Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
The idea that cultures and, consequently, people are naturally rooted in
particular places has long been questioned in theoretical anthropology. Yet
the methodological and analytical implications of this insight are still being
worked out. This book seeks to contribute to this critical process by
examining the role of place in the conceptualization and practice of culture.
The idea that cultures can be conceptualized as separate and unique entities
corresponding to particular localities has not just been a means of bringing
order into an otherwise disorderly world, it has also been a means of erecting
frameworks within which anthropologists might perceive and understand
cultural difference. The erection of cultural distinctions and borders is thus
closely related to the anthropological practice of understanding culture from
an internal, local point of view, followed by a more external, generalized
analysis. This approach to culture has been basic at all levels of
anthropological thinking. The anthropologist conducting field work
endeavours to understand the way in which local people themselves
experience and interpret their lives by participating in and thus becoming
part of local life. At the same time, anthropologists also remove themselves,
at least intellectually, from the local context of life in order to subject the
data gathered in this way to more external, social scientific considerations.
The field data that are obtained through participant observation are similarly
analyzed with a view to both the inner workings of a culture, and a more
general, transcendent, interpretation within the larger theoretical context of
the discipline. The ethnographer will often highlight conclusions concerning
certain cultural phenomena among the people under study through crosscultural comparison, which will allow for even more general conclusions to
be drawn than is possible on the basis of the study of a single culture.
If anthropologists (and their social science) and the people under study
(and their cultural knowledge) do not belong to two distinct socio-cultural
wholes, but are part of one global ecumene of interconnections as Hannerz
(1992) has termed it, how is it possible for anthropologists to maintain the
INTRODUCTION 3
INTRODUCTION 5
selfcontained cultures must then give way to a new genre, taking its point of
departure in those nodal points in the networks of interrelations where there
is a mutual construction of identities through cultural encounters.
The basic research tool in the classical study of cultures has been the timehonoured method of field work. This has also been one of the main targets
of criticism in the debate on the place-focused notion of culture within
anthropology (Rosaldo 1988; Clifford 1992; Appadurai 1988). Prolonged
field work among a group of people living in a particular area has allowed
anthropologists to develop close relations with the people under study and a
detailed knowledge about ways of life which in many ways are radically
different from those of the anthropologist. Indeed, few would question the
value of the many insightful ethnographic monographs which today
constitute a major part of the anthropological literature. These monographs
provide rich and unparalleled evidence of the variety of epistemologies and
ways of communicating them within the shared range of humanity. It is also
beyond question, however, that these works, and the field work upon which
they are based, illustrate some of the limitations inherent in the approach to
the study of culture that has been dominant until now.
One of these limitations is the tendency of anthropologists to study those
natives who stay put in the particular area, where the anthropologists are
doing their field work. Karsten Prregaard began his field work in the
Peruvian Andes in a remote rural region, supposedly authentic, and
discarding the migrants as noise. Only later did he realize that they were part
and parcel of local culture, and indeedvice versa. The general problem
is that people who are mobile, and therefore not immediately present in the
research site while the ethnographer is paying his or her fleeting visit, have
often been ignored, even though they are in fact often of great importance
to the more settled people. As abundantly testified to by Ninna Nyberg
Srensens study of Dominicans at home and in New York, the fact of
travel and migrancy may be a strong parameter in the selfdefinition of people
in either place.
The difficulty of seeing movement as an aspect of social life in general is
related to the fact that mobility, in so far as it involved settled people, has
been regarded as a special and temporary phenomenon which has been
examined under headings such as migration, refugee studies, and tourism. As
Schwartz notes, migration has been viewed in terms of unilineal, and finite,
movements between a point of origin and a point of destination. As his
study of Macedonian migrants shows, however, migration often involves a
long chain of movements which affect many people in different places over
an extended period of time. Refugees, who remain in a state of exile for an
extended period of time, have been more difficult to handle within this
conceptual framework. They have often, as Liisa Malkki notes (1992, and
Chapter 10 of this volume), been seen to represent an abnormal, or even
pathological condition.
In anthropology, the image of people as being firmly settled in a home
environment has been matched by an equally strong vision of displacement,
uprooting, chaos and catastrophe as but temporary instances of unrest and
disorder. Gypsies and nomads were the exceptions who proved this rule
nomads, nevertheless, moved within well-defined patterns within fixed
territories. The natural state of the world was conceived of in terms of
stability and social coherence; flight and suffering were out of order (Davis
1992; Hastrup 1993). As the end of our millennium comes closer we are
forced to take cognizance of the fact that disorder and suffering are
becoming the order of the day in many parts of the world. Malkkis
rendition of recent refugee experience in Burundi and Rwanda poses a
terrifying example of the matter-of-fact way in which massacres are carried
out and repeated locally. The next-to-inevitability of such atrocities is
thereafter discursively cemented in the reportage of the international
community which emphasizes the general features of pain and flight rather
than the actual historicity of the refugee camp and the concrete collective
experience of the refugees. It is about time that anthropology recognized its
duty to deal with de-stabilization and sufferingalways an integral part of
human experience, if largely ignored because it has an unsettling effect upon
theory which is predicated upon a more settled way of life.
