The Cistophori of Hadrian / by William E. Metcalf

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THE CISTOPHORI
OF HADRIAN
BY
WILLIAM E. METCALF
NUMISMATIC STUDIES
No. 15
THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
NEW YORK
1980
Generated for anonymous on 2015-02-15 19:29 GMT / http://hdl.handle.net/2027/mdp.39015005486926

NUMISMATIC STUDIES
No. 15

FOR MY PARENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface 1
Introduction 2
List of Collections Consulted 4
Select Bibliography 5
The Asian Mints
Pergamum 8
Ephesus 12
Miletus 27
Smyrna 31
Alabanda 41
Aphrodisias 42
Mylasa 44
Nysa ad Maeandrum 50
Sardis 52
Thyateira 58
Aezani 60
Eumeneia 62
Hierapolis 64
Laodicea 68
Synnada 72
Unidentified Mint A 74
Unidentified Mint B 81
Unidentified Mint C 85
Unidentified Mint D 91
Unidentified Mint E 97
Unattributed 100

Circulation 110
Volume 113
Overstriking 115
Execution 121
Chronology 123
Mint Selection 124
Type Selection - Conclusion 126
Bithynia 130
Appendices
I. Cistophori Excluded from the Corpus 144
II. The Cistophori and the "Eastern" Denarii of Hadrian 150
III. The Cistophori and the Greek Imperials 152
Concordances 153
Indexes
I. Mints 159
II. Legends 160

III. Types 161
PREFACE
This study represents a thoroughly revised version of a dissertation presented to
the Department of Classical Studies of The University of Michigan in 1973, in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. It was directed
by Prof. T. V. Buttrey, who first suggested that the cistophori might be worth fresh
examination; to him I owe a more fundamental debt for introducing me to the study of
numismatics. Thanks are also due to Prof. Orsamus M. Pearl, who read the dissertation
with great care; and to the Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studies, which
underwrote the costs of travel and photography.
I also have to thank the American Numismatic Society, where, as a student at the
Graduate Seminar in 1971, I was able to begin serious pursuit of the topic; where, as a
member of the staff since 1973, I have been able to draw upon the expertise both of
colleagues and of visiting scholars; and which has now undertaken publication. That
would not have been possible without a generous subvention from the Jubilee Fund
of Bank Leu AG, Zurich, for which I thank Dr. Leo Mildenberg.
The photographs are mainly the work of Michael Di Biase and Bernadette Willis.
Many of these had to be reproduced from auction and sale catalogues, and this accounts
for the unevenness of some of the plates.
Finally, warm thanks are due to the many curators and private individuals, men-
tioned in the List of Collections Consulted, who provided casts, photos or information
regarding the coins in their care; of others not mentioned there I have to thank par-
ticularly Fred S. Kleiner and Silvia Hurter. I owe a special debt to Dr. H.-D. Schultz
of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, who gave up his own study of this coinage to
avoid a Doppelarbeit.

William E. Metcalf
INTRODUCTION
Almost a century and a quarter ago M. Pinder's Ueber die Cistophoren und iiber die
kaiserlichen Silbermedaillons der romischen Provinz Asia appeared in the Abhandlungen
of the konigliche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. In this, the first work
devoted to cistophoric coinage, Pinder described examples of Greek and Roman cisto-
phori from several European collections, providing illustrations, type identifications,
and, in some cases, mint attributions based on type analogies with the Greek imperial
coinage. A substantial portion of the work was devoted to the cistophori of Hadrian,
which far surpass other issues in both variety and interest. The passage of time and
inevitable advances in numismatic methodology have rendered his study incomplete,
yet it remains the only comprehensive treatment of the cistophori.
For over 80 years Pinder's work was the standard reference, and was augmented
only by sporadic publication of new varieties. In 1936, Hubert Herzfelder published
"The Cistophori of Hadrian." His primary objective was more precise identification
of mints; he argued that types alone were not always a reliable guide to mintage, but
had to be combined with the evidence of die links, literary sources, and archaeology.
He succeeded in identifying almost a score of mints.
Herzfelder's thesis was sound and his application of it sensible. Unfortunately his
results were presented selectively and summarily. The whole important Bithynian
coinage was excluded, and many types and varieties escaped mention. Since Herzfelder
chose continuous narrative for exposition, his work provided no proper corpus of the
coinage, and important questions beyond mint identification were not explored.
Herzfelder himself emphasized the preliminary nature of his work and, having laid the
foundations, called for a comprehensive treatment of Hadrian's cistophori. The present
study belatedly answers that call, and attempts to explain when, where, and most
importantly why the cistophori were produced.
The catalogue is a corpus of known cistophori, listing all types, varieties and dies.

It is founded upon fresh examination of material in previous studies, major collections,
and auction and sale catalogues. Commentaries, detailing the evidence for mint
identifications and placing the types in their numismatic and historical context,
accompany each section. Questions of circulation, artistic technique, mint technique,
volume and purpose of the coinage are treated in summary chapters.
The catalogue is arranged geographically by mint, following the order of Head's
Historia Numorum. Each entry is headed by a description of the type: legends,
unless otherwise indicated, read inwardly around the border from 7 o'clock. Types are
numbered continuously and designated by bold numerals. Each die is designated by
an Arabic numeral; numbers in the left-hand column (catalogue no.) indicate die
combinations, with duplicates from the same die pair distinguished by the addition of
the suffixes a, b, etc. An asterisk indicates that the specimen is illustrated herein.
Introduction 3
Italics highlight those dies shared by two or more types. Numbering of dies begins
anew at each mint or subdivision. Weights are given in grams; die axes show the orien-
tation of the reverse when the obverse is at |. Where possible the direction of strike and
the undertype have been identified in the "Overstriking" column. References to
auction and sale catalogues are arranged chronologically, most recent first.
In the catalogue only, references to major catalogues exclude volume and page
numbers, and refer to the section appropriate to Hadrian; thus BMCRE = BMCRE
3, RIC = RIC 2, etc.
The geographical order of presentation has been violated only in order to place the
catalogue for Bithynia after that for Asia, where it seems to belong chronologically.
Numbering begins again at 1 and 1, distinguished by the prefix B (=Bithynia). This
practice is followed also in Appendix I, concordances, and indexes. Concordance and
index references are to the coin types except where noted.
Finally, a few words about nomenclature and orthography. In identifying deities and
personifications I have generally employed the Greek form, even when the legend
identifies the figure in Latin (e.g. DIANA EPHESIA, but Artemis of Ephesus). In the
spelling of personal and place names the same form is consistently employed through-
out, but no effort has been made to adhere rigidly to any single system of transliteration.

In general, the form most familiar in English has been preferred.
LIST OF COLLECTIONS CONSULTED
The entry in the left column is used as an abbreviation throughout the catalogue.
ANS American Numismatic Society, New York
Athens National Museum (M. Caramessini-Oeconomedes)
Berlin Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (H.-D. Schultz)
Boston Museum of Fine Arts (C. C. Vermeule)
Brussels Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique (J. Lallemand)
Budapest Magyar Nemzeti Museum (K. Bir6-Sey)
Cambridge Fitzwilliam Museum (T. R. Volk)
Copenhagen Royal Collection of Coins and Medals (A. Kromann)
Dresden Staatliche Kunstsammlungen (P. Arnold)
Foss Collection of Clive Foss, Boston
Glasgow Hunterian Museum (A. S. Robertson)
The Hague Koninklijk Kabinet van Munten, Penningen en Gesneden Stenen (J. P. A. van
der Vin)
Hoffer Collection of Harvey J. Hoffer, New York
Istanbul Arkeoloji Miizeleri Mudurliigii (N. Olcay)
Karlsruhe Badisches Landesmuseum (F. Wielandt)
Leningrad The Hermitage (V. Brabich)
London The British Museum (R. A. G. Carson)
Milan Castello Sforzesco (E. Arslan)
Moscow Pushkin Museum (K. V. Golenko)
Munich Staatliche Munzsammlung (B. Overbeck)
Oslo Myntkabinettet, Universitetet i Oslo (J. Nordbe)
Oxford Ashmolean Museum (C. M. Kraay)
Paris Bibliotheque Nationale (J.-B. Giard)
Princeton The Art Museum (F. F. Jones)

Rome Museo Nazionale (F. Panvini Rosati)
Turin Museo Civico di Torino (A. Serena Fava)
Vatican Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (L. Michelini-Tocci)
Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum (G. Dembski)
von Aulock Collection of H. von Aulock, Istanbul
Washington The Smithsonian Institution (V. and E. Clain-Stefanelli)
Winterthur Stadtbibliothek Winterthur (H. Bloesch)
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Not everything which appears in the text or footnotes is listed here, but since full
citation is usually given there the reader should have no difficulty in tracing references.
Works listed here are those which are abbreviated in the notes, studies of Anatolian
cities and mints, and works bearing heavily on the reign or coinage of Hadrian. Classical
authors are cited as in Liddell and Scott's Greek-English Lexicon and Lewis and Short's
A Latin Dictionary; periodicals are abbreviated as in L'annie philologique or Numis-
matic Literature.
MAJOR CATALOGUES AND REFERENCE WORKS
BMCRE
Bachofen von Echt
BMC (suffix)
Cohen
CRR
Hunter
McClean
Mazzini
Mionnet
Piancastelli
Recueil
RIC
RRC
SNG (suffix)
Weber
H. Mattingly and R. A. G. Carson, eds., Coins of the Roman Empire in the
British Museum (London, 1923- ).
Sammlung Bachofen von Echt. Katalog (Vienna, 1903).

B. V. Head, R. S. Poole and others, eds., Catalogue of Greek Coins in the
British Museum (London, 1873- ).
H. Cohen, Description historique des monnaies frappies sous I'empire romain
(Paris, 1880-92).
E. A. Sydenham, The Coinage of the Roman Republic (London, 1952).
G. Macdonald, ed., Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection,
University of Glasgow (Glasgow, 1899-1905).
S. W. Grose, ed., Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. Catalogue of the McClean
Collection of Greek Coins (Cambridge, Eng., 1923-29).
G. Mazzini, Monele Imperiali Romane (Milan, 1957-58).
T. E. Mionnet, Description de midailles antiques, grecques el romaines (Paris,
1806-13), Supplements (Paris, 1819-37).
S. L. Cesano, ed., Catalogo delta collezione numismatica di Carlo Piancastelli
(Forll, 1957).
W. H. Waddington, E. Babelon and T. Reinach, Recueil giniral des monnaies
grecques d'Asie Mineure (Paris, 1904-12).
H. Mattingly, E. A. Sydenham and others, eds., Roman Imperial Coinage
(London, 1923- ).
M. H. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage (Cambridge, Eng., 1975).
Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum.
L. Forrer, Descriptive-Catalogue of the Collection of Greek Coins Formed by
Sir Hermann Weber (London, 1922-29).
CISTOPHORI
Herzf elder
M. R. Alfoldi, "Beitrage zur Frage der Cistophori Kaisers Hadrians,"
Folia Archaeologica 8 (1956), pp. 89-95.
J. de Foville, "Deux mSdaillons d'argent romains rdcemment acquis par le
cabinet des midailles," RN 1903, pp. 43-52.
H. Herzfelder, "The Cistophori of Hadrian," NC 1936, pp. 1-29.
The Cistophori of Hadrian
D. Kienast, "Hadrian, Augustus und die eleusinischen Mysterien," JNG
1959-60, pp. 61-69.
, "Cistophoren" (Literaturiiberblicke der griechischen Numismatik),
JNG 1961, pp. 157-88.
F. S. Kleiner, "The Dated Cistophori of Ephesus," ANSMN 18 (1972),
pp. 17-32.
F. S. Kleiner and S. P. Noe, The Early Cistophoric Coinage, ANSNS 14
(New York, 1977).
W. E. Metcalf, "Hadrian, Iovis Olympius," Mnemosyne 1974, pp. 59-66.
, "The Overstriking of Hadrian's Cistophori," Actes du 8* congres in-
ternational de numismatique New York-Washington 1973 (Paris-Basel,
1976), pp. 347-53.
M. Pinder, "t)ber die Cistophoren und tiber die kaiserlichen Silbermedaillons
der romischen Provinz Asia," AbhBerlin 1855, pp. 534-635.
S. de Roquefeuil, "Un trtsor de cistophores trouv6 en Turquie," BSFN,
May 1975, pp. 766-67.
H. Seyrig, "Monnaies hellenistiques V. Questions cistophoriques," RN
1963, pp. 22-31.
C. H. V. Sutherland in collaboration with N. Olcay and K. E. Merrington,
The Cistophori of Augustus, RNS Special Publication 5 (London, 1970).
A. M. Woodward, "The Cistophoric Series and Its Place in the Roman
Coinage," in R. A. G. Carson and C. H. V. Sutherland, eds., Essays in
Roman Coinage Presented to Harold Mattingly (Oxford, 1956), pp. 149-73.
MISCELLANEOUS
A. Akarca, Les monnaies grecques de Mylasa, Bibliotheque archeologique et
historique de l'institut francais d'archeologie d'Istanbul 1 (Paris, 1959).

