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Bleiker/Kulyrrych Index
What do you getwhenyou crcrsli,l"*". with a Kulr.nychi)

Da Bleikcr!
Narrativel{clativisrrrlla<I... ..............1
IlegernonicDiscoursc...... ......2
A"l' F'orr<::rult/PoMcl thcxrght ............3
C)rrrI)iscorrse Solves... ..........X
Mobilc Subje<rivitics... ...5-6
Ag c n c ya n <lD i sse n l ...... .7- lI
N < r r r r :rcl
th o rrg l rt... ...........I2
'l'a<tical
Rcsistance......... l:l-16

'I'ha
Kull!
Perlirrrnativeltcsisuur('c... .......17-26
Irrl<rrrn:rlI'<>litir:al [):u1i<:i1l:r1ion...... ..27-32
A' l ' : I l ab crma s/l trl e s()o o d ... ..........113
K <>l''lirpi<:alit1'... ....11l,
Wc:rrc thc ()ovcnuncnt... .......35

'l'opicality
is l,]rrocentric
(rrcither llleikcr rror Kulynych).... ....36
GoshI ShouldGetPaidFor CuttingCards-Ebony B. Rose
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Narrative relativism inevitably ends up in an disasterand is one step from the brink of
nihilism
Bleiker 1999 (Roland, Professor
at the Schoolof PoliticalScience.
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane
, article
"Discourseand HumanAgenqt" Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(2547) page-!6_)

-There
are also objectionsfrom thosewho alreadypursuequestions
of agency.
They often bestow the human subject and hisiher o.iion,
*iitr a reratively large
senseof autonomy. This e p l l o m rizes
-uaer0* z e sa fr
lear ot'relrtivi
@* ir.^or"rr"ain t
rn.ur qljis'cou.Gt *oul@o
arnolvti.ol
no more
"ii
thT r"pr.:r b.rnilg..rn"trt
ot tt Co
"
It wo n up- the
tes to a mass of relativistic ravi t o which
'anvlhins
'any ooiq'
and n-I r s a s y a h d a $ a n o t h e r ' ( O s t e r u d1 9 9 6 .3 9 6 ) .S u c ha p a t l i i t
is
' (Keohane,
t989.
89):f
statt.
- anchoring de'ices deemednecessarv
1"9=ooj5r'I:iglldatrons to_exert
hy'
nur ilisrn.
s,n.Towards
TowarCsscholars
who represent suchpositions.my taskconsists of demonstrating that discourse*
- "A
is, indeed,a conceptthat can be highly usefulto rheorize
humin
, D.,
-fautgnom.y
"r";;;.
i.i-i,r-rF.
the
ii&man action,I am followinguutho.ii.h u, B.rnsteinfl9g-l). l-.-'
Bourdieu(1990)and white (2000),for whom rhe central
oono.rition,rr,,i l"---
cl:l::*::1i:13,1r oneh"r"""nm'-i'
!r{ne'-qhe
mrsl€adJng. in_iselljgt of a sedrlcti'edichotomythat is articurateJin A
Ir is ( )
Eittql Or extr6mEilcithcil is an uFmate possibiliflTf !6uniins -
(l'\ t l--i--
/. Knqwtedge In sta undation. orl
full int. ,*ihilitt u... th.." u." no Eith"to. extremes.
1n "ndl.tt
Th-gre:nly shadcsof diff'erence
that contradlcttt ia.u of an
v' q r ' !exclusionary
^v'Is'rvrrqrr
vantase-Doint.
nroreidln__l I "
My own attdnpt at overcoming the dichotomy between
objectivism and
relativismrevolvesaround two propositions,which I sustai'
and expand
aonfommrarv Political Thmrv 2{X}3 2
GoshI ShouldGetPaidFor CuttineCards-Ebonv B. Rose
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As in society there is a hegemonic discoursethat in debatehas the power and the ability
to exclude others into exile this leadsto the norrns acceptedas normal while change
becomesimprobable
Bleiker 1999 (Roland, Professor
at the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane
, article
"Discourseand HumanAeenc.v"Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(2547) pageL6_)

(1976,133)
'that power ano ther.' The work of the
notes, in questions of
r epitomizeswhat is at stake
discourseand a
7 fra.ms-o y. In
talk nd wrtt
tion of discou n which otre
--
Aain-u"fglrres' This Pr ile ot are
.rnrrn of discourses ts that ich
:ffi
ts most "OtY
*rri.rr
rtu.r r^ntt:::t ji?I
felrq, t hey gutoc ffi..
tttc s' 'ned,
imported. valucd. a
fr;'i'. i"iioa' or foreig.n.cut':l::,1::-":t'^o
' - ' , ; ; a ( s e eF o u c a u l t ' 1 9 6 9 ' l'or' 9 9 l ' ss4(M
p r c v r o u b[ ' ! t r v u r " ' 9 7 l ' ltssr.
are forgotten or negle(
Coiltcmponry Politicd

\
Not everything is discourse,but everything is in discourse.Things exist
independenilyof discourses,but we can only assessthem through the lensesof
,Jiscourse,through the practicesof knowing, perceivingand sensing,which we
have acquired over time. Discoursesrender social practices intelligible and
rational - and by doing so mask the ways in which they have been constituted
and framed. Sytte-t oi at*in"tl
silentlv penctrate.uClllotpgg1gf society.They cling to the most rs
.@1983, lZt on..**pr.tt"d it''ull t
-'--#_n- "-
1on* ur. ,ruour,,, ,d-6r,rrated.nilh-r*ulon thut thti,. tttrn"nce out of
-

unreasontherebybecomes lmDrohable. I
GoshI ShouldGetPaidFor CuttingCards-Ebony B. Rose
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A/2 FOUCAULT--& OR POSTMODERNTHOUGHT

Bleiker 1999 tRoland,Professor


at the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane,article
_Djscourseana Aunan ep Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(2547) page_30_)

forms of domination, a
preoccupation with discourses o f l e a v i n gu s w i t h a n i m a g eo l
rhE the itv for human is all but era
byT6rc.sthat arenot only impenetrab t also elude human hension.
In-EisleadingifNie , for instance,F f
things (as the conceptofgoodness)as taking in a void v
ofThe strong and the reactionof thffio not meet
directly in this interstice, so we read, no one is responsible for its outcome.
'only
a singledrama is ever stagedin this "non-place," the endlesslyrepeated
p l a y o f d o m i n a t i o n s '( F o u c a u l t , 1 9 8 4 ,8 5 ) .
If power and domination are so omnipresent, A_$vgfAihle--h9gJould
anyt[jng_Jyery change? If, as Foucault imfrlicitly suggests.thcre is no
conversatron. no common langllage. nor evetr_a_JjsihlE jilgg$IveJlggting
o e l w c e nt n e I n s t c l ea n d t h e o u t s r d c .t h c c c n l . r ca n d t h e m a r s , i n .h o w c o u l d o n e
ex@s frombetowllElnofrEiiiwrrc"p""fffi"%4.
street and shake, successfullyor not. the foundations of the establishedorder?
These questionsprompted many critics to dismissapproachesthat revolve
around discursiveexplanations of social dynamics. Countless authors haye
Foucault for putting us in a situation in w
EXDTCSS us-aw
- orldin
which the potential for human rg..ey seems to have vanishe.l elrogert;r.
I{artsock,
- lor examplc.cond s one in which s
peoplc,rn whichthe subiec potent
passive object. S ver

ourselvesin a conceptualorder dominated by overarchingdiscursivesyslems.


.
I People are reduced to mere bystanders, passive and irrelevant. crushed into

:,t'#1, ir:| || fi:,'1,:'':".?:'j't^:;'i,.specrre


careddiscourse
n'#:'*i' it::i,',
1 9:*"'J;
::.
which'man
;rr;, ;T';'::
;;;li;.1;*?:
J," rearryso
f i, i::?lng us into an
l;il'':'1'"' r""i
J;; IJ;::"n:T,T:
liii**::'.ilg'"
!ffi1
1e66,3e8).
_
;&::iin::iE:il::ll
Gosh I Should Get Paid For Cutting Cards-Ebony B. Rose
ADI 2K6
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Da Bleiker File

We can use our counter hegemonicdiscoursesto resist a systemthat is thin, unstable,and


fragmented-only this can lead to opportunities that are transformative

Bleiker 1999 tRoland, Professorat the Schoolof PoliticalScience,


Universityof Queensland
Brisbane,articte
" Discourseand HumanApencv" Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,Z, (25-47) page_32)
GoshI ShouldGetPaidFor CuttinsCards-Ebonv B. Rose
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The potentialfor resistancelies in our ability to employs"mobile subjectivities"-this


meanstravelingacrossandalongthe axesof power,dominationandresistance while
destabilingthe systemat the sametime
Bleiker 1999 (Roland, Professorat the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane,article
"Discourseand HumanAsenc:r'"Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(25-47) page_33_)

fifihatixu"ily i, the potential for resistancecontained in these hyphenated


identities'JHow can they lead to expressionsof human agency? Some
ll
I' of the above feminist authors claim convincingly that hyphenated
identitiesopen up chancesfor undermining the regulatory norms established
by these very identities. They grte inaitiOuats t
-suffocatingimpact of di to seekout its cracks and weaknesses.
E"n{ re Tfenabling gerlj-nJhem.Fergusonemploysthe
b,y
and lorth amons vanous
caplure
a
i bili ties that arisefrom?iifrE*bfck
ntities and its correspondingmental
restingplaces.This Ittrffif
power, domination and resistange,
that have been constr
(Ferguson,1993, 158-163).By_-being--a.ware_d the arbitrary and excluding
not@ns,such u sc l a s s , r a coe in
the possibilityof .taking
the possibility part in daily
taking part dailv processes
nrocesses that slowlv but
that slowly constantlv
bul constantly
redraw the political boundarlqsql identities. Haraway talks in a similar vein of
'situated
knowledges,' of how moving back and forth between various
subjectivitiescanopenupmultiplevisions.T@,.',
r.
l/
-)
not to ground one's knowledge in galle standpoints, butloJipiore
change that unfold through multidim
vi$ns
3!Lways
t i t y ( H a r a w a y , 1 9 9 1 , 1 8 3 - 2 0 1 ) .P o t e n t i a lf o r h u m a n
in the transqressionof boundaries that has been
enabled through an awarenessof the l'lexibility coqtained in various formJif
ldentltres. 1
Contemporary Political Thcory 2fi)3 2
GoshI ShouldGetPaidFor CuttingCards-Ebony B. Rose 6
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When individuals employ their mobile subjectivities we can engagein every day forms of
resistancelike speaking,singing,or dwelling
Bleiker 1999 (Roland,Professor at the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane,article
" Discourseand HumanAgencv" Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(2547) page_34_)

