Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
22
(2) A taxi had just drawn up before the house and a foot was protruding
from it. (One, Two, Buckle My Shoe: 28)
(3) A faint smile came to Poirot's lips. (One, Two, Buckle My Shoe: 29)
All the verbs rose, had drawn up, was protruding and came represent verbs
expressing appearance on the scene. Their semantic content implies a kind of existence or
coming into existence, hence the addressees attention is logically drawn to the
phenomenon presented on the scene (expressed by the subject) rather than to the verb, and
the subject carries a higher degree of CD. It typically occurs with indefinite noun phrase.
The zero article with plural nouns is considered to be a counterpart of the indefinite
article and in relation to FSP behaves in the same way. In his paper on non-thematic
subjects in English, Firbas sums up the basic function of the indefinite article:
The non-generic, but not the generic, indefinite article
always
marks
its
substantive
as
contextually
23
e.g. (5) The novel Sense and Sensibility grew from an early sketch entitled
Elinor and Marianne.
Here the sentence is perspectived towards the NP the novel Sense and Sensibility.
So example (5) demonstrates that the is not prevent from being rhematic. It is only in the
case when it marks its noun as theme.
Coming back to the anaphoric use (which is a context related sub-type of
familiarity), anaphoric definites are mostly thematic (Dukova 1985: 66) - it logically
follows from the essence of anaphoric reference: the referent must be mentioned in the
previous context and thus context dependent, which prevents it from being rhematic.
Although from Dukovas (1985: 66) findings follows, quite surprisingly, that an anaphoric
definite article in thematic NP is not as often as would be probably expected because it has
a strong competitor in more common anaphoric devices like demonstrative and personal
pronouns.
In conclusion Dukova summarizes: The types of definiteness relevant from the
FSP point of view mostly operate in the same direction as the other means of FSP in that
anaphoric devices are mostly found in the subject, non-generic indefinite determiners with
post-verbal sentence parts. (Dukova 1985: 70)
Personal and demonstrative pronouns in FSP. The problem of pronouns in FSP is
not that subtle as is the case with the definite and indefinite articles, as pronouns are almost
always the theme in the sentence - they don't convey new meaning, i.e. the information
delivered in them is retrievable. Henceforth, we may conclude that for such instances there
should be a context.
e.g. (6)
Mrs Dashwood was sorry for what she had said; but it gave Elinor
pleasure, as it produced a reply from Marianne so expressive of
confidence in Willoughby and knowledge of his intentions.
One morning, about a week after his leaving the country, Marianne
was prevailed on to join her sisters in their usual walk, instead of
wandering away by herself. Hitherto she had carefully avoided every
companion in her rambles. (Sense and Sensibility: 83)
FSP of the noun phrase. Finally, we would like to add a brief comment on functional
perspective of the noun phrase, as was elaborated by Ale Svoboda in Functional Sentence
Perspective of the Noun Phrase (1987). Following Firbass (1992: 17) conception of a
sentence as a distributional field which may consist of subfields, Svoboda (1987)
concentrates on the noun phrase (NP) as an information field (or subfield) within which the
elements of FSP are distributed. The basic NP usually serves as an introduction of a
phenomenon into the discourse, which is called the presentation on the scene (Pr).
Svoboda applies the same patterns (semantic role of elements and their function in FSP) on
the analysis of the NP (cf. Svoboda 1987: 64):
e.g. (7) The man and one of the maids were sent off immediately into
Devonshire to prepare the house for their mistress's arrival... (Sense
and Sensibility: 24)
The man functions as one unit in the sentence. It may be further divided into
separate communicative units as well:
ThPr.. the article the
TrPr . number and case signals (singular and common case)
RhPr . the notional content of man
The headword, if context-independent, is rhematic, the article (or rather the
determiner) performs the Set-function and is thematic. By complex NPs the analysis can be
extended to the Quality Scale including the bearer of quality (headword), quality,
specification and further specification (attributives), which then function as transitional or
rhematic elements. In the same example, (7), we face up this phenomenon as well:
e.g. (7) The man and one of the maids were sent off immediately into
Devonshire to prepare the house for their mistress's arrival... (Sense
and Sensibility: 24)
H .... the noun maids
Sp and FrSp .... the of-structure one of the
ThPr.. the article the
TrPr . number and case signals (plural and objective case)
RhPr . the notional content of maid
25
The classification of articles, within a NP, always performs the semantic role of
delimiting the scene (Set) and functions as theme proper: the scene is often represented by
the definite and indefinite article, signaling the presence or the absence of a tie with a
given verbal, situational or experiential context at the very moment of communication, and
therefore locating the presented phenomenon in a most general way. (Svoboda 1987:
63)
2.3 FSP in Spoken Communication (avelacnel)
We have so far not said anything about the relationship between the spoken and the
written language. Of course it is not surprising that in dealing with intonation, we are
mainly concerned with the speaker.
