THE CONTINUING PAST 1

CHAPTER 6:
-

Filipino resistance was submissive to the

American military strategy and to Gen.
Douglas MacArthur
Coming from Ch. 5, different guerilla
leaders were USAFFE soldiers who refused
to surrender, groups patterned after the
Philippine Army (rankings, leaders)

-1st objective of all groups was to establish

contact with MacArthur

First Contacts (133)

1. July 10, 1942 - Capt. Nakar (Isabela, Nueva
Vizcaya), prayers call for MacArthur to
return
2. November 2, 1942 - Major Macario Peralta
(Free Panay Force), faith in MacArthur
Australian Connection (133-134)
-

Filipinos Australian Connection =

ridiculous
1. Lt. Col. Gador (Negros) will only take
command if Negros groups
successfully contacted Australia
2. Harry Fenton (Cebu) MacArthur might
refuse to recognize their group
MacArthurs reconquest of the Philippines,
guerillas must lie low, wait for liberation
forces and supplies

Hunters vs. Markings (137)

-

MacArthur ordered Courtney Whitney to

organize, supply, coordinate the Filipino
guerillas
Submarines brought supplies
Guerilla groups not concerned in
organizing people, only use for supplies

Inter-Guerilla Rivalries (136-137)

Guerillas expected food and entertainment

from barrios
Burden to barrios due to shortage of
supplies
People saw rival groups fight instead of a
unified resistance

Genesis of the Huks (138-140)

-

Erosion of Morale (135-136)

guerillas obeyed MacArthur
recruits still remained employed in
Japanese puppet government for the
whole occupation

many recruits were patriots who were

anti-Japanese
some less laudable recruits: avenging
family members who suffered, escape
arrest for crimes, satisfy a sense of
adventure, gain prestige and authority,
escape harassment by other guerillas
some joined since they had no work and
wanted pensions

Excesses and Dillusionment (138)

Reason was because they were in the

same area, superiority
Competed for recruits and supplies
Col. Bernard Anderson of Allied
Headquarters ended hostilities between
the two

No Political Objectives (137-138)

MacArthur Cult (134-135)

Resistance was filled with personal

ambitions and rivalries inside guerilla
groups
A. Guerilla recognition, B. Concentration
on organization, C. Promotions in rank for
leaders, caused disputes
Many disputes among guerilla groups

USAFFE-led groups were against them,

hostile towards a communist-led group
Hukbalahap represented a different
resistance group based on origin,
leadership, organization, attitude towards
US, socio-political goals
Hukbalahap worked and struggled
together long before Japanese invasion
Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (Crisanto
Evangelista) and Socialist Party (Pedro
Abad Santos) merged in 1938

THE CONTINUING PAST 2

-

PKP pledged loyalty to Commonwealth and

the US for unity and anti-fascist, antiJapanese
After the 2 leaders death, March 29, 1942
Hukbalahap was born
Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon,
leaders were assigned

Peoples Councils (143-144)

-

Guiding Principles (140-141)

-

Huks to reawaken the spirit of struggle,

people take destiny in their own hands
2 docments establishing socio-political
commitments
1. The Fundamental Spirit principles of
a peoples revolutionary army
2. The Iron Discipline duties and
privileges of Huk soldiers
like an army, 2 characteristics set them
apart
1. Presence of a political instructor in
addition to the usual officers
2. Equality between soldiers and officers
join the army for national
emancipation and social freedom,
everyone shares the same fortune and
hardship

Huk as the army of the people

Had set a list of dos and donts with
interaction with people

Huk Justice (142-143)

-

execution of Felipa Culala (DayangDayang) for demanding feasts for the

Huks
Huks also suffered weaknesses
1. Merge between Communist and
Socialist Parties different set of
priorities and goals, and ways to lead
2. Laxity in the admission of members in
the Huk organization. Some turned to
banditry.

Study meetings among soldiers, explain

struggle and need for unity

Stronger bond of solidarity with the Huk

movement
Organized barrios were the principal
source of Huk power in Central Luzon
Solidarity of Huks and people were due to
the war-time activities, long tradition of
struggle, and the continuity of leadership
War gave them the opportunity to settle
scores with their landlord enemies
Philippine Communist Party admired
Chinese comrades for their national
struggle for liberation

Huks and the US (146-147)

-

Education and Politicization (143)

BUDC (Barrio United Defense Corps),

provided political education and
experience in self-government
BUDC governed by a peoples council
elected by residents above 18 years of
age
Functions of the council as a support
organization and a governing body for the
community
Served as links and communication,
collected food and supplies, and
maintained a judicial system
Trial by jury was also done
Huk organizers check barrios and towns to
check on the councils

Peoples Participation (145-146)

Relations with the People (141-142)

Use of newspapers and leaflets

(Katubusan ng Bayan)
Cultural and Information Dept. led by Juan
Feleo organized plays, songs for soldiers

Communist Party sent Casto Alejandrino

and Fernando Sampang, mayors of Arayat
and Mexico, Pampanga to Bataan to meet
Gen. MacArthur
Ended with no material assistance for the
Huks
Huks wanted their own political program
and refused to join the Americans over-all
guerilla plan
Tried to invite other guerilla groups to setup a united guerilla front but failed,
(Markings and Hunters Guerillas were
anti-Huk and wanted to work alone)

