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The statement above reflects the view from NGOs participants of global sustainability
development diplomacy. This paper argues that notions of stakeholder democracy increasingly
underpinned multilateral environmental summitry, which was very manifest at the 2012 United
Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (UNCSD) or Rio+20 summit. In the closing
of the summit, the Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff stressed that the Rio+20 summit was the
most participatory conference in the history and can be conceived as a global expression of
democracy (ENB 2012: 1). Twenty years earlier at the 1992 United Nations Conference on
Environmental and Development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro, the organizer of the parallel civil
society Global Forum said: it has become the first international experiment in democratizing
intergovernmental decision-making (Dodds 2008: ix). In a recent book by practioners taking
stock of 20 years of UN sustainable development diplomacy, it is argued that civil society and
stakeholder participation holds the promise to close the democracy gap in global politics
(Dodds et al 2012: 231).
The terms civil society, transnational actor, non-governmental actor and non-state actors are used interchangeable.
It is beyond the scope of this paper to conceptualize the different between these terms (cf Fridmann et al
2005:,Josselin and Wallace 2001; Keane 2003; Willet 2011). For the purpose of this paper I have an empirical
definition, i.e. those actors that have consultative status within UN ECOSOC.
2
Non-state actors in the new landscape of climate cooperation, funded by the Swedish Research Council and Formas
and Democracy Beyond Nation-State. Transnational Actors and Global Governance (Transdemos), funded by
Riksbankens Jubileumsfond.
environmental diplomacy the past two decades. They can be conceived of as different normative
re-imaginations of transnational democracy that find expression in UN summits and have
overlapping features.
The major groups concept was introduced two decades ago as an innovation to organize civil
society participation in the UN along nine societal stakeholders (such as NGOs, business, women
etc.). The idea of dividing civil society into societal stakeholders came from the 1992 Rio summit
and was pioneered by the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD).
Twenty years of sustainable development diplomacy demonstrates that there shift in both the
language and practice: from civil society to stakeholders and constituencies, from
participation to implementation, and from consultation to partnerships. Through a case
study of sustainable development diplomacy, this paper examines to what extent the practice of
civil society participation in sustainable development diplomacy resonates with competing ideals
of stakeholder and deliberative democracy. Deliberative and stakeholder democracy differ on how
they conceptualize civil society: as an autonomous oppositional force and critique or as a partner
with government and business in collective problem solving, collaboration and implementation. I
argue that global stakeholder democracy, which represents a deliberative attempt from
international organizations to institutionalize or orchestrate (Abbott and Snidal 2010)
deliberation between major groups across civil society, government and business spheres, has
been consolidated as the predominant model of environmental multilateralism. The Earth
summits in 1992 and 2012 reflect the evolution and refinement of key principles of stakeholder
democracy. Interestingly, civil society itself embraces the stakeholder principle for organizing and
stratifying civil society into societal stakeholders along societal functions, identity and economic
position (Dodds et al. 2012). The Rio+20 summit has been branded as a new kind of
multilateralism with a greater emphasis on voluntary action and dialogues with civil society,
business and science outside the formal negotiations.
This paper consists of the following sections. The first section briefly discusses the rationale for
using global environmental summitry as a site for exploring normative visions of transnational
democracy. The second section reviews the scholarly debate on the role of civil society in
promoting global democracy. The third section outlines the features of stakeholder democracy as
one example of polycentric democracy and distinguishes it from deliberative democracy. The
fourth section moves on to the case study, analyzing the history of civil society participation in
UN sustainable development diplomacy. The fifth section explores how principles of stakeholder
democracy were applied at the Rio+20 summit through multiple interactive mechanisms to
involve civil society, government and business. This is contrasted with ideals of deliberative
democracy manifest at parallel Peoples summit The sixth section discusses the implications and
criticisms of the rise of stakeholder democracy in global environmental summitry.
