unfair
andarbitrarymanagementpracticeintheirworkplaceswhichtheyhadnolegalrighttoredress,and
themarginalizationofsexworkersinpolicymaking.Theyalsowantedtoorganizethemselvesto
preventthespreadofHIVinthesexindustry.In1988,thegroupreceivedfundingfromtheNew
ZealandMinisterofHealthandopenedadropincenterinWellington.TheNZPCengagesin
advocacyaswellasprovidingservices,includingadviceandhelponexiting(aswellasentering)the
industry.Itwascentraltothemovementtowardlegalreformandhasremainedverymuchinvolved
intheimplementationandevaluationofthereforms.Thewidespreadanddeepconnectionsofthe
NZPCintheindustryhavebeeninstrumentalinfacilitatingresearchersaccessandcontributedto
thequalityoftheinformationthathasbeengathered.(Thisisnottosaythatthesestudiesare
withoutsomebias.)
BothDMSCandNZPCareinspiringprojectsworthcarefulstudytoseehowtheymightbedeveloped
inothercountries.SurelythehugedifferencesbetweenNewZealandandIndiaindicatethatin
manyplacestheselforganizationofprostitutesisnotimpossible(althoughIdorecognizemanyof
thedauntingdifficulties).Aswithotherwomensissues,theselforganizationofprostitutes(notthe
organizationofadvocatesforprostitutes)isthekey.
InNewZealand,theNZPCwas,andis,afairlydominantvoicerepresentingsexworkers.Inother
countries,therearecompetingfeministorganizationsrepresentingprostituteswithdifferent
approachestowhatshouldbedone.Irecognizetherearedownsidesofanylegalregime.Ialsotake
Kotiswaranspointthatsexmarketsdifferandlegalapproachesthatmightworkinoneareamay
notbebestinanother.Still,IfavortheNewZealandlegalregime(whichallowsinvolvementof
thirdpartiesbutcriminalizescoercion).Iamespeciallyinterestedtoseewhatfurther
interventionsinpolicymighthelptoshiftthebalanceevenfurtherawayfrommanagedtoself
managedorganizationoftheindustry.
Whateverassessmentanyoneofusmakesonthistopic,itisfundamentalthatfeministsembrace
thetremendouscomplexityoftheissuebeforeus,findingcommongroundwherewecan,and
respectingthevalidityofthemultipleperspectivesthatanimateourdialogue.Mostimportantly,we
needtobendourcollectiveenergiestowardrevolutionizingtheglobalcapitalisteconomyand
challengingpatriarchalpowers,howeverandwhereverwecan.
[58]
JohannaBrennerisProfessorEmeritaofSociologyatPortlandStateUniversity.Shealsoservedas
directoroftheUniversitysWomensStudiesProgram.Amongotherperiodicals,shehaswrittenfor
NewLeftReviewandMonthlyReview.HerbooksincludeWomenandthePoliticsofClass(Monthly
ReviewPress,2000)andRethinkingthePolitical:Women,Resistance,andtheState(University
ChicagoPress,1995).
[1]Evenlanguageiscontestedinthisdebate.Idonotusethetermprostitutedwomen/persons
becauseitextinguishestheagencyofpeopledoingprostitution.Ontheotherhand,Idonotwantto
usethetermsexworkersinsteadofprostitutes,becausethattermelidestheparticularityofselling
sexualservicesasaformofwork.(Onthispoint,seeNancyHolmstrom,thisissue).Atleastsome
peoplewhosellsexualservicescontinuetouseprostitutetodescribethemselvesasworkers,
reclaimingthewordinthesamewaythatMelissaGiraGrantwantstoreclaimthenamewhore.
[2]Thisessayfocusesonwomensellingsexualservices.Itisimpossibletodojusticetothe
particularexperiencesofmenandtransgenderpeopleinthisworkwithinspacelimitationsofthis
article.
[3]MelissaFarley,Prostitution,Liberalism,andSlavery.Logos:AJournalofModernSocietyand
Culture,v.12,no.3,2013.
[4]Foranillustrativeexample,seeSwedishGovernmentNationalBoardofHealthandWelfare,
ProstitutioninSweden2007(November,2008)www.socialstyrelsen.se,november2008.
[5]However,thereisfiercedebateabouttheantisextraffickingmovement,whetherlaws
specificallyaddressedtosextraffickingratherthantotraffickingingeneralarenecessary,howlaws

shouldbewritten(e.g.whatshouldconstituteevidenceofcoercion),andpracticesofenforcement.