_14

---Do,rnination and Resistance: kssons from the Everyday


I
I

I of
\l . - . -V. -o- -r-"- - -l .a- y= e r so f a b s r r a c t i o nm u s t b e r e n : r o v c tdo c n a b l ea c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n
i i ; m
\\ h- u, - m a n a g e l l c- y . r r c e d c d :i s a t :r:o: : t h e r : s h l f t o f
r. --:--,.:tr=-l:.lll71Fiiil.'oin

wiutnrffirryqbile s
at a
ting, dt concePtual level
'l"l'
of dtnn-natron. I embq$ on-lXllnqove--9lllrves(rBi{trrrg' l "YllYl'll
m;dantTtiltlEdrces 5Y vtt'gr'
f-r'.i1to"'rot'nt 6T t- One can .find such
c-nvtrPnl0qqL'
peopleconstantlyshapeand reshap-e.thetr
/J,-_neori:_su$e4Jr- Yttlry' laug![!9.
2ior.iof r.rirt.* suchas)speaking.\writing/
activities.
* counrless
i;;ffi;;a"ui1s '!
g r a d u a l l yt r a n s l o r thc ground for more qpen lorm
. . Klnange.
ffi rlel away lrom .rddressingthis domain of everydayness
+l/t)-- - n tradition in gencral, the
zl F/or him, a
by those
bv poets-and tl-rjnkers,
s"ph.reof ,iiffitglirhkeilhad to be transcended
from thi but
seductive suffocating dangers
ruti6;;. ableto"distancetffiFlves
T h e f e a s i b i l i t ya n d
o f t h e h c r d i n s t i n c t ( s e eW h i t e ' 1 9 9 1 , 2 0 0 0 ' | 3 1 - 1 3 3 ) .
desirabilityofsuchamovecan'ofcourse,bediscussedatlength.Less
identity can, even
disputable,though, is that Heidegger.sinsight into l}eing and
as usleful markerslo understand oolitical I
, ergainsttheir original intention, serve
' de Certeau shows us why and hoy--*-j
dynamics of the everyday. Michel
GoshI ShouldGetPaidFor CuttinsCards-Ebonv B. Rose 7
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We do not acceptthe task as a "passive on looker" for we are active producersand Poets
in our own affairs
Bleiker 1999 tRoland.Professor at the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane
, article
" Discourseand HumanAsency" Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2, (2547) page_34_J
d. Certeau,
.S
retuttng the wides
assive
llli*T:*t*
"1" .,
;,'##:;^:,1t
affairiFthfind..
ty.(de-Grr ,
rS|;).t . uc
O e \'erreau ooes, however,remain - ^ ) :in, --the
, Nietzschean
anchored tradition.
researc,hby rurning it upside down. He
lt:,,::l::".::,::-a'^?.a.ult's
Foucault's opposes
notion of a panopticaldiscourse,one that
sees
everything'He considersunwiseryspending "#;J#:;:
one'sentireenergyanarysing the
multitudeof minusculetechniquesthat disclpline
the subjecfu"rrafrrutyr. t..
him in a web of microrever power relations.Suchan upp.ouct oe
argues'unduryprivileges i certeau
the productiveapparatus. tnrteua',
he suggests
'discipline' that if
*rld of is becomingincreasingryexrensive,ir is ail
:T rhe more
for reasons why a socieryis not tota'y subo.dinated
iT"TtlX:.::-::"i:h ro this
l?::1,:1":""*':::.1,.i11-concearmenro';ffi r,iil)
IJ
the rneEhanllrn-ef-disqrli
ne (de c..t"u r- i ssI;;
that mani
*-ililT*se va. ous
r' )conrteLls!!-l!rrrough
P'% the space
rhc cxisrinqdi rder. The question now is hoi to
;:^..
:?:i:
(1990,
xi) catls-TEeh. ;
Contcmporary Political Thmry 2fi13 2
Gosh I Should Get Paid For Cutting Cards-Ebony B. Rose
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Everyday resistancelike demandsin debateroundsis the MOST effective kind


Bleiker 1999 tRoland, hofessorarthe Schoolof PoliticalScience,UniversityofQueenslandBrisbanc,articlc
"Discourseatd HunanApetq" Contemporary PoliticalTheory20O3,2, (254'l) page_35_)

\
\ D. Certeau focuses primarily on the u^sesof spa.cein Western consurner
\ societies, on how everyday practices like walking, shopping, dwelling or --_./
\ooking become arts of manipulation that intervene with the prevalent I
r discursive order. Other authors locate daily practicesof subversionin different
l'. spheresof life. JamesScott has dealt in detail with everyday forms of peasant
v rcsistance. For him too, the big events are not peasant rebellions or
( revolutions. They occur rarely anyway- What deserves olr attention- he
D arpues.is the constant
u wlEGEIilFfTfEF
Y. sc.e (Scott, 1985,xv*xvi).
J Through
1 s t r astrates
|
t e s t h ethe
cxtensive,
p r orevalence
detailed and
e v a l e @ f r eofs ilour=nrofile
highly
s t a n c e . T hforms
. d - - - - - - - - - - - -
compclling
e s e aof
r eresistance.
research,
t h e c r i t i q uThese
bll iggrn-
e s are the crilioues
Y
LY spo kei-behind tLc_bqg!_gl--qwcr. A Ithough such-uucran6s a-E:ftf,Tl?cly

t
'---------'--
I exprcssed opcnly, they are neverthelessin the open. Indeed, this form of
h gltique is almost omnipresentin folk culturs-dlseuisedin mE-trrad S?s
i1, € + rumours.gossip,jokes.talesq!_Soggs.
Theyarethevehiclesof the powerless
by
I -lnslnualc
wrucn tney a cflttque ol po@tty or
F, U"[in ct'(Scotr,1990,xiii, 19,136-
rr
182). We
'v'r' tf v hnd a perfect cxample of sucE a practice in Margaret Atwood's
F fictional blt all too real authoritarian word (1985,234):

l-.t- \
\
Therc is something powerful in the whispering of obscenitiesabout those in
po*"r. There's something delightful about it" something naughty, secretive,
rl
- forbiddcn, thrilling. It's like a spell, of sorts. It deflatesthcm, reducesthem to L-
- \
,/ \ the common denominator where they can be dealt with. In the paint of the
\ washroom cubicle someone unknown had scratched: Arnt 4 Lvdia sucks.lt
was like a flag waved tiom a hilltop in rcbellion.
he of an obscenity
:nough to
GoshI ShouldGetPaidFor CuttingCards-Ebony B. Rose
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Da Bleiker File

Laugher and mockery can open up a glimpse of utopian freedoms-That becomesa


revolutionary act which can slowly enter political spheres
Bleiker 1999 (Roland,Professor at the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane,article
" Discourseand HumanAgenc-v"Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(2547) page_36_)

acesand aspects
French writer Fri

llffi'"':r
for a short morngq!3
i:-11,-u,*:l*il#o.,:JJ
least t
listlanmYt r rttr' )y' , I r o m
p c u an
rified from dogmatlsln ano
d c a t n . Laug!
dca(t.-. Lau tng
r.fil4irlq:-aa19n -lt ql$iiii ti!..??'li"
andwrirrng.
in horhDracrce
lfiffiffi6il"illi r@ a
arilrs!-uesqnes
:".J#:Hil'',it:i"i
."
rev6iiltionaryerct-one that slowty
."i.
ttott"tt'ffit",
-..---'l:i-swiftcondemnationtiomtheleadingclergy.rendered
1^;
to rheeventual
andcontribuied
mou"meni
:ffiT:,?::;t:il:lging - humanirt theocentrtc
gradual decay of an unchallenged
death of God,lire
\
_yg[anschauung'
Gosh I Should Get Paid For Cutting Cards-Ebony B. Rose 10
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Discursive dissenthappenseven in those circumstanceswhere domination seemsall but


total-We as ordinary citizens can constantly reshapeour environment and challenges
authority with insignificant acts
Bleiker 1999 (Roland,Professorat the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane,article
"Discourseand HumanAgenc.v"Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(25-4j) page_36_)

--Discursiv. in tn
---::---------:-ftil.nt ttupp."t
"u"n . i s c o v e r e dr e s l s t a n c eI n t h e
s e e n L e, ;l l b u t r " i a l . D o c k e r ( 1 9 9 4 ) .f o r i n s t a n c e d
r""-i.,gty homogenizingforcesof popular culture, such as television,where he
detects, much like Rabelais did half a millenniurn before' carnevalesque
challengesto the narrow and single representationof reason in the public
/bphere. The l g n s (of
o u n q ssigns
K . o t K l n tfound
Kotkin e s l s t a u u € lin
) l Iresistance a very
lr d different
vEry u rrrLrurtr
0
$ p h e r e . I h e fhistorian
ustonan
[uffocating ;ontextle€nalysed in great detail aspectsof everyday life in the (
Sou:g!_!nqgglil-gltJ=o f M agni tnougn llle ourlllg
this period almost perfectly epitomized e s p o t i cc h a r a c t e ro f S t a l i n i s m .