THE CONTINUING PAST 3

-

Huk resistance was within the framework

of the return to Commonwealth
government and of the US (supported US
troops and officials)
- Main goals were Independence and
Democracy
1. Independence - independence the US had
promised before
2. Democracy Peoples participation and
distribution of agricultural produce,
recognition of international (alliance of the
Soviet Union and US against fascist
powers) and national (pro-Americanism
within the country, America can drive
away Japan) realities
Opportunities Lost (147-148)
-

Leaders missed the chance to re-examine

the old assumptions and take advantage
of the struggle against Japanese and
educate the realities of imperialism
Lost the opportunity of struggle and
effecting their own liberation
Huks pre-war radicalism was more antiland than anti-imperialism
Limited consciousness of the masses
Americans denied the Huks a place in the
post-war power structure

Two Collaborations (148-149)

-

Filipino resistance was conducted within

the framework of the restoration of
American power
2 collaborations coexisted (Japanese and
American)
Those with Japanese secretly were for
Americans and those who were antiAmericanism were willing to accept
Japanese leadership over Asia
Resistance fighters were not be quickly
regarded as heroes while those who
collaborated with Japan must prove that
they are not traitors
Peoples instinctive rejection of foreign
control

Advance and Retreat (149-150)

-

Revolutionary instincts were activated due

to active struggle or covert resistance

Resistance against the Japanese was

fighting one invader but waiting for
another
Made a new level of anti-imperialist
struggle and awareness, and an
examination of Filipino colonial attitudes

THE CONTINUING PAST 4

CHAPTER 7:
-

October 20, 1944 MacArthurs forces

landed on Leyte
Proclaimed te re-establishment of the
Commonwealth government
February 27 MacArthur turned over
Malacanang to Pres. Osmena
Operations to break up Japanese forces
(capture of Gen. Yamashita)

Reimposition of US Sovereignty (152)

-

No real anti-colonial consciousness under

Japanese occupation
Filipinos played an acquiescent role in the
reimposition of American leadership

Huk leaders expected to inspire an

important role
Leaders post-war goals: 1. Prevent
collaborators holding office, 2. Implement
the independence plan, 3. Progressive
source supposedly

MacArthur Supreme(157-158)
-

MacArthur was better qualified than

anyone else to decide for the Philippines
Intended ot retain full authority and
responsibility over the Commonwealth
No High Commisioner with MacArthur
present

The Arbiter (158-159)

Forces at Work (152-153)
-

Post-war society were the confrontations

of these forces pro-American guerillas,
Hukbalahaps, MacArthur and his staff,
Pres. Osmena, and Manuel Roxas
MacArthur was the principal factor of the
political equation

Guerillas vs. Huks (153-154)

-

Guerilla forces faithfully followed

MacArthur and US forces
Guerilla had no national social program,
no disturbance of social structure and
expected reconstruction after the war
Resistance for guerilla leaders was a ride
for personal ambition while Huks called
themselves tulisaffes (tulisan and
USAFFE)
Guerillas referred to barrio orgs as copies
of the Soviet Union

Guerilla Politicians (154-155)

-

prospect of backpay was used than the

pork barrel to gain support
Tomas Confessor, became Osmenas
Defense Secretary

The Huk Threat (155-156)

-

underlying threat was the Hukbalahaps

Concept of the importance of the

individual In making history
Restoration of the status quo ante, proAmerican leadership and economy
dependent on the US

The MacArthur Clique (159-161)

1. US Navy Commander Charles Parsons
(part owner,
2. Brig. Gen. Courtney Whitney (corporation
lawyer)
- encouraged MacArthur to create the
Philippine Civil Affairs Unit
3. Joseph McMicking (businessman)
4. Gen. Charles A. Willoughby (chief)
5. Soriano(parity gave him the best of both
worlds)
The Emerging Patterns (161-162)
1. PCAU and CIC (Counter Intelligence Corps)
2. Difference of Hukbalahap and other
guerilla groups
3. Policy on collaboration
4. Preference for Roxas instead of Osmena,
2 Stages for a Civil Government, 2 Stages
for a Civil Government
Phase 1: MacArthur makes the final
decisions on those appointed
Phase 2: MacArthur certified a province
was pacified and rady to be turned to the
Government
Obsession with Continuity (163)

THE CONTINUING PAST 5

-

political stability concern and continuation

of pre-war political power structure
new faces in the guerilla groups so
MacArthur reinstated pre-war officials

Harold Ickes (Secretary of Interior)

MacArthur had the power to decide who
collaborated and who did not

Roxas Liberated (170-171)

Apprehensions at GHQ (163-164)
-

Hukbalahap as a semi-political, semibandit org

Luis Tagle (executive officer of USPIF
United States of Philippine Island Forces)
warned the Huks about their group

The Military Governor (171-172)

-

The Other Enemy (164-165)

-

Huks thought MacArthur was an ally

instead of the main enemy
Huks as a potential threat to the
Commonwealth government and peace of
the Philippines

The First Encounters (165-166)