Compare,forexample,theSwedishInstituteReport,TargetingtheSexBuyer:stoppingprostitution
andtraffickingwhereitallbegins(2010)https://eng.si.se/areasofoperatio...andLauraMaria
Augustin,SexattheMargins:Migration,LabourMarketsandtheRescueIndustry(London:Zed
Books,2007).ForreasonsofspaceIdontaddressthesequestions.
[6]Womenworkingoutoftheirownhomesdistinguishedbetweenworkandpersonalareas,for
examplenotusingtheirownbedforsexwork.GillianM.Abel,Differentstage,different
performance:Theprotectivestrategyofroleplayonemotionalhealthinsexwork,SocialScience&
Medicine72(2011),11771184TeelaSanders,ItsJustActing:SexWorkersStrategiesfor
CapitalizingonSexuality,Gender,WorkandOrganization,V.12no.4(July2005),pp.319342.
[7]PlayingtheWhore(London:Verso,2014),p..90
[8]LaurieShrage,FeministPerspectivesonSexMarkets,TheStanfordEncyclopediaofPhilosophy
(Winter2012Edition),EdwardN.Zalta(ed.),URL=<http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/...
[9]SvenAxelMnsson,MensPracticesinProstitutionandTheirImplicationsforSocialWorkMartin
A.Monto,ProstitutesCustomers:MotivesandMisconceptions,inRonaldWeitzer,ed,SexforSale:
Prostitution,Pornography,andtheSexIndustry,(Hoboken,N.J.:TaylorandFrancis,2009).Fora
reviewoftherangeofideasonthisquestion,seeNikolasWesterhoff,WhyDoMenBuySex,
ScientificAmericanMind.June2009SpecialIssue,Vol.20Issue3,p7075.SurveysinIndiafound
that45.564%ofcustomersweremarried,themajoritylivingwiththeirspouses.Prahba
Kotiswaran,DangerousSex,InvisibleLabor:SexWorkandtheLawinIndia(Princeton:Princeton
UniversityPress,2011),p.241
[10]Thereismuchmoretobesaidonthisthancanbedealtwithhere.Researchbasedoninternet
exchangesandinterviewswithprostitutesabouttheservicestheyprovide,indicatesthatingreat
partthedemandisfororalandvaginalsex.However,therearenichemarketsforothersexual
practices.Culturallyauthorizedracialfantasiesalsocomeintoplay.Additionally,thenatureof
fantasiesenactedwhenmenpurchaseservicesfromothermenmaybedifferent.See,forexample,
JulineKoken,DavidS.Bimbi,andJeffreyT.Parsons,MaleandFemaleEscorts:AComparative
Analysis,inWeitzer,ed.,pp.205232.
[11]ArlieRussellHochschild,TheManagedHeart:CommercializationofHumanFeeling(Berkeley:
UniversityofCaliforniaPress,1983)Chapter3.
[12]Hochschild,181184
[13]ElizabethBernstein,TemporarilyYours:Intimacy,Authenticity,andtheCommerceofSex
(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2007),pp.103104JanetLeverandDeanneDolick,Call
GirlsandStreetProstitutes:SellingSexandIntimacy,inWeitzer,ed.,pp.187203.
[14]IneVanwesenbeeck,BurnoutAmongFemaleIndoorSexWorkers,ArchivesofSexual
Behavior,Vol.34,No.6,December2005,pp.627639,esp.p.627628.Seealso,TeelaSanders,
Acontinuumofrisk?Themanagementofhealth,physicalandemotionalrisksbyfemalesex
workers,SociologyofHealth&IllnessVol.26No.52004,pp.557574.Thereissomeevidence
thatstreetprostitutesaremorelikelythanindoorprostitutestousedrugstopsychthemselvesup
fortheirwork.LeverandDolick,p.196.
[15]Vanwesenbeeckk,pp.635636
[16]Vanwesenbeeck,pp.638.