UN summits on environment as a site for visions of democratic polycentrism
The UN environmental summits and various treaty bodies such as the Conference of Parties
(COP) have far-reaching mechanism to include civil society and represent sites for intense NGOstate interaction (Willett 2011). Environmental diplomacy can be seen as a prime example of new
forms of public-private multilateralism. By drawing on participatory observations and interviews
with civil society and governmental representatives at the annual UN summits on climate and
sustainable development, the paper is part of a project that analyzes what kind of global
democracy ideals that influence civil society participation at UN summits 3 The various
innovations to involve non-state actors in the UN climate negotiations (UNFCCC) and the UN
conference on sustainable development are compared. In comparison with other policy fields
such as international trade, security and finance, environmental politics is very inclusive and open
in terms of access for civil society and participatory and deliberative mechanisms (Bernstein
2012). Global environmental politics has the most developed mechanisms for access and
participation of civil society in negotiations (Steffek 2008). For this reason environmental
governance is often used as an example to confirm the democratizing force of civil society. For
example, Friedmann et al (2005) has used the UN summits on environment, human rights and
women as an empirical test case for the emergence and potentially democratizing impact of civil
society. If you do find evidence of democratizing impact of civil society in global environmental
governance, it will be hard find elsewhere. A repeated and justified criticism in this context is that
there is a selection bias towards successful cases of civil society involvement that verifies
arguments that NGOs promotes global democracy. Instead of reinforcing normative perspectives
that civil society participation contributes to the democratizing global environmental governance,
the project assesses what kind of democratic ideals that inform the practice of major groups
participation in stakeholder dialogues, partnerships etc. By taking stock of the various deliberative
practices and innovations for multi-stakeholder participation I will ask what kind of global
democracy is envisioned.
Contesting the democratizing force of transnational civil society
Is civil society a means to achieve a more democratic world order? While the role of civil society is
still at the margin on IR debates between realism and liberalism, constructivism and the global
governance literature has opened up for the analysis of non-state actors and civil society actors.
The question whether civil society, NGOs and advocacy networks can enhance global democratic
legitimacy has garnered attention among scholars (Dryzek 2012; Keck and Sikkink 1998;
Omlicheva 2009; Scholte 2011; Steffek et al 2008). Moreover, in global environmental politics a
subset of literature has emerged around the potential of civil society as a transformative force for
democracy (Betsill and Corell 2008; Princen and Fingers 1994; Wapner 1996). A general
problem is that the literature linking civil society and global democracy is replete with normative
assumptions and conflate prescriptive and descriptive accounts of civil society as a force for
good.
Optimistic accounts stress the democratic potential of civil society while skeptics argues that
NGOs has become the most overestimated actor in the 1990s (Wahl cited in Hirsch 2002:
195). Normative accounts of the democratizing role of NGOs in global governance are tied to a
conceptualization of civil society as institutionally independent from state system and the market,
a bounded space between the market and sovereign state system. Civil society is framed as a third
force of voluntary associations (Florini 2000). It is watchdog on sovereign states, serves as
transmission between the citizens and the government and check on the markets. In this vein,
NGOs involvement in global governance will enhance the representation and empowerment of
marginalized societal groups, whose opinions can be channeled to policy-makers. Non-state
actors can improve the accountability in global governance by monitoring governments
3
The author has participated in the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, the 2012
United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (UNCSD) Rio+20 summit in Rio de Janeiro as well as
several Conference of the Parties (COPs) of the UNFCCC between Bali 2007 and Durban 2011.
achieved by making the powerful agencies more democratic and accountable to those they affect
that is accountable to their stakeholders (MacDonald 2010). The need to develop new nonelectoral institutional mechanism fir authoritative decision-making that accord a greater role to
multi-stakeholder deliberative decision-making processes, since these can take better account of
differentiated interest intensity that can aggregative electoral alternatives (Archibugi et al 2010:
115).
Stakeholder democracy shares certain features with deliberative democracy. Deliberative
democracy focuses on the role of transnational civil society in establishing democratic control
over the political discourse rather than institution building. Deliberate democracy is seen as more
compatible with contemporary structures of global governance given the non-hierarchical,
decentralized and non-electoral features of world politics (Dryzek 2006; Risse 2004). A key
component is the cultivation of transnational democratic spheres entailing a public dialogue
between agencies of public governance and those affected. The democratization of the global
order is achieved through strengthening the discursive quality of transnational public spheres.
The activities of vociferous nongovernmental organizations and transnational social movements
seem to be crucial for the emergence of a public sphere in global politics (Steffek 2010:58).