-

US Army found Huk established working

governments
Huks not recognized as a legitimate
guerilla org
Huk appointed leaders were replaced by
the US Army

preparing Roxas to be the next President

Ickes prediction of the Roxas
advertisement happened

restoring Commonwealth president the

power to govern all territories liberated by
the US forces
left Pres. Osmena in an event without a
clue of what happened
MacArthur overshadowed Osmena

Osmenas Predicament (172-173)

-

Philippine government had no funds

State of economic collapse for the country
PCAU took charge with the supplies
US Army was the fountain of all graces
and thanked MacArthur

White Hope (173-174)

-

Dfference in Treatment (166-167)

-

regarded as bandits, they were asked to

surrender their arms to the government
Whitney asked Huks to surrender

Disowned and Disarmed

-

Huk squadrons began surrendering their

arms but some were executed right after
(Maclangs group)
Huk held to the policy of the united front,
continued to support campaigns and fight
against Japan
Expected Washington to correct matters
but without success
Huks were off-balance after MacArthurs
policies against them

MacArthur and Collaboration

Quezon preferred Roxas as his successor

than Osmena
- Roxas acted as Liaison Officer between the
Army Command and the Phil. Government
- Roxas lived in Manila for retirement
- Later years, Roxas was the head of
Bigasang Bayan and appointed to the
National Planning Board
- Roxas had strong reasons to avoid
collaboration and to commit to the hope of
American liberation due to his American
school background, patriotic duty
Clandestine Contacts (174-175)
-

Roxas joined the Laurel government when

he had no more contact with MacArthur
MacArthur designed Roxas to fit the next
presidency

Batang Club (175-176)

-

Roxas was popular in MacArthurs clique

Roxas is the only leader which can
reconstruct the country based on their

THE CONTINUING PAST 6

ideas and interests (offered a link to the

guerilla resistance and to collaborationist
elements with the Phil. Elite)
MacArthur cleared Roxas of any
collaborationist background and made him
Brigadier General

The New Alignments (176-177)

-

Osmena supporters felt threatened with

Roxas entering the political scene, clearly
being dominant in Congress
Osmena tried to avoid this by delaying the
convening of Congress to slow down Roxas
The US Army provided transportation for
all legislators to attend the Congress
session

Congress Convened (177-178)

-

Roxas was elected Senate President on

June 9, 1945
Congress expressed gratitude towards
MacArthur for the liberation of the
country, honorary Filipino (DefenderLiberator)
MacArthur released detainees, some were
congressmen to strengthen Roxas allies

Vacillation of Osmena (179-180)

-

Roxas: collaborator as a man who

voluntarily gave aid, comfort, and
assistance to the enemy, but if he
cooperated under duress, he must no be
punished
Osmena: expressed appreciation towards
his old colleagues and if they had not
collaborated, the Japanese might have
governed directly leading to more
suffering

Osmena took a moderate stand on the

collaborator issue to avoid hurting his
government
Defused the collaboration issue by
sacrificing Confesor and Cabili from their
positions and assigning them to the
Filipino Rehabilitation Commission in
Washington
Confesor asked Osmena to take a firm
stand on the issue by refused due to old
age and continue wit conciliation and
compromise

Anti-Collaboration Undermined (180)

-

Collaboration: Two Views (177)

-

Opposition led by Roxas and Speaker Jose

Zulueta demanded
1. Ousting of both Confesor and Cabili
from the Cabinet
2. Revision on the policy of collaborators
3. Pending the collaboration charges
against them

Osmena created the Peoples Court to try

all the collaboration cases
CIC (Counter Intelligence Corps) turned
over over 5600 collaboration cases but
was only given 6 months for filing
indictments
MacArthurs staff did not cooperate with
the prosecutors
Only Teofilo Sison (Quezons Defense
Secretary) was the only one convicted in
the Peoples Court
Osmena wanted Roxas to succeed him in
office, not fight him for it
Patronage was one weapon Osmena had
against Roxas

Osmenas Political Thrusts (181)

Pressures on Osmena (178-179)
-

Osmena asked the US Congress to prohibit

collaborators from political positions for a
definite period
2 of his Cabinet Secretaries, Tomas
Confesor (Interior) and Tomas Cabili
(Defense) directly stated that leadership
should be for resistance leaders and not
collaborators

Pro-Roxas provincial appointees were

being dismissed while Osmena tried to
control the Senate and the House
This strategy needed the approval of the
US Congress, unfortunately without
success
Secretary Ickes needed to go after
collaborators which destroyed Osmenas
chance to get support

THE CONTINUING PAST 7

The Break (181-182)
-

Worst that happened with Osmena and

Roxas was when Roxas left the
NAcionalista party and created the Liberal
Party, taking many politicians with him
Osmena used his powers of appointment
and funds to support (also Chinese men
headed by Alfonso Sycip) his campaign
but badly needed mass support
He was forced to enter a coalition with the
Democratic Alliance

3. Equitable share of the harvest for

tenants
4. Recognition of all trade unions and
peasant orgs.
5. Loans of tenants and small proprietors
to eliminate usury
6. Safeguards against land-grabbing and
evictions
United Front Elements (184)
-

the programs of the DA reflected the

political views of reformists

Non-Traditional Political Group (182-183)