Intonation as the Expression of Information Structure: Halliday
claims
that
In
English
it
is
rather
the
suprasegmental
information
information lies. The grammar argues for a neutral position of focus, which is called endfocus and is said to consist of chief prominence on the last open-class item or proper noun
in the clause. The tone unit represents a unit of information. The signaling of new
information, by means of the focus is, however, not unambiguous in the case of neutral
position of focus. This is demonstrated (Quirk/Greenbaum 1973: 408) with the help of
example (8) where the nucleus is symbolized by capitals and the extent of the new
information by italics. Depending on context, the signal of focus is ambiguous: in (8a) the
extent or scope of the new information concerns the entire clause, in (8b) only the object,
and in (8c) only the last element. The same point is made by Halliday (1970b: 41).
e.g. (8a) I love to be reminded of the PAST... (Sense and Sensibility: 90)
(8b) (What do I love to be reminded of ?) I love to be reminded of the PAST.
(8c) (What do I love to do ?) I love to be reminded of the PAST
If there is no context, the whole sentence can be new, as in (8a). In (8c), with
identical intonation, i. e. nucleus on the last open-class item, only Germany is new.
Halliday adds, however, that if the tonic, or nucleus, is not "in its neutral place", then only
the item carrying the nucleus is new.
In the preceding examples, the nucleus, signaling information focus, was on the
last open-class item of the sentence. However, the nucleus can also be placed on other
items in the sentence. In his article on transitivity and theme in English, Halliday (1968,
204) distinguishes marked and unmarked "information focus". In (a) focus is unmarked,
while in the rest focus is said to be marked.
e.g. (9a) "Mrs Palmer appeared quite WELL, and I'm commissioned to tell
you that you will certainly SEE her tomorrow".
(9b) "Mrs Palmer appeared quite well, and I'M commissioned to tell you
that you will certainly see her tomorrow".
(9c) "Mrs Palmer appeared quite well, and I'm COMMISIONED to tell
you that you will certainly SEE her tomorrow".
(9d) "Mrs Palmer appeared quite well, and I'm commissioned to TELL
you that you will certainly see her tomorrow".
(9e) "Mrs Palmer appeared quite well, and I'm commissioned to tell
YOU that you will certainly see her tomorrow".
27
(9f) "Mrs Palmer appeared quite well, and I'm commissioned to tell you
that you WILL certainly see her tomorrow".
(9g) "Mrs Palmer appeared quite well, and I'm commissioned to tell you
that you will CERTAINLY see her tomorrow".
(9h) "Mrs Palmer appeared quite well, and I'm commissioned to tell you
that you will certainly see her TOMORROW".
The choice between marked or unmarked is clearly up to the speaker. The
importance of the speaker's choice is unmistakeably expressed in Halliday's later
publications:
... Each tone group represents what the speaker decides
to make into one unit of information... The information
unit consists of an obligatory new element... and an
optional given element; the main stress (tonic nucleus)
marks the end of the new element.
(Halliday 1970a: 162 f.)
and also in the following quotation:
Within each information unit, one part is selected as
prominent; this is the tonic ... The function of the tonic
is to form the focus of information... The information
which the speaker decides is to form the focus of the
message we may call new.
(Halliday 1970b, 40)
This brings us to the question of whether there is such a thing as unmarked
information focus, or normal intonation. The University Grammar of English speaks of a
neutral position of focus. This corresponds to Halliday's unmarked information focus or
neutral place for the tonic which he defines in the following way: "... it is located so that it
begins on the (accented syllable of the) last content word in the tone group. This is what is
called neutral tonicity." (Halliday 1970b: 41)
This is illustrated with an example (10).
28
(10) Elinor saw, with concern, the excess of her sister's sensiBILITY...
(Sense and Sensibility: 5)
As already mentioned, Halliday (1970b: 41) also states explicitly that if the tonic,
or nucleus, is elsewhere, then only the item which carries the nucleus is new. He further
points out that questions concerning items other than the last content item shift the tonic, as
in (10a) and (10b):
(10a) (Whose sensibility...?) ... Her SISter's sensibility ...
(10b) (Whose sister's ...?) HER sister's...
Halliday's examples demonstrate the importance of the influence of context on
intonation. It follows therefore that there cannot be a context-free, normal intonation. The
doubtful status of the notion of normal intonation or neutral tonicity is further supported by
Bolinger and Schmerling who argue against the notion of normal stress or predictable
accent. Schmerling (1974: 70) points out that normal stress is nothing but "stress used in
citations".
Bolinger draws attention to the fact that the nucleus does not necessarily fall on the
last open-class item in a sentence, but that semantic considerations and speaker's intentions
play an important role. This can be demonstrated with the following examples:
e.g. (11a) Her letter was SCARCELY finished. (Sense and Sensibility: 166)
(11b) Her letter was scarcely COMPLETED.
According to Bolinger, the information focus in (11b) is on the operation rather
than on the quality, as in (11a). In the former, a semantically poorer word is chosen as the
verb. Bolinger (1972b: 634) stresses the important fact that choice of intonation is tied up
with the choice of lexical item and "... the choice of the semantically richer verb is part of
the decision".
