Language

Report: Persian
Part I:

Introduction to Persian, Word Structure,

Word Order and Sound Structure

LIN403: Languages of the World

Lecturer: David Adger
November 2010

The first of a two-part report into the Persian language. This report looks to provide generalisations
about some of the typology, word structures, word orders and sound structures of the Persian
language based on data elicited from correspondences with a native speaker of Persian.

Contents

Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 1
Word Structure in the Noun Phrase ....................................................................................................... 2
Word Order ............................................................................................................................................. 6
Syllable Structure .................................................................................................................................. 10

References ............................................................................................................................................ 12
Appendix: ezafe..................................................................................................................................... 13

Introduction

Persian, commonly known as Farsi (in E&t - PES), is a language widely
spoken in Iran and in some neighbouring countries such as Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan .
It is part of the Indo-European language family, under the Iranian language sub branch of the Indo-
Iranian branch. Therefore, there may be potential to find links with the English Language,
particularly in grammar structure.

In this report, I will construe aspects of the Persian language in order to form basic typological
generalisations in a number of set categories, and support these with examples.
The data I use will be mainly from translations provided to me by my language correspondent, a
native speaker of (the standard variety of) Persian.

Word Structure in the Noun Phrase

Definiteness
Persian-ee, which is carried by the indefinite noun.
It , on a standalone noun.
However, there the definiteness of a noun is often displayed through different contexts, namely definiteness in
sequence, plurality, and case, which we will look at further on.
1) Mouse moosh
the mouse moosh
a mouse

2) Cat gorbe
the cat gorbe
a cat

3) Apple seeb
the apple seeb
an apple

4) Pear golabee
the pear golabee
a pear golabee
Spoken Persian does make an explicit distinction of definiteness in its nouns, through its suffix -e, which is
perfectly grammatical in Persian ^seeb with no distinction in
definiteness in written form, but seebe marking the distinction in speech form.


Indefiniteness in sequence

Indefiniteness in sequence, is marked differently depending on the sequence type.


In English there are two ways of attaching two indefinite articles to eachother in sequence connected with
.
5) A
INDF.ART

6) A
INDF.ART

cat
and
mouse
[noun 1] and-CONJ. [noun 2]
cat
and
a
mouse
[noun 1] and-CONJ. INDF.ART [noun 2]




In Persian, the indefinite suffix -ee only seems to appear on the last noun. This shows that both nouns are
indefinite. So for both of the forms above, Persian has the following:

7) gorbe o
moosh ee
cat and-CONJ. mouse- INDF.ART


or
When attaching two indefinite articles to eachother 
are two forms.

8) A
INDF.ART

9) A
INDF.ART

cat
and
mouse
[noun 1] and-CONJ. [noun 2]
cat
and
a
mouse
[noun 1] and-CONJ. INDF.ART [noun 2]

In Persian, the indefinite suffixes are present on both nouns, similar to the English example (9).
10) JRUEHHH
ya
moosh ee
a cat- INDF.ART or-CONJ. mouse- INDF.ART
 




Plurality
In Persian, plural can be marked on the noun by adding the suffix -haa.
Using rough English spelling to show this:

11)

seeb
seebhaa

apple
apples

The suffix -aan is also a marker for plural, it seems to be used exclusively for most (but not all) human nouns.

12)

13)

mard
mardaan

man
men

khaanande
khaanandegaan

singer
singers

In the case of the latter, the suffix appears as gaan, suggesting that aaan cannot follow a word ending with a
vowel.



My correspondent pointed out two Arab loanwords in the list of words they gave me. Interestingly, there are
also two other forms of plural that both occur with these Arabic loan words.
The first form is the suffix -een:


14)
moasel
student


m
oaseleen
students



The other type of pluralisation appears to be through broken plurals, a common feature of Arabic:

15)

madresse
madaaress

school
schools

The suffix -haa, however, seems to be able to attach itself to most nouns to pluralise them, even if these
nouns accept alternative suffixes. For example in the Persian  elat, as well as being able to
form the broken plural form elal, and alternative can be to attach the plural suffix -haa to form

Plurality and zero article
When an indeterminate noun is made plural, it undergoes no morphological change, and stays in its original
form.
16) maasheen
car
khiaabaan
road

17) maasheen dar khiaabaan raa miravad
&DUVWUDYHORQURDGV

As a result, it becomes a zero article noun. The zero article phenomenon similarly occurs in English when
expressing plurality of indeterminate or mass nouns, the former of which is seen in (17).

Number
Although in theory Persian 
Definiteness), when explicit numerals are used to express quantity of the noun, the presence of morphological
pluralisation of the noun depends on its definiteness.

18) Dotaa seeb
WZRDSSOHV
19) Dotaa seebhaa
7KHWZRDSSOHV

When the noun in its numerically quantified plural form is indefinite, there is no marker for plural. However,
we can see that when the numerical quantity of a definite noun is named, the plural suffix -haa is added to the
noun.
This means, despite not having a direct morphological expression of itself on a noun, number does have a
passive effect on nouns, as presence of a number enforces a use/disuse of pluralised noun forms.