-

Democratic Alliance was a new element in

politics led by middle and upper class
liberals
Coalition of orgs., united with a common
anti-collaborationist sentiment and desire
for reform
Spokesmen of the common people against
conservative classes (orgs that joined on
Page 182)
One org was the PKM (Pambansang
Kaisahan ng mga Magbubukid) which was
a unification of the KPMP (Kalipunang
Pambansa ng mga Magbubukid sa
Pilipinas) and AMT (Aguman ding Maldang
Talagapagobra) led by Mateo del Castillo
and Juan Feleo
Democratic Alliance had a 5-point
program:
1. Support independence without reexamination anytime
2. Democracy against fascism
3. Anti-collaboration
4. Social security and agrarian reform
5. Industrialization

The Coalition (184-185)

-

DA grew a mass base in Manila and

Central Luzon, Osmena needed their
support
Osmena lost support from wealthy
financiers, ani-Huk forces, and Filipinos
who longed for peacetime stability

Forces of Restoration (185-186)

-

Roxas used his connection with MacArthur

and his opposition to radicalism
Wealthy Filipinos, landowners, political
conservaties, collaborators supportd Roxas
Forces of restoration was in the Roxas
camp

MacArthurs Choice (186)

-

MacArthurs clear preference was a strong

political asset
Media advertised this

Enter McNutt (186-187)

DA Demands (183-184)
-

st

1 point: Roxas who was known to admit

that he wanted to postpone independence
due to problems in reconstruction and
rehabilitation
2nd point: Roxas accused of being a fascist
Anti-collaboration policy should apply to
all including Osmenas allies
Social reforms of the Democratic Alliance
were modest enough:
1. Enforcement of an 8-hour working day
2. Standardization and increase in
workers wages

American who was the gretest assistance

to Roxas campaign
McNutt persuaded Truman to allow civilian
wartime collaborators without interference
of the US
Osmenas link with the DA made him an
unsuitable ally for the US while Roxas
seemed to be the perfect person for the
position

The Restoration (187-188)

THE CONTINUING PAST 8

-

Roxas beat Osmena by 203,000 votes

Restoration that MacArthur had planned
was assured, prre-war elite was reestablished, American resistance leaders
were accomodated
End of war did not usher a new social
order, it adjusted to a life in accordance
with the imperatives of American
imperialism

THE CONTINUING PAST 9

CHAPTER 8:
In an effort to avoid another Great
Depression of 1929 scenario, policy makers and
businessmen attempted economic solutions in
the form of incorporating the capitalist world into
a system under the Americas. They had a
Marshall Plan in which the objectives were to
subdue rivals among rival nations, displace
England, and to explore the heights of finance in
the continent. Their thrust was aimed at other
capitalisms such as England and the Western
European countries, and control for Third World
countries as suppliers of raw materials for the
sustenance of the expansion of their markets.
Implicit in all these policy maneuvers was
a long range global plan culminating in US
domination over the world. As a result, they had
to defend and sustain capitalism everywhere.
This is why the rise of New Democracies in
Eastern Europe was viewed as a dangerous
expansion of Russian power, and why their
propaganda created the Cold War - which was an
excuse to interfere with the internal affairs of
nations and build a network of military alliances
for the defense against the 'Red Menace'. The
end result, the expansion of US Control and the
facilitation of the economic penetration while
contricting options of the rest of the 'free world'.
America's objective immediately after the
war was to transform the Philippines to a
neocolony. Majority of the filipinos accepted the
imposition of a neocolonial framework because
they argued that no benefit was to be reaped
from a country with a shattered economy.
With the filipino people comfortable with
the presence of Americans, it became relatively
easy for native leaders to fall as their pawns.
Upon the restoration of the old oligarchy, only the
peasants of Central Luzon, urban workers in the
Committee of Labor Organizations (CLO), and the
Democratic Alliance opposed. This was the
background as the Roxas-Quirino administration
appeared.
Manuel Roxas assumed his position at a
time when the country would've flourished upon
the introduction of a new basis but instead of
seeing his opportunity to build a truly
independent country, he saw the unfortunate
effects of our shattered economy. And so, with

America's offered solutions; 1) MacArthur's

sponsorships, 2) friendship and assistance of High
Commisioner McNutt and American businessmen,
and 3) the support of local conservative forces,
he couldn't help but accept.
Despite the "closeness" Roxas has with
American politicians, the loans and/or grants he
requested from the US were mostly turned down
while some were reduced to such a low price. He
was shocked with the response but did not
change his course of action. He continued to work
for the American assistance. In his inaugural
address as the new president, he claimed he had
"no dream of empire in America." Ironic
considering that this was when the United States
was implementing the foundation of neocolonial
control and he was doing everything to adapt the
country to the framework.
The foundation stone of the neocolonial
structure were the 1) Bell Trade Act, 2) Tydings
Rehabilitation Act, 3) Military Bases Agreement,
and 4) the Military Assistance Agreement. The
Bell Trade Act was for the continuation of free
trade between America and the Philippines,
otherwise they would terminate the grant for
Philippine independence. But then the Americans
started limiting the export of Philippine products
to their country, due to fear of competition, while
they could continually export in ours. This act
also deprived the country of its currency
sovereignity by fixing the rate of exchange which
could not be changed without th US's approval.
The most troublesome policy was the
parity act which obliged Philippines to grant US
citizens the same privileges that filipinos have (i.e
land ownership, fishing/mineral rights, etc.). Sen
Millard Tydings named Paul V. McNutt as one of
the opposers of independence who favored the
Bell act. He can be called as the real author of the
Bell act but, unfortunately, was funded by Jasper
Bell.
Another challenge was the approval of the
Trade Relations Act by the Philippine Congress.
McNutt involved the coverage of war damage to
the act as an insurance that Roxas will implement
it, seeing that war damage payments were
needed for the rehab of private industry which is
essential to his reconstruction program. His
Liberals and representatives were insufficient for