'New categories
ment in which they lived.

rules
life that devqlopedwithiqlhe crusadeof building socialtsm.
Gosh I Should Get Paid For Cutting Cards-Ebony B. Rose 11
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We can work within existing webs of power to investigateour possibilities for human
agency
Bleiker 1999 tRoland,Professor
atthe School
of Political
Science,Universityof Queensland
Brisbane
, article
"Discourse
andHumanAsencv"ContemporaryPoliticalTheory2003,2, (2547) page_38_)

Butler(1992,3*7)speaksof cqntingentfou-ndations.
Like de c..t.ur.gr.
t66 bcrievesthat the Fo'"uu@er
pervadesa'
:l e a o I n t o ..riti.#r not-.,. ij
a nlhlllstlc abyss. lt merely shows lhat
oolitical closrrreoc.rrrc
throu
n ls not to do away with
to
IO
ter
*lg!.d t-,ia-Tffi6y
lgower. However
ryJ.
the,contrary' tz-ll) arsuespersuasively
3-sller @2,
3:t::.:: that'rhe
collt{uled ltrAl4cter of thc subject is rhe verv /-
t-
possibilitiEs-T6i r n a r a n s e o u l o l. - . e
r----
r l s t r n g _ ] y e b so f p o w e r a n d
discourse
a reworki
must scrutinizehow -o
the power regi-rnres-TFat
by tr
conitltu-teour su6jectivitr(Butlei,
Gosh I Should Get Paid For Cuttins Cards-Ebonv B. Rose T2
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We must engagein Nomad thought becauseit allows us to createa otherwise unlikely


encounterwith those who might not agreewhat we are going with our use of a
performative metaphor
Bleiker 1999 (Roland,Professor
at the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane,article
" Discourse
andHumanAgenc!" ContemporaryPoliticalTheory2003,2, (25-47)page 38-39 )

?*g:onoGil
.!i7orn$ th.,
r a t t e rt h r e e .t
ir,hi.Eitu.#ffi

'"?TI.?,:::::T:lil:#*ff-':,,lradic,es,n"vtr'"u..,r
rff iff
thought,ro.animage
ot'the wortd in which,11 l:.,1,:,t"trived systemof
3:"*ll* lil ffiil,1
ff ,XiflT,l,X'il.ji: ut'ov'
: il'1or: ei.,uu.r,
n@ini. n"t
11
Crq-slclgyays, ha^smultiDle ent".^,,Dr,-.._r:e a subterraneanrhizome. It

rhiz-9me,
oeGf* aiFGund
n:l ifii'-;ll;

ssources
o u r c e so
off iinL&?loi
nt
/' o O
2l ed-FGraia&ii-let,
process
process m ot thinking constitutes
constitutes a
? may he
mav tor; open
be reft ," question. ;:,r':l::tlc
A grounding
or^rrn,-{:-,,
- rsclear,
is clear.however, Judginglrom
Juqglng trom Deleuze's
Deleuze,s
how"rr." _*.,;,l^,o "r"-r^"
that tt".^plo.,'Yrr' own
own u/ArL
wo.k irii
not prevenrrri,n r.nn-'"tu;#il:::l of differenceandmuttipriciue, <toes

*'*--'.i'
issuei.what heo*, rr.*.,',r;#:'i'?:t

- \;W,l*::afi::ffik1#j*:ffi
for or. againstspecificp.,liticai

:jTl'
suggestions.
und.,,tundin;:i{i:',!,l;:!
N", ,ri
"i
thd
above'authors
j,i"fi',}'::iilffi#i1:xr.*.'#';11
,t;';::::t"T:es,between and rheir

tn"
.li,':,'ff:Hll' "" *'t l" *iil. white(zooo,
e-s);ascared a .weak
,& comm.itment" 'i]l.i'l,"lf.'li* ,Ht"l::ts on advancineoin..nuil"
historical *,iii",
thatthese.or.itr.nt,
and essenrialv u[
"*.rt"t;;.' fitf:'Xq
Gosh I Should Get Paid For Cutting Cards-Ebony B. Rose 13
ADI 2K6
The Lab of Love & Hippies
Da BleikerFile

We don't haveto identityan endresultin our useof humanagency


Bleiker 1999 (Roland,Professor at the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane,article
" Discourseand HumanAgencJt"Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(25-47) page_40_)

ConceptualizingHuman AgencY
Il bTh. lott, and PerhaPsmost left.
lscTem.s.contingentlounr
gency. Ensuing attemPts
rn."- e from.how traditional Pnt]"::.?:^l
causal
of humanaction,that is,in teleological'
it;J;'t#il.^"rJ.r.i""airg
and intentional terms (see Bubner, 1982. 125-156). ' - Alr:gi;"tt,tnlttlitt
establish links between
h to unders
and ends; it do:g-lg!-3 form of
niAan---s
ideiTiffiSiETgent
._-..----- and-ir-docr-lgLhmtt
. - : @e: with a declaredintentton.
agencyto tnott,oulto,tnes thatliiidli?Eiaiion
,,,,, -=r=r., ,=,== ,r,-,r"r,- , , Fr;;ifv ,F-Frdtid.n,

"target
n @ . ncan
" y .be
I.'a .strategicfo
separateJ-and r mattempt
the o f d i s sis
e nusually
t,agen t a n dto articulatea causal
made
(as protest march) exeJts
relation betweenthem. An identifiable-agent a
influenceon an identifiabteti6(Iilliinge in policy desiredby.thcmarch')
*uttt
l' we
The duality of cause .ilnd as
glTect
stra te$t! an9_cals9!-j
rurioni.
,t dlGlor .^;t,. Nl.rrrchslTE-82 a. 127- | 3l) alreadJ.
\new.
commontyperccrvc
comPlexfryigl fi"* which wc
Wit
ffftffii;;:?: n"a
alreadv made oursetve@
Gosh I Should Get Paid For Cuttine Cards-Ebonv B. Rose I4
ADI 2K6
The Lab of Love & Hippies
Da Bleiker File

We must understandhuman action in tactical terms rather than strategicterms---only then


can we manipulate our environment in order to createopportunities for societal change
Bleiker 1999 (Roland,Professor at the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane, article
" Discourseand HumanAgenc!" Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(25-47) page_4O_)

t a c t i c a l .r a t h e rt h a n s t r a t e g t ct e r m s ' I n e t l n . K . u s t w s : l ' r ' : " " 1 ' : ; : : i : : " ' : - - : : ;


i n tactlcal.
in
h
tactical,o,n'l, o, o,rr",t-ili?l---ff*ed'subt
4 ^--

Ceiteau exPlains'tactigal
fied t ert
forriT5fGirtance have no clearl
relation betw'eent of will and
influenceon. Gilt causal

I hey iGffielverinto the


be autonomousfro!l-..1!be!L.l!alget'
but yet without beingableto keeptheir
o"ffily,
distance(de Certeau, 1990,xlvi)'
and environmentallyaware
Take the rather mundane example of a critical
consumerinanindustrializedsocietywhorefusestobuymilkthatisbottledin
t:"L:"j"i?riiii:l::ilTl
thisshopper
r,u::
non-reusable Til
agen:vl,on"
;;;"" :: :t, Jli'lr',] is
whcre
:'li ::ll' ;:*-$.:l'.liil,,ll!;,
::;'tt*-:tii:'li.:ln:::::fiJFi:l'$T'':'
;r[hll"*kil.,'1"f,
ilT-:filffi
H:,'Jrt,-t"ff j:.'YJ,1]I#ffir
:H'iif-:l"jJiF*
'i,.;;;;' b",u'.11l,,YiJiilT;
*'"-;
i."-";i.- o"':'n*],Tl'
Ti,i;
*q :l'fi"'' i l'i;l;
i .'' *
mr
:;;i;;i*;:q{ffii$
rh: :ti
ll:lil;, *'I
:*\:l' f:"''"'
iJ'i'
lTr.::
:ft"*:::*::',';n:t*;;
:"'iil."'ii-":y.',';1ilH'li.Hlru:.iiJi.oo"risas
ff societY at
il"*ill!'*&;**:'i;
even the

:'rsffi6
id-ia?ff-and

cracks that o tunities fot'


envlro '9t
1990,
Gosh I Should Get Paid For Cuttine Cards-Ebonv B. Rose 15
ADI 2K6
The Lab of Love & Hippies
Da Bleiker File

Tactical action can transform values over time and over a extendedperiod of time can
effect practicesof protection, trade, investmentsand the like ---debatechangescan only
be capturebe by the ballot
Bleiker 1999 tRoland, Professor
at the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland
Brisbane,article
"Discourseand HumanAsency" Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(25-47\ page_41_)

It is through the concept bf tenlpbrality that we can appreciate the ways in


which tactical actions unleash their transformative potential. The causality
entailed in such manifestationsof human agency,as far as one can speak of
causality in this diffused context. is always mediated through time. Tqjical
'indeterminate trajectories.'This
de Certeau stresses,operatesalong
, tbgLillrarsfsrms
values and becomesvisible and effective on
a l@srance--tSc-indeterm i nacy of
o
. Expressed in de Certeau's somewhat idiosyncratic
language, tae6gal actions cannot be perr:eivedas a conventional successionof
events in Rather, they evoke a tempgqal tlrloqgh space.but

. The
latter view. de Certeau stresses,would make the mistake of reducing a

'temporal
articulation of placesinto a spatial sequenceof points' (de certeau,
1990,58-59).