The speaker and his communicative means. It is a difficult task to state what is
normal intonation. Intonation clearly depends on the intention of the speaker, and it is
impossible to predict which pattern will be chosen unless you are a mind-reader. Let us
29
show how the speaker may use them for the expression of his communicative intentions.
We shall single out some features of intonation only.
Pause can be used to express different meanings as in the following two pairs of
sentences.
e.g. (12a) They had not remained in this manner long/ before Elinor
perceived Willoughby.... (Sense and Sensibility: 169)
(12b) They had not remained in this manner long before/ Elinor
perceived Willoughby....
The function of the pause here is to split up the sentences into different tone groups,
i . e. information units. The presence or absence of pauses in a sentence also depends on
speech tempo. If the sentence is spoken quickly, there may be no pauses and only a single
nucleus. If the tempo is slowed down, optional pauses may be inserted, and the intonation
contour is changed. Tempo is clearly a factor determined by the speaker.
Another variable in intonation is tone, also called pitch change, or pitch contour.
A stock example for the influence of intonation on the meaning of a sentence is the
distinction between statements and questions as in the following sentences.
e.g. (13a) HE listened to her with silent ATTENTION. (statement) - falling
(Sense and Sensibility: 168)
(13b) He listened to her with silent ATTENTION? (question) - rising
A combination of different tone and different placement of nucleus can be seen in
the following example.
e.g. (14a) But have you not RECEIVED my notes? - falling
(14b) But have you not received my NOTES? - rising
(Sense and Sensibility: 170)
As this example shows, the position of the nucleus, or tonic prominence, also often
called stress, directly influences the meaning of the utterance. Two further examples, with
identical tone, i. e. pitch change, further illustrate this point.
30
e.g. (15a) "I only wish," replied her sister. (It's only me who wishes) falling (Sense and Sensibility: 178)
(15b) "I only WISH," replied her sister. (I do nothing but wish) falling
We shall now briefly consider intonation and context and its influence on the
speaker's choice. As mentioned before, Schmerling (1971) argues against the notion of
normal stress, claiming that the following type of sentence (16) does not have a single
normal stress pattern as would be predicted by Chomsky and Halle's Nuclear Stress Rule.
e.g. (16 ) Poirot stood stock still. (One, Two, Buckle My Shoe: 299)
Schmerling points out that the stressing depends on possible preceding questions,
an observation which was also made by Halliday.
Schmerling argues that in (16a) and (16b), for example, the italicized portion of the
sentences is asserted and therefore receives heavy stress. The rest of the sentences bears
reduced stress. She arrives at the following general conclusion: "Those portions of
sentences receive reduced stress which contain material presupposed by the speaker to be
true and to be known to the addressee(s)." (Schmerling 1971: 249)
e.g. (16a) (Who stood stock still?)
Poirot stood stock still.
(16b) (How did Poirot stand?)
Poirot stood stock still.
Blinger's (1972b) position is the opposite and at the same time the complementary
one. As mentioned before, he claims that accented words are points of information focus,
therefore arguing against syntactically and morphologically determined sentence accents.
He makes a clear terminological distinction between stress- which to him belongs to the
lexicon - and accent - which belongs to the utterance. He, in his turn, arrives at the
following conclusion: "The distribution of sentence accents is not determined by syntactic
structure, but by semantic and emotional highlighting." (Bolinger 1972b, 644)
Accent is thus clearly determined by the speaker's intentions and not by any general
morphological, syntactic, or intonational rule.
31
33
Example (20) can be converted into a number of cleft sentences. Various elements
can be made the theme, as is illustrated in the following examples, where the theme is
italicized:
e.g. (20a) It was THIS SPEECH /that at fist puzzled Mrs Jennings
exceedingly.
(20b) It was AT FIRST /that this speech puzzled Mrs Jennings
exceedingly.
(20c) It was TO PUZZLE/that this speech at first did to Mrs Jennings
exceedingly.
(20d) It was MRS JENNINGS/ that this speech at first puzzled
exceedingly.
(20e) It was EXCEEDINGLY/that this speech at first puzzled Mrs
Jennings.
fixed focus /nucleus variable (= theme)
As is indicated by the capitals, the theme, in the first part of the cleft sentence,
always receives the nucleus in the spoken language. The construction provides a fixed
focus, which in the spoken medium invariably becomes a fixed nucleus.
The two parts of the cleft sentence construction represent two information units,
which are realized in the spoken language as two distinct tone groups at least. The nucleus
in the second part of the cleft sentence is basically variable. There is more than one nucleus
if this part of the cleft sentence is split up into more than one tone group.
According to the University Grammar of English, the cleft sentence construction
gives both thematic and focal prominence to a particular element of the clause. (Quirk
/Greenbaum 1973: 414). This is true only for the spoken language. The information focus
is regarded as being signaled by the nucleus of intonation. However, since the sentence is
always broken up into two units, the theme becomes prominent also in the written
language, and the construction can therefore be regarded as a substitute for intonation in
the written language.
34