[17]GillianAbelandLisaFitzgerald,RiskandRiskManagementinSexWorkpostProstitution
ReformAct:apublichealthperspective,inGilianAbel,LisaFitzgerald,CatherineHealywithAline
Taylor,eds.,TakingtheCrimeOutofSexWork:NewZealandSexWorkersFightfor
Decriminalization(Bristol:ThePolicyPress,2010),pp.217238,p.231
[18]MelissaFarleyet.al.ProstitutionandTraffickinginNineCountries:AnUpdateonViolenceand
PosttraumaticStressDisorder,Journaloftraumapractice2(3/4),2003pp.3374.Thevalidityof
theseresultshasbeenchallengedonboththeinadequacyofmeasuringPTSDonthebasisofa10
questionsurveyandtheoverrepresentationofstreetprostitutesintherespondents.JohnLowman,
CrownExpertWitnessTestimonyinBedfordv.Canada:EvidenceBasedArgumentofVictim
ParadigmHyperbole?,inEmilvvanderMeulen,ElyaM.Durisin,andVictoriaLove,eds.SellingSex:

Experience,Advocacy,andResearchonSexWorkinCanada(VancouverToronto:UBCPress,2013),
pp.230250,esp.pp,234235.
[19]MaxWaltman,Swedensprohibitionofpurchaseofsex:Thelawsreasons,impact,and
potential,WomensStudiesInternationalForum34(2011)449474.Astudyof201sexworkers
(includingexoticdancersaswellasprostitutes)inVictoria,B.C.found50%reportedpastorcurrent
depressionascomparedto6%offemalesand3%ofmalesinthegeneralpopulation.CeciliaBenoit
andAlisonMillar,DispellingMythsandUnderstandingRealities:WorkingConditions,HealthStatus,
andExitingExperiencesofSexWorkers,ReportfundedbyBCHealthResearchFoundation,Capital
HealthDistrict,BCCentreofExcellenceonWomensHealth(October2001),p.68.
[20]StephanieChurch,MarionHenderson,MarinaBarnard,GrahamHart,Violencebyclients
towardsfemaleprostitutesindifferentworksettings:questionnairesurvey,TheBMJVolumev.
322no.3March2001,pp.524525.Asurveyofover700prostitutesinNewZealandfiveyears
followingthedecriminalizationofprostitutionfoundthatinthelast12months,13%ofstreet
workersand710%ofindoorworkershadbeenphysicallyassaulted39%ofstreetworkersand9
16%ofindoorworkershadbeenthreatenedwithphysicalviolence.NewZealandMinistryofJustice,
ReportoftheProstitutionLawReviewCommitteeontheOperationoftheProstitutionReformAct
2003,Wellington,NewZealand,May2008,p.56.
[21]AVERT,SexWorkersandHIV/AIDS,http://www.avert.org/sexworkersan...
[22]Inafewcountrieswhereprostitutionissemilegalizedordecriminalized,failuretousea
condomisapunishableoffence.AbelandFitzgerald,foundthatprostitutesdidusethelawto
negotiatesafesexwithclients.,pp.219221,esp.pp.219221.
[23]MoreBangforYourBuckProstitutionandtheInternet,TheEconomistAugust9,2014.In
NewZealand,whereitisillegaltohavesexwithoutacondom,12%ofstreetworkersand45%of
indoorworkershadunprotectedvaginalsexinthelast12monthswhile20%ofstreetworkersand
16%ofindoorprostitutesworkingindependentlysaidthattheyhaddoneunprotectedblowjobs.On
economicincentivesforunprotectedsex,seealsoKotiswaran,p.202
[24]Kotiswaran,p.216.ReportoftheProstitutionLawReviewCommitteeontheOperationofthe
ProstitutionReformAct2003MinistryofJustice,Wellington,NewZealand,May2008,pp.6669.
[25]Forexample,ChristineB.N.Chin,CosmopolitanSexWorkers:WomenandMigrationinaGlobal
City(NewYorkandOxford:OxfordUniversityPress,2013),p.98
[26]StevenBittle,StillPunishingtoProtect:YouthProstitutionLawandPolicyReform,Emilv
vanderMeulenet.al.,pp.279296.
[27]PatMayhewandElaineMossman,ExitingProstitution:ModelsofBestPractice.Crimeand
JusticeResearchCentre,VictoriaUniversityofWellington,October2007
[28]AsKotiswaranmakesclear,sexmarketsdiffernotonlybetweencountriesbutwithinthem.
Whilegeneralprinciplesmightbearticulated,thestrategiesforputtingtheseprinciplesintolegal
regulationswillvarydependingonlocalconditions.See,ChapterSix.