J. Beaujeu, La religion romaine a I'apogie de I'empire (Paris, 1955).
A. S. Benjamin, "The Altars of Hadrian in Athens and Hadrian's Panhel-
lenic Program," Hesperia 1963, pp. 57-86.
M. Bernhart, Aphrodite auf griechischen Milnzen (Munich, 1936).
M. Bieber, "The Images of Cybele in Roman Coins and Sculpture," Hom-
mages a Marcel Renard 3, Coll. Latomus 103 (Brussels, 1969), pp. 29-40.
G. W. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1970).
C. J. Cadoux, Ancient Smyrna (Oxford, 1938).
M. Caramessini-Oeconomides, "On a Hoard of Plated Roman Coins,"
ANSMN 12 (1966), pp. 71-74.
A. Boeckh et al., Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (Berlin, 1828-77).
T. Mommsen et al., Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1863- ).
A. B. Cook, Zeus. A Study in Ancient Religion (Cambridge, Eng., 1914-40).
T. Drew-Bear, "Representations of Temples on the Greek Imperial Coinage,"
ANSMN 19 (1974), pp. 27-63.
C. Habicht, "New Evidence on the Province of Asia," JRS 1975, pp. 64-91.
G. M. A. Hanfmann and M. S. Balmuth, "The Image of an Anatolian Goddess
at Sardis," Jahrbuch fur Kleinasiatische Forschung 2 (Heidelberg, 1965),
pp. 261-69.
B. Haussoullier, Etudes sur I'hisloire de Milet et des Didymeion (Paris, 1902).
Inscriptiones Graecae (Berlin, 1873- ).
R. Cagnat et al., Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes (Paris,
1906-27).
F. Imhoof-Blumer, Kleinasiatische Miinzen, Sonderschriften des Osterreichi-
schen archaologischen Institutes in Wien, 1 and 3 (Vienna, 1901-2).
Select Bibliography
, Zur griechischen und rdmischen Milnzkunde (Geneva, 1980).
, "Beitrage zur Erklarung griechischen Munztypen," Nomisma 8 (1913),
pp. 1-22.
, and P. Gardner, "Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias," JHS 1885,
pp. 50-101 ; 1886, pp. 57-113 ; 1888, pp. 6-63 (reprinted, Chicago, 1968).
A. H. M. Jones, Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1971)
L. Lacroix, Les reproductions de statues sur les monnaies grecques, Biblio-
theque de la faculty de philosophie et lettres de l'universite' de Liege 116
(Paris, 1949).
A. Laumonier, Les cultes indigines en Carie, Bibliotheque de l'Ecole francaise
de Rome 188 (Paris, 1958).
M. LeGlay, "Hadrian et l'Asklepieion de Pergame," BCH 1976, pp. 347-72.
D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the End of the Third Century after
Christ (Princeton, 1950).
T. Mommsen, "Provinzialcourant der rSmischen Provinz Asia in Verhaltnis
zur Reichsmunze," ZfN 14 (1887), pp. 40-42.
Prosopographia Imperii Romani, 1st ed. (Berlin, 1897-98).
Prosopographia Imperii Romani, 2nd ed. (Berlin, 1933- ).
G. Radet, Cybebi. Etude sur les transformations plastiques d'une type divin,
Bibliotheque des university du Midi 3 (Bordeaux, 1909).
Pauly, Wissowa et al., Realencyclopddie der classischen Altertumswissen-
schaft (Stuttgart, 1894- ).
K. Regling, Altertiimer von Pergamon I. Stadt und Landschaft (Berlin, 1913).
, "Oberblick iiber die MUnzen von Nysa," in Nysa ad Maeandrum, JDAI
Erganzungsheft 10 (Berlin, 1913), pp. 70-103.

E. Ritterling, "Military Forces in the Senatorial Provinces," JRS 1927,
pp. 28-32.
L. Robert, Etudes anatoliennes (Paris, 1937).
, "Le culte de Caligula a Milet et la province d'Asie," Hellenica 7 (1949),
pp. 206-38.
W. H. Roscher, Ausfuhrliches Lexikon der griechischen und rdmischen
Mythologie (Leipzig, 1894-1937).
D. G. Sellwood, "Some Experiments in Greek Minting Technique," NC
1963, pp. 217-31.
C. T. Seltman, "The Wardrobe of Artemis," NC 1952, pp. 39-52.
P. L. Strack, Untersuchungen zur rdmischen Reichsprdgung des zweiten Jahr-
hunderts, 2, Hadrian (Stuttgart, 1933).
H. Thiersch, Artemis Ephesia. Eine archdologische Untersuchung I. Katalog
der erhaltenen Denkmdler, Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissen-
schaften zu Gottingen, Dritte Folge 12 (Gottungen, 1935).
B. L. Trell, The Temple of Artemis at Ephesos, ANSNNM 107 (New York,
1945).
H. von Fritze, Die Milnzen von Pergamon, Abhandlungen der koniglichen
preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Phil-hist. Klasse,
Anhang I (Berlin, 1910).
D. R. Walker, The Metrology of the Roman Silver Coinage, BAR Supplemen-
tary Series 5 (Oxford, 1976) and 22 (Oxford, 1977).
L. Weber, "The Coins of Hierapolis in Phrygia," NC 1913, pp. 1-30, 133-61.
W. Weber, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Kaisers Hadrianus (Leipzig,
1907).
T. Wiegand, Didyma 2 (Berlin, 1958).
W. Wroth, "Asklepios and the Coins of Pergamon," NC 1882, pp. 1-51.
THE ASIAN MINTS
PERGAMUM
1. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P COS III
Bust of Hadrian draped, Legionary eagle between two standards with
bare, r. vexilla.
RIC 517 (b); Cohen 453; Herzfelder, p. 22, pi. 6, 5. For an issue of identical description but
different style, see below, no. 52.
Cat. Obv. Rev. Wt. Axis Overstriking Reference
1* 1 1 10.47 T Obv. on obv. Vienna
Augustus, RIC 10
Bust of Hadrian draped, Bundle of six grain stalks,
bare, r.
BMCRE p. 391 || (Paris); RIC 518 (b); Cohen 440; Pinder 89; Herzfelder, p. 22, pi. 6, 4.
2* 1 2 9.20 T Traces Paris
Bust of Hadrian draped, Asclepius draped, naked to waist, standing front,
bare, r. head l., holding serpent-wreathed rod on ground
to r., l. arm at side.
BMCRE 1053, pi. 72, 2; RIC 481 (b); Cohen 291; Pinder 63, pi. 7, 16; Herzfelder, p. 16, pi. 3, 8.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
3*
10.10

Reference
Obv. on rev.
Antonius, CRR 1197
Brussels
4*
Traces
H. M. F. Schulman,
20 May 1966, 2980
5a*
10.63
London
Asian Mints: Pergamum
5b*
8.60
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, temple rev.
Oxford
6*
9.32
Berlin
7*
10.20
Obv. on rev.
Antonius, CRR 1197
Vienna
8*
11.01
Traces

Berlin
Head of Hadrian, bare, r. Asclepius as on no. 3.
Previously unpublished in this style; cf. nos. 20, 90.
9 6 9 Traces Turin
10 coins, 8 certainly overstruck
9 die combinations
6 obverse dies
9 reverse dies
Three types, one of them known in two varieties, are here assigned to the mint of
Pergamum. The first three share a common obverse die, and their origin from the same
mint is thus beyond dispute; to them must be added type 4; the extremely crude rend-
ering of its reverse die is very similar to that of rev. die 3.
Legionary Eagle with Standards
The type of a legionary eagle flanked by standards first occurs on the denarii of
C. Valerius Flaccus in 82 B.C.1 His type is fairly elaborate: the standards bear the
letters H and P, probably abbreviating hasti and principes. The type was repeated
by C. Nerius, proquaestor in 49;2 but its most extensive and important use was by
M. Antonius on his legionary aurei and denarii, which drop the H and P but add the num-
bers of specific legions.3 The continued currency of his denarii probably accounts
for the survival of the type, which disappears for nearly a century; the general peace
of the early empire was not conducive to the extensive use of military types. The
eagle and standards reappear, appropriately enough, near the outbreak of the civil
wars, and again under Galba and Vespasian;4 the type is also employed by Domitian
and Trajan, and appears among Hadrian's early issues.5
1 CRR 365 = RRC 747.
* CRR 441 - RRC 937.
8 CRR 544 = RRC 1212-46.
BMCRE 1, p. 214, nos. 107-8; p. 286, nos. 3-4; BMCRE 2, p. 133, no. 613.
6 BMCRE 2, p. 158 # = Cohen 540; p. 351 f = Cohen 666; p. 351, nos. 252-53; BMCRE 3,
p. 67* = Cohen 575 without authority; p. 94, nos. 456ff. and p. 399* = Cohen 525. The type is
10 The Cistophori of Hadrian
The earliest bearers of the type are all denarii, the most practical coin for payment of
the legions; it is these earlier issues which seem to have most direct connection with
military events.8 Subsequent issues, mainly commemorative, employ all metals:
Galba used the type on asses,7 and Titus introduced it to the cistophori.8 Its first ap-
pearance may simply have "recalled his military prowess in the East," as Mattingly
suggested, but subsequent occurrences have not even this vague association. One looks
in vain for so much as a military garrison in the pacified province of Asia.9 Whatever
the stimulus for its first occurrence, its reappearance under subsequent emperors must
be ascribed to mere repetition. Pre-Hadrianic cistophori were far less varied in their
selection of types than Roman coins in general, and a type once introduced often re-
curred.
Six Grain Stalks
The reverse type of bundled grain stalks was indigenous to the cistophori. According
to the chronology of the Augustan cistophori established by Sutherland, the type first
appeared in 27-26 B.C. in connection with two others, Capricorn and Sphinx, both of
which have direct personal reference to Augustus.10 Rejecting the suggestion of Kraay
that the type expresses the concept of "beneficent growth" (i. e. augeo, cf. Augustus)
or refers to "a fertile hexapolis in provincia Asia," Sutherland concludes that, as his
earlier coins had celebrated the return of peace, Augustus here celebrated the return of
plenty. It is hardly necessary to illustrate the symbolism of grain stalks and their
connection with gods of vegetation and fertility.11
also among those restored by Trajan: BMCRE 3, p. 133, no. 679, a restoration of the issue of
C. Valerius Flaccus cited above, n. 1; BMCRE 3, p. 142, no. 699 of Divus Augustus, with no
known prototype.
8 The issues of Flaccus, for example, refer to his campaigns as proconsul of Gaul; Nerius' were
struck at the outbreak of the civil wars, and Antonius' coinage was used to pay his legions.

I BMCRE 1, p. 334, nos. 149ff.
8 BMCRE 2, p. 252, no. 149.
9 Mattingly, BMCRE 2, p. xcvii; T. Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman Empire (New York,
1887), p. 380, n. 2.
10 Sutherland, Cistophori, pp. 96-99.
II D. Kienast, "Hadrian, Augustus und die eleusinischen Mysterien," JNG 1959-60, pp. 61-69,
suggests that the introduction of the type under Augustus is connected with the emperor's intro-
duction into the Eleusinian Mysteries: as part of the ritual initiates held stalks of grain, which
symbolized the origin of the Mysteries as a festival of vegetation. The proposal is overly subtle.
The direct connection of the type with fertility is easy and obvious, and a reference to the Mysteries
is likely to have been lost on an Asian audience. One would also expect that any such reference
would have followed Augustus' final initiation, which did not take place until 20 B.C. Even if
Kienast is correct the symbolism vanished from later uses of the type since Augustus' successors
employ it where no reference to the Mysteries is possible.
Asian Mints: Pergamum 11
Asclepius
Although the cult of Asclepius at Pergamum reached its zenith only later in the
second century, it had flourished locally since the fourth century B.C. at least.18 The
god's early importance is reflected by his prominence on Pergamum's coinage. His first
numismatic appearance is in the seated position, on Attalid bronzes.1* His serpent-
wreathed rod appears on the city's cistophori,14 and his head on bronzes with rev.
serpent.16 The first occurrence of the familiar standing figure, the origins of which
are uncertain, dates from the late second or first century B.C., and thereafter becomes
regular;1* variations in rendering of the figure seem to be due only to the idiosyncrasies
of the die sinker. The god regularly represents Pergamum on alliance coinages.
Of these types, only Asclepius was assigned to Pergamum by Herzfelder; his only
reservation was that the surviving specimens are "too few to account for all the series of
so large a city as Pergamum." Unaware of the die link between the Asclepius coins and
those with rev. grain stalks and eagle and standards, he regarded those two types as too
general to be attributed.
The die link is of course decisive, but even the addition of two new types to the mint
does nothing to weaken Herzfelder's observation: in terms of numbers, both of surviving
coins and known dies, the mint at Pergamum seems to have been less prolific than those
of such relative backwaters as Mylasa and Aezani. The impression of a small operation
is confirmed by the fact that all the obverse dies at least were produced by a single hand.
The lettering is consistent throughout, but the engraver's real trademarks are Hadrian's
strange hairline and his unusual downward-pointing drapery. The reverses are equally
homogeneous, although the extremely crude dies 3 and 9 may be the work of a second
engraver.
The association of grain stalks and eagle and standards with the mint of Pergamum
may incidentally shed light on the identity of the mint which produced cistophori for

Domitian, Nerva and Trajan. In each case it is clear that we are dealing with a single
mint; its location has been a matter for speculation. The consensus favors Ephe-
sus," in spite of the fact that none of the series includes a type referring to the city
while the temple of Rome and Augustus at Pergamum is prominent in all of them.
All three groups also include grain stalks and eagle and standards; those types may
now be associated with Pergamum under Hadrian, and are most easily interpreted as
an echo of the city's earlier coinage. The substitution of Asclepius for the temple of
Rome and Augustus simply reflects the god's new ascendancy.18
18 H. von Fritze, Die Munzen von Pergamon, Abhandlungen der kdniglichen preussischen Aka-
demie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Phii.-hist. Klasse, Anhang 1 (Berlin, 1910), p. 39; E.V
Hansen, The Attalids of Pergamon, 2nd. ed. (Ithaca, 1971), pp. 10-11.
u SNGvonAulock 1362.
14 SNGvonAulock 1369; BMCMysia, p. 123, no. 86.
15 W. Wroth, "Asklepios and the Coins of Pergamon," NC 1882, pp. 1-51, especially pp. 14-15.
18 For example, BMCMysia, pp. 163-65, nos. 350-59.
17 H. Mattingly, BMCRE 2, pp. lxxix, xcviii; BMCRE 3, pp. li, cviii. Eckhel (Doctrina Numo-
rum Velerum 6 [Leipzig, 1798], p. 101) and Pinder (pp. 613-15) favored Pergamum.
18 See now M. LeGlay, "Hadrien et l'Asklepieion de Pergame," BCH 1976, pp. 347-72.
12
EPHESUS
I. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Rev. Divinity with identification
5. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P DIANA EPHESIA
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Cult image of Ephesian Artemis facing front,
arms extended r. and l. over stags who look back
at her. She wears high headdress and veil; fillets
fall from wrists.
BMCRE 1089, pi. 75, 1, 1090; RIC 474, pi. 14, 302; Cohen 535; Pinder 67, pi. 5, 3; Herzfelder,
p. 13, pi. 2, 7.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
10a*
10.51
Obv. on obv.
Augustus,
rev. temple
10b
10.81
Traces