,n eJl p thal
*uv
[O ClaflfV thL' SUrtgcqfi^n factical mrnilesrqrinnc ^f h,,-^- n agencl/are
fot Tttld btspatial dy,namics.
th. *n" r shopping
".rr"-.r "nr
.."BlsgG-sstablith.d politi"ul una e effectof
suchatacticalactionisnotlimitedtot@,thesupermarket
Ou. ction with similaractrons-such
tactfcal dissent -ry r enr.
advertiseqrentand the ljke. The manifestations
that issuefrom suchactions
operate along an indeterminate trajectory insofar as they promote
a slow
translbrmation of values whose effects transgressplaces and become
visible
and elfective only by maturation over time. In the case of tactical protest
actions of environmentally sensitiveconsumers,it may still be too early
to
ascertain a definitive manifestatior.rof human agency. However, vanous
indicators render such an assertion highly likely. chinging attitudes
and
consumption patters, including an increasingconcern for environmental issues,
have produced easily recognizablemarketing shifts in most parts
of the
industrial world. For instance,hearthfbod sectionsare uow o.o--on
feature
in most supermarkets. And there is empirical evidence that suggests
that
consumer preferencesfor costly 'ethical' production technologies can lead
to
increased competition between producers. which, in turn, may graduaily
increasethe level of adoption of such ethicar technology
lNoe and Rebello,
r9e5.6e-85)
\ -I
4 (-L{L--?
r _zr\ t
)
Gosh I Should Get Paid For Cutting Cards-Ebony B. Rose t6
ADI 2K6
TheLab of Love & Hippies
Da BleikerFile
For Foucaultthe fundamentalpoint of powerrelationsis lookingat powerfiom the vantagepoint of institutionsso one
mustanalyzeinstitutionsfiom the standpoint of powerrelations
Bleiker 1999 tRoland,Professor at the Schoolof PoliticalScience,
Universityof Queensland Brisbane,article
" Discourseand HumanAsenc))" Contemporary PoliticalTheory2003,2,(25-47) page_43_)

.I have usedeveryday forms of resistanceto illustrate how discoursesnot onJy


lfame and suhil€are--our--rhouehts and behaviour, but also ofler nossibilities ,
foJ_bC!0aqgggcy. Needless to sav, disc e of I
reSistancethat can exert human agenqy. There are many political actioqs that
seekimmediatechangesin policy or institution rather than l-nere'
thiftr in ro"i.tal ess.Although some of these actions undoubtedly
"onr
achieve results, they are often not as potent as they seem. Or, rather, their
-}^ enduringeffectmay well be primarily discursive,rather than institutional.
(1982b,243) already knew that th. g..ut.rr ' or,.
.T-'l'.lietzeche
h ) l o u d c s t b u | ' o u r s t i | | e s t h o u r S w o r | d r e v o l v e s "t"ntr
'not
around thc r

the v one must


(poucau-lt,
standpoint of power relations t982,itiT2l), 1b
.r.t.
ADI2K6 T H EK U L LF I L E
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We must break from t\orm of rational argumentationwith performanceit is within


power we will find resistance.
Kulvnvch 1997
(Jessica,AssistantProfessorof Political Science@ Winthrop University in Rockhill.
Polity,Volume 30, No. 2, winter.pg._)
( I1ro* io con"incingly thematize an alternative to something that is
e- nnsh taken for grantedis the very proUem postmodernistshaveso often taken
up. Habermas also reoogrrizesthis problem, as is evident in someof the
bc<^k -,ru terminology he employsin describingthe role of public discourses.Dis-
'"
.7ft1- ,, They can be metaphorically descTH as "performances" and "Drg-
4(th*"(n--' sentatiorrs"that invoke not only "forums" but also "stages" and
a'arenas."" Theqq,4lqimgres
,v/re
'w/ that imply more than the careful pr€sentl-
FLCI'.^*-,
"l-n..- ti6;f Aiditv clairns. Habermas'
if ,7 - /t,;n ing" and "innovative" as well as "convincing"
and "jrstifiable" more than
r*n T a action that can
new And compelling
the culturally
n- i lt #'^/
lo disciplinary constructionsof such things as gender aifference.-tt is-
1 o-5,', lnn,, herethat HabermaswoutdEnefit from attcndingto the productivechar-
acter of disciplinary power in creating distinctly and authentically gen-
dered beingsin thc first place.
IY. Fouceuftrnd Rcslstrna
Fqrcault that the-CgceDt-g!--pplitical action relevant under q
stanffi is resistance-
of Foucault
resisrance. insiststhat despitethe
lpglri4a
Fffi* i;imattg-*,ure of contem@flfi-r, licle alreadv
existsa ility for resistance is exercised
complete_r-4p4!

there are no relations of power without resistances;the latter are all


the more real and effectira becausethey are formed rieht at the
point where rclations of power are exercised;resEglae-lg ryYer
does not have to come from -elsewhereto be real' nor N lt ln-
cxorably frustrated through being the cofrffiI of power. tt
existsall the more by bcing in the sameplaceas pow6; hene, like
power, resistanceis multiple and can be integrated in global
strategies."

Thus even as we recognizethe existenceof productive and lormalizing


iffid
u*uul*t vl vrgdr.v5+
w€canalsor6gfrz,g 1s-
measurement,
$iliFEptains, that the "control [of
from the toP "'s The predominance
over and
can Deno
power withotrt resistance.
without thesestru and henceno /
-.J

@
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ADI2K6 THEKULLFILE
Lab with the biS lebowski Produced by: insomnia

Our performativeact createsresistanceand agencyin the face of ubiquitousdisciplinary


power.
Kulynvch 1997
(Jessica,AssistantProfessorof Political Science Winthrop University
@ in Rockhill,
Polity,Volume 30, No. 2, winter,pg._)

Q*r 1 r( { The notion of political action as performative action has emergedin a


number of postmoderntexts. Two facetsof performativity are particu-
e'V trak, larly relevantfor understandingresistance.The first is the notion of per-
formativity employed by Bonnie Honig in her reading of Hannah
St >izfuce, Arendt.s' Honig derivesher undastanding of performative action from
* J. L. Austin's distinction betweenperformative and constativespeech
"Ju"/ acts.'2 ln Honig's reading, a ooratative act is a referenceto the sclf-
LvLq ia evident,to the "irresistible," an "aoquicc€ne to compulsionand neces-
a - 7l6a"AL sity."sr It is a representativeact; it is a referencein languageto that

" ltI l-{.r,


which alreadyexistsand cannot be otherwise.A performativeact, on the
other hand,is one *tti"tt Urin"r into U"ingtEilT ensibly
t)rlt y Ifets.Honi
sionof the Declarationof Independence.-Honig arguesthat theopening
('r c]|the Dclaration ("We hold these to be self wident") is a
formativE "s Thesewords
are t' they being that to
w is no t'wett;
as such to the
Aso utiti action in her
reading of the performanceof drag. B ,
which are tlpically understoodas const@
array of performativities: expresions of gender bring into being the
they purport to represent.Accordingly,

acts,gestures,enactments,generallyconstrued,are performativein
thesense or igenlitythat theyotherwise
that the esserye
expressarc fab;m;; marnfacturedanEustained th
porealsigggld
perform4[ye

Thus, p t
reFrent. The characterto which the action refers, as in the theatrical
portray f.
This notion of performativity, applied to Foucault's notion of resis-
tance, bett€r explainsthe ctraracterof such resistance.McCarthy's cri-
tique asumes that if Foucault is conect about disciplinary power, that it
is capillary, reactringinto the inncrmostcornersof otr livesand combin-
ing to form complexesof subjectionthat are invasive, prodrctive, and
imperviousto citizen influence,then there are no "acting" citizensavail-
able to resist, only "cultural dopes." Howwer, if we under$and resis-
tanceperformatively, then we seethe acting otizen asbrought into bFr$
byTer r-esistanTefu Butler arguesin Bodies tlut Motter, there need nor

@
fiTllEFliidntitv from which action or resistancegmanatesin order
for it to he real resistance.stMcCarthy's question revealshow funda-

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mentally indebtedtothe modern Grtesian version of agcncyour under-


standing of political action is.
many of our dissolvingfirm boun-
dariesbetweensocializationand domination, tney ao not ne*ssarity Sg-
a wholesale ution of has
;' thafi sees in its
versal core of As
explains,ry but orir actions are on a conti ngent
identitv that is simul that acuon. resis-
that is an "effect of
-J.,::ryJ_
is instead creation of a that
the
categoryas a site of rrse
ThG subioct created
by resistance name$ srmu what is resisrcd.
Accord-
ing to Butler, "that the can neverbe is the q)n-
dition of its pdlitical efficacv.l. to .an
impartial of descriptionshoresitself
that "o McCarthy is
to identify "just what it is that "6r but that that identifi-
cation is conting€nt and provisional in no way foreclosesttre possiuitity
E_4sg!gl_
Performative resistancebrings into being the citizen it

actor in the moment of himself seemedto


this sort of notion -..-
aclon tn nrs locus on
aET6r Tre selfand gn an aestheticof "self-creatio.lr." In theselater
thoughts,Foucault seemsclearlyto be searchingror a way to understand
innovative and experimentalsubjectivitiesthat are not a return to the
idea of a liberatedhuman essenc€.His focus on the activeconstitution of
tht.r"lf i-r addition"l *id** of n"
notion of registance.As he stated in a 1984interview,