International regimes can be conceived as sites for a transnational public sphere enabling
deliberation between state and non-state actors on norms on transparency, fairness and
accountability (Payne and Samhat 2004). Civil society plays a critical role in deliberative accounts
of global democracy, in terms of the public scrutiny of arguments and debates over policy
choices. Reformist variants stress the possibility for deliberation to increase accountability while
more radical visions of discursive democracy highlight the transformative potential of
transnational civil society to challenge unaccountable sites of power. The greatest impetus for
more democracy in the international arena lies in a vigorous civil society containing oppositional
public spheres, in which civil society organizes against the state, or appeal to it when making
violations of agreements public (Bohman 1999: 506).
Civil society and NGOs participation from the Stockholm to the Rio+20 summit
In this section I examine the evolution of civil society and NGO participation in the UN
summits on sustainable development the past twenty years, where ideals of stakeholder
democracy has gained ground. In the scholarship on global environmental politics, the
democratization of global governance is largely conceptualized as increased civil society
participation, NGO representation and multi-stakeholdership in international negotiations.
The democratic participation of civil society was in the early 1990s a desirable goal in itself.
However, the achieving the effective implementation of international agreements has emerged as
the primary rationale for involving civil society. The mobilization of NGOs, civil society and
subsequently major groups is seen as a mean to strengthen the implementation of
intergovernmental agreements. In Agenda 21 it is stated one of the fundamental prerequisites for
the achievement of sustainable development is broad public participation in decision-making
(Agenda 21, 1992). Mechanisms to increase transparency and accountability, such as multistakeholder dialogues, public-private partnerships and civil society consultation, have evolved as
mainstream practices in environmental multilateralism, signified by the rise of NGO diplomacy
(Betsill and Corell 2008). The past two decades of Earth summits in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, in
Johannesburg in 2002 and in Rio de Janeiro in 2012 have consolidated a model of multi-
In 2002 at the 10th year anniversary of UNCED, more than 20,000 participants reconvened in
Johannesburg at the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD). About 3,200 NGOs
were accredited to the meeting. However, the Johannesburg summit was overshadowed by the
9/11 attacks and the ongoing global war on terrorism. WSSD was strongly framed as an
implementation summit. The Johannesburg Plan of Implementation (JPOI) was adopted
aiming at implementing the Rio outcomes in Agenda 21. As a complement to intergovernmental
or Type I agreement, the WSSD produced more than 220 Type II agreements or
partnerships for sustainable development that brings together governments, IOs, civil society and
business. The public-private partnerships were deeply contested by civil society and governments
from the South. They were criticized for signifying the retreat of the state and the privatization
and marketization of global environmental governance. The partnerships were framed as a central
tool for strengthening the implementation of commitments and for mobilizing civil society and
stakeholders in the post-Johannesburg era.
The WSSD further consolidated the role of major groups as partners with governments. A space
for stakeholder dialogues and major group intervention through position papers in the
preparatory meetings (PrepComs) was provided and at the summit they were allowed to make
statements. At the summit major groups were involved in six thematic plenary events,
roundtables and in multi-stake-stakeholder dialogues, which were all part of the official
intergovernmental program (Bckstrand 2006). Major groups were also allowed to make
statements in the high level segment of the conference, a practice that has been replicated in the
UN climate change negotiations. However, while the CSD had some success in the first 8 years
to increase dialogue between civil society and governments, after the Johannesburg summit, the
quality of stakeholder dialogues declined as they became more disconnected from negotiations
(Dodds et al. 2012).
At the Rio+20 summit in June 2012 in Brazil almost 44,000 participants from governments,
NGOs and the private sector gathered at the negotiations, at more than 3500 official and nonofficial side events and different parallel mini-summits. About 12,000 participants were
accredited by the ECOSOC and 1384 major group organizations were registered. In terms of
sheer numbers, the summit was one of the largest events in of the series of mega-conferences on
sustainable development. At the Flamengo Park the Peoples Summit for Social and
Environmental Justice took place in parallel with the official intergovernmental meeting.
However, timing of the summit coincided with an escalating debt and euro-crisis, the Arab
spring, the budget crisis and the upcoming elections in the US. About 50 Heads of state
participated which was less than half compared to the UNCED. Key political leaders such as
David Cameroon, Angela Merkel and Barak Obama did not show up. The outcome, a document
entitled The Future We Want, did not look like its predecessors such as Agenda 21 and JPOI. It
was not a binding treaty, but more of a statement of hopes, visions and aspirations as well as reaffirmation of existing commitments in Rio and Johannesburg.