Boston
Winterthur photo (ex
Imhoof-Blumer coll.)
11*
10.30
Traces
Paris
12
8.73
Traces
Munich
13
10.22
Traces
Oxford
14*
Traces on rev.
Hesperia Art Bulletin,
33, 66
15*
10.19
Obv. on obv.
Antonius
Asian Mints: Ephesus
13
24*
11
14 9.55
Miinzen und Medaillen,
FPL 281, Oct. 1967, 32
= Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 656
= Hess, 7 March 1935,497
25*
12
15
Traces
Egger 39, 15 Jan. 1912,
926
26*
13
16
Traces
Glendining, 27 Sept. 1962
(Woodward), 298
27*
14
17
Obv. on rev.
Cahn 75, 30 May 1932,
1118
28
15
18
Traces

Augustus
In trade, C. H. Wolfe,
1971
29*
16
19 10.50
Traces
Piancastelli 1525 = Ba-
ranowsky, 25 Feb. 1931,
1804
30*
17
20
Obv. on obv.
Salton-Schlessinger, 22
Antonius
Nov. 1955, 790
31*
18
21
Traces
Dorotheum, 12 May 1960
(Hollschek 11), 544
32
19
22
Traces
Herzfelder, pi. 2. 7, then
in Gotha
33*
20
Traces
Helbing, 20 June 1929,
4199
34*
21
23
14
7. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P DIANA EPHESIA
Bust of Hadrian draped, Cult image of Ephesian Artemis facing front,
bare, r. arms extended r. and l. She wears high head-
dress and veil; fillets fall to ground from wrists.
No stags.
M. J. Price, "Greek Imperial Coins. Some Recent Acquisitions by the British Museum," NC 1971,
p. 130, no. 17.
39* 26 28 11.01 T Traces London
8. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P DIA - NA l. and r. in field; EPHESIA in exergue
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Tetrastyle temple on podium of three or (rarely)
four steps; within, cult image of Ephesian Artemis
without stags.
BMCRE 1091, pi. 75, 3; RIC 475 (a); Cohen 536, "deux colonnes," a slip; Pinder 70, pi. 5, 7;
Herzfelder, p. 13.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
40*
29
Traces

10.73
Berlin
41*
30
10.86
On Antonius
von Aulock, SNG 6635
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 658
42*
31
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, wreath rev.
(Hollschek 11), 545
43*
23
32
Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau),
1121
44*
27
33
11.03
Traces
Berlin
45*
28
34
10.55
Obv. on obv.
The Hague
46*
29
35
11.05
Asian Mints: Ephesus 15
53*
36
42
10.09
Obv. on obv.
Augustus
ANS
54*
37
43
10.05
Obv. on obv.
Antonius
ANS
55*
38
34
10.90
Obv. on rev.
Antonius
Boston
56*
39
10.39

45
Obv. on rev.
(wreath)
Vienna
57*
40
46
Santamaria, 13 March
1953, 152
58a*
41
47
Traces
Hirsch 20, 27 May 1907,
577
58b*
41
47
Traces
Miinzen und Medaillen
FPL 127, Aug. 1953, 43
= Hess, 2 Aug. 1933, 320
58c
41
47
Traces
Leu - MUnzen und Me-
daillen, 2 Nov. 1967,
(Niggeler 3), 1261 =
Santamaria, 26 June 1950
(Magnaguti 3), 657
59*
41
48
Obv. on rev.
Kress 137, 21 Nov. 1966,
580
60*
42
49
16
10. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P DIA - NA l. and r. in field, EPHESIA in exergue.
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Hexastyle temple on podium of four steps; within,
cult image of Ephesian Artemis without stags.
BMCRE 1091n.; RIC 476; Pinder 71, pi. 5,8; Herzfelder, p. 14, pi. 2,9.
Cat. Obv. Rev. Wt. Axis
68a 50 57 10.68 i
68b* 50 57 10.40
Over striking Reference
Obv. on obv. Vienna
Antonius, CRR 1197
Obv. on rev. Berlin
Antonius, CRR 1197
11. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P FORTVN EPHESIA
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Fortuna standing half-l. holding rudder to l. in r.,
cornucopiae cradled in l.
BMCRE, p. 395*, pi. 73, 2 (misread); Cohen 777 illustration (which however has head laur. r.).
69* 51 58 10.09 Obv. on rev. London
Augustus
70* 52 59 10.38 Obv. on rev. Paris
Antonius
12. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P FORTVNA EPHESIA
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Fortuna as on no. 11
RIC 477; Cohen 777 description; Herzfelder, p. 14, pi. 3,1.

71a* 53 60 10.65 Obv. on rev. Budapest
Augustus, RIC 13
71b 53 60 7.80 Traces Vienna
13. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P IOVIS OLYMPIVS
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Zeus seated l. on throne holding vertical sceptre in
upraised l. and small cult image of Ephesian
Artemis in extended r.
Herzfelder, p. 14, pi. 3, 2.
17
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
72a*
54
61
9.61
72b
54
61
9.41
73*
55
62
9.08
Axis Overstriking
/ Traces on rev.
/ Traces
Traces; also
double struck
Reference
Munich
Paris
von Aulock (SNG 6632)

14. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P IOVIS OLYMPIVS EPHESI
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Zeus seated l. as on no. 13.
W. E. Metcalf, "Hadrian, Iovis Olympius," Mnemosyne 1974, p. 59, n. 1.
74* 56 63 11.00 1 Obv. on obv. Brussels
Augustus, RIC 10
15. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P IOVIS OLYMPIVS EPHESIO
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Zeus seated l. as on no. 13.
Previously unpublished.
75* 57 64 I Traces on rev. In trade (per C. L. Clay)
II. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Rev.: COS III
16. HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P
Head of Hadrian bare, r.
COS III
Cult image of Artemis Leukophryene standing
front, arms extended r. and l. over geese facing
outward. She wears high headdress and veil;
fillets fall to ground from wrists. At top r. and l.,
crowning Victories.
Cat.
76a*
Obv.
58
76b* 58
Rev.
65
65
Wt Axis Overstriking
10.84 ;Obv. on rev.
Augustus. Note
Vespasianic ctmk.
on rev.
Traces
Reference
ANS
Kress 138, 17 Apr. 1967,
979 == Kress 136,19 Sept.
1966, 741
18
III. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
Rev.: Divinity with identification, no COS III
17. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P DIANA EPHESIA
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Cult image of Artemis as on no. 5.
BMCRE 1085n.; RIC 525 (a); Cohen 534; Pinder 66, pi. 5, 2; Herzfelder, p. 15.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
77*
59
66
9.79
Obv. on obv.
Vienna
Augustus
78*
60
67
7.38

Traces
Munich
79*
61
68
10.58
In trade (per L. Milden-
berg)
18. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P DIA - NA l. and r. in field
EPHESIA in exergue.
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Temple of Artemis as on no. 8.
BMCRE, p. 393* n. = 1092, which is erroneously said to have obv. legend HADRIANVS AVG COS
III P P; RIC 526 (a); Cohen 538 ("deux colonnes" - a slip); Herzfelder, p. 15, pi. 3,3.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
80a*
62
69
10.07
Obv. on obv.
London = Hamburger,
19 Oct. 1925, 833
80b*
62
69
10.61
Obv. on obv.
Antonius
Vienna
81a*
63
70
9.64
19
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
83*
61
72
10.13
Traces on rev.
London
84a
62
73
Traces on obv.
FPL 127, Aug. 1953, 42
84b*
62
73
9.60
Traces

Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 654
= Hamburger, 19 Oct.
1925, 854
85*
63
74
10.63
No trace of under-
type, but shape of coin
suggests restriking obv.
on rev.
ANS
86
64
75
10.63
Hess-Leu, 12 Apr. 1962,
464
87*
65
76
10.36
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 14.
Cambridge = Glendining
31 Jan. 1951, 214
88*
66
76
10.75
Obv. on obv.
ANS
Augustus, rev. temple
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Asclepius draped, standing front head I., holding
serpent-wreathed rod in r., l. arm at side.
BMCRE 1051n.; RIC 481 (a); Cohen 290; Pinder 62, pi. 7,15; Herzfelder, p. 16, pi. 4, 5 (obverse
only).
20
93*
67
81
10.60
Obv. on rev.
Antonius, CRR 1198
94*
68
82
8.98
Traces
Hoffer = Hesperia Art
Bulletin 26, 87.
95*
68
83
10.15
Traces
ANS
96*
69
83

10.06
Obv. on obv.
Antonius, CRR 1198
Brussels
97*
70
84
Traces on rev.
Hess, 7 March 1935, 493
98
71
85
Hesperia Art Bulletin 37,
69
21. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
SNGvonAulock 6623.
COS III
Cult image of Artemis Leukophryene as on
no. 16.
Cat. Obv. Rev. Wt. Axis Overstriking
99* 72 86 10.43 Obv. on obv.
Antonius
Reference
90 die combinations
72 obverse dies
86 reverse dies
Six types are here assigned to the mint of Ephesus. Four of them have obvious and
almost exclusive associations with the city; two others must be assigned here on the
basis of the numismatic evidence.
Cult Image of Artemis Ephesia
The archaic xoanon of Artemis, located in the world-renowned Artemision, was the
central figure of Asia's most important cult. Early Ephesian coin types relate to wor-
ship of the goddess, and she begins to appear on the city's coinage in the second cen-
tury before Christ.1 The many-breasted statue wore a kalathos and veil; below the
waist it was divided by horizontal and vertical bands into small areas containing
1 On the relationship of the bee, Ephesus' famous early coin type, to Artemis see RE Suppl. 12,
s.v. "Ephesos," (Karweise), cols. 315-16. The earliest appearance of the cult image is as an adjunct
on cistophori; the first use of it as a type is on Ephesus' gold staters (87-85 B.C.), SNGvonAulock
1869.
ornamental relief.2 Stylized representations of the bands, usually with small dots in-
dicating the reliefs, are regular both on imperial bronzes and on the cistophori.
Later, with increasing indifference to the symbolic importance of local coin types,
the goddess began to appear on the coinage of many cities, though up to the time of
Hadrian her representation was confined almost exclusively to Ephesian issues.8 She
had appeared on denarii of the Roman Republic and on cistophori of Claudius;4 the
disposition of the legend around the figure is borrowed from his cistophori. Hadrian's
issues follow what seems to be a Trajanic innovation in adding stags on either side of
the statue.5
Cult Image in Temple
The temple reverse derives directly from the cistophori of Claudius, which were the
first coins to portray the Artemision.8 The great temple is regularly subjected to
* For the fullest collection of representations see H. Thiersch, Artemis Ephesia. Eine archdolo-
gische Unlersuchung 1. Kalalog der erhaltenen Denkmdler, Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, Dritte Folge 12 (Gottingen, 1935). The literary sources are assem-
bled by R. Kukula in Forschungen in Ephesos 1 (Vienna, 1906), p. 247, nos. 118ff. C. T. Seltman,
"The Wardrobe of Artemis," NC 1952, pp. 39-42, makes several fine points concerning her garb.
Cf. also Lacroix, Reproductions, pp. 176-92.
* The Artemis Ephesia reverse later became extremely common, particularly in Lydia and Phry-
gia. I have found it outside Ephesus before Hadrian's day only at Sebastopolis (L. Robert, Eludes
anatoliennes [Paris, 1937], p. 356, no. 1; p. 357, no. 6); Cilbiani superiores (BMCLydia, p. 62,
nos. 1-2, Domitia); Daldis (BMCLydia, p. 69, no. 1, Flavians); Tralles (BMCLydia, p. 340, nos. 91-
92, Nero-Domitian); Cadi (BMCPhrygia, p. 120, nos. 20 (Agrippina Junior), 23-24 (Domitia);
Hierapolis (BMCPhrygia, p. 250, no. 130, Trajan); and Tiberiopolis (BMCPhrygia, p. 422, nos. 7-9,
Trajan).
4 Denarii of L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus coss., RRC 445/3a-b = CRR 1031, struck in Asia;

cistophori of Claudius, BMC RE 229.
6 The stags make their first appearance on the coins of Hierapolis and Tiberiopolis cited in n. 3;
their first occurrence at Ephesus itself is on the coins under discussion and on an apparently con-
temporary bronze with AAPIANOC KAICAP OAYMniOC, SNGvonAnlock 7866.
8 BMCRE 229. The employment by both Claudius and Hadrian of a flanking legend to identify
the temple portrayed is consistent with a cistophoric convention initiated by Augustus; under
Titus this description was sometimes extended to the exergue, where it also appears under Domitian
and Trajan.
Examples:
Augustus: MART-VLTO l. and r., Sutherland VII (y) = BMCRE 704
COM - ASIAE l. and r., Sutherland VII (p) = BMCRE 705-6
Claudius: COM -ASI l. and r., BMCRE 228
DIAN - EPHE l. and r., BMCRE 229
Vespasian: COM - ASI l. and r., BMCRE 449
Titus: CA - PIT l. and r., RESTIT in ex., BM (Woodward, pi. 8, 3.)
Domitian Caesar: DIVO - VESP l. and r., BMCRE Titus 150
Domitian Augustus: CA - PIT l. and r., RESTIT in ex., BMCRE 251
Trajan: COM - ASI in ex., BMCRE 711-13.
The pattern is repeated on the issue under discussion, as well as Hadrianic issues of the Commune
Bithyniae (nos. B1-B14) and coins of uncertain attribution with rev. Temple of Athena (no. 116).
By contrast earlier imperial bronzes usually employ an encircling legend.
abbreviation to allow portrayal of the cult image: most commonly its octastyle facade
is made tetrastyle, and the podium rendered with three steps.7 The stags which some-
times flank the lone cult image are never present on temple reverses.
The temple type had appeared on local bronze only under Vespasian, but became
common in the late second and third centuries.8
Fortuna Ephesia
The goddess portrayed with rudder and cornucopiae, but without turreted crown or
polos, is a Latinized Tyche more familiar on Roman than on Greek coins.9 The type has
no antecedents at Ephesus, not surprisingly, since Tyche had yet to become a regular
fixture of the imperial bronze coinage.10 Her earliest appearance at Ephesus is other-
wise during the reign of M. Aurelius.u
Iovis Olympius12
The seated Zeus holding Artemis and described as Olympius is a type new to the
cistophori, though the god had appeared on Ephesian bronzes under Domitian, describ-
ed as ZEYCOAYMT7IOC EOECIQN.18 By Pausanias' day Olympian Zeus had a temple
at Ephesus sufficiently important to serve as a geographical guidepost for his readers:1*
the Domitianic bronze has been taken as evidence for its existence as early as the 80s.15
The addition of the words EPHESI to no. 14 and EPHESIO to no. 15 indicate the
direct modelling of the Hadrianic reverse on the coin of Domitian. But what might be
regarded as a merely derivative type or commemoration of a prominent local deity is
infused with new significance by the events of 128-9.18
7 For variation in the number of columns see Lacroix, Reproductions, pp. 182-84, and especially
B. L. Trell, The Temple of Artemis at Ephesos, ANSNNM 107 (New York, 1945), pp. 7-10.
8 The square shape and tall podium of the Vespasianic piece suggest that the Claudian cistophori
were its prototype.
9 Tyche does appear infrequently without head ornament, e.g. SNGvonAulock 3291 (Tralles,