I would saythat if now I am interested,in fact, in the way the sub-


ject constituteshimself in an activefashion, by the praclicesof the
self, thesepracticesare n€v€rthelessnot somethingthat the indi-
vidual invents by himself. They arc patterns that he finds in his
culture and which are proposed,suggestedand imposedon him by
his culture, his society, and his social group.62

Asft as we look of the subjoct,


tha is right: the
suggested,and imposed, would label autonomous.
we of self-creation then
the of a resistant lor
, sin@ the citizen as the
- / resistant r
-J

FEARAND LOATHINGIN ARIZONA


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Performative resistanceworks on the margins of discourseto exposewhat is being


sai<
via mockery and demonstrationratherthan logic and objecti"ity, it is preciselythe
non
rational aspectsof deliberationthat have a potentialfor innovation.
Kulvnvch 1997
(Jessica,AssistantProfessorof Political Science Winthrop University in Rockhill,
@
Polity,Volume 30, No. 2, winter,pg. )

frnl
It I i |L^,e
y'arLs of protest. , to demonstr4emeans..i6
(1
,"t'In this sense,p-iltesters
I lt ^^ng'^ ::X'::11_T ::1"*a_ffi n,yi"'r,lriji oo,n,,
, a| / ' ; r , o
which alreadyexists,, ",.
gTl_@4e"r'
4emrlnstrationhal ats-oan arternativemeaninfl. a meaninoderived frn-
4-
"{("v as Chaloupka seesit, a demonstrationis
also ..a " The demon-
l."rj g ls not an ex ion but
,,1,,1.
embodiedin actioi'ff,ilT f
b, ,*)
the protestor's usagemovestoward the contingent
U-i'*- gies and emotions. flgg jemonstlation
rearmof strate-
does not establishobiec-
u" -ltV, tively getting in ttre waVS
t//
Ir'e n,,A Thus
uy
to"+< +)d maKea pomt' to prove that the systemis unjust.
neprorestor
rsnottrffio
Rather,' -the
- - - rprotestor
,+ -t6. -v
!
@justiceitsetr
4- PL3, roucault comescroseto saylng what chaloupka
argueshere when he
states,

to{;n , a ue is not a are not right as they


are.
oo ^^;/
what kinds of amiliar,
, unconsidered modes of
u#.

M*;*uffi
,M
.'ffiJiliffi;:lt j;;:d;;;;",,il'1il:;
,(
rmqliwa
"'r,e*ini
^rii:;--\ L--^

TTI::'1.1'-1,I.uT#r'e'f
tlo-tonger need the introduction
YI of n6Hative
norinnc w. a,- _:_-
bettei.

\l/

@
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ADI2K6 T H EK U L LF I L E
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,l

course, the ability to aliSn and arrange argumentsthat support a posF


*
mogksif. The works at the marginsof discourserutilizing puns
'
and jokes and caricatureto t
ive resistance,ilhen consideredas critique, does not
the exi of subiection
wherewehadnot plevlglsly-$eqit. I amnot suggesting that wecangeta
ffithe notionof performativity.To theaontrary,I
amsuggpsting perforn-rativeresistanqe makesno suchnolmalivgdisJinc'.
t"neriif,it p.trot."tititi it not '/
!!S, or "bout=
Webring normativitt to our performances as principles
ethical that are
themselvessubject to resistance.By unearthing the oonti of
"self+vident, " performative enables
resistance polid the
mce ways, already present),

This i of per is also important for undastanding the


possibilitiesfor innovation in Habermasiandelibcrative participation'
Just as a the of like i a
exposesthe limits frncy of_4qigna! on.
Jnce we are language
discourse,then we can seethat be confined to
the rational statementof v3ligi'llglaiml
it-is iqFperformance of aeu*riiidil that which cannot
for finds e)Q-f1:siurr.-tfildl rt
hat carrythe
the poigrrant remi ration Chaloupkarecognizc that it is
at the margins that

t:::J;**:lffi;
of thedemolqtr3ti"ntoldtt'rno=

4 ilti-t
"t
the microphgle'

*
+
/|
to-re than the

@
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performanceallows a reconceptualizationof the norm when action has become


impossible;our solvencyis eternallyrecurring.
KulynYch 1997
(J"st.r3ssistant Professorof Political Science@ Winthrop University in Rockhill'
Polity, Volume 30, No. 2, winter,Pg.-)
PutidFdon rs Pcrlormrlivc Rcdrtrnc
F!f.
ft& .((,*,
I
{ The notion of performativity as both idcntity- or world*rcating and as
demonstration, is crucial for understanding @ntqnporary politicd
h tlc"nu.t
action. Performative resistancedoesnot eliminatepqygf-e4qj!1g
c.€ f t, sfit.eLh"fI!.-PgPq
and re-creation.It reoccurringdisruption that e4suresan
Jorn ,^[, . reconstitution Disci the
t: nonns-a of the that
K ,\ (""
,^f4,,
those norms back into an arena of contestation'
a ,^r (g resistance is the very izedl
nonns are t" *ppt.t-lnither is nc under-
words,resistance
r'e dMf
IA ^
takenas a p-rotestagainqiirt. .t.ligq"tiog-of a r'ifi€'fftiAl subj-ef,':*
ae|
rather resistance,as the actioq
reveals subjectivit

t out, resistance"can be seenas a


space
sil;$sofu-nceet to Arendt's notion of political action: wherethe
for action is usurped, sense is no
vehicleof spon and
ble, resistance_begomes
sub
resistancerecognizes power, enablesaction
o{ that innovation t
in the 9ce

l@aningful, to conceptualizecontemporary par-


;6;,t.. ; p.rto.n,",ive iather than a repres€ntativeaction' The
;#;;#;ilffi
" ;il'"qeryry h'.'F
r1'1
:-':\

of democratic disciplin-
globdstrategiesof
qg-pryr andtheirrole.in
riffig much more |:111:ti"::
the real, although hut4pl.eopPgrtutritlgs--ig
the idea of
that tal-
the parameters
a host of new actors' for
participationtqi
politicd acti performative conc€Pt our
from the ffientffiy, andtherefore
us ffifrf political Second,it
actions.

potential.

@
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via every day actions


Micropolitical resistancechallengesdominationon the macro-level
and iterations.
Kulynvch 1997
Rockhill'
(Jcssica.Assistantprofcssorof political Scicncc6,: WinthropUnivcrsit.vin
Polity.Volume30,No. 2- rvinter"pg'_-)
'
^' -"";'i,'rL^ll'y particieaqon
,, Tgeef \rst3.!9399::::^s:?^:t_t*|f3l
efsistanpe fii'rticioationdelimitooli
1rc,l " s o c i a "::,f,?m
l"qtti"iti.t.pqfS4igPe!9u_-_s
lBonnie Honig
,f,.-x^fP^ ,.
,,,eI suggeststhat performative action is
/ 4L: | o

., . ,1." an event, an agonistic disruption of


.- a ch
thingq, a sitffisistible,
'\- ,, rn"titiog rulesthq! Jeelqconllilgle, govern,@gggl
to "Tout-
r,.,tr n'Y ti n a Position
@ broaderarrayof consqations,
-.-qnq
,l, "t,
I ru \dPrld
fro--the
to those of identity, of gander,race and ethnicity. We might then
be in a position to act-in the private realm'"
n pg1$lq4tle conceptof as the dis-
tintoi UEuEen publii and private, be.tween the poli-qcallnd th€.ap_oli't-
?$ d-aPolitical, or
*. llat rarher
rather than
t nolitical.ffiation of technologies
K of .state-control.Contests over identity and e-veryday lgcial lile re noJ
merelyadditioil tofiErealm of the Dolitical. but actuallv createthe very

r character of those t
itselfis ' in relation to a whole seriesof
X invest the Ine tamitv, kinship,knowledge,tech-
* pro"ide the rqy-lgelgg,l !9r g!g$l
-.
, and the key to 4isr global strategiesof dj*ina$o=n''
participationocenasrgr^
FXot^t*l.Ut
ormal aoparatus of t, or the formal organization of the
ryorkplace,to the dctions and
fiarticipationdemands
,..ognition of a broader array of actors and actionsas well. Perfoqna: -
tive oarlicipation is manilest in anyactivitylhat:gEists the technological
a]r?-bureaucrdiic construction of -citizens,or the
contemporary
this sense,doesnot have to be i
, and spontaneousj t is ttrc disruptjy" Potential,
the of an action that detemrines

of participation must
its status as participation. consequently, studies
we.inteTioll]lv.:1:
con6n-themr.t"onoil*t with thoseactiltre1 alsowith those
politicalparticipation'but
O"Jin andeasily,.*grrit. as instancesof politicalpar-
onptanneolni oftenunrecognized
accidental,
back into view things that
c thqt

ticipation.@

@
' tryrlwemust beprepareo.loto tf99?il,l11*'
rccogilze
navebcomTffi - - identities ir aq achieJe-
contingurcy ot norms and
Iffi-n--nand no4ngr to actlon'
ment
H ion,6-ns.cio-u-s
:i111::11':T,:jT[
.d:;il tttit" thenormalizing' andzub
regularizing'