THE CONTINUING PAST 10

the passing of the bill. So Roxas had his Liberal
majorities to refuse to permit 3 Nacionalista
senators and 8 congressmen, seven from the
Democratic Alliance, to take their seats. Roxas
and his lieutenants used personal persuasion and
offered patronage of the pork funds in exchange
for an affirmative vote for the remaining senators
and congressmen of the Nacionalista party. Had
the legislators from the Nacionalista Democratic
Alliance coalition not been unseated, parity would
never have passed.
The parity amendment was still to be
voted by the people in a plebiscite. In Central
Luzon, the plebiscite took place in the population
centers to minimize the anti-activity of the
Hukbalahaps and to give edge to the party
machine according to Julius Edelstein.
The Philippines signed the Military Bases
Agreement, three days after the plebiscite. The
Military Assistance Pact provided the Philippine
military
personnel
with
furnished
arms,
ammunition and supplies, trainings from the
United States. They also sent officers to US
military schools and set up a Join US Military
Advisory Group (JUSMAG) paid for by the
Philippine government to advise the Philippine
Army, Constabulary, Air Force, Navy and
Intelligence Services. These were integral parts of
the US global strategy to contain communism.
What the government wanted was peace, with
the surrender of arms. This contested the
approval of the radical movement, particularly
the Huks, the Democratic Alliance and PKM
(Pambansang Kaisahan ng mga Magbubukid),
because to them weapons gave them security,
especially after the Japanese invasion.
On July 29, 1929, President Roxas issues
Republic Act No. 4 called the surrender of arms.
Central Luzon now became a battle zone as the
government declared war on the Huks. The
government concentration in Central Luzon
forced the Huks to expand to other regions. They
shifted from a tactic of evasion to an intensified
widespread offensive defensive form of struggle
confined to small hit and run ambushes.
On March 1948, President Roxas outlawed
the Hukbalahap and the PKM declaring them
illegal associations organized and maintained to

commit acts of sedition and to overthrow the

government
through
force.
PKP
(Partido
Komunista ng Pilipinas) leaders were busy with
the organization of urban works. A Trade Union
Division was created for organizing labor in the
early post war years. The result was later
renamed Congress of Labor Organizations. Some
of their affiliates are: Union de Impresores de
Filipinas, Federacion Obrera de la Industria
Tabaquera de Filipinas, the Metropolitan Water
District Workers Union and the Association of Oil
Workers.
The country was abundant in
essential American commodities and
damaged payments. Corruption was
prominent and the economic status of
country was clearly going down.

nonwar
also
the

President Roxas died of a heart attack in

Clark Field Pampanga on April 15, 1948. Elpidio
Quirino immediately addressed himself to the
rebellion in Central Luzon. He made contact with
Luis Taruc with his brother Judge Antonio Quirino
as his principal emissary and negotiator. They
had secret meetings to which they came up with
tentative agreements: 1)the President would do
everything in his power to make independence
real by working toward the abrogation of the Bell
Trade Act and Military Bases Agreement 2) by
resisting the impositions of American imperialism,
that the President would eradicate graft and
corruption in government 3)enhance democratic
liberties 4) institute land reform.
On June 21 President Quirino announced
that the government would forgive and forego
the prosecution of the crimes of rebellion only to
those who presented themselves with all their
arms and ammunition to the duly constituted
authorities. Although they were supposedly in a
truce while negotiations were going on,
Constabulary and civil guards continued their
raids and ambushes. They regarded the
registration of firearms as a means of identifying
Huks and PKMs for future harassment or
liquidation.
The radical movement continued with
armed struggle. Their goal was to overthrow the
government by force. They changed the name of

THE CONTINUING PAST 11

Hukbalahap to Hukbong Magpagpalaya ng Bayan
(HMB) or Army of National Liberalism. PKP, the
Huks and the peasant masses ways of trying to
achieve their goal shifted from legal parliament
struggle to defensive armed struggle for
survival. The PKP parted ways from majority of
the Democratic Alliance and continued on with
the parliamentary process.
Nationalist articulation began to be taken
over by Claro M. Recto and Jose P. Laurel. They
criticized American policy and opposed the USsupported Liberal Party. They were also in favor of
abrogating parity and repealing the Bell Trade
Act, since it had not served its purpose. Laurel
was a standard bearer of the Nacionalista Party
and Recto was a senatorial candidate. Both
adopted the Nacionalista campaign line and were
supported by the HMB. However Quirino still won
the 1949 election. Americans did not approve of
Laurel, Recto did not get his seat until 1952.