Elagabalus); 3430 (Ancyra, Nerva); 3592 (Eumeneia, Hadrian); 3610 (Hadrianopolis, Severus
Alexander); SNGCop Lydia 448 (Sala, Elagabalus); Phrygia 98-99 (Aezani, M. Aurelius Caesar).
10 She first begins to appear regularly about the time of Marcus Aurelius, and most frequently
on coins of the imperial women.
11 BMCIonia, p. 80, nos. 241-42.
12 The nominative form Iovis seems to be paralleled only at Ennius Ann. 62-63 (J. Vahlen,
Ennianae Poesis Reliquiae, 3rd ed. [Leipzig, 1928]).
18 BMCIonia, p. 75, no. 215.
14 Paus. 7.2.9.
15 To my knowledge this suggestion, which accounts for an otherwise inexplicable coin type,
was first made by J. Beaujeu, La religion romaine a Vapogie de Vempire (Paris, 1955), p. 182.
The statements of Benndorf (Forschungen in Ephesos [Vienna, 1906], p. 394); Burchner (RE 5, s.v.
'"Ephesos," coi. 2795) and Karweise (RE Suppl. 12, s.v. "Ephesos," cols. 282, 334) that the temple
was built under Hadrian have no foundation in evidence and are apparently based on the attractive
but misleading assumption that all Ephesian institutions associated with Olympius date from
Hadrian's day. Even less acceptable is the elaborate scheme of Magie, RRAM 2, pp. 1479-80.
16 The following paragraphs condense my fuller discussion in Mnemosyne, ser. 4, voi. 27 (1974),
pp. 59-66.
In late 128, Hadrian arrived at Athens to begin the second of his great Eastern
journeys. He spent six months there, during which he took part in dedication cere-
monies for the massive Olympieion, begun under the Peisistratids and still unfinished."
An altar and statue were erected in his honor,18 and he was acclaimed "Olympius," an
epithet which appears frequently in subsequent inscriptions.19 The occasion was hailed
with the erection of innumerable altars in Athens and throughout the Eastern Empire.80
In March 129, Hadrian departed Eleusis for Ephesus. Some details of his stay at
Ephesus are provided by an inscription of that year, in which he is addressed not only
by his new title Olympius, but also as the city's "founder and savior."21 Imperial favors
to the city are enumerated: provision for grain shipment from Egypt, rendering the
harbors navigable, and diverting the Kayster. First in the list are "unparalleled gifts to
Artemis," which included a grant of the right of inheritance.22
Hadrian's love for Ephesus was well known in antiquity, and must have manifested
itself in such favors as the inscription outlines.2* The warm expression of gratitude
indicates the reciprocal nature of the relationship between emperor and subject city.
But Hadrian's recent acclamation as Olympius added a new dimension to their bond
of affection. Worship of Zeus Olympius was not new to Ephesus: the god had had a
temple there since the time of Domitian at least.24 Thus the arrival of Hadrian was not
simply the advent of an emperor or benefactor: it will have had all the aspect of a divine
epiphany. Such an interpretation is reinforced by the long-standing identification of
Zeus Olympius with human rulers.26
It is impossible not to see in the coin a numismatic expression of the sentiments
contained in the inscription. The same eventsHadrian's acclamation, his arrival,
and the welcome which followed his largesseunderlie both. The figure traditionally
identified as Zeus is indeed Hadrian.
The pictorial symbolism of the reverse was operative on several levels. The portrayal

of Olympius holding a small statue of Artemis epitomizes the close relationship between
the emperor and his beloved city; in addition, the inscription shows that the coin reflects
not only general benefactions to Ephesus but the specific grant to the cult of Artemis as
17 S. H. A. Hadrian 13.6.
Dio 69.16.1, Paus. 1.18.6.
1B Magie, RRAM 2, p. 1479, enumerates the localities in which the epithet Olympius is found
applied to Hadrian.
20 A. S. Benjamin, "The Altars of Hadrian in Athens and Hadrian's Panhellenic Program,"
Hesperia 1963, pp. 57-86.
81 SIG 839 = E. M. Smallwood, Documents Illustrating the Reigns of Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian
(Cambridge, Eng., 1966), no. 494. See also F. F. Abbott and A. C. Johnson, Municipal Administra-
tion in the Roman Empire (Princeton, 1926), pp. 407-8.
22 See Ulpian, Dig., fig. 22.
Philostratus VS 1.25.
24 See above, n. 15.
25 For a short but useful survey of the association of the human ruler with Zeus, which dates
back to Homer, see S. Weinstock, Divus Julius (Oxford, 1971), pp. 305-10. Hadrian is explicitly
identified as Olympius on a probably contemporary Ephesian bronze with obv. legend AAPIANOC
KAICAPOAYMfTIOC, SNGvonAulock 7866.
well. Finally, the god's holding the cult statue brings the emperor's power and benef-
icence into specific relationship with the citizens of Asia, of whom she was the chief
deity.
This is not the place to explore the significance of the type for Hadrian's panhellenic
program; for the moment it is sufficient to note its importance for the chronology of the
Ephesian cistophori. Connection of the Iovis Olympius issue with Hadrian's Ephesian
sojourn of 129 provides a terminus ad quem for all of Group I, which is associated with
this coin by identity of legend and format.
Artemis Leukophryene
Leukophryene, whose cult was centered at nearby Magnesia ad Maeandrum, derived
her epithet from the city's original name, Leukophrys.24 Her cult had been located at
Magnesia since at least the sixth century B.C., and her temple compared favorably
with that of Ephesus in size and surpassed it in beauty, though the goddess' popularity
was not as great as that of Ephesian Artemis.27 The goddess differed little in appearance:
in place of stags, Leukophryene often has geese; on issues from the time of Nero and
later she is frequently flanked by crowning Victories, whose significance is uncertain.
The similarity of the goddesses may reflect Ephesian participation in the re-foundation
of Magnesia.28
Attribution and Chronology
The number of surviving specimens and dies, and the relative infrequency of die links,
shows that the output of Ephesus' cistophoric mint was consistent with her position as
prote metropolis of Asia. For four of the typesthose comprising Group I in the
cataloguethere can be no question about the attribution to Ephesus. But the con-
nection of Groups II, III, and IV is less secure, and requires defense.
Group II. Artemis Leukophryene. The lone obverse die with Group I legend com-
bined with a Leukophryene reverse is extremely similar in both style and lettering to

others of Group I: the truncation of the neck has a single shallow identation, and the
lettering is neat, regular and compact. Similarly the reverse format, with its COS III
compressed in small letters at 3 and 9 o'clock, is like that of the Asclepius reverses of
Group IV, to which, it is suggested below, the reverse die properly belongs.
An attribution of the Leukophryene coins of both Groups II and IV to Magnesia it-
self is not, obviously, out of the question: the fact that only two obverse dies were em-
ployed is no obstacle to postulation of a separate mint, since as we shall see cistophoric
mints at Alabanda, Thyateira, Nysa, and Eumeneia employed three or fewer dies.
But in favor of Ephesus may be offered the stylistic links to both Groups I and IV, as
well as the employment of legends proper to both. In addition Ephesus is one of only
two mints (the other, Unidentified Mint C) which certainly struck non-native types.
26 Xen. Hell. 3.2.10.
27 Strabo 14.1.40.
28 L. R. Farnell, Cults of the Greek Slates, 2 (Oxford, 1896), p. 483.
If Asclepius could be portrayed on coins of Group IV, so too could the chief deity of
neighboring Magnesia, in whose re-foundation Ephesus had participated.
Group III. Artemis Ephesia; Artemis Ephesia in Temple. This small group of coins
is anomalous in omitting Hadrian's consular iteration: calling this class "hybrid,"
Herzfelder ascribed the omission to the carelessness of an engraver who employed a non-
Ephesian model (for a different explanation see below). He recognized their style as
purely Ephesian, and no alternative attribution can really be offered in the face of the
typological and stylistic links to Group I.
Group IV. Artemis Ephesia with DIANA EPHESIA COS III; Asclepius and Artemis
Leukophryene with COS III. The stylistic connection of DIANA EPHESIA COS III coins
with those bearing rev. COS III Asclepius has long been recognized, and is immediately
evident from comparison of the obverse dies illustrated on Plate 6. But in the past this
connection has created difficulties of attribution based solely on typology. The natural
temptationto which Herzfelder and Mattingly succumbed89is to assign these coins
to Pergamum since, as has been noted in the discussion of that mint, its output seems
incommensurate with the importance of the city. Now a die link with the DIANA
EPHESIA cult image coins of Group III demands a re-attribution to Ephesus. The
attribution of Leukophryene coins to Ephesus has been discussed above; its distribution
of legends places it in this group.
Ephesus is one of only two mints which altered its obverse legend in the course of the
cistophoric issue. It is clear that, as at Rome, the variation in obverse legend has
chronological significance: both Groups I and IV include the cult image reverse, but in I
the remaining types are exclusively Ephesian while in IV Asclepius and Artemis Leuko-
phryene find a place in the Ephesian coinage for the only time in its history. The
problem, then, is to establish the priority of I or IV. For several reasons the sequence
I-IV has been adopted, and the anomalous groups II and III placed between them.

First, this sequence is demanded by the date of the IOVIS OLYMPIVS issue, discussed
above. It was struck at or soon after Hadrian's arrival at Ephesus in March 129;
the remaining coins of Group I are to be associated with it on the basis of obverse legend
and reverse content. The sequence IV-I would require assignment of all of IV to the
period from August 128 (when Hadrian adopted the title Pater Patriae) to March 129
(his arrival at Ephesus); and while IV is not a massive issue it was clearly substantial,
and these are rather narrow limits for its production.
Secondly, it is hardly likely that the first issue from Ephesus consisted of a single
local type combined with others foreign to the city. Conversely, Group I has all the
look of an inaugural issue, celebrating not only the arrival of Hadrian but also Ephesus'
tutelary deities and emphasizing their connection with the city.
Finally, the sequence I-IV provides an easier explanation for the existence of the two
hybrid classes than the opposite order. The doubling of COS III in Group II probably
occurred at the moment of change from one issue to another: that is, a die already
prepared for the second issue was substituted prematurely. Given that reverse dies
broke far more frequently than obverses, the likeliest substitution would be of a reverse
Herzfelder, pp. 16-17; Mattingly, BMCRE 3, p. clix.
die: that is, the Leukophryene die with COS III was paired with an obverse from the
HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P issue until the latter broke, and an obverse die appropriate
to the new issue was substituted.
In the case of Group III, the standard Ephesian types were simply carried over
from Group I; it was then realized that with the new obverse legend the consular
iteration was omitted. At this point it was added, rather uncomfortably, to the cult
image reverses; no space being available on the temple reverse, the type was simply
dropped.
It is agreed by all that the analogous classes of coins produced at Rome were struck
in exactly the reverse order: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P was inaugurated in 128 and
succeeded, probably in the early 130s, by HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P. But there is no
good reason to suppose that Roman mint practice is relevant, especially since the reverse
types of Group I provide a simple explanation for its obverse legend, which is virtually
without parallel in the rest of the series. For the types of this issue all have extensive
description on the reverse, leaving no room for the consular iteration; the Group I
legend was devised to allow its inclusion. When types not native to Ephesuswere intro-
duced and the epithet Ephesia dropped from all but one reverse, the consular iteration
could be placed there and the standard obverse legend restored.
The cistophori of Ephesus display a general stylistic homogeneity, with the variations
which might be expected in what was obviously a large scale minting operation. The
rather narrow, tall busts of Group I contrast with the broader, fuller ones of Groups III
and IV; Group II falls in between with its closest kinship to Group I. There are two
anomalous types, nos. 7 and 10. The first of these is unusual in its portrayal of Artemis
without her stags, and its obverse die is one of only two at the mint which show Hadrian
with a draped bust. But the portrait is otherwise generally similar to others of Group I,
and the obverse legend is peculiar to Ephesus so there is no good reason to doubt its