W
ffiilP;.;;"";t
disciplinaryregtm€s'
jectifyingconfinesof contemporary J
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Perfbrmativeparticipationresiststhe contextuainorm of the matterat hand by moving


actsinto the fleld oieveryday resistance.
everl'cia-v-
Kulvn-vch1997
(Jessica. Assistant in Rockhill.
Prof'essoroi Politicai SciencerZtWinthrop Unir,'crsity'
P o l i t vVo
. i u me3 0 .N o . l . r r i n t e rp. g . _l
Consequenfly, a tive
--:--: icipation
debateswithin the ion literature over the
inclusion of protest activities and community the
. definition o{ political participation. While thesedebateshave generally
lusiQ- |r^- beenconductedon familiar tenain, justifying the inclusion_ofsughactiv-
Lr,,.)+{f ti.'t\
power
+ 4r*^"N s sBecauseperfonnative par-
tf L^A
n"r\.9 il r ^, ticipation is defined by its ion to a set of nor disc
L:"" I confrontation with those rules. nothi be
,
0.c\s i\i" excluded from t icipation. As Honig
quently puts it, "not everythingis politicat on ttris
+t' l'.-i[ 6rnended)account; it
is simply the casethat nothing is ontologicaltyprotectedfrom politicizal-
A e.-''t ooliticizil
tion, that nort ing -
acs,V
fff,"'" Thereforg the definition of political participation is alwayscon-
text dependent;it depandsupon the characterof the power network in
which it is taken. Political participation is not categoricallydistinguished
.
from protestor resistance, but rather,h. fo"@
.I
To sayttrat pa only thar any
action is potentially participation, but also that no particular action is
necessarilya participatory sr;t. Housecleaningis a gmd example. The
characterof the power network in which one existsdefineshousecleaning
as a potential act of political participation. In her description of the
defensivestrategiesof Black womenhouseholdworkers, BonnieThorton
DiI *fuo ,h"t ,h" ."fuol r,o.op,h. fl*r on tr*& *dT*EFi['"
refusalto servean extradinnEl coilEtutesan effectG adTfTesis-
rather the
BliEFdomesticlaborers,wtroin@
@f work, andalwaysimmediately
avail-
able for
T.ruiT,
c_nqlces.I hus lt is the contextof the domesticlabor relationshipthat
definesthe repertoire of political actions.
similarly, Jonathan Kozol describespoor welfaremothersliving in the
degradingconditionsof the South Bronx how
are nonetheless essand even look cheer-
ful. "t" women who are thoroughly dependenl,
unfit, and unclean, the house on the charac-
ac1. Housecleaningitsdf is not

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necessarilypolitical, rather, the disci context of a genderedsocial


welfarestategivespotiticatim-ffi to
tres.Carina nary can take on a radical-
lffiotiticd fr-aracfiT of women's participation in
urug^uay:
srylbe' theresistance
or *omenau.ingt*eiuJyeis or
military
mrrrrv rtrar*^rch- rp as
r$istance, madeof patience,words, gestures
and
-{ -...BrAvs vr 4' aurs'r.E or suence, women
talked, women criti-
ctzeo, women protested,as they had alwap done,
as they still do.
children, better school bii s. They were
harshand ou
to recall
I
l

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Politicaipaflicipationmust breakthe nonn or elseit wiil run the risk of beins co-ooted.
Kulvnvch i 997
iJessica.AssistautProf'bssorof iJoliticaiSciencciZJr
Winthropt-;niversitvin Rockhill.
Poiitr.'.
Volume-3t). No. J. $inter^ns. l
a Similarly,a itical ipation that recofnizesaction in
yor{ili..{ strateci defense" agors.
(o | *,. p' @g4ta's minersb*o*g r*"!t"4 oUjectsof domination; uecohe
performativepolitical actori. tn-a JifriliFGiil'
r..rll-L uf ale client al health
lQ',* ies for resisting constructionsof
f c{x:
and capacities for rey "resisted in-
f*-;tui directl by humoJ, social
r'n \k ve They effec-
I il,"t the @n-
struction of their identities in t
l -'h)
bureaucrC$ an expansiveand performativeundentanding of
tz-oi;!\. ;olifrarparticipation, tlese activitieswould remainunrecognized
and
thesewomen would appearonly as unsuspoctingclients.

Rrconsidering Tradit ionot Participation

ormatrve also provides a


for reth conventional
4-T!g-qreakgo*! of the distinci@resis-
tance meansthat conventionalpolitical activities may also take on the

@e. For example, a performative concept of par-


ticlpatiol may strednew ljg! iqlhenomena suchas the ,?erot vglgr"
wherecitizensadmittedly influ-
g.ncing
thegutcoqre.In otJro r
the expression
of particularcitizenintere{s_orpreferences;
ratf,erJts
purpose depends upon th-e surrouffing envir@
choicesand substantivediscussionof long-term goals, voting or non-
inc itself lecome a fgrm of protest. Perfi rve
the senseof
s electorate.Li , unconventionalacti such
js. protestmarchesmay-n tuin to @mmunicate citizen oref-
erencesa
;"<- ./
2t,rl+1.,", .learly W narches,for example,may
actually t imate outlet for protest; at
the same-timet oc
&n4
the structuresof government. participation must
a" rmative potential of tradii6id-ac-G-of[ar--
r\'
*7,wPr'rttr m
J,L-. as yof
statusquo.-

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iliiirniai illiilicinaiiiin icdeilncs ihe nciiticzii ;nherc ir'., iieLrirnkiiiE i;iiiii-:r'iiiiri icieoiti;,r-
iiic 5'rlicilt i:tis iri iisicii iir iririsc ici'iiiiiiacv.
i+:.7
Kt'"fu+-:i-E
i-ielisi.:a..'iissisiatii iii'LiiL':bl)i iri iiiiiiticui licicncc 'r'i r!iiiiiiii;n i-;tiii'ct.sii.r.iii R*eirliiii.
-'-
i-t;iii'''- ftiiiinic ;i;- irii- \\ltLir- t-ri,, i

rA I tr ttrisasc"tsi"e ae
f of democracy,politicalparticipationtakes
l6-f-r.44 |
on c-i'pJon;it is
7or'1,'.rn1rn communicationgern:gpvration-al,.comm-unicaEvffi?fitvifr argl-
ll r'l{t,,s of discursivd
paruclpatron : problem-solvingor decision-oriented
deliberation,which
f,ty tpvl in formd democraticinstitutionssuchas plifiF
Ly 'AcL^nl,,v, €keselpri'oogv
f ,{,L7,
;.sl ffitj:lT,lE
democratic
piocedures;
andinfor-
9JIlg' ofinion-form"tid- qsfi ffi,o
| , t i ^ , l st- decisions. in an and inctusivgn"t*i][6f o""ilap_
A /' L.'. s{ bcul temporal,socialand suust-ii'iii-
Lti,t
r
subsequeni
number
inaiviauat@
participation,
@jiiffiffii! ;;;;;
--;--deliberationtfiii
mal
decisionmaking
about generating that of relevance
+EjggE,.tntoo
ong.,,', InformJp"r-u'Ji"tion
two main functions. it actsasa systemwith sensors
that, thoughunrp""iair.fiffi
systemcommunicates
sYsr€m""'tlabermaslabelsthis the
"signffi
mal participarionmust not only indicaie
*il;r;;;,ffi io *
issues.As Habermasarguf ffiffi;"il""trii#
democratic
theory,thepublicsphere
must,
I":ji:::r:gl1:9f
;i;;;'d,"d ffiJ'.H;
ll: e.T'";:
L1*,::l^T,Lll'_
nrg.ure.msbutarso;;".t;;il;ilo"e'ti"a,,;
*:::.::j*:lif
thematize them,furnishthemwith p.rriUi, *l-.,il;
tize them in such a
ffiil;;:
Uttr by

Informal participation is crucial because


it is the sourceof both legiti-
macy and innovation in formal decisionmaking.
e, fon*-o-J."irion_
tq theinfluence
Tggg-E--open or inrormaoiinfrffiffiffi ,r,.n
state policies are legitimate hcalgeAE are grounded in free and equal
AmdUircan-;-tf nt oi equal Par'

@
ticipation. Informal participation originating in the public sphereis also
the resource for innovative descriptions and presentations of interests'
preferences,and issues.If they ignore informal.qgticioatiop, state{scj-
sionmakershave no connectionl6-iEGnter of dernocracy: the political I

@
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f]iireauciacrizi-riirx ha,{ leari to the coionizaiir'in iil ;rgencl' aiit}rvins iirr incliviiiuais u'i'tt-i
'i'ie':i,irne
siilniv iive',ireir iives t* tire rgcnts tl1 oDnrcssitiil'
I{-uhrysbiqeT
r.icssicli-:\ssisiiiiil l)ii,riissor oI Poiiiicai Scicnce ,ti' Wintirroil i-inlYsr3i1vin Rilckhiii-
i-iiiii'' - Vi,iiiii:c li; i'.';l I, riiriici'- n- !