THE CONTINUING PAST 12

CHAPTER 9:

allocation of funds.

The country was faced with a grave economic &

financial crisis. The Bell Trade act tied the hands
of the Phil. Govt. and prevented it from acting to
protect its economy.

Second type of American intervention was

a more direct response to the internal communist
threat. There was a Melby Mission that was sent
to the Phils. To look into the military equipment
needs of the Phil. Armed Forces and to set up a
program for improving its counter-insurgency
capability.

American strategic planners considered

the Philippines as the weakest link in their Asian
offshore island chain of defense. President
Truman allowed a temporary modification of free
trade relations and agreed to Philippine demands
for the institution of import and exchange
controls. This was the only way of checking the
dangerous decline in dollar reserves.
The US was reluctant to pass on the
import and exchange controls to us because it
would be harmful for their business interests but
the alternative was Philippine bankruptcy and a
possible communist seizure of power where the
US would completely go down the drain. The
American instruments for the interventions were
the Bell Mission, the Melby Mission and JUSMAG,
and the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency).
President Quirino went to the US in Feb.
1950 where he was told by President Harry S.
Truman that the US would no longer help the
Philippines of they didnt try to put its house into
order. Quirino tried to negotiate but the US
refused to accommodate him any further. After 4
months of wavering, Quirino finally bowed down
to American insistence. Truman announced that
he was sending a survey mission to assess the
Philippines after the outbreak of the Korean War
in 1950. This mission was led by the president of
the American Security and Trust Company, Daniel
W. Bell.
The mission consisted of a survey in all
aspects of the Philippine economy which includes
agriculture, industry, finances, domestic and
foreign trade, and public administration.
Predictably, they blamed the economy and social
ills that were primary results of U.S. colonial
policies. They then recommended reforms in
public administration, improvement of
production, higher taxes, a minimum wage law, a
tax on the sale of foreign exchange, and land
reform.
To secure the aid, Quirino had to agree to
the Americans holding the choice of projects and

The Joint US Military Assistance Group

(JUSMAG) had the task of implementing the Melby
Missions recommendations and it also directed
the reorganization of the Anti-Huk campaign.
1st: It changed the military orientation to one of
maintenance of internal security. It persuaded the
Phil. Govt to revise its defense budget to
maximize the fund allocations for the army.
2nd: It had the Philippine Constabulary merged
with the Armed Forces and placed under the
office of the Secretary of National Defense.
JUSMAG did this because the PC had poor
discipline and training.
3rd: Jusmag directed the organizations of Battalion
Combat Teams. Each newly organized BCT had
1,170 soldiers equipped with artillery and capable
of launching major offensive actions compared to
the old PC which only had 90 poorly equipped
men. The total US military assistance for fiscal
year 1951 was 4 times that of fiscal year 1950.
Ramon Magsaysay started out small. He
was a branch manager from a bus line before he
became a Congressman, and then a Defense
Secretary, and then a President. Every step, he
was aided by the Americans. He came to the
attention of the US Military when he provided the
31st Division with buses during their retreat in
Bataan. Later on, Magsaysay used his wartime
credentials and connections as a basis for a
political career during the post-war period. He
joined the Liberal Party and became a
Congressman for Zambales. He rose to more
power when he was appointed as the Secretary of
Defense on August 31, 1950 by Quirino.
Quirino appointed him as the Secretary of
Defense because the Americans told him to.
Magsaysay met his right hand man on a
trip to Washington. Edward G. Lansdale who was
sent as a military adviser of JUSMAG. Magsaysay

THE CONTINUING PAST 13

has done a lot of things even before he has been
appointed president. He improved our forces and
even rid us of the threats of the Hukbalahaps.
A CIA operative launched a program that
would make Magsaysay a national hero and
Lansdale an authority on combating insurgency.
Even then, they were already planning bigger
roles for Magsaysay.
The first counter insurgency program was
the activation of the armed forces. The army
needed reorganization of the armed forces
leadership. He used both moral and material
incentives to boost the troop morale. He offered
cash as a reward of giving information. About a
month into being Defense Secretary, he
accomplished his first successful raid.
Ramon had convinced Quirino to remove
the 'Habeas Corpus' but was only gone for a year
before they restored it. The worst punishments
were either death or lifetime imprisonment.
He had a successful programs such as
EDCOR (Economic Dev't Corps) for the Huks, and
the the Ten Centavo Telegram. This was all
before his presidency.
He conspired with Laurel, Recto, and
Tanada to be the opposition candidate for
president. He secretly teamed with the
Nacionalista as he eventually saw the Liberal
Party's discord. Inevitably, he won the 1953
elections by a landslide in which 69% of the
canvassed votes were his.
Once seated, he implemented three
legislations concerning land reform to further gain
the people's trust. These were the Agricultural
Tenancy Act of 1954, an act creating the Court of
Agrarian Relations, and the Land Reform Act of
1955, all of which were ineffective.