Ephesian origin.
The second type, known from two die-identical specimens, is far cruder in style than
any other Ephesian product; in addition it has a roughly executed hexastyle temple in
place of the usually neat tetrastyle. The type is one of the anomalies which have led to
the supposition that DIANA EPHESIA types might have been struck at more than one
mint, since the goddess was worshiped all over the province and her cult image is found
on the coins of a number of cities.80 That view may be correct, but for various rea-
sons it seems safest to treat such anomalies as the work of inexperienced or incompe-
tent engravers rather than as the products of minute mints. First, with the ex-
ceptions of Unidentified Mint C (clearly a special case, see below) and Ephesus itself,
no other mint employed another city's deity as a type. Secondly it is clear that the
word EPHESIA is used not only as an epithet of Diana but also to identify the city
responsible for striking the nonspecific types of Zeus Olympius and Fortuna. Finally,
once again, the obverse legend HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P is almost exclusively
confined to Ephesus.
30 Herzfelder, p. 15; Woodward, p. 168, and n. 16; the coin mentioned there and illustrated at
Herzfelder, pi. 3, 5, is left out of consideration here: see below, p. 95, n. 2.
Asian Mints: Miletus
27
MILETUS
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Cult image of Apollo Didymeus standing r., holding
in extended l. a bow, in extended r. a small stag
which faces him.
BMCRE, p. 385* and 1073 (with corrigendum on p. 566); RIC 483; Cohen 286; Pinder 59, pi. 7,12;
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
100*
10.36
101*
9.86
102*
9.89
Axis

Overstriking
Traces on rev.
Traces on rev.
Obv. on obv.
Antonius
Reference
Copenhagen (SNG 441)
London
Berlin
Bust of Hadrian draped, Cult image of Apollo Didymeus as on no. 22.
bare, r.
BMCRE, p. 385* note = Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1105 (this piece?).
103* 4 4 10.47 t Traces on rev. Foss = Ancient Gens, 12
July 1971,135 = Miinzen
und Medaillen FPL 175,
Jan. 1958, 37.
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Tetrastyle temple on podium of three steps.
Within, cult image of Apollo Didymeus stands
facing, holding stag in extended l. and bow in r.
at side.
BMCRE 1082 n.; RIC 519; Cohen 287 (without P P, in error); Pinder 60; Herzfelder, p. 8, pi. 1, 7.
104* 3 5 9.12 t Obv. on rev. Berlin
Antonius
105 5 6 Obv. on rev. Herzfelder, pi. 1, 7
Augustus (Hollschek)
Bust of Hadrian draped, Temple of Apollo Didymeus as on no. 24.
bare, r.
BMCRE 1082, pi. 64, 5; RIC 519 n.; RIN 1898, p. 49, pi. 1, 8.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
106
9.70
Traces on rev.
Rome
107a*
10.40
Traces on rev.
Piancastelli 1524
107b*
9.82
Traces

London
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Artemis in long drapery standing half-l., holding
patera in extended r. and bow in l.; to l., a stag
looking r.
BMCRE 1062, pi. 72, 9; RIC 490; Cohen 317; Pinder 72, pi. 5, 9; Herzfelder, p. 8, pi. 1, 5.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
108*
10.10
Obv on obv.
Antonius, CRR 1198
Berlin
109*
10
10.40
Obv. on rev.
Antonius, CRR 1198
Munich
110*
11
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, rev.
temple
(Hollschek 11), 543.
111*
12
Asian Mints: Miletus 29
Herzfelder1 first recognized the interconnection of three cistophoric types tradition-
ally associated with Miletus, and posited the existence of a mint there.
Apollo Didymeus
Didymeus (or "Philesius"2) was the god of the famous oracle at Didyma, a small
town some 17 km from Miletus. The relationship between the two cities was comparable
to that which obtained between Athens and Eleusis, and the god of Didyma began to
receive numismatic notice on the coinage of Miletus very early. Already in the seventh
century the lionsymbol of Apolloappears on the city's electrum staters; by 350,
his head appears on obverses.8
Bronzes of the second century B.C. are the first coins to depict the famous and
statue of Apollo by Canachus, which had been carried off during the Persian sack and
returned by Seleucus I.* The god was portrayed nude, holding a bow in his left hand and
a small stag in his extended right. A vexed passage in Pliny6 seems to say that the
stag could be made to move back and forth!
The cult image, usually facing right, became the chief reverse type of Miletus' im-
perial bronzes;* the cistophoric reverse is very similar to these, though the translation to
silver infused the short, archaic statue with a new grace dictated by the contemporary
hellenizing vogue.
Didymeus in Temple
Several specimens portray the famous temple which housed Didyma's oracle. The
dodecastyle facade is here made tetrastyle, with the opening thus achieved containing a
frontal representation of Canachus' Apollo.
The temple was one of antiquity's largest and most impressive. Though well estab-
lished as a cult center by the time of the Persian Wars, it recovered only slowly from
the pillage of Darius. Reconstruction was undertaken in the time of Alexander, yet in
Strabo's day the shrine remained roofless.7

Trajan's provision for the erection of a new road to accommodate the heavy traffic
from Miletus to Didyma attests the continued prosperity of the cult, which continued
through the second century at least.8 The temple appears on imperial bronzes well into
1 Herzfelder, pp. 8-9.
8 The name Philesius occurs in Pliny NH 34.75.
* Head, HN, p. 585. Staters: BCMIonia, p. 183, nos. 2ff.; for the obverse portraits, p. 189,
nos. 51ff.
4 BMCIonia, p. 197, nos. 134-37.
s See above, n. 2.
Claudius: BMCIonia, p. 198, no. 146; Nero: BMCIonia, p. 198, nos. 145-49; Domitian:
BMCIonia, p. 199, nos. 152-53; Hadrian: SNGCopIonia 1018; Geta: BMCIonia, p. 201, no. 163.
7 Strabo 14.1.5, C. 634.
8 K. von Stradonitz, "Vorlaufiger Berichtuber die von den Konigliche Museen begonnen Ausgra-
bungen in Milet," Silzungsber. Akad. Berlin 1900, p. 106; see B. Haussoullier, Etudes sur Vhisloire
the third century,* the god's name is found on an inscription of 362, and he was known to
Macrobius.10
Artemis Pglhia
The goddess portrayed with stag and bow can only be the huntress, Artemis. The
cistophoric reverse type was never associated with Miletus until Imhoof-Blumer com-
pared the image with that appearing on the city's bronzes.11 Herzfelder has been fol-
lowed by other scholars in applying to the goddess the epithet "Milesia," which is not to
my knowledge supported by any ancient testimony.12 Her frequent appearance on
coins suggests that she is in fact the Artemis Pythia who finds extensive notice in
inscriptions from Didyma.18
No archaeological remains tell us where her worship was centered, but local legend
made the cult of Artemis at Didyma as old as that of her brother. The legend of their
nearby birth provided an etymology for the city's name.14
The surviving Milesian cistophori form a compact group: the sixteen known speci-
mens are struck from only eight obverse dies, and three of these are combined with two
or more types: obv. die 3 is combined with rev. Apollo and Temple; obv. die 5 with
revs. Apollo and Artemis; and obv. die 4 with all three types.
The style of the Milesian cistophori is distinctive, and it is clear that all the dies were
produced by a single hand. Herzfelder noted the "curiously long throat," which is most
evident on undraped heads. The obverse lettering, tall and narrow, is consistent
throughout; the reverse legend always had the numeral III in tall strokes and compressed;
all dies show a clumsy rendering of the letter S.
The consistent use of the die orientation f | may derive from a longstanding tradition
at Miletus which only began to break down in the second century.16
de Milet et des Didymeion (Paris, 1902), pp. 154-55. For inscriptions from the second century,
T. Wiegand, Didyma 2 (Berlin, 1958), p. 323.

8 For instance, Julia Domna, SNGvonAulock 2112; Geta, BMCIonia, p. 201, no. 163.
10 SIG 906 A; Macrob. Sal. 1.17.64.
11 F. Imhoof-Blumer, Miinzkunde, p. 5 (= SNR 1905, p. 165). The goddess appears facing r.
on coins of Nero, SNGCopIonia 1010-12 and facing l. on coins of Trajan, BMCIonia, p. 199, no.
155. The facing goddess is introduced under Hadrian on the cistophorus and a local bronze,
SNGCopIonia 1017. She continues to appear in the third century: SNGvonAulock 2110 (Septimius
Severus, with Didymeus); Imhoof-Blumer, Kl. M. 1, p. 89, no. 27 (Severus and Caracalla); BMC
Ionia, p. 200, no. 161, Julia Domna; Imhoof-Blumer, Kl. M. 1, p. 89, no. 29 (Balbinus).
18 Herzfelder, p. 9.
13 Wiegand (above, n. 8), nos. 118,182, 228, 312, 315, 330, 363, 388, 403. For this identification
of the goddess see Laumonier, Cultes 588-89.
14 SIG 590.1.10. See also coins of Balbinus and Gallienus showing Leto bearing the infants
Apollo and Artemis, BMCIonia, p. 201, no. 164, pi. 22,13; SNGvonAulock 2113.
16 The consistent picture suggested by SNGCopIonia 957-1017, the only published record to
include die axes, is borne out by specimens in the ANS: f J, Is avoided entirely until Claudius, and
's still exceptional until the time of Hadrian, when it begins to dominate.
Asian Mints: Smyrna
31
SMYRNA
28. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P COS III l. and r. in field
SMVR in exergue
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Tetrastyle temple on podium of three steps,
within which stand two Nemeses facing each other.
BMCRE 1083, pi. 74, 7; RIC 521; Herzfelder, p. 11, pi. 2, 1.
115* 1 1 10.32 1 Traces on rev. London
29. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P COS III in exergue
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Zeus seated l. on throne holding small cult image
of Ephesian Artemis in extended r. and vertical
sceptre in upraised l.; behind, eagle to l.
BMCRE p. 388 f; RIC 501 (erroneously describing statuette as "Diana of Perga"); Herzfelder,
p. 12, pi. 2, 2.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
116*
10.54

Obv. on obv.
Antonius, CRR 1198
Munich
117*
10.92
Traces
Vienna = Bachofen von
Echt, 1188
COS I
Zeus, naked to waist, seated l. on throne, holding
Victory in extended r. and vertical sceptre in
upraised l. To l., an eagle.
118* 4 4 10.70 Obv. on obv.
Claudius, rev.
temple of Artemis
119* 5 5 10.29 T Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 13.
Reference
Mazzini 2, 272 = Santa-
maria, 26 June 1950,
(Magnaguti 3), 661 =
Naville 11, 18 June 1925,
529
London
120*
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 12
Myers 1, 18 Nov. 1971,
524
121*
Traces
Miinzenund Medaillen 17,
2 Dec. 1957, 443
122*
11.00
Vienna
123*
10.35
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 13

ANS = Hess, 1 Dec.
1931, 1069
124*
10
Traces
Rome
125*
11
Hess, 22 May 1935,
(Trau), 1096
126*
10
12
10.58
Traces
Hess-Leu 41, 24 Apr.
1969, 193 = von Aulock
(SNG 6614)
127
11
13
Turin
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Eagle standing to front on thunderbolt, wings
spread, head r.
BMCRE 1079, pi. 74,3,1080; RIC 516; Cohen 427 (erroneously omitting P P); Pinder 56, pi. 7,9;
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
128*
14
10.45
Traces
Asian Mints: Smyrna
33
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Two Nemeses draped, standing face to face;
each holds out in r. a fold of drapery from breast.
One on l. holds bridle in l., one on r. a cubit rule in l.
BMCRE 1074, pi. 73, 9; RIC 507; Cohen 326; Pinder 82, pi. 8,10; Herzfelder, p. 11, pi. 2, 4.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wl.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
137*
17
23
Obv. on rev.
Augustus
Glendining (Woodward),
27 Sept. 1962, 303
138*
18
24
10.28
Traces

Boston = Hess /Leu, 2
Apr. 1958, 325 = Santa-
maria, 26 June 1950
(Magnaguti 3), 663
139*
19
25
Traces on obv.
Hess, 7 March 1935, 494
= Cahn 71, 14 Oct. 1931,
1580
140*
19
26
9.95
Traces
Hermitage
141*
20
27
10.60
Traces
FPL 281, Oct. 1967, 35
= Hess, 2 Aug. 1933, 319
= Baranowsky, 25 Feb.
1931, 1784
142*
21
28
Nov. 1955, 789
143*
21
29
Merzbacher, 15 Nov.
1910, 1633 = R. Ratto,
5 Nov. 1908, 910
144*
21
30
10.29
34
152*
27
38
10.42
153*
28
39
10.08
154*
29
40
10.93
155*
30
40
10.81
156a*
31
41
12.20
156b*
31
41
10.81
157*
42

32
158*
33
43
10.88
159*
33
44
160*
34
45
Traces
Traces
Traces
I Traces on rev.
I Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 14
Traces
f Traces on rev.;
double struck
Lanz (Graz) 5, 1 Dec.
1975, 497 = Hess, 22
May 1935 (Trau), 1113
Poindessault, 29 May,
1972, 237 = Piatt, 17
March 1970, 65
Hirsch 24, 10 May 1909,
1396
Vienna
Vatican
Berlin
JNFA, vol. 2, no. 1
(Spring 1973), T 12 =
Kress 125, 17 Apr. 1963,
668 = Miinzen und Me-
daillen 17, 2 Dec. 1957,
445
ANS = R. Ratto FPL,
1931, 60 = Naville 12, 18
Oct. 1926, 2854 = Hirsch
33, 17 Nov. 1913, 1238
Asian Mints: Smyrna
35
164*
35
49
10.18
165*
36
50
10.39
Obv. on rev.
JNFA, vol. 2, no. 1
Antonius, CRR 1197
(Spring 1973), T 14 =
Nov. 1955, 783 = Hess,
11 March 1935, 491 =
Cahn 75, 30 May 1932,
1108
166*
37
51
11.00
Obv. on rev.