The decade long debate on the need to establish a World Environment Organization (WEO)
most closely resembles a cosmopolitan agenda of democratization through building supranational
institutions (Biermann 2012). However, this idea was defeated at the Rio+20 summit as
proposals for a Sustainable Development Council and an upgrade of the UNEP to a specialized
agency were rejected. Besides the modest institutional reform to strengthen the UNEP, the
Rio+20 summit decided to replace the CSD with a universal high level intergovernmental forum
for sustainable development (United Nations 2012). The phase-out of the CSD was a result of a
long criticism of the weakness of the agency, partly derived its low status in the UN hierarchy
under an overburdened ECOSOC in the under. The CSD has been described as an increasingly
insignificant talk-shop with declining participation of high-level government representatives since
the Johannesburg summit (Beisheim and Drge 2012; 56; Kaasa 2007). In recent report by the
Secretary-General on Lessons Learnt from the CSD, it is said that agency lost its lustre and
effectiveness (United Nations 2013:4). For example, the impact of stakeholder dialogues on the
negotiations was limited and the CSD partnership database never worked as an effective platform.
However, its role as coordinating agency for major groups and civil society, and for promoting
partnerships and multi-stakeholder dialogues between governments and stakeholders, is now
going to be replaced by a universal intergovernmental high-level political forum (HLPF). At the
time of the writing, the discussions about the organizational set up including the role of civil
society and major groups in HLPF is underway to be decided at the 68th session of the General
Assembly in the fall of 2013 (ref). The institutional reform following the Rio+20 outcomes fell
short from the proposals of civil society to strengthen the authority of the weak and fragmented
of global environmental governance institutions by upgrading UNEP to a specialized agency,
establishing a new UN Sustainable Development Council, a UN High Commissioner for Future
Generations or a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly (Biermann 2012:16).
Stakeholder and deliberative democracy at the Rio+20 Summit
This section examines some of the UN and government initiatives to involve civil society or
major groups in dialogue and consultation that can be contrasted with the civil society protests at
the alternative Peoples summit. The Rio+20 summit was an experiment in hybrid democratic
practice in bringing together major groups and governments. However, it also represented a site
of radical civil society opposition manifest at the alternative Peoples summit. The official summit
displayed numerous mechanisms to include major groups and civil society in an interactive
dialogue with government representatives and Heads of States. There was also an unprecedented
in number of mini-summits with major groups representatives, such as subnational and local
governments, the Science and Technology Forum, the Corporate Sustainability Summit, the
Womens leaders summit, the Peoples Summit etc. More than 500 official and 3000 events took
place during the 14 days of summit. The hybrid governance arrangements between policy-makers
and major groups initiated by the UN can be conceived as an orchestration by international
organizations to improve their regulatory performance by mobilizing networks of public and
private actors (Abbot and Snidal 2010).
Dialogues for Sustainable Development: This was an initiative from the Government and Brazil
and the UN to bring together 1300 representatives of civil society, the private sector and heads of
states and governments during four days to debate and issue recommendations on 10 themes
such as sustainable energy, forests and unemployment. The objective of the dialogues was to
bring recommendations as an input into decision-making for the final high-level segment of the
Rio+20 summit, where heads of states and ministers participated. The dialogues were part of an
initiative to launch a digital platform to provide the public a democratic space for discussion
(UNDP 2012: 1), which started a few months before the summit and brought tens of thousands
of participants in discussion over internet moderated by representatives of universities. At the
debates 100 panelists representing indigenous people, scientists, CEOs from banks and ministers
10
spoke over four days. Via public online vote, over 63,000 participants from 193 countries cast
almost 1,4 million votes over a total of 100 recommendation that were in the end reduced to 30
(Rio+20 2012: 1) The recommendations were brought to the Roundtables with Heads of state
and governments June 21-22. However, the recommendations did not have any impact on the
negotiations that already adopted the Rio+20 outcomes the Future We Want. The Dialogues
were widely criticized by the Brazilian environmental movement that was largely excluded in the
framings of the Dialogues (Dodds and Nayer 2012).