[29]therecanbevalidityproblemswheninterviewingpersonsinprostitution,asopposedto
interviewingsurvivorswholefttheindustry.Thelatterarenotunderinfluenceofthirdpartiesor
otherwisedependentoncontinuinginprostitution,andarethuslesslikelytoprovideresponses
biasedinfavorofthesexindustry.,MaxWaltman,AssessingEvidence,Arguments,and
InequalityinBedfordv.Canada,HarvardJournalofLaw&Gender,Vol.37,(2014),pp.459544
(2014).
[30]Foronediscussionofsamplingproblems,see,ElaineMossman,BrothelOperatorsandsupport
agenciesexperiencesofdecriminalization,Abelet.al.,pp.121122.
[31]ElaineMossman,InternationalApproachestoDecriminalisingorLegalisingProstitution,New
ZealandMinistryofJusticeOctober2007
[32]BarbaraSullivan,When(Some)ProstitutionisIllegal,JournalofLawandSociety,v.37,no.1
(March2010),pp85104.SeealsoBarbaraG.BrentsandKathrynHausbeck,Violenceand
LegalizedBrothelProstitutioninNevada:ExaminingSafety,Risk,andProstitutionPolicy,Journalof
InterpersonalViolence,Vol.20No.3,March2005,pp.270295

[33]ReportbytheFederalGovernmentontheImpactoftheActRegulatingtheLegalSituationof
Prostitutes(ProstitutionAct)FederalMinistryforFamilyAffairs,SeniorCitizens,WomenandYouth,
Berlin(2007),p.17.SucharrangementsarealsotypicalinNevada(Brents&Hausbeck,op.cit.),
theNetherlands(Vanwesenbeeckop.cit.),andIndia(Kotiswaranop.cit.).Thereportalsopointed
outthatnewrestrictionsplacedonsocialwelfareandunemploymentprogramshadreducedthe
opportunityforprostitutestoleavethebusiness.Pp.3738.
[34]CompareMaxWaltman,op.cit.,2011toAnnJordan,TheSwedishLawtoCriminalizeClients:A
FailedExperimentinSocialEngineering,ProgramonHumanTraffickingandForcedLabor.Centerfor
HumanRights&HumanitarianLaw,IssuePaper#4(2012).
[35]SelectedextractsoftheSwedishgovernmentreportSOU2010:49:TheBanagainstthe
PurchaseofSexualServices.Anevaluation19992008,(usuallyreferredtoasTheSkarhedReport)
p.28.TheSwedishBoardofHealthandWelfareReport(op.cit)ismuchmorecircumspectthanthe
Skarhedreportindrawingconclusionsaboutthelawseffect,giventheverydifferentand
sometimesconflictingassessmentstheyreceivedfromdifferentinformantssuchasthepolice,social
workers,academics,andsexworkers.AstudytomeasuretheeffectsofNorwayslawreform
(followingtheSwedishmodel)in2009hadsimilardifficultiessinceinNorway,also,therewerenot
crediblemeasuresofthenumbersinprostitutionpriortothelaworafterwards.Theresearchers
bestguessbasedontheirinformantsobservationswasthatstreetprostitutionhaddeclined
substantiallyandthattheindoormarketwas1020%lower.Acknowledgingthattherecessionhad
decreaseddemand,thereportnonethelessarguedthatthelawhadalsocontributedsomeunknown
sharetowarddrivingdownthepricescharged.Theycommentedthatindoorworkershadtowork
hardertomakethesamelevelofincomeaspreviously.EvaluationofNorwegianlegislation
criminalisingthebuyingofsexualservices(summary).Foracritiqueofthisresearch,Anette
BrunovskisandMayLenSkilbrei,TheEvaluationoftheSexPurchaseActBringsUsnoClosertoa
Conclusion(August,2014),FafoInstitute.http://fafo.no/prostitution/
[36]SkarhedReport,p.23.
[37]NiklasJakobssonandAndreasKotsadam,Whatexplainsattitudestowardprostitution?Working
PapersinEconomicsNo.349,GoteborgUniversity,April2009.
[38]Bernstein,pp.151153
[39]BoardofHealthandWelfareReport,pp.4748.TheSkarhedreportsimplydeniesthisclaim
withoutacknowledgingevidencesupportingit.
[40]AKrsi,KPacey,LBird,CTaylor,JChettiar,SAllan,DBennett,JSMontaner,TKerr,K
Shannon,Criminalisationofclients:reproducingvulnerabilitiesforviolenceandpoorhealthamong
streetbasedsexworkersinCanadaaqualitativestudy,BMJOpen,2014,no.4.