Augustus
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 665
167*
38
52
10.65
Obv. on rev.
Vienna
Augustus, RIC 13
168*
39
53
10.89
Obv. on obv.
London
Antonius, CRR 1197
169*
40
54
10.87
Obv. on obv.
Brussels
170*
41
55
8.55
Augustus
Vienna
171*
42
56
8.46
London
172*
43
57
10.30
36
The great commercial center of Smyrna possessed one of Hadrian's largest cistophoric
mints. As early as Pinder the main reverse types of Nemeses and Cybele had been
recognized as Smyrnaean products, but it was Herzfelder1 who first fully outlined the
mint's production, using criteria of style and die links.
All the types of Smyrna are closely associated with the city.
Nemeses in Temple; Two Nemeses
The worship of Nemesis at Smyrna was of great antiquity; whatever the origin of the
cult, it seems to have been well established by the time of Alyattes' destruction of the
city.2 The single goddess worshipped elsewhere became two at Smyrna: this duality is
peculiar to the city and is reflected in numerous inscriptions.8 The origin of the addi-
tional goddess is unknown: Pausanias thought she reflected the foundation of the "new
city" by Alexander.4 Modern scholars, more subtly but less romantically, are inclined
to think that the doubling of the goddess reflects the European and Asiatic concepts
of the divinity.5 That Pausanias was wrong is suggested by the antiquity of the cult:
when he himself discussed the addition of wings as an attribute, he appealed to no less an
authority than the archaic Smyrnaean statues, wrought in wood.4
Despite the prominence of the goddesses, they are absent from civic coinage until
Imperial times. A single (winged) Nemesis appears on the coinage of Nero and Agrip-
pina,7 and an alliance issue of Ephesus and Smyrna dating from the proconsulship of
P. Calvisius Ruso shows the two goddesses face to face.8 The latter type eventually
becomes standard, and enjoys periodic popularity until the third century; it is frequent-
ly used as the symbol of Smyrna on alliance coinages.9
The unique piece showing the Nemeseion has no Smyrnaean antecedent, but accords
well with cistophoric depictions of cult temples at Ephesus, Miletus, and Sardis as well

B. Schweitzer, "Dea Nemesis Regina," JDAI 1931, pp. 202ff.
8 For example IGRR 4, 1402, 1431; see also the list compiled by Rossbach in Roscher, Lex. 3,
p. 144.
4 Paus. 1.33.7. The "Vision of Alexander" is represented on Smyrna's civic coinage: Alexander
sleeps under a plane tree, the two Nemeses before him: BMCIonia, p. 279, no. 346 (M. Aurelius):
p. 299, no. 442 (Gordian); p. 296, no. 452 (Philip I).
Schweitzer (above, n. 2), p. 203.
Paus. 1.33.7.
7 BMCIonia, p. 271, no. 287; McClean 8302, pi. 288, 2.
8 BMCIonia, p. 101, nos. 405-6. The precise date of Ruso's proconsulship is unknown (P/i?s C
350); it is assigned to ca. 83 by Magie, RRAM 2, pp. 1442, n. 34, and 1582. A similar type was
struck by L. Caesennius Paetus, also proconsul under Domitian: BMCIonia, p. Ill, nos. 407-8:
see also nos. 409-10.
In addition to the coins described in n. 8 above BMCIonia, p. 308, no. 514 (M. Aurelius, with
Nicomedia); p. 301, nos. 479-83 (Commodus, with Laodicea); p. 304, nos. 498-500 (Crispina, with
Nicomedia); p. 308, nos. 515-16 (Crispina, with Laodicea).
Asian Mints: Smyrna 37
as some unknown mints. Its placement of the ethnic in exergue (albeit upside down)
is paralleled at Sardis.10
The Nemeseion existed as late as A.D. 211,11 but nothing is known of it today. Our
coin would suggest that it was of Ionic order; the prominent acroterion and antefixes
and three-step podium are conventions familiar from Ephesian cistophori, and tell little
about the temple's actual appearance.
Zeus Akraios; Zeus with Ephesian Artemis
Zeus Akraios, "god of the height," was worshipped at sites throughout the Greek
world, but most notably at Smyrna.12 While his cult never rivalled that of the Nemeses,
the god was a prominent figure on civic coinage from the time of Trajan.13 That the
cistophoric reverse, with its Zeus on the Pheidiac model but substituting Victory for
the customary eagle, actually represents Akraios is confirmed by analogy with bronze
coins struck in the proconsulship of Vettius Bolanus, on which the god is named.14
Akraios had a large temple on the hill now known as Deirman-Tepe. Peripteral and
Corinthian, it was 10 by 23 columns with an intercolumniation of 1.8 m.;it rivalled in
size the temple of Zeus built by Hadrian at Athens. No trace of it can now be found;
Prokesch von Osten, who saw its remains in 1824, thought it might date from the time
of Hadrian,18 and Cadoux16 suggested that it was built with money which the sophist
Polemo induced the emperor to bestow upon the city. His view might be confuted by
bronzes of Hadrianic date with a seated Zeus and the inscription nOAEMQN CTPATH-
rOCANE9HKE."
10 See below, no. 194.
n C. J. Cadoux, Ancient Smyrna (Oxford, 1938), p. 204.
w RE 1, s.v. "Akraios," cols. 1193-94 (Wentzel).
a BMCIonia, pp. 253-58, "Trajan-Commodus." Akraios represents Smyrna on alliance issues
of the period: BMCIonia, p. 307, no. 511 (M. Aurelius, with Laodicea); p. 302, no. 485 (Commodus,

with Athens); Hunter 2, p. 389, no. 278 (Commodus, with Lacedaemon).
14 BMCIonia, p. 272, nos. 294-96. For Vettius, PIR1 V 323. He was suffectus in 66 (A. Degrassi,
/ Fasti Consolari dell' Impero Romano [Rome, 1952], p. 18); his proconsulship is placed in 70-73
by Magie, RRAM 2, p. 1582.
15 For the temple, RE 3A, s.v. "Smyrna," cols 755-56 (Burchner); Cadoux (above, n. 11), p. 202.
Both accounts derive ultimately from R. Prokesch von Osten, Denkwiirdigkeil und Erinnerungen
aus dem Orient 1 (Stuttgart, 1836), p. 522. For mention of the sacred precinct, CIG 3146.
14 Cadoux, (above, n. 15); Philostratus VS 1.25. For Polemo and Hadrian see especially G. W.
Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire (Oxford, 1970), pp. 48-49, 120-23.
17 BMCIonia, p. 277, no. 328. The use of this coin to support Cadoux's interpretation would
require parallels for an unusual use of the word dvtdrjxe; it is doubtful whether it can refer to
Polemo's acquisition of an imperial grant for the city. Though the statue of Zeus is seated r. and
is in a slightly different posture than usual renderings, connection with Akraios is not to be ruled
out. Variation in presentation might result from a generalized conception of the deity rather than
imitation of a different cult image: cf. the great variation in detail in Smyrnaean versions of Tyche,
SNGvonAulock 2205-6 (Vespasian), 2216-17 (Septimius).
A second Zeus, this one holding a statuette of Ephesian Artemis, is linked by stylistic
considerations to the lone coin with temple reverse.18 Whether he represents Akraios
or Zeus in some other aspect (Olympius?) is moot. Alteration of specific attributes is
not uncommon, and is well attested on Smyrnaean issues.19
Herzfelder20 suggested that this reverse represented the citizens of Smyrna "paying
homage to a neighboring divinity, who incidentally was revered all over the province."
For two reasons this is a dubious interpretation of the type. First, such "homage" is not
only unknown on cistophori (and in general on civic coinage not falling into the "al-
liance" class), but impossible: for it will be shown below that the cistophori, while they
draw heavily on types indigenous to the cities of their origin, were not produced under
local authority, but by sanction of the Roman governor or some other prominent
bureaucrat. They could not, therefore, have expressed the sentiment of any city toward
another.
Secondly, the fact that Artemis' cult was widespread in Asia rendered the symbolism
of the goddess herself universal. Though she was used as a civic badge only by Ephesus,
she appears frequently elsewhere, and her employment as an attribute to symbolize the
whole province is easily comprehensible."
Eagle on Thunderbolt
Pinder22 believed the eagle on thunderbolt to be so universal as to defy attribution to
any single city, though unspecified stylistic considerations led him to regard Pergamum
as a possible mint for the type; Herzfelder, also on stylistic grounds, assigned the type
to Smyrna.23 His observation that "the device was the usual one of the civic mint at the
time of Hadrian" is not quite accurate, but the use of obverse die 4 with both this re-
verse and Zeus Akraios confirms his attribution.
Both eagle and thunderbolt were attributes of Zeus, and are found associated with
him at the city; ultimately the type may be related to Zeus Akraios.24

Cybele Enthroned
The cistophori reproduce the statue of Cybele sculpted by Agorakritos, pupil of
Pheidias, in the late fifth century B.C.25 This is the first appearance of the goddess' full
figure on Roman coinage; she had been a regular feature of Smyrnaean civic issues.28
19 See above, n. 18; compare also an alliance issue of Smyrna and Ephesus (SNGvonAulock 2246),
certainly struck at Smyrna, which is exceptional in adding wings to the Nemeses.
20 Herzfelder (above, n. 18).
21 See above, p. 21.
22 Pinder, p. 628.
21 For specific association of eagles with Zeus at Smyrna, see Cadoux (above, n. 11), p. 203, n. 7.
25 For bibliography see M. Bieber, "The Images of Cybele in Roman Coins and Sculpture,"
Hommages a Marcel Renard 3, Coli. Latomus 103 (Brussels, 1969), p. 33, n. 2.
26 Tetradrachms of Lysimachus with rev. symbol head of Cybele are probably the earliest
Asian Mints: Smyrna
39
The goddess rivalled the Nemeses in importance at Smyrna; her shrine, which was
probably located somewhere east of the Acropolis, was world-famous.27 She was
described as elXrjxvla rrjv noktv and perhaps as the city's foundress.28
The juxtaposition of the Cybele reverse with the obverse portrait of the empress on
no. 34 foreshadows the numismatic convention which became popular under the
Anto nines.29
The close association of the above seven types with Smyrna is reflected by their
numismatic relationship to one another. All seven may be tied to each other and to the
city on numismatic grounds alone.
The mint mark SMVR, combined with the type of two Nemeses in temple, is conclu-
sive. Herzfelder30 noted the stylistic affinities between the lone obverse die (no. 1) em-
ployed with this type and those used with reverse Zeus seated holding Artemis Ephesia
(obv. dies 2 and 3): the two points at the rear neckline of the bust are the engraver's
peculiarity and appear frequently on Smyrnaean obverse dies.
Herzfelder further noted an obverse die linking Cybele and Nemeses types; two such
links (obv. dies 28 and 32) are now known. He also assigned to Smyrna the eagle on
thunderbolt reverse (no. 31), on the basis of similarities in the obverse portrait to our
nos. 32 and 33.
To his Smyrnaean mint may now be added the rare cistophori with obverse Sabina
and reverse Cybele: reverse die 59 links the type to coins of similar reverse, but obverse
Hadrian; and Zeus Akraios, which shares an obverse die (no. 4) with the eagle on thun-
derbolt issue. The latter case is instructive, since Herzfelder rejected Smyrna as the
mint for this type on the basis of style and proposed Apamea instead;81 but the die link
is conclusive, and the Apamean mint must be discarded.
The mint of Smyrna thus produced three discrete groups of cistophori, each consisting

of two reverse types:
Smyrnaean issues to portray the goddess: Head, HN, p. 592; M. Thompson, "The Mints of Lysi-
machus," in Essays in Greek Coinage Presented to Stanley Robinson, ed. C. M. Kraay and G. K.
Jenkins (Oxford, 1968), p. 180. See also BMCIonia, pp. 239ff., nos. 19-46 (second to first centuries
B.C.); p. 250, nos. 131-32 (Nero). The goddess often represents the city on alliance issues: SNG
vonAulock 2243-45 (Marcus Aurelius, with Antioch, Laodicea and Nicomedia respectively); BMC
Ionia, p. 306, no. 507 (Caracalla, with Pergamum); p. 302, no. 484 (Commodus, with Athens);
p. 303, no. 490 (Commodus, with Nicomedia).
27 RE 11, s.v. "Kybele," col. 2288 (Schwenn); see also Pliny NH 14.54.
28 Ael. Arist. 15, p. 575, Dindorf; Boeckh's supplement dgxrjyeriv to CIG 3387 is probable but
not certain.
28 BMCRE 4, pp. 232-33, nos. 1436-40 (Diva Faustina I); p. 403, nos. 134-35, and p. 534, nos.
932-35 (Faustina II): p. 577, no. 1208 (Lucilla).
31 Herzfelder, p. 12. The coins "show vague similarities to the usual Smyrnaean style. But the
fabric is much flatter, the modelling of the god's body less accurate, the heads on the obverse
sometimes remarkably poor. It seems doubtful whether the evidence for Smyrna is sufficient,
especially as this type of Zeus is common all over the province. Perhaps these coins belong to
Apamea, where similar representations are fairly frequent."
I. Temple, Zeus with Artemis Ephesia (nos. 28-29), linked by style
II. Zeus Akraios, Eagle (nos. 30-31), die linked
III. Nemeses, Cybele (nos. 32-34), die linked.
It is attractive to suppose that the groups represent the production of three separate
officinae, but this interpretation is rendered unlikely by the uneven survival rates
of both dies and specimens from each group:
I. 3 pieces from 3 obverse dies
II. 20 pieces from 12 obverse dies
III. 42 pieces from 31 obverse dies.
If the mint of Smyrna was divided into officinae, they cannot be detected today.
The close connection among the several Smyrnaean issues indicates a fairly short period
of issue, but the chronological termini are rather broad: a post quem is provided, as usual,
by Hadrian's adoption of the title Pater Patriae in August 128, and an ante quem by the
death of Sabina in 136;32 but there is no way to determine where, within these limits, the
activity of the mint is to be placed.
M The date of Sabina's death is not absolutely certain. It is mentioned in S.H.A. Hadr. 21.9 in
connection with the adoption of L. Ceionius Commodus, which occurred in 136; moreover, Alexan-
drian issues bearing her portrait go only as far as the twentieth year of Hadrian (135/6). Mommsen
suggested that CIL VIII (Berlin, 1881) 799 might indicate that she was still alive in 137, but his

view has been adopted by no subsequent scholar (PIR1 V 414).
Asian Mints: Alabanda
41
ALABANDA
COS III
Apollo in long robe standing front, head l., holding
raven in r. and branch in l.
BMCRE 1056, pi. 72, 4; RIC 484; Cohen 288; Pinder 84, pi. 8,12; Herzfelder, p. 8, pi. 1. 4.
Reference
London
Athens
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
177*
10.44
Traces
178*
9.83
Traces