THE CONTINUING PAST 14

CHAPTER 10:
President Ramon Magsaysay
Characteristics:

Pro-American
Dependent on Americans
Puppet president

US Main goal:
Use the Philippines as a model and to implement
their policies on other South East Asian Nations
* At this point, people were already beginning to
question America, and were becoming more
conscious and aware

follow up to the lost claim of ownership

rights by the US
When the U.S. wanted to send Filipino
troops into Vietnam, Recto opposed,
stating that their war was a civil war and
that they should not intervene
o The Philippines should not make
unnecessary enemies
o Not guaranteed that the U.S. would
protect us
Recto went for re-election

Claro M. Recto
Leading articulator of nationalist dissent

What is good for the U.S. is not

necessarily good for the Philippines
Against colonial complex
o An
intensive
and
pervasive
colonization, no less than an
enlightened policy of gradually
increasing
autonomy,
which
dissolved in whatever hatreds and
resentments were distilled in the
Filipino-American war
Personal motives:
o He was bitter because of the way
Americans treated collaborators
like himself
o Had an issue with the pro-American
orientation of the Liberal Party
Goals:
o He wanted the Philippines to have
a separate foreign policy
o He wanted sovereignty
Opposed the Japanese Peace Treaty
Asia for Asians (independence from their
colonial masters)
Initially tried to influence Magsaysay, but
instead confronted him
Attacked the US by opposing the claim of
ownership rights to the military and
naval bases it had occupied before July 4,
1946
He urged that Filipinos should go for a
legal declaration of independence as a

1957:

Opposed the Laurel Langley agreement

(which would open the entire range of the
economy
to
domination
by
U.S.
corporations)
Opposed the Land Tenure Bill (since he did
not believe that any patriotic Filipino
would want their country to remain
agricultural)
Opposed Foreign Investments Act
Opposed the Vietnam war
Proved that the U.S. gave Magsaysay
$250,000 for his campaign fund
Joined by Senator Tanada, formed the
Lapiang Makabansa party
Branded by the church as communist and
anti-Catholic
Proposed the Rizal Bill, which required
college students to study Noli Me Tangere
and El Filibusterismo, causing ill favor from
the Catholic Church
Magsaysays plane crashes

Magsaysays death reduced the urgency of his

messages; the one symbol of pro-Americanism
was gone

*Recto lost to Carlos Garcia and wasnt

completely successful in his goals, but he became
the starting point, and lit the spark for the
Nationalist Crusade and the push towards
independence

THE CONTINUING PAST 15

CHAPTER 11:
President Carlos P. Garcias Reign
Characteristics:
Nationalist
Not favored by the Americans
Rapprochement with Recto
Reasons:
1
2

Recto was a nationalist

Recto helped Garcia win because
Garcia was not a candidate of the
Americans nor the Church
3 Practical politics (Garcia wanted to
neutralize Recto as a critic and gain
his supporters)
Filipino First Policy: Garcias Legacy

Passed in 1958
The policy called for adoption of guidelines
giving preferential treatment to the
Filipinos
Qualified Filipinos that applied for foreign
exchange
allocations
to
establish
commercial or industrial enterprises were
to be given preference over non-Filipinos
Although
a
limited
expression
of
nationalism,
suppressed
feelings
of
nationalism began to surface. Demands
for extension of the policy to other fields
were made (Education, natural resource
disposition, etc.)
Reaction/Reception:
o Provoked protests from mostly
Americans and Chinese
o Will willfully destroy the industry
*Recto celebrated that it was the first
administration that attempted to resist foreign
control
*Constantino commented that any policy that
reduced the foreign economic control and gave
Filipino entrepreneurs advantages was a valid
prerogative of an independent government
External Pressures faced by Garcia

Strong American pressure

o CIA moves
o Protests of the American Chamber
of Commerce

*The development of a nationalist orientation in

government was a serious potential threat to
neocolonial control
Internal Pressures faced by Garcia

According to Congressman Cabangbang

(Garcias friend), there was a plan by a
group of military men to stage a coup
dtat
o Preliminary steps consisted of a
propaganda campaign to brand
Garcia as a communist supporter
then build up Defense Secretary
Jesus Vargas
Radio announcers had joined anti-Garcia,
Pro-Vargas campaign
Intensified
criticism
of
the
Garcia
administration
*In 1959 Vargas was one out of the four
Magsaysay boys whose candidacy for senator the
CIA insisted on
NPM: National Progress Movement
Garcia gave his blessings to the formation
of the NPM
Established 1959
Garcias political organization which was
intended to ensure his victory in the
coming elections
o Organizers were mainly Garcia men
and some Magsaysay boys
Nationalism was their battlecry
Advocated the full implementation of the
Filipino First policy
Objectives:
Abrogation
of
parity,
Filipinization of the educational systems &
institutions, an independent foreign policy,
close ties with other Asian countries,
Filipinization of all public utility industries,
social justice, nationalist industrialization,
and a bold nationalist program as a
measure against all forms of imperialism,
ideological or otherwise
Emphasized on Central and Southern
Luzon (practical politics attempt to
undercut Macapagal, a Pampangueno)
Ended when it was branded a communist
organization
working
within
the
Nacionalista Party
CIA Maneuvers