[41]SomeinformantsconsultedfortheNationalBoardofHealthandWelfareReport,madethis
claim.Pp.4748
[42]Someinformantsthoughtthatthelawhadactuallymadeitevenlesslikelyforprostitutesto
reporttheftorviolence.SusanneDodilletandPetrastergren,TheSwedishSexPurchaseAct:
ClaimedSuccessandDocumentedEffectsConferencepaperpresentedattheInternational
Workshop:DecriminalizingProstitutionandBeyond:PracticalExperiencesandChallenges.The
Hague,March3and4,2011pp.2122.
[43]ThisisalsotrueintheUnitedKingdomwherebothsellingandbuyingarelegalbutsoliciting,
advertising,rentingaroomtoaprostituteforthepurposesisillegal.
[44]Foroneexample,Bernstein,p.90,alsoKaraGillies,AWolfinSheepsClothing:CanadianAnti
PimpingLawandHowItHarmsSexWorkers,vanderMeulenet.al.,pp.269278.
[45]BeingandBeingBought:AninterviewwithKajsaEkisEkman,MeghanMurphey,Feminist
Current(January2014).http://feministcurrent.com/8514/bei...
[46]IntheUS,beginninginthe1980s,activistsinthemovementagainstbatteringdemanded
thatpolicedepartmentsnolongerallowofficersdiscretionwhenrespondingtoincidentsofdomestic
violence.Arrestwould,theyargued,determenfromrepeatingthebehavior.By2005,almosthalfof
allstateshadestablishedmandatoryarrestpolicies.Mountingevidencedemonstratedthat
mandatoryarresthadtheoppositeeffect,increasinglaterincidentsofabuse.Inaddition,police

officersoftenarrestedbothpartiesandsociallymarginalizedwomen(womenofcolor,
undocumentedimmigrants,lesbians,sexworkers,etc)wereparticularlytargetedforarrest.Colorof
Violence:TheINCITE!Anthology,INCITEWomenofColorAgainstViolence(SouthEndPress,
2006),esp.Chapters17and25.Webresource:http://www.incitenational.org/page...
[47]ThisprovisionhastheoppositeproblemoftheNordicmodel.There,innocentpeoplemaybe
penalizedhere,exploitersmayescapepunishment.
[48]NewZealandProstitutesCollectivewebsitehttp://www.nzpc.org.nz/index.php?pa...TheNZPC
isuncomfortablewiththeprovisionofthePRAthatexcludesimmigrantsfromdoingsexwork,
creatinganillegalsectorthatisdeeplyhiddenandundoubtedlyveryexploitative.Abelet.al,p.262
3.
[49]ReportoftheProstitutionLawReviewCommittee,p.35.
[50]SeoYoungCho,AxelDreherandEricNeumayer,Doeslegalizedprostitutionincreasehuman
trafficking?WorldDevelopment,41,2012,pp.6782.
[51]RonaldWeitzer,NewDirectionsinResearchonHumanTraffickingTheAnnalsoftheAmerican
AcademyofPoliticalandSocialSciencev.653no.6(May,2014),pp.624.
[52]ReportoftheProstitutionLawReviewCommittee,p.167.Fearsaboutincreasedsex
traffickingdidshapethelawreform,leadingtotheprovisionthatcriminalizesnonresidentswhosell
sexualservices.
[53]GillianM.Abel,LisaJ.Fitzgerald,CherylBrunton,TheImpactofDecriminalizationonthe
NumberofSexWorkersinNewZealand,JournalofSocialPolicy,v.38iss.3(July209),pp.515
531,p.523.
[54]Severalstudiesofthelegalizedmanagedsectorfindthatsecurityisenhancedbyformaland
informalcontrolssuchastheproximityofotherworkers,alarms,andsecuritycameras.See,e.g.,
Sullivan,Brents&Hausbeck,Abelet.al.)
[55]AbelandFitzgerald,pp.227229.
[56]Kotiswaran,p.248
[58]ThisessaywasdevelopedinclosecollaborationwithNancyHolmstromweoriginallyintended
towritejointlybutendedupwithseparatearticles.JanHaakenofferedkeyinsightsonwhichIhave
drawnheavily.ThanksalsotoMeenaDhanda,BillResnick,andLizRappaportfortheirvaluable
feedback.