179a*
10.41
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 11
179b
Obv. on rev.
Antonius
4 coins, all overstruck
3 die combinations
2 obverse dies
3 reverse dies
Herzfelder first noted the similarity of the god portrayed here with raven and branch
to one appearing on the coins of Alabanda in the time of Caracalla;1 he posited a mint
there.
The cistophori mark the first full-view appearance of the god on coins, though it is
clear that the cult of Apollo was prominent at Alabanda from very early times. His
laureate head appears on the city's early coinage, accompanied by reverse types lyre,
raven and humped bull.2 Later imperial issues employ the laurel branch and raven as
reverse types.8 Apollo was worshipped in two aspects at Alabanda: the one portrayed
here bore the epithet Isotimos.*
The style of the Alabandan cistophori is individual; the two obverse and three reverse
dies were all produced by the same hand. Hadrian's hair is arranged in fairly thin
curls, while his eyebrows are thickened. Large dots are used to portray the beard. Let-
tering on the obverse dies is regular, with tall and narrow letters; these also appear on
the reverses. Apollo is gracefully rendered; the folds in his drapery are well articulated.
Though our record of obverse dies is probably incomplete, it is clear that the output
of the mint of Alabanda was inconsiderable.
1 Herzfelder, p. 8. For coins of Caracalla see BMCCaria, p. 7, nos. 38-39; SNGvonAnlock 2400.
* BMCCaria, p. 2, no. 9; pp. 3-4, nos. 16-18.
* Laurel branch: BMCCaria, p. 7, nos. 36-37, 40-42 (Julia Domna, Caracalla); raven, BMCCa-
ria, p. 5, no. 24 (late imperial).
4 Laumonier, Culles, p. 438, n. 9.
42
APHRODISIAS
36
HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
COS III beginning at r.
Cult image of Aphrodite of Aphrodisias r. both
hands extended; in front of her, Eros standing r.
aiming bow; behind, seated figure. Star high in l.
field, crescent in r.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt. Axis Overstriking
Reference
180*
10.25 i Obv. on obv.
Antonius
London
COS III beginning at r.

As on no. 36 but in front of Aphrodite, naked
figure; behind, censer (?).
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Reference
181*
10.44 ^ Obv. on obv.
329
Antonius, CRR 1198
2 coins, both overstruck
2 die combinations
1 obverse die
2 reverse dies
Two reverses sharing an obverse die portray Aphrodite of Aphrodisias; the goddess
was probably a hellenized Nina-Ishtar, a deity of love and war.1 Combination of the
numismatic evidence with that of reliefs and statuettes allows reconstruction of her
appearance.2 Her head is surmounted by a kalathos and surrounded by a laurel
wreath; a veil extends to the ground. A chiton of floor length and a corset extending to
the knees cover her body. Her arms are extended frontally, in hieratic fashion. The
goddess is accompanied, both on the cistophori and on many bronzes of Aphrodisias, by
the star and crescent found with many eastern divinities.
1 Laumonier, Culles, p. 478.
* Lacroix, Reproductions, pp. 167-76.
Asian Mints: Aphrodisias 43
The figures which flank the cult image vary. On reverse die 1 the figure seated behind
seems to be a priestess, and the Eros in front of her is easily comprehensible. On reverse
die 2 the naked figure in front may again be interpreted as an Eros; behind her is the
object which has provided previous scholars with so much food for speculation.*
Laumonier's view, that it is a censer surmounted by the head of a lion, seems far the
most reasonable.*
Aphrodite appears frequently on the coinage of Aphrodisias from the first century
B.C. to the time of Salonina,6 and she represents the city on alliance coinages.6 The fact
that she never appears elsewhere insures the attribution of these cistophori to Aphro-
disias. Once again, though the record of dies is probably not complete, it is clear that
the mint of Aphrodisias struck only briefly, and that its output was small indeed.
3 The object also appears on imperial bronze coins. Head (BMCCaria, p. 31, no. 33) thought it
to be an "altar in the form of the capital of a column, supported by a conical cover;" M. Bernhart
thought he saw a chariot drawn by seahorses (Aphrodite auf griechischen Miinzen [Munich, 1936], p.
10, no. 22).
* Laumonier, Cultes, p. 478.
5 Her bust appears on coins of the first century B.C.: BMCCaria, pp. 26-27, nos. 6-18. The cult
image first appears under Augustus (BMCCaria, p. 39, nos. 85-93) and regularly thereafter.
8 For instance cult image held by Demos on BMCCaria, p. 53, no. 161 (with Ephesus, Septimius
Severus); Tychai holding cult image, BMCCaria, p. 53, no. 162 (with Antiochia Cariae, Severus
Alexander); the cult image alone on SNGvonAulock 8057 and BMCPhrygia, p. 257, no. 166, of

Commodus with Antiochia Cariae and Hierapolis respectively.
44
MYLASA
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Zeus Labraundos draped to feet standing front
holding double axe in r. and vertical spear in l.;
fillets fall to ground from wrists.
BMCRE 1064, pi. 72, 11; RIC 496; Cohen 276 ("Jupiter a droite"); Herzfelder, p. 6, pi. 1, 1;
A. Akarca, Les monnaies grecques de My lata, p. 59, nos. 16. 2-3.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
182*
10.39
Obv. on rev.
Antonius, CRR 1197
London = Akarca 16.2
183*

9.6l
Traces on obv.
Boston = Hesperia Art
Bulletin 26, 85
184*
10.15
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 13
185*
10.50
Obv. on rev.
Augustus
Vienna = Akarca 16.3
Bust of Hadrian with dra- Zeus Labraundos as on no. 38.
pery on l. shoulder, bare, r.
BMCRE 1064 n.; RIC 496; Pinder 49, pi. 7, 2; Akarca, p. 59, no. 16. 1.
186a 4 5 10.92 Traces
186b* 4 5 10.80
Obv. on rev.
Antonius, CRR 1197
Reference
Leu-Munzen und Medail-
len, (Niggeler 3) 2 Nov.
1967, 1259 = Hess, 22
May 1935 (Trau), 1101
Cambridge = Akarca
16.1 (misdescribed) =
W. M. Leake, Numisma-
ta hellenica (London,
1856), p. 84
Bust of Hadrian with dra- Zeus Osogoa draped to feet, standing r. holding
pery on l. shoulder, bare, r. trident set vertically on crab in upraised r. and
eagle in extended l.
Asian Mints: Mylasa
45
187* 4 6 11.03 1 Obv. on obv. Paris = BMC RE pi.
Augustus 73, 4 = Akarca 18.3
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Zeus Osogoa as on no. 40.
BMC RE, p. 389, ; RIC 508; Cohen 303; Pinder 55, pi. 7, 8; Herzfelder, p. 6, pi. 1, 2; Akarfa,
p. 60, nos. 18.1-2 (misdescribed), 19.1.
188* 3 7 10.64 ; Traces on rev.
189* 5 8 10.30 Obv. on obv.
Antonius
190a* 6 9 10.80 I Traces on rev.;
double struck
190b* 6 9 9.95 i Obv. on obv.
Augustus, rev. wreath
Reference
Hague
Hirsch 18, 27 May 1907
(Imhoof-Blumer), 1883
= Herzfelder, pi. 1, 2,
then in Gotha
Berlin
Hoffer
COS III
Zeus Karios wearing robe to knees standing front,

holding vertical sceptre in r. and resting l. on
large round shield, in front of which is an eagle
on a pedestal.
BMCRE 1063, pi. 72, 10; RIC 495; Cohen 274; Pinder 51, pi. 7, 4; Herzfelder, pp. 6-7, pi. 1, 3;
Akarca, p. 59, nos. 17, 1-2.
191* 6 10 9.36 i Traces London = Akarca 17. 1
192* 7 11 10.62 1 Traces; double struck ANS = Akarca 17. 2
11 die combinations
7 obverse dies
11 reverse dies
A small group of cistophori can be assigned on typological grounds to Mylasa in Caria.
Zeus is represented in three aspects, corresponding to the three forms of his worship in
the city. The nomenclature of the deities is confused, and numismatic literature has
done little to clarify it. The locus classicus is a complete and coherent account in
Strabo:1
The Mylasians have two temples of Zeus, one of the god called Osogoa and
one of Labraundenos. The former is in the city, while Labraunda is a village
some distance away, on a mountain near the pass leading from Alabanda
to Mylasa. At Labraunda there is an ancient temple and xoanon of Zeus Stratios;
he is worshiped by those in the area and by the Mylasians. A paved road called
the Sacred Way runs almost sixty stades from the city, and is used for sacred
processions. The most distinguished citizens hold the priesthoods, always for
life. Now these temples belong to the city; there is also a third, which is common
to all Carians, and in which the Lydians and Mysians, as brothers, have a share.
It is clear from the passage that two deities were indigenous to Mylasa: Zeus Osogoa
whose temple was in the city itself, and Zeus Stratios, whose shrine was some distance
away at Labraunda and who was consequently known as Labraundos.2 The third god,
Zeus Karios, incidentally had a temple at Mylasa but was worshiped by Mysians and
Lydians as well as Carians.
In the earliest treatment of the cistophori, Pinder confused Karios and Stratios.8
Over a century later A. Akarca, who treated the Mylasian coinage in extenso, made a
similar error, taking Stratios and Labraundos to be distinct deities.* The remarks
which follow are directed in part toward unravelling this confusion and proper identi-
fication of the reverse types.
Zeus Labraundos or Stratios
The epithet Labraundos, and the name of the precinct in which the god's worship
was centered, probably derive from the labrys or double axe carried by this and other
Carian deities.6 The god's xoanon still existed in Strabo's day;8 it included the double

axe, which may have dated back as far as Gyges.7 In addition Aelian8 mentions a
xiphos, but it seems safer to trust numismatic representations, which uniformly show
a long spear in the god's left hand.
The double axe appears on the coinage of Cassander's general Eupolemus, the earliest
which can be assigned to Mylasa, and is a regular type thereafter.9 The god himself is
1 Strabo 14.23, C. 659.
* Strabo seems to be alone in using the term. AafiQavdrjvov or a variant is found elsewhere.
See RE 12, s.v. "Labraundos," coi. 277 (Ganszyniec).
8 Pinder, p. 621.
* A. Akarca, Lcs monnaies grecques de Mylasa, Bibliotheque archdologique et historique de
l'institut francais d'archeologie d'Istanbul 1 (Paris, 1959), pp. 50-51, 59-60.
5 On the religious significance of the axe see Laumonler, Cultes, pp. 88-95.
* Strabo 14.34, C 659.
7 Plut. QGr. 45, 301 F.
8 Aei. HA 12.30.
8 Akarca, p. 102, no. 2.
Asian Mints: Mylasa 47
shown walking right on tetradrachms of the third or (less probably) second century B.C.,
and his cult image appears on Augustan issues.10 The type is repeated under Titus;
thereafter it disappears until Antoninus Pius.u
A. Laumonier has presented a thorough discussion of the development of reproduc-
tions of Labraundos, and his remarks may be usefully summarized. Under the influence
of the trend toward Hellenism and perhaps an actual cult image fashioned in the early
days of Hecatomnus (Carian satrap in 390 B.C.), early coins show the god in profile,
carrying the double axe over his shoulder. Bearded and crowned with laurel, the god
wore a long chiton and himation. Not until the empire did Hellenism give way to
archaism; portrayals of the god then begin to resemble the xoanon. A polos is added,
and sometimes breasts appear; fillets hang to the ground. But variations in detail
show that the archaistic vogue still did not lead to direct imitation of the xoanon.
Laumonier remarks:18
Le Cariens du ne siecle de notre ere ne semblent pas tres bien savoir quel modele
suivre pour representer leur xoanon, comme si l'idole du bois connue de Strabon
etait perdue ou deterioree au point d'etre meconnaissable, ce qui parait assez
vraisemblable; ils semblent travailler d'imagination, s'inspirant d'abord, et de
moins et moins, d'une statue de type classique, puis de la tradition et des xoana
d'Artemis frequents autour de la Lydie et mfime en Carie.
The cistophori show similar variation in detail: Zeus's axe, for example is rounded on
reverse dies 1 and 2, but long and thin (in keeping with the portrayal on bronzes) on
dies 3-5.
Zeus Osogoa
Osogoa, or Zenoposeidon,13 is a fusion of the sea god with Zeus. Originally Osogoa was
merely a local divinity, associated with the Mylasian tribe Otorkondeis;14 but by the
fourth century he had been hellenized, and his cult flourished beside that of Labraun-