THE CONTINUING PAST 16

Magsaysay group, with CIA support,
formed a coalition with the Liberal Party
called the Grand Alliance
Orders: get Philippines back on track
Objective: form a strong opposition vs.
Garcia
CIA promised substantial financial support
to the two parties, a direct violation of
Philippine law
CIA insisted on putting in four men as
senators Manahan, Manglapus, Pelaez,
Vargas But Macapagal accepted only the
first three
Magsaysay boys goal: force a realignment
in the 1961 elections with Macapagal
*All candidates four lost the 1959 elections but
the CIA was satisfied with the election results
because, in their view, it proved that Garcia could
be beaten in 1961

*CIAs political maneuvers succeeded;

Philippines was back on track
Diosdado Macapagals enacted laws

Independence Day President Macapagal

reinforced the illusion of Philippine
sovereignty by moving the celebration of
Philippine independence from July 4 to
June 12 and declaring his commitment to
the unfinished revolution of 1896.
Land Reform (1963) provided for the
purchase of private farmlands with the
intention of distributing them in small lots
to the landless tenants on easy terms of
payment
Chapter 11 Part 2
1

Garcias Fate
1959: Ferdinand Marcos, a Liberal, topped
the winning 8 and Juan Pajo, the man most
associated with Garcia, badly lost. Clear
demonstration that Garcia could lose in
1961.
Liberal Party and the Grand Alliance
focused on the corruption of the Garcia
administration
The president attacked the two opposition
parties Philippines is not ready to
compete worldwide
1961: Garcia lost to Macapagal (voters
wanted to vote against corruption in his
admin)
President Diosdado Macapagals Reign

2
3

Characteristics:
Favored by Americans
Wanted free trade
Beginning:

Licenses were no longer required for

imports
Peso value floated to P3.90 = 1 USD
US government committed $304M to
stabilization fund for his decontrol
program
JFK offered full support for the decontrol
program

the

The United States post war policy

toward the Philippines has been to
keep up the countrys economy firmly
integrated in the world capitalist
system, dependent on and subsidiary
to the American economy
Liberation re-occupation
Reimposition of free trade which
oriented
the
Philippine
economy
toward dependence on the USA
Bell Trade Act, Rehabilitation Act,
Military Bases Agreement, Military
Assistance Pact first pillars of
neocolonial edifice
Claro M. Recto continued to criticize
U.S.
policy
via
articulations
of
nationalist elements
1953 clean elections Ramon
Magsaysay (Americans choice), USA
and Ramon Magsaysay as saviors of
democracy, to win back the masses,
stabilize the economy, and project US
as benefactor of the Filipino people, to
insure that Filipinos will elect leaders
preferred by USA
Macapagals Political Testament
Presidential candidates want the
support of the American government
despite the effect of the Americans on
the decisions of the Filipino Presidents
and the jeopardy of the interests of the
Filipino People
The
Labor
Front

CLO
was
dismantled, numerous strikes for
higher wages, Minimum Wage Act of
1951, Industrial Peace Act of 1954

THE CONTINUING PAST 17

9

Philpak and Dolefil

a Diosdado Macapagals opendoor policy to foreign investors
(particularly
American
capitalists
b the
Philippine
government
showed that it is willing to
violate its own Constitution
c Shows how Americans reigned
over the Filipinos
10 Rehabilitation Aid & Developmental Aid
a Aid from the Americans after
WW2 to help the Philippines
reform
b Americans
benefit
greatly
(agricultural
development
rather than industrial) from
both while also gaining control
of the Philippine govt.
11. PL 480 (1954)
Cleverly designed to increase
the foreign market of American
agricultural commodities but
was delayed until 1957 by the
opposition & Rectos campaign
11 IDC (Industrial Development Center)
provided technical, managerial, and
financial assistance to local industries
12 American-sponsored
reforms
and
foreign aid programs were meant to
hasten capitalist growth in the
recipient country so that it would be
more suitable to growth of foreign
investments
13 Macapagals economic program that
provided for various events was
intended to prepare the ground for
neocolonial industrialization

14

15
16
17

18

19

20

21

Late 1950s shift from bilateral to

multilateral aid (emerging trend of
exploitation of the underdeveloped
countries from bilateral to multilateral)
Nationalism must embrace the concept
of social liberation.
Cultural Nationalism integral part of
Nationalism but not the central aspect
Political Nationalism part of the
larger nationalism but not its basic
aspect
Real independence cannot be attained
without involvement of masses of
people for they are the ones who bear
the consequences of social and
economic oppression and neocolonial
control.
The task of mass nationalism is to
establish the unity of all antiimperialist
forces
despite
the
contradictions among these various
sectors.
For
ultimately,
the
politicization of many who are involved
in a mass nationalist movement will
impel them to give up their original
sectoral goals in favor of the larger
interest of the entire people.
Nationalism National Liberation
Real Liberation (rid of all forms of
oppression and exploitation
Nationalism in a Third World country
confronts an international system and
no longer a single metropolitan power.
Therefore, contemporary nationalism
should be a part of a larger
internationalism
of
oppressed
countries