Case
In Persian, a specific definite direct object of a transitive noun phrase carries the suffix -raa, whilst zero article
nouns do not carry such affixes.
All other nouns, in both transitive and intransitive forms remain the same.

20) dokhtaree pesareeraa mizane
A girl a boy-ACC. hits
A girl hits a boy

21) dokhtaree pesar mizane
A girl boy-ACC. hits .
s boys (W)

22) pesaree daveed
A boy ran.
A boy


However, there is no suffixation present with subjects of intransitive noun phrases, meaning that the regular
form of the noun (i.e. the subject form of the transitive) occurs in the intransitive.
t^,P system:

23) A P
dokhtaree pesareeraa zad
A girl a boy-ACC. hit


S
24) dokhtaree daveed
A girl ran
 girl

the case of A [transitive] = the case of S [non-transitive]

therefore the system is Nominative-Accusative.

Word Order

Subject, Object and Verb
In Persian, we find a basic SOV word order, as can be seen in the following sentences:
1) Tom moosheeraa kosht
Tom-SU. a mouse-OBJ. kill-PAST.
d

2) Zanee dozdeeraa gereft
A woman-SU. a robber-OBJ. grab-PAST.
 woman grabbed a

The word order can be rearranged in all combinations and still result in grammaticality. These are in marked
orders, and are not natural, conventional formations, but can be understood by the Persian speaker. Feedback
from my correspondent was that these forms conveyed poetic effect, and are often employed in a poetic
context.


OVS
3) dozdeera gereft zanee
A robber-OBJ. grab-PAST. a woman-SU.

SVO
4) zanee gereft dozdeeraa
a woman-SU. grab-PAST. a robber-OBJ.
A woman grabbed a
VSO
5) gereft zanee dozdeeraa
grab-PAST. a woman-SU. a robber-OBJ.
A woman grabbed a
OSV
6) dozdeeraa zanee gereft
a robber-OBJ. a woman-SU. grab-PAST.
A woman grabbed a
VOS
7) gereft dozdeeraa zanee
grab-PAST. a robber-OBJ. a woman-SU.
A woman grabbed a



The reason behind the grammaticality of every word order is due to presence of the accusative case marker
-raa, a suffix of the noun in the subject position of the transitive noun phrase. This allows case to be
distinguished regardless of word order. Therefore, despite being a SOV language, this feature causes Persian to
bear resemblance to a free word order language.

,-raa is only attached to specific nouns (i.e. with
(marker of) article). Therefore the free word order does not work when the accusative suffix is an
indeterminate plural (of zero article). If we refer to the example from (21) in the previous section (Word
Structure in the Noun Phrase), we can prove this.
8) dokhtaree pesar mizane
A girl-SU. boy-OBJ. hits .

OSV
9) *pesar dokhtaree mizane
boy(s) a girl hits

We can see that when the word order of (8) is changed, the sentence results in ungrammaticality.


Adposition and Noun Phrase

Persian uses prepositions with a noun phrase.

10) pesaree be maghaze raft
a boy-SU. to shop-OBJ. go-PAST
Prep N
A boy went to the shop


11) pesaree toopraa be divaar zad
a boy-SU. ball-DEF. to wall hit-PAST
Prep N
hit the ball against the wall

Interestingly, this does not corroborate with the general trend of one of '
claims that the majority of languages with a dominant SOV order are postpositional (Greenberg 1963,
Universal 4).





Genitive possessor and noun
The order for genitive possessor and noun in Persian appears to be Noun-Genitive. Upon creating this
formation, we are introduced to the ezafe, the suffix (see Appendix I).

In this case, it appears to serve as link . Looking at
the examples (12) and (13), /'EWsuffix (-e) from the head noun
(baraadar) joint with possessor (Niki). This would suggest that the suffix carries the genitive case (i.e. is the
genitive possessor). I have illustrated this on the third lines of the examples:

12) baraadar-e Niki
brother -EZ. Niki
N Gen
E

13) sag-e hamsaye
dog-EZ. neighbour
N Gen
d
Although it is unclear to fully understand its usage within the assumptions we have implemented in class.
Nevertheless, there is enough information to deduce that the word order is Noun-Genitive, and this was true
across all translations my correspondent provided.


Adjective and noun
The order for adjective and noun in Persian appears to be Noun-Adjective. And again, we see the presence of
the ezafe 

There appears to be two separate functions in the following examples. If we look at (14), where there is only
one adjective modifying the noun, the word order is Noun(+ezafe) Adjective. The ezafe in this case links the
noun to the modifier, permitting the modification. /



14) otagh-e tameez
room-EZ. clean
N Adj.
A clean room
We find this form in (15) as well, however there are also ezafes present on each adjective apart from the final
one. So here, it serves the function of linking each adjective to the next.
15) seeb-e bozorg-e ghermez-e khoshmaze
apple-EZ. big-EZ. red-EZ. tasty
A big, red, tasty apple
Again, it is unclear to fully understand its usage within the assumptions we have implemented in class.
Nonetheless, information available allows us to deduce that the word order for this is Noun-Adjective.