I While s€paratelyboth Habermas and Foucault challengethe tradi-


l), ".,.n')44^ ' tional understandingof participation, their combined insights further
- Cslon' jal,) and irrevocably extend that challenge.Theoreticalfocus on the distinc-
o€ {},jr^^/ tions betweenHabermas and Foucault has all too often obscuredimpor-
/ tant parallels betweenthesetwo theorists. Specifically,the Hab€rmas-
bon.ql(
Foucault debatehas underemphasizedthe extent to which Habermasalso
-(t* a.4- describesa disciplinarysociety.In his descriptionsof bureaucracy,tech-
nocracy, and systemcolonization, Habermasis dso describinga world
\;( where power is productive and dispened and where politicd action is
Q ic\r"t^ I constrainodand normalized. Habermas,like Foucault, describesa type
of power that cannot be adequatelycharacterizedin terms of the inten-
tions of thosewho possessit. Colofgizatlonj!.ggt the result of conscior{s
but it ."$"r th".*intfdt'=.
inter_rJiol. f
small adjustments-The genderand racial subtextsinfusingtFe systemare

not the results ;;; t*.


"f
racial norm.s and expectationsinfecting [h-e economy and the state.
Bureauclaticpowgr iq not a power that is possessed by any individugl or
agency,but existsin the exerciseof decisionmaking.Aslis young points
out, we must "analyze the enerciseof poggr [in contemporarysocietiesl
gll of education,bureau-
"ctices of consumerld&L,
cratic adminirt."tion, p1gggglion ana aistriSirt-ion
racticesthat Habermaschroniclesare
oremplaryof a power that hasno definitive subject. As Young explains,
"the consciousadions of many individualsdaily contribute to maintain-
but those
or and do not themselvesas
oppression."t
-(Ioffia'tion
and bureaucratization also fit the pattern of a power that
is not primarily represive but productive. @are,
as Sawicki describes,

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through
violencq. . . or seizure.. . LutratF operate
qE obj.ectsand subjectsofGo-ilF-g
anagrouprutgis,m9
establiqhing
b-9itt gorrngand techniques
for observinglmoiji6T-
tnSrynrolmS bodily .'
The very practicesof administration, distribution, and decisiqrmaking
on which Habermasfocuseshis attention can and must be analyzedas
productivedisciplinary practicc. Although thesepracticescan dcarly be
repressive,their most insidious effects are productive. Rather than
sim-nlvholding people back, bureaucratizationbreaks uprGEG-,
ald systemizespro@s new ca
and coloni create new
subjects,asthe objectsof burearcradc expertise.Ihe socialwelfareclieni
and $re.consumercitizen are the creation or uffi
merely its target. TIffiision @to the
system createsthe posibility for semal harassment,job segregation,
par€ntal leave, and consensualcorporate decisionmaking.creatid as a
part of these subjectivitics are new gesturesand norms of bodily

behavior, such as the embarrassedshuffling of food stamps at the


grocerycheckoutand the daneaningsexualreferenceat the office copier.
Bodily movementsare monitored and regularizedby meansof politicd
opinion polls, welfare lists, sexualharassmentprotocols, flex-time work
schodules,and so forth. @, as describedby
Foucault and implied by Habermas, does not merely prevent us from
but cr€atesus differently as the
Thesedisciplinary@not onlyTdnut5l-_us,but also enable us to ,
be more efficient and more productive, and often more powerful. J

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Postnrodernsocietychangesthe defrnition of ooiiticai oarticioation-becauseciisciolinarv


Dowerhas becomeso ubiouitousso to must be our resistance.
Kulvnt:ch i997
(Jcssica.;\ssistantProf'cssor of PoliticalScicnceiai W'inthropLiniversitvin Rockhill-
-'.
P o i i t r .V o i u n r c . i ( 1N. o . r . t i t t t c rn-u . I

r;yL notitics-todav it is riffiask wh@ Tnis


acept the emergence
ve )
J- f, world is now ..postmodern" is to
Ji portroaern world. to saythat the
f + (41 "
nigniigtrtfundamentalchangesin both the conditionof the contem-
pJrari *orn, andin our attitudetowardthisw.orld'@lquglolftiol
and economic conficuration of advance{'wg!!ar: tt"t"- "tpit"fi ttn,-ih t'-
poG;lhilImultaneou s ca
rylgtfi
tion and fractureof personaland collective and the advance
technoloryand bureaucgg cogqli4swil! hical
.----+
skeDticFmtoward truth and subiectivityto a world that is often
tible with our traditional . These
of basic democratic

and understandthis change,few havebeenmore influential than Jiirgen


Habermas and Michel Foucault. Each provides valuable conceptual
resourcesfor understandingcontemporary societiesand the kinds of
dominations, repressions,oppressions,constructions,subjectifications,
identities,and possibilitiesthat exist thaein. They also provide promis-
ing, dbeit incomplete suggestionsfor reconeptualizing political par-
ticipation in ways appropriate for postmodern societies. Habermas
rcommends a discursivecbn""pt of partigg1$r basedon coffiffi-cd-
tive action in a deliberativepublic sphere,and Foucault recommendsa
micro-politics of resistance.Unfortunately, their insights have not yet
beeninrcE led into a postmodernundcrstandingof political participa-
tion. This failure of integration is a direct result of an encessively
polarized debatethat has elided their similarities and enaggeratedtheir
differences.'Rather than focus primarily on the differencesbetweendis-
cursive participation and resistance,t maintain that it is possibleand
fruitful to combine thesetwo strategies.'z In the following discussionI
utilize the conternporary concept of@ both
deliberation and resistanceinto a new understanding of political par-
ticipation as performatiue r t
--J

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T'rariiti<lnai
nttldesttl'noliticainarticinatifrnhavebecomelirtile becausethev lack anr
a'biiitvto nrovideiniluenceoverthe hishi\,'ernansive natureo1'decision makingthzrtis
inrncrriour.tLi()Lrrintcresrs.
Kujvnvch i997
{icssica.AssistantPrci'cssor oi Poiiticallicrcncciri WintirronLjnivcrsitvin Rockiriii.
i)oiitr," \it-ri iii h,ri. l. rvinter- ri,J, l

/tt I)lsdp[ning Hebermrs


Politigpl.scie$tists
havetradilig+ally.unjlerstood
politicalparticipationas
.>r
| "'/ aa-activitythat assurqsindividualinfluence_over1lreffiffistem,
protec6i-of pri
far'l^;tY
develop-ment.
Habermasand Foucault describethe impact of the condi-
P-rk tions of
-<
/J'" in remarkablysimilarways.Habermas
describes
a woiid
tsK bilities for efficacious
rn of state and
9 1aa ti:1
lzatlon technicalnature of political decision-
^ <\^yi^
ization of iTormertv sacred-ffrvaid
a ublguitorf administratiu.@ o
political participation unable to provide influencg, privacy, legitimacy,
and self-development.3 As the stateis fored to take an everlargerrole in
irecting a complex
of administrat . In order to fulfill its function as the
manag€rof the e@nomy,the administratiue statemustalsomanagethe
detailso.fo.rliv.esformerlyconsidered
@
our "private" livescontinuesto grow, the publichasbecomelessand
lessinterestedin fo"rllg insteadoJgl!.g!4 andiocial
mores,l9sure,and mniumttion.
_ -
9$eo ln potltlcs at preqsdy ttrc samemoment@_
ing increasinslv"politicized" and a@4i!!9{g!L.This siegeof privatetife
and the gdigjJ1gf this ism" in the function-
ing of the modernadministEffist^rate maEs a of
nbe from stateintervention.l
Correlatively, the technical and instnrnental ra

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j ^ f l o ,^ ,a
z a 7(,Y7 exaerbatedbv the aaaeacomprexityof'ri"ir",
a poriri"a system,t u"tui.a ui
,\ i Jl*'1J FraserusesHabermas,s
analysisof the contempoffi6-n to demonstrate
9+-;€{(rzt horl theinfusion

@,tor t.l
ffiH::*':::,1-:r*r* tt"t ptiri@
lt1!! Ta,.Tonorr,"n=.ur",
:::::",_.:':1.: :1l!: :llre ie urleouaiv
struct a
€nnot.fu{rctiqnas ru.h*i*6
Accordingly,th*rirtr ."
ror optir,ilirti."boutthepossibilitieffi
.irfu.nrto "*.*h
attemptto""communicate interest,io ffiry
vious to citizeninterests, " i.o"r-
"r.h"*rand ins,rrumcntat nd
trE .exclusiffitec!,ri9al- debate. Simitariy,
Foucault'somprex geneatogical d"s"frffos or air"ipffiry po*., nru
workschallenge thetraditionarassumption that poriticarpoweris rocated
#*Tyj^,::.,111y_llpii*r"i,r,.r*"li'irl,io""''"r'il1#
is typically and
predominantlvdi
As
purposeof
influence, privacy,
legitimacy,and setfdeveliEiil
to
lve in the cont