The Partnership Forum: The Rio+20 summit reinforced the promise of public-private
partnerships between business, NGOs, governments and IOs in global governance: Partnerships
are considered one of the most participatory and effective mechanisms to implement sustainable
development and enhance international cooperation. 2 Through a Partnership Forum, which was
held in the official venue in Rio Centro and hosted by the United Nations Department of Social
and Economic Affairs (DESA) and the CSD, the mission was to revisit partnerships as
instruments for boosting the implementation of previous commitments. On the request of the
General Assembly, the UN set out to evaluate, strengthen and revitalize the partnerships (United
Nations, 2012). The Partnership Forum can be conceived as a venue for self-evaluation by the
UN system in terms of taking stock of the 10-year experience of the 348 WSSD multi-sectoral
partnerships for sustainable development involving major groups and governments. A key
rationale for the partnerships was to strengthen the implementation of the Rio commitments by
engaging civil society and business in close collaboration with governments. However, the CSD
partnerships have been criticized by scholars for weak impact, ineffectiveness and lack of
legitimacy derived from their weak enforcement mechanisms and voluntary features (Biermann et
al 2012). A new registry of 206 partnerships was set up by the CSD in advance of the Rio+20
summit, where more than 140 Johannesburg partnerships from the original CSD database were
lacking. The new partnership registry has been integrated in a new UN sustainable development
platform while 2004 CSD partnership database has been closed.7 The relationship between the
CSD partnership database and the new registry is unclear. The contribution of the Johannesburg
partnerships to stimulate multi-sectoral collaboration between major groups is very mixed at best.
In a recent UN report reviewing the experience of the CSD, the problems of partnerships in
terms of weak impact and dysfunctional reporting mechanisms were raised (UN 2013).
Voluntary commitments: Apart from the negotiated outcome of the conference more than 700
voluntary commitments submitted to the UN General-Secretary by governments, universities,
business and civil society amounting to around USD 600 million (ENB, 2012: 22).4 Again, the
purpose was that the voluntary commitments would spur action and implementation and
increase collaboration. The voluntary commitments registered online before the Rio+20 summit
bear resemblance with the partnerships adopted at the Johannesburg summit in 2002, although
the voluntary commitments were not part of the official outcome. Representatives of major
groups and governments are invited to submit their commitment via an online platform.
However, the voluntary commitments have some similar problems with the partnerships:
commitments are voluntary and self-reported and there are no monitoring and enforcement
mechanisms. In the run-up to Rio+20 Johannesburg partnerships has been rebranded into
voluntary commitments by the CSD. However, with a few exceptions, the 348 partnerships did
4
The registry of voluntary commitments can be found at the United Nations Sustainable Development Knowlegde
Platform, http://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/index.php?menu=1348
11
not strengthen the interaction between the major groups, governments and UN agencies as
hoped for. Nevertheless, the idea of multi-sectoral partnerships as deliberative, participatory and
effective tools to instrument remains strong in the UN system.
Deliberative democracy at the Rio+20 summit
Arguably, the Rio+20 summit also exhibited elements of deliberative democracy. The Flamengo
Park downtown in Rio de Janeiro was the official site for the Peoples Summit for Social and
Environmental Justice that took place between June 15 and June 22 in parallel with the official
negotiations at Rio Centro. The Peoples summit can be conceived as a counter conference
against liberal environmentalism and capitalism to promote alternative models for transformation
toward social justice. At the Peoples summit, social movements on environment, peace and
feminism gathered as well as representatives for peasants, trade unions and indigenous people.