Demonstrative and noun
Similar to English, in Persian, the order for demonstrative and noun is Demonstrative-Noun. This can be seen in
the following examples.

16) een sandalee
this chair
DEM N
this chair

17) K-raa mikhaham
Those ticket -PL. .DEF.OBJ. I want
DEM N
I want those tickets

Numeral and noun

For a numeral and a noun, in Persian, the word order is Numeral-Noun.

1) Har dota dastraa tekon bedehid
Every two hand movement give
NUM N
D

2) Oo Panjta saaz mizane
he/she five instrument(s) play-3SG.
NUM N
He/She plays five instruments

Syllable Structure

Simple Syllables
On initial observation of my data, I deduced that, for monosyllabic words in Persian, there are six syllable
structures:
1) V VC CV VCC CVC CVCC
These can be seen in the following examples.
2) a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.

s
s
s
sC
s
CVCC

These suggest that the maximal syllable pattern is:

3) CVCC
As I continued gathering data from my consultant, I noticed that words that seemingly began with a vowel
could possibly have begun with a glottal stop preceding the initial vowel. This leads me to suggest that perhaps
Persian syllables may not start with vowels. However, I was unable to find any external sources to support this
observation. This may be because of an uncertain, or maybe disputed, classification of the glottal stop as a
consonant. I feel I would have to see further phonetic study into this particular case to convince me that
syllables with vowel onsets exist in Persian, or at least in my data.

Complex vowels
I identified two diphthongs in my data:
4) /o/ e.g. nau
/e/ e.g. ney W
This suggests that Persian /WVother vowel]
5) V V
These diphthong structures are also present in Southern British English. However SBE also has the /V/
structure. In my data, I have not encountered any words with the // vowel. Therefore I can surmise that, due
to the absence of the schwa /^r/ would not
exist in Persian. Similarly, the SBE diphthong / also not appear in Persian
because of the schwa, despite Persian having the /V/ structure.

After eliciting further data, specific to the use of these diphthong structures in monosyllabic words, I can
deduce that there are no restrictions as to the placement of these diphthongs in dependence of other
consonant positions.
We can see that these diphthongs in the following positions: 

10



6) a. nau
b. eyb
c. beyn

CD
DC
CDC

Therefore, PersianCDCC and the DCC structures, meaning that a

diphthong cannot precede two adjacent consonants.

Syllable Structure Hypothesis
So the data suggests the maximal syllable pattern is CVCC 
exist in any vowel position apart from before two adjacent consanants.

I can test this hypothesis on a list of 30 random words to assess its validity.
7) seeb

baghche
ketabkhane
nourooz
baaraan
aaftab

ghayegh
seyl

boshghab
moorche



mo[]ayan

hayaat
shouhar
khahar
gardan
sandalee
kaaleske
bastanee
morgh
eynak
parde
pishraft
kaaghaz
estakhr
javaan
heyvon
bale
doroogh
baavar
onha









CD.CVC

CD.CVC

CD.CVC



CDC

The hypothesis works on these words, and no new stuctures appear to be apparent in the date. I have named
the syllable structures for the words containing diphthongs, from we which we could possibly draw the
generalisation that syllables containing diphthongs only appear at the beginning of the word, however, there is
not enough data to fully come to this conclusion.

11

References

Lewis, M. Paul (ed.), 2009. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition. Dallas, Tex.: SIL
International. [Online version]
nd

<http://www.ethnologue.com/>, accessed 2 November 2010.

Image source [online]: <http://www.wsu.edu/~gordonl/S05/354/IE-Germanic_files/image002.jpg>

nd
accessed 2 November 2010.

Greenberg, Joseph H. (1999), ^ universals of grammar with particular reference to the order
of >D/dW pp. 76-80.
th
<http://ling.kgw.tu-berlin.de/korean/artikel02/basicorder.html>, accessed 9 November 2010

Mace, John. (2003). Persian Grammar: For reference and revision. Oxford: Routledge

^Wd-marking inflectional affix: Evidence from Persian and Kurmanji
KurdishIn V. Samiian S. Karimi and D. Stilo (eds.), Aspects of Iranian Linguistics: Papers in Honor of
Mohammad Reza Bateni. (Cambridge Scholars ltd. 2007)
th
<http://www.iranianlinguistics.org/papers/Samvelian-EZ-revised.pdf>, accessed 14 November 2010.

12

Appendix: ezafe

dezafe, the word D is a common grammatical
device use to link adjacent words in Persian, for various uses. Its different uses mean that the ezafe
class is somewhat ambiguous. In fact, it is subject of much dispute (Samvelian, 2007)
The ezafe is often glossed as EZ. ^work.


e.g.


This is the notation I have used in the glosses in this report, as it appears to be an accurate way of labelling it.

In the cases, in this report, where the ezafe has appeared, it has not caused me to be unable to deduce the
generalisations from my data, in terms of word order. However, it is not always clear how the elements are
marked. Whilst I have provided an attempt at suggesting the function of the ezafe in each case, the
assumptions we have implemented in class do not cover such a phenomenon, therefore I cannot pursue the
matter further in this report.

13

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