The anthropological place-fixation can also be seen to be related to a
tendency in the West to view non-Western people as somehow closer to
nature. Thus Appadurai (1988:37) has argued that anthropologists have
incarcerated natives ecologically and intellectually in places, outside the
Western metropolises, where their culture is regarded as closely adapted to
their particular environment. Implicitly, this casting of the relationship
between us and them in terms of the opposition between culture and nature
testifies to a dominant view of the relationship as inherently asymmetrical,
not unlike the relationship between empire and culture, as investigated by
Said (1993). This suggests that once these categories have been deessentialized and reconstructed as categories of thought, we may demask this
asymmetry as part of the exoticizing nature of any discourse on the
constructed other.
Due to the tradition of carrying out field work in distinct cultures
which can be studied and analyzed in their own right, earlier anthropologists
paid little attention to the fact that even the seemingly most remote and
exotic people do not exist in isolation from the rest of the world. The very
presence of the anthropologist is evidence to the contrary. As James Clifford
INTRODUCTION 7
(1992:9) has noted, there has been remarkably little discussion of the
missionary airplane which brought the anthropologist to the field, and which
has long brought the natives in close contact with the Western world.
Today, this field of interrelationships could be a main point of departure in
anthropological research; the field is, by definition, a contact zone (cf. Pratt
1992). Gupta and Ferguson (1992) have argued that the world should be
viewed in terms of a global space, which is characterized by hierarchical
relations and power constellations extending from particular metropoles. In
this global space of relations, clearly defined places do not exist in and of
themselves. Rather they are constructed culturally as communities of
relations constitute and demarcate themselves within hierarchically organized
space of unequal relationships. The cultural construction of distinct places in
a world of interconnectedness is therefore, for them, an important subject of
anthropological study. Appadurai (1991) goes even further and suggests that
the world consists of deterritorialized ethnoscapes whose culturally
constructed places of identification often will not coincide with their actual
physical locations. A more relevant framework of study, for him, is the
imagined worlds, constructed on the basis of the creative resources, which
are generated by the experience of deterritorialization itself.
With the loss of place as a dominant metaphor for culture goes a
methodological redirection from order to non-order, which not only allows
us to capture mobility in the landscape, but also the processes of
deterritorialization and reterritorialization which this mobility involves. It
also, and more significantly, enables us to understand the fact that peoples
actions alter the conditions of their existence, often in ways they never intend
or foresee (Rosaldo 1989:1023). Preiss analysis of Tamil refugees in
Denmark who must cope with a lack of ritual experts in times of crises, thus
shows how their very coping alters the conditions of their existence. People
act relative to their intentions, intentions that are always culturally shaped
and historically positioned. Yet, through their acts people make history
themselves; change rather than structure is the condition of culture as
testified by most contemporary ethnographies. Only as icon does local
culture remain untouched by history, as in the case of Constable Country,
analyzed by Judith Okely. On canvas, the English landscape remains
untouched by trusts, tourists and tea-cups.
ETHNOGRAPHIC RESEARCH
Despite the fact that traditional ethnographic field research has been the
subject of criticism, we believe that it is only through rich ethnographic studies
that space and placeand what we make of them in human relationscan
INTRODUCTION 9
If cultural constructions, rather than cultural entities, are our object of study,
studying the historical context within which they have been generated will
help us understand their significance today. Nyberg Srensens and Olwigs
studies thus came to involve extensive historical research, as it became
apparent that contemporary perceptions of place are very much a reflection
of historical developments in the Caribbean area. Likewise, Hasagers study
of homesteading in Hawaii entailed careful study of the historical
development of ownership and usage of land in Hawaii.
Uneven encounters
As these case studies have extended the boundaries of their field sites to
relevant geographically and historically removed contexts of life, it has
become apparent how different places have become demarcated in space and
defined through time. In most cases this has occurred in close relation to, in
several cases even in opposition to, centers of power, particularly those of
the Western metropoles. As Ferguson notes, that which we in ethnographic
research have regarded as local culture is often constituted out of uneven
encounters. Such local culture may be Creole national culture developed
by Dominicans in the face of colonial and neocolonial forces (Nyberg
Srensen); it may be the fierce maintenance of village culture in a Hawaii
long dominated by economic interests from the outside (Friedman), or the
establishment of strong local identities among both villagers and settlers in a
governmental resettlement scheme in Sri Lanka (Refslund Srensen).