The participants were united in a critique of the lack of action on intergovernmental
commitments and failure to address issues of climate injustice, poverty, biodiversity loss etc. A
final declaration in defense of commons and against the commodification of nature was issued
at the end of the summit (Brazilian Civil Society Facilitating Committee, 2012). The green
economy concept and the current global governance institutions were heavily criticized. The
Peoples summit gathered around 300 civil society organizations and a daily participation of
15,000 persons. It was supported by Greenpeace, Oxfam and the via campesina international
peasants movement as well as the Brazilian government that contributed with funding of
approximately USD 5 millions (Watts 2012). On June 20 more than 20,000 of activists
demonstrated in central Rio a colorful protest of the Rio+20 summit which was dubbed Rio
minus 20. A separate declaration Indigenous peoples global conference on Rio+20 and
Mother Earth was issued as part of indigenous peoples summit of Kari-Oca. In the declaration
it was stated the Green Economy is a crime against humanity and the Earth (Indigenous
Environmental Network 2012). Finally, a Peoples Sustainability Manifesto on a Sustainable,
Equitable and Democratic Future was launched at the final day of the Rio+20 summit. It had
evolved through a consultative process with hundreds of civil society organizations coordinated
by major group representatives, such as the Center for the Environment and Sustainable
Development (CED) and the Stakeholder Forum for a Sustainable Future (CED 2012)
The Peoples summit can be conceived as a site for contestation and a vibrant transnational public
sphere conforming to ideals of deliberative and discursive democracy. However, there was a large
disconnect between the UN official venue at Rio Centro in the affluent suburb of Barra de Tijuca
and the Peoples Summit in the Flamengo park downtown Rio. The extensive travel time
between the two venues and the fact that many of the participants at Peoples summit did not
have accreditation for the Rio+20 summit limited exchange. There were some few exceptions to
lack of interaction between the summits. The UNEP Executive Director Achim Steinar visited
the Peoples Summit to engage in a dialogue with civil society on the Rio+20 concept of green
economy. In sum, the Rio+20 summit captures the notion of enclave deliberation where there
is little connection between radical and mainstream discourses, which does not strengthen
discursive democratization (Dryzek and Stevenson 2012).
Implications and criticisms of stakeholder democracy
Twenty years of sustainability diplomacy has transformed the role of civil society in multilateral
environmental diplomacy. First, the role of civil society has changed from being a consulter to
12
partner. NGOs have changed from being peripheral advisers of secondary status in the
diplomatic system to being high-status participants at the center of policymaking (Willetts 2000:
3). Before UNCED, NGOs were limited to observer status with few possibilities for interventions
and statements. Environmental NGOs were underrepresented and their participation delayed or
rejected. UNCED and Agenda 21 opened up for a closer collaboration between NGOs and
governmental actors. For the first time in an international agreement, the UN identified the role
and responsibilities of nine stakeholders major groups - in Agenda 21. The CSD was the first
UN agency to apply the major group structure at the global level. It has been a model for other
multilateral organizations, such as UNEP, the climate change and biodiversity negotiations
(Dodds et al 2012; 234-235). The Earth summit was an explosion of stakeholder involvement,
similar in some ways to the mass uprisings in Paris 1968. But this time the stakeholders were
creatively non-confrontational, and the authorities were not only listening but taking some of
their ideas into international agreements (Dodds et al 2012: 48).
Secondly, the role of civil society in strengthening the implementation of intergovernmental
commitments appears as more important than their democratic participation. When comparing
the conceptualization of civil society in the UNCED and the Rio+20 outcomes, there is a
significant shift in the language. In Agenda 21, the importance of independent NGOs in
promoting participatory democracy was stressed:
Non-governmental organizations play a vital role in the shaping and implementation of participatory democracy.
Their credibility lies in the responsible and constructive role they play in society. Formal and informal organizations,
as well as grass-roots movements, should be recognized as partners in the implementation of Agenda 21. The nature
of the independent role played by non-governmental organizations within a society calls for real participation;
therefore, independence is a major attribute of non-governmental organizations and is the precondition of real
participation (Agenda 21, 1992 para 27.1).
Twenty years later in the Rio+20 summit outcome - The Future We Want - the expertise and
capacity of NGOs in promoting implementation of sustainable development is emphasized.
We note the valuable contributions that non-governmental organizations could and do make in promoting
sustainable development, through their well-established and diverse experience, expertise and capacity, especially in the
area of analysis, sharing of information and knowledge, promotion of dialogue and support of implementation of
sustainable development (UNCSD 2013, para 53).