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i;:i i: iiiii-icnr-l;isrii-iiv iuics siiiiai iii,rsi- Ihc iiic:ii -rnceeh


is itiiierciitii,rrriiisi.",r iiecliiisc
ri'ic rliniriii rii'sncce ii is iiiiriici-i hr si i:ri;'lii: iicr-iiiii:c.
i+pj
lis!1n*1__i:!
l.itl-iSiilii. ,'!ssit;ii;t;i i'i'Lrie s.riii ci'iii;itiiciii 5cicrfcC ,ii, !.;;rrrtrr.uil L,iit.r.cisii-r itl p..i-lCkiitii.
i'iiiii''- i'i;iiiriir iii. ivii l- iiiriir!-. ni,. I

effects of @ntemporary societiesexplained b-reatively


Haberry has been routinely criticized for igrroring the productive
A T '.r, \1y r nature of contanporary power. His juxtaposition of system and life-
world in The Tlwory of Conmunicative Action relies on a separation of
tlo(" n^o> good power from bad (communicativepower v. steeringmedia), and
| posits an ideal specchsituation freed from the distortions of power.rl
",le ,l " ,rl. is
, "nl n{ ingly
- abstractand doesnot adeouatelv attend
- to the wavs in which
lnformqliscourse. A number of thorists have effectively arguod
\.J t that and men do not standin . For
;-F-.+ , Linda com-
munity of
! 7fc("^ra- mt 'and
"whose
a- unf il one userto uqderstandwhat another is sayirg; just as it compcls
+
to constrain within the limits of an existingpoliticd
, '.#/""'' ."2'In this casethecontentof spepc@
in diqgct violation of the required conditions for the ideal speechsitua-
.----:-..'_---
tion. The foundationsof ommunication are not the ided equalrelation-
are insteada4 exclusive.learned,and
gendered. svmbolic heritage. As Carole Pateman polnts out, women
enter into public discussionon a very tenuous plane. flegnlotiC-Uqi
_t communicative cpggpts !Ugb-a!.
consentsystematicallyexcludeswomen from the categoryof individuals

capableof consenting.'sThe mere existenceof a debate over whether


"no meansno" with to rape $ a
estat Vomen can hardly be seenas equal par-
,Ft*nO when they do not have the same opportunity to expresstheir
lntent. / I

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iit iii Tlj-he L:(iitccri ci':in iiieai sncccir incviu,ihiv r:nutiis licilirinu iniiiccei_-,iiihicrnccch
rcsiii t i ri !i i ir iii i,-ri aiii ;:;iii i;it ;iriii cxc i rrsi iin _
;';2i
Lui31-::*r-h
i,irr:rlteii. r'\iist5iatil i:ii.iicssi-ii'i,riiliiiitir:;ii be iclir:c 'r.t '.1iiitirioD I r6t-,.gt't;*-"'
iii itr,rckiriii"
-;.
i t i r l i i r - V s r i i - t : i i c. l i t i i i i ; l,iitici ir,.: i
-
f evcn such a sophisticatedand sensitiveapproach to ideal speechas
/cy1*e Bcnhabib's cannot cleansecommunicativeaction of its exclusivity. tt is .
^t I.
\ z T e t zI that lsa
ld-e,
that is
6-t
- l- r1<{ n27 2 1 ls . The model of an i&al
speech establishesa norm of interaction that is
,ft r,-A tion it excludes.The norm
Di\ l- faygrycritical argument
laa+iar 29
frningideals entailsde
forms
( ut4l,wlrt-

& o{. mulation r s a


defined as rmas's for-
idea. Speech
G\ )
has no
ided soeechsituation, and hcncepcrsons*ho1 speechis richly colored

with rhetoric, gesture,humor or affectation could be defined as


Therefore, a definition of citizen-
bascd on ideal form of interaction can easily
a tool for of deviant communicatorsf
gory of citizeqs.This sort of
rational debate. Correlatively, as Fraser explains, becausethe coln-
muffitivrfron approrch !s ploceduralit is particdiarly unsuitid to
content.to
qelationship that is at the core of feminist
and A
..qI". that ryommodate all utterances
speakingsubjects. It _cannotrequire that we take seriouslyor be con-
virrcodbythestat@In@
ceduralapproachdoesnot addressthe cultural context that makessome

o
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We are the government


Kulynych 1997
(Jessica,AssistantProfessorof Political Science@ Winthrop University in Rockhill,
Polity, Volume 30, No. 2, winter, pg._)

f' Overall, both Habermas and Foucault direct attention away from
traditional participatory activities directed at the formal apparatusof
L_c dr government.Yet they also connecttheseparticipatory activitiesback to
larger, more globalized,and more institutionalizedpower regimes.While
YL Foucault @ncentrateson contestsat the micro-level, he contendsthat
thoseoontestsprovide the raw material for global domination. Similarly
Lo r/ Habermashas moved from a relativelypessimisticand defensiveview of
the political process(wheredemocracywas limited to a communicative
but protectedpublic spherewhoselegitimateopinions made few inroads
into political administration), to a more promising theorization of a
L'g "democratized administration" in a constitutional state that ..trans-
lates" legitimate influence into political and administrative power.
Although my theorization of a performative conceptof participation as
rcistanoe is designedto reiterate the importane of focusing on more
surprising instancesof participation, this expansionand redefinition of
participation doesnot precludethe continuanceof representativeinstitu-
tions and formalized participation. Rather it rearrangc their purpose
and priority. An expandednotion of political participation as performa-
tive resistanceallows for a more effective thernatizationof social prob-
lems, and it demonstrateshow performative resistanoeis not above or
below traditional participation, but necessarilywithin it. Performative
resistanceis evident in intimate and personalrelationships,in the delib-
erations of civil society, and in the problem-solvinginstitutions of the

constitutional state.While Habermasinsistson a separationbetweenthe


problem-solvingthat takesplae in parliamentsand the world-disclosing
that is the function of the public sphere,a performative oonceptionof
participation effectively underminesany firm s@aration betweenprob-
lem solving and world disclosure.Proposalsfor group representationin
legislativeinstitutions by theoristssuchas Young and Guinier makemore
sensefrom a performative perspectivebecausethey encouragethe per-
formative reconstitution of identity not only in private life, but also at
the level of public decisionmaking.rs I

FEARAND LOATHING
IN ARIZONA
ADI 2K6 I

N2: Topically

TOPICALITY
(o f f e n s e )

Our opponents' topicality arguments are based in a very


narrow set of definitions to the words in the resolution.
This is Eurocentric debate to the core. This method of
debate sets limits on language for the sake of
categorization and domination.
in
MarimbaAni, hoftsgor of Afrikrn Studicsin thc Dcprftmc{rtof Blrk andPucrtoRicanStudicsat Huntcr Collcgc
NcwYork Cify,.Yuntgu:AnAfrlcan-CentetedCrttquaofEuropunAitumln\oughtadBehavior, l994,P-1142

t'lrto'a prolccf ol dircrpsls, ol dlvlslon rtrd clleSorl$tlon,


(.rpllcttly.clTowlcdgrd, th. focua of d|lcounc slrlicd away
re8onlog through enalogy, lrom thc GrGcvbrrbdlrn dls-
Iton, tolntcrnd dleltloo.. toilrdr hlcnrcldratloo whlch rrtlc
dltlcrcocr. ln.lde thc troublld clty. Plrto dcttlcd th. utlllty
ot t he GrecftTbuberirn polrdty, tumed hl3 rttentlon to mrlcy'terule
lceso'rrn8
nndtvon t''.,|
:l:111,*":*:L*g*rt
rlinrtlonanddmlnrrcc.a T"1:-
A
r,n/.
a
l//:;:;-
It is 13 Haeelocl tuggeltr. . nd modc lor th. dcvclopmcnt o{ a
'good' 'crltlcrl' mlnd, for
end thc crcatlon ol the
kristhc.no!rctodlrcourrcfrom thepoctrysnd morcpoeth prose
tlre filth crnturyr|3 mrde ncces$ry by thc chbontcd, detrlltd
lr||],,s,lmguegc.pproprlete tor rrtlculrtlnS new r€lattomhlp3. She
r;rys ol the Platmlc trlcvrt,

t';\€ry loSG{hrt lr, cwry srSurEnt, ct trlt rrtlonallz.tlon. cvtry


(lircouric-ahoub bc sublcct to thc rrmc typc ol tubordln.tlon
and hlerarchy, u stll |. orgenlc conncctlon, rs lhc My dercrlbed
rrt ltr monrcrrt of crGrtlon ln thc firDo6l1il

ln othcr wordt. the Etructue ol Phtonlc dlscourtc ltrelf torced


rlro3€ who uscd lt to acccpt a prrtlcubr conccpt of social ordcr.
rlrilll|ntt In thc ncry cyntar ol oor lpc.ch as we lc|In thc Engllrh lan-
luagc, thc furtlficetlon ol our'lnlcrlorlty' lr embcddcd, .nd, whrt lr
'moA,&lr'
rrorc, rae orfqt ttu,t fact 6 un the la4guqge. (And lt h not
.rccldentel, glven the nrturt ot European culturd hbtory, thrt thc
word rnq$rr, whlch dcllgnrtcr the male gpodcr, mcrnr "to Srln con-
rrol orrer.) lndccd thb m.lyrls of Phtonlc thought b not merlly an
icrdcnlc crcr€ba lt hclp3 to cxpose rhc oppnrelnc ild rcpresslvc

cultort rckle
lorm6 wlthln European and Euro'Amatcln -l::l "l
;il".;,
rurr(an'r ;th..
u'rsr "non'Europcanc'' lnd.to I htrtr,:1t1tj:1yg
'"" *- -- -'J.,lvtd lvlty I
sslctl.t b th. m"'k of lrtut
lr lt thrt rPccch In EuroPcan'
A,.dwhl h lt thrt Aftktn-ry$ 1T*T; I ttrc
; il;;6;t
Hff;ilTlffi;iile o'u""ft'dn"s" Iry] H ?wc
".'"l,
heve thc Iatultlt! roerrrtttt"-Ji crttttgF.l:::.c1::1f:: {cre-
r:b
$; ffilil;d;J t.'n"8"! rnctrcq1t1111l-oeP* &rn
;;;';;I;i..d ar r lorcc thd lilbts on the mrlntcntncr
lncGttnl worlGvlcw.

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