Not all local culture is denned primarily by the locals, however, nor
does it necessarily serve local interests. The village in East Anglia painted by
Constable, argues Okely, has been preserved according to ideas of
Constable Country, which reflect educated white upper-class perceptions
of the rural English countryside. This not only leaves little room for the
rural workers who have created the village and its surrounding countryside
through their labor, it also detracts attention from the destruction of that
English countryside which has not been designated as being of particular
local value. In his study of Lesotho, Ferguson shows how designating this
part of Southern Africa as an independent nation-state has depoliticized the
poverty and powerlessness which its citizens have suffered.
Reflexivity
By making interrelationships (as they unfold in time and space) a primary
focus of research, it is possible to take a point of departure in the reflexivity
of the people under study toward the social and economic processes
INTRODUCTION 11
SITING CULTURE
Several of the studies show that while anthropologists are preoccupied with
de-essentializing the concept of culture and deconstructing the notion of
bounded, localized cultural wholes, many of the very people we study are
deeply involved in constructing cultural contexts which bear many
resemblances to such cultural entities. Homelands and fishing villages are
important points of cultural identification among the K naka Maoli in
Hawaii (Hasager, Friedman); Macedonian people from all over the world
find their roots in mountain villages with fruit orchards (Schwartz); family
lands in the Caribbean constitute important cultural sites for an AfricanCaribbean population that has developed through a long diasporic history
(Olwig). It is not our point to dismiss such places of cultural identification as
a figment of the imagination. On the contrary, we wish to examine the
historical and social significance of these cultural sites as focal points of
identification for people who, in their daily lives, are involved in a complex
of relations of global as well as local dimension.
Hasagers study of the way in which K naka Maoli homesteaders turned
seemingly barren and inhospitable homestead lots into a homeland imbued
with cultural significance provides a poignant example of the way in which
culture is established on site. From a somewhat different perspective,
Preis shows how Tamils seek place in the space they occupy as refugees,
thereby creating cultural difference, and hence a Tamil identity, in exile.
These examples demonstrate the central importance of place as a source of
life and a reference point which people may identify with from their
particular position in the more global network of human relations. By
viewing place as a cultural construction that is part of the process of human
life, and not as a fixed entity, we will be able to examine critically the
historical context within which such constructions take place. This also
means that it is possible to examine the hierarchies of power within which
these cultural constructions occur and become recognized. This is important
at a time, when, as Hasager points out, human rights based on cultural
grounds constitute an important means whereby indigenous people are able
to demand improvements in their condition of life.
Behind the anthropological world view of a mosaic of unique and distinct
cultures ready to be studied and documented by diligent field workers, one
can now see the contours of a more complex field of social and economic
interrelations, cultural reflexivity and culturally constructed places. This does
not mean, however, that people necessarily experience their lives as being
entangled in complicated social, cultural and economic processes of global
dimension. Many people can be seen to lead fairly simple everyday lives, as
Friedman argues, despite the complexities of the larger world system. The
study of the way in which people create meaningful and manageable
contexts of life in the modern world is an important topic for
anthropological investigation. The simplicity of such everyday life should
not, however, lead anthropologists to construct simple models of the
complex cultural processes involved in this life. The siting of culture is an
important element in this complexity, which must be reflected in a new
demarcation of the anthropological object.
In the present volume, the first part, Finding a place for culture,
explores new approaches to the study of culture outside the traditional
localized field sites. Important cultural sites in such research are found in
nodal points in the diffuse networks of global and local relations that
constitute the context of life of many people today. Such nodal points are
grounded in cultural constructions associated with particular localities, be
they collective forms of land ownership, individual images of natal
communities, or pictures and sounds celebrating local spheres of life.
The second part, The culture and politics of place, critically examines
the implications of viewing people as associated with particular places,
whether nation-states, regions or homesteading areas. It is demonstrated that
such places may be perceived as a means of liberation or as a means of
oppression, depending on the conditions under which they were created and
sustained and the particular vantage point of the persons involved. Close
scrutiny of the historical context and the wider political and economic
system of relations within which place is constructed therefore constitutes an
important research agenda in anthropology.
The third part, Topical metaphors in anthropological thinking,
investigates some of the ways in which key concepts in anthropology, and
other social sciences, are related to specific ways of thinking about localities
and the people who are associated with them. It is demonstrated that such
conceptualization may not only present an obstacle to in-depth ethnographic
research and understanding, but may also pose ethical problems with serious
consequences for the people involved.
AKNOWLEDGMENTS
This chapter has benefited from the discussion generated at the workshop
Finding a Place and Space for Culture, held outside Copenhagen on 35
December 1993, where the chapters in this volume were first presented.
INTRODUCTION 13
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