Partnerships and voluntary commitments are key instruments to mobilize civil society to
strengthen implementation. From the perspective of deliberative democracy, the major group
system conceptualizing civil society as a partner has undermined the independence of NGOs in
promoting an autonomous sphere of oppositional critique. The various institutional mechanisms
for interaction between major groups and governments appear as more significant than a vital
transnational public sphere of critique and opposition. Moreover, some of the key major groups
are hybrid actors of government representatives and NGOs. The International Council for
Science (ICSU), which represents a mix of government and non-governmental science
associations, is a coordinator for the major group of science and technology communities. The
Network for Regional Governments for Sustainable Development (nrg4D) is one of the
coordinators for the major group of local authorities consisting of public actors such as
municipalities and cities (Willett 2011: 75). Furthermore, at the Rio-20 summit more than 50
13
percent of delegations have civil society and business representatives, which critics claim lead to
co-option.
The close ties with international organizations and NGOs risk undermining the autonomy of
civil society as an oppositional force. Two examples of NGOs that closely collaborate with UN
agencies are the Stakeholder Forum for a Sustainable Future and CIVICUS (World Alliance for
Citizen Participation) The Stakeholder Forum was established in 1987 as the first United
Kingdom National Committee of UNEP. It has been one of the most central NGOs in
advancing the multi-stakeholder dialogues and participation from the UNCED to the Rio+20
summit. In the ongoing post Rio+20 process, the Stakeholder Forum assists in advancing the UN
Sustainability Platform and in organizing major group participation in the new high-level
intergovernmental forum. While it gained independence in 2004, it ties with the UNEP, CSD
and the UK government is strong. Moreover, CIVICUS (World Alliance for Citizen
Participation) was appointed in 2011 by the UN DESA to serve as an organizing party for the
major group of NGOs and civil society at the Rio+20+summit and has produced several reports
on the Rio+20 summit commissioned by the UN DESA (CIVICUS 2011; 2012).
Proponents of stakeholder democracy may welcome the development of closer collaboration and
interaction between civil society, governments and international organizations. However, critics
argue that the major group system undermines the idea of an autonomous civil society a
bounded transnational public sphere that can be separated from the state system. There is a risk
for co-optation and corporativism as the independent civil society erodes its independence from
the government (Willetts 2006). Stakeholder accountability is replacing public accountability.
The turn to stakeholders is one of the reasons for the erosion of public accountability, which is
arguably the core of the democratic deficit of international governance (Steffek 2010: 46).
Originating in the public management literature, the concept of stakeholder replaces the term
citizens. Transferring the stakeholder concept to the public domain means relegating citizens
form the status of owners of the state to the statues of interested parties (Steffek 2010: 50).
Conclusions
Global environmental diplomacy has been a laboratory for experimenting with deliberative and
multi-stakeholder mechanisms to increase representation, voice and consultation of civil societyThe democratization of global governance is conceptualized as increased civil society participation,
NGO representation and multi-stakeholdership in international negotiations. The idea of civil
society as a mean to democratize global governance has gained ground in the IR scholarship on
transnational democracy. Democratic polycentrism highlights the participation and deliberation
of non-state actors, and civil society and NGOs as a pathway to global democracy. This paper
asks what normative principles of global democracy that inform the practice of civil society
participation in the UN environmental summits. Through a case study of sustainable
development diplomacy, this paper has demonstrated how ideals of stakeholder democracy have
gained ground in multilateral environmental summitry. Central to this is the major group
system to structure civil society as a stakeholder in partnership and dialogue with government
and international organizations in the UN mega-conferences on sustainable development from
the 1992 Rio summit to the 2012 Rio+20 summit. Stakeholder democracy is contrasted with
deliberative democracy, where the democratization of the global order is achieved through
strengthening the transnational public spheres by civil society transnational social movements.
14
They differ on how they conceptualize civil society: as an autonomous oppositional force and
critique or as a partner with government. The Rio+20 summit displayed numerous interactive
stakeholder mechanisms to bring together major groups, civil society and governments, such as
the Sustainability Dialogues and the Partnership Forum. The radical civil society opposition was
manifest at the alternative Peoples summit, which captured deliberative democratic ideals of a
transnational public sphere. A core argument is that stakeholder democracy, which represents a
deliberative attempt from international organizations to institutionalize collaboration and
partnerships between civil society, government and business, has emerged as the predominant
model of environmental multilateralism. There are several implications and risks with the rise of
the stakeholder democracy as a new kind of public-private multilateralism: the undermining of an
autonomous civil society, the rise of stakeholder accountability and concomitant decline of public
and citizen accountability and corporativism.
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