dos."
The god's image, for which coins are the only evidence, is a simple visual expression of
the fusion of Zeus and Poseidon. The bearded god stands draped, usually facing right,
and holds Poseidon's trident in one hand and the eagle of Zeus in the other.
The theme is simple, variations in portrayal few, and it is impossible to determine
whether or how closely numismatic representations are patterned after a cult image.
Laumonier notes that the cistophoric reverse shows slight traces of a xoanon in the rigid
10 Akarca, p. 57, no. 9; p. 58, no. 14.
11 Akarca, p. 70, no. 52; p. 73, no. 64.
18 Laumonier, Culles, pp. 65-66.
13 The identity of Osogoa and Zenoposeidon is assured by inscriptions enumerated by J. Schaeffer,
De love apud Cares culto (Diss. Halle, 1912) and repeated by Cook, Zeus 2, p. 578, n. 4.
14 Schaeffer (above, n. 13), p. 390; Cook, Zeus 2, pp. 579-80.
14 Laumonier, Cultes, p. 109.
posture and the extended left arm, but the drapery is not archaic in form, and Asian
deities from all periods hold various attributes in one or both extended hands.
Mylasian coin types of all periods make reference to Osogoa. His trident appears on
early tetradrachms of local type;1* his head appears in the Hellenistic period and under
the empire to Hadrian.17 The cistophoric reverse is similar to the earliest issues and
to a bronze of the reign of Domitian; after Hadrian only the standing type is used to re-
present Osogoa.18
Zeus Karios
There is far from universal agreement regarding the identity of the third deity
appearing on Hadrian's Mylasian cistophori. Akarca19 calls him Zeus Stratios; A. B.
Cook regarded him as a complete fusion of Osogoa and Stratios.20 Herzfelder preferred
to see here the Zeus Karios mentioned by Strabo, but advanced no arguments in sup-
port of this identification.21
It is easiest to dispose of Akarca's identification of the god as Stratios; this view is
refuted by Strabo's account, which states explicitly that Stratios and Labraundos are
one and the same god. The identification of Labraundos as the axe-wielding deity
portrayed on nos. 37-38 is beyond dispute. Akarca was led into this error by her as-
sumption that a Zeus "Stratios""of the battlefield"must appear in military attire.
Yet Labraundos, though not in martial costume, carries an axe and a spear, and the
erection of his statue followed a military victory by Gyges and Arselis.28
It is harder to conclusively dismiss Cook's "fusion" theory, but it may be noted that
the evidence in support of it is far from compelling. Cook remarked,*8 "The god con-
fronting us is marked as Zeus by his eagle and globe (?), as Osogoa by his crab, as
Stratios by his spear and shield."
Cook made the same assumption as Akarca, viz. that military garb is implied by the
epithet Stratios. But the god appears fully draped and carries no shield, so that any

fusion of Stratios' attributes with those of the present deity is most indirect. And even
if the fusion theory is correct, there is no reason why the deity thus produced could not
bear the epithet Karios.
Herzfelder's unargued hypothesis that the god is actually Karios has the weight of
probability in its favor. Strabo mentions the worship of Zeus in three aspects at My-
lasa; three effigies of Zeus are found on the city's cistophori. Labraundos and Osogoa
M Akarca, p. 56, no. 6.
"Akarca, p. 60, no. 20; pp. 67-68, nos. 40-42.
18 Akarca, p. 73, no. 66 (Antoninus Pius); p. 76, no. 73, and p. 77, no. 77 (Septimius Severus);
p. 80, no. 87 (Caracalla and Geta); p. 82, no. 94 (Elagabalus); p. 84, no. 102 (Philip I and II).
19 Akarfa, p. 50.
80 Cook, Zeus 2, p. 576.
88 Plut. QGr. 45, 301 F.
83 Cook, Zeus 2, p. 578. What he calls a "globe" is in fact a short pedestal on which the eagle
stands.
Asian Mints: Mylasa 49
can be identified with certainty, and the inference that the third god is Karios is na-
tural and safe.
The close die linkage of these coins and the certain reference of their types led Herz-
felder to begin his discussion of the cistophori with the mint of Mylasa; along with
Miletus, it presents the most compact picture we have of one of Hadrian's mints.
Herzfelder also asserted that all the dies of Mylasa were produced by a single engraver,
but two hands may be distinguished. One produced obverse dies nos. 1, 5, 6, and 7, with
their flat, undistinguished portraits, the emperor's neck long and straight, and the bust-
line cut rather tentatively and without much skill. Obverse dies 2-4 have a much more
handsome head with fuller bust, and a graceful truncation, '*. The hair is rendered
with regularity: there are two curving rows of curls at the temples and over the fore-
head. The emperor's nose and chin are more prominent, and the engraver attempted to
articulate skin folds in the neck.
The lettering for both groups of obverses may, however, have been cut by the same
man. The angles are narrow on those letters with diagonal strokes: A, N and V are
rendered A, I , V. The S is composed of three virtually straight strokes, f, and the
opening of the P is very small.
The axis of the cistophori of Mylasa is regularly | J, with only slight deviations.

All known coins of the mint are overstruck.
NYSA AD MAEANDRUM
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Rape of Persephone. Hades with Persephone in
fast quadriga moving r.; beneath, overturned
flower basket.
SNGvonAulock 6628
193* 1 1 10.17 Traces on rev. von Aulock (SNG 6628)
1 coin, overstruck
1 die combination
1 obverse die
1 reverse die
Stylistic and typological considerations suggest the attribution of this unique coin,
only recently published, to Nysa in Lydia.
The style of the piece is highly individual. Lettering is clumsy on the obverse;
on the reverse the disposition of the legend (at 12 and 4 o'clock) is a departure from the
familiar 9 and 3 o'clock pattern. The thick neck and broad head, bulging at the rear,
are found on no other cistophoric dies. Thus it is likely that this coin stands alone,
the sole surviving evidence for yet another cistophoric mint.
Nysa ad Maeandrum has far the strongest claim to that mint. According to Homer,
the abduction of Persephone took place somewhere in the Nvaiov nibiov.1 It mattered
little that Lydian Nysa was a fourth century foundation; a cult of the underworld grew
up there. The town had a Plutonium,4 and in later times a festival called the Theogamia
celebrated the abduction itself.'
The prominence of the cult heavily influenced the content of Nysa's coinage. The
city's earliest issues, the Greek cistophori, reflect its presence by the use of Kore as a

symbol;* other early coins portray Persephone's flower basket and grain stalks5 and the
1 Horn. h. Cer. 16f. This location is also suggested by Pliny NH 5. 108; Ptolem. 5.2.18; Schoi.
Horn. II. 6.133; Orph. Fr. 40,69 Kern. Nysa's claim to have been the site of the abduction was by
no means uncontested: cf. RE 19, s.v. "Persephone," cols. 951-52 (Brauninger).
* Strabo 14.1.44, 650 C; 12.8.17, 579 C.
* K. Regling, "Oberblick liber die Mtinzen von Nysa," in Nysa ad Maeandrum, JDAI Ergan-
zungsheft 10 (Berlin 1913), pp. 70-103, nos. 177, 185 (hereafter Regling).
* Regling, p. 7.
5 Regling, p. 11.
Asian Mints: Nysa ad Maeandrum 51
head of Hades.8 During the second century the rape scene itself is introduced as a type;
Hades is shown clutching his prisoner and escaping in a quadriga.7 The type appears
sporadically at several cities, mainly in Lydia,8 but is closely associated with none; it
is a regular feature of Nysa's imperial bronze coinage well into the third century.9
Obviously the identification of a mint on the evidence of a single coin involves a
certain element of risk, but the numismatic evidence seems to point to Nysa; the city,
though not a conventus center, was an important one, and had a long tradition of coinage.
A cistophoric mint would have been completely appropriate.
4 Regling25.
7 BMCLydia pp. 172-73, nos. 15-17.
8 The type is found at Enna in Sicily, Cyzicus, and Elaea in Aeolis; Magnesia ad Maeandrum in
Ionia, where it also appeared on the coinage of the League of Thirteen Cities; at Mazydus in
Pamphylia, Casae and Syedra in Cilicia, Hierapolis in Phrygia, Ptolemais-Ace in Phoenicia,
Sebaste Samariae, and Alexandria in Egypt. Lydian occurrences are as follows (with references to
the earliest in each city): Aninetus (Imhoof-Blumer, "Zur Miinzkunde Kleinasiens," SNR 1896,
p. 6, no. 6 = Monnaies Grecques [Amsterdam, 1883], p. 470, no. 74, Augustus); Gordus Julia (BMC
Lydia, p. 93, no. 23, M. Aurelius); Hermocarpelia BMCLydia, p. 101, no. 19, Trebonianus Gallus);
Hyrcanis (Hunter 2, p. 454, no. 1, Commodus); Maeonia (SNGvonAulock 3018, M. Aurelius);
Tomaris (BMCLydia, p. 325, no. 3, Commodus); Tralles (BMCLydia, p. 355, no. 169, Gordian III);
and Sardis (SNGCopLydia 525, Vespasian).
* Regling (above, n. 3) noted the following occurrences at Nysa during the imperial period:
nos. 54 (Augustus and Livia), 60 (Nero), 64 (Domitian), 46 (time of Antoninus), 87 (M. Aurelius),

99 (Faustina junior), 108 (L. Verus), 119 (Julia Domna), 122 (Caracalla), 155 (Maximus).
52
SARD IS
SARD inwardly in exergue
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Tetrastyle temple on podium of three steps;
within, cult image of Kore. Grain stalk on l., pop-
py and grain stalk on r.
BMCRE, p. 392 t; RIC 522; Cohen 280; Pinder 77, pi. 8, 4; Herzfelder, p. 9, pi. 1, 10.
194* 1 1 10.20 T Obv. on obv. Munich
Antonius
45. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P COS III, but see reverse die no. 3
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Demeter veiled, advancing r., holding grain stalk in
r. and transverse sceptre in l.; star in upper r.
field.
BMCRE 1078 bis, p. 385 f; RIC 486; Cohen 321; Herzfelder, p. 10, pi. 1, 11.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
195*

Obv. on obv.
Antonius
Herzfelder, pi. 1,
(ex Trau coll.)
196*
7.12
Obv. on obv.
Antonius
London
197*
10.58
Traces
ANS
198
Traces (of snakes ?)
Turin
on rev.
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Demeter as on no. 45 but no star in field.
BMCRE, p. 385 t n.; RIC 486; Cohen 322.
199* 3 5 10.50 T Traces of wreath Berlin
on obv.
200* 4 6 10.58 i Boston = NCirc. March
1965, 1612
Asian Mints: Sardis
53
201* 5 7 9.85 t Obv. on obv. Munich
Augustus
202* 6 8 10.59 f Obv. on rev. ANS = Santamaria, 26
Antonius June 1950 (Magnaguti 3),
668 = R. Ratto, 4 Apr.
1927, 2415
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Cult image of Kore facing, wearing high headdress
with plume, stiff robe falling to feet, and veil
draped over wrists; grain stalks at l., grain stalk
and poppy at r.
BMCRE 1075, pi. 73,10; RIC 510; Cohen 279; Pinder 76, pi. 8, 3; Herzfelder, p. 9, pi. 1, 9.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
203*
10.12
Traces

Munich
204*
10
9.96
Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 667
= Schulman, 5 March
1923 (Vierordt), 1291
205*
11
10.83
Traces on rev.
ANS
206*
12
10.57
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 13
Oxford = Hess, 22 May
1935 (Trau), 1102
207*
13
11.09
Traces
361
208*
14
10.36
Traces
London
209*
10
15
9.55
54
217*
13
23
Traces
218*
14
24
10.52 Obv. on obv.
Kress 92, 31 March 1952,
616
Vienna
25 die combinations
14 obverse dies
24 reverse dies
The following types are here assigned to Sardis.
Kore in Temple1
Kore's temple is shown in typical cistophoric fashion: tetrastyle (no doubt an abbre-
viation of a hexastyle or octastyle facade) with the central intercolumniation widened to
allow portrayal of the goddess and hence easy identification of the temple. This is its
first appearance on the Sardian coinage, and also the only portrayal of it with a con-
ventional straight lintel: later Greek imperials show an arcuated lintel,* and this led
B. L. Trell3 (who identified the temple with the Artemision) to postulate a reconstruction
1 For the identification of the goddess see below.

* SNGCopLydia 532 (Caracalla); BMCLydia, p. 265, no. 171 (Elagabalus). For a coin of Marcus
Aurelius see n. 3 below.
8 B. L. Trell, The Temple of Artemis at Ephesos, ANSNNM 107 (New York, 1945), pp. 46-48.
She defined the arcuated lintel as one of those details "outside the norm" which reflect the actual
appearance of a temple: it would not have been added simply to follow a current fashion. Ap-
parently she never questioned the fact that the temple on Sardian coins might not be the Arte-
mision, which is known to have had a straight lintel at one time; thus the occurrence of an arcuated
lintel on coins of Caracalla forced her to the conclusion that sometime between the reigns of Hadrian
and Caracalla the facade of the temple was altered. She cited archaeological evidence for a re-
construction of the temple in the late second and early third centuries.
Trell left out of account a coin of M. Aurelius Caesar struck by the Ionian League which shows a
conical goddess in a hexastyle temple with arcuated lintei. Because of the absence of poppy and
grain stalks and the presence of a crescent upon the figure's calathos, Imhoof-Blumer, who publish-
ed the coin ("Beitrage zur erklarung griechischer Miinztypen," Nomisma 8 [1913], p. 3, no. 8),
was reluctant to identify the goddess portrayed as Kore and preferred to call her Artemis Panionios;
Lacroix (Reproductions, p. 166) has shown that Imhoof was over-cautious, and that the goddess is
indeed Kore.
The consequence for Trell is that the supposed reconstruction of the facade, far from belonging
to the late second or early third century, must have taken place between 128 (the terminus post
quern for the cistophorus, which bears the title P[ater] P[atriae]), and 161, when Aurelius became
Augustus. For this there is no archaeological evidence; given the inherent unlikelihood of altera-
tion of a classical temple by substitution of the orientalizing arcuated lintel, it seems best to admit
that numismatic representations of temples are not always faithful and take the view adopted here.
See further T. Drew-Bear, "Representations of Temples on the Greek Imperial Coinage," ANSMN
19 (1974), pp. 27-63; M. J. Price and B. L. Trell, Coins and Their Cities. Architecture on the Ancient
Coins of Greece, Rome and Palestine (London/Detroit, 1977/1978), p. 19.
Asian Mints: Sard is 55
of the facade before the time of Caracalla. More likely the use of the arcuation was sim-
ply a device to permit a larger depiction of the goddess.
Kore
Hadrian's cistophori mark the first numismatic appearance of the conical Sardian
goddess who later appeared frequently on the city's bronze coinage.* Her statue is
veiled and completely draped; only her feet are visible. The edges of the veil seem to
pass over her forearms and hang stiffly to the ground. The goddess wears a heavy
collar with several large, round ornaments; they may represent breasts. Her head is
surmounted by a kalathos; its most distinctive feature is an amorphous face. The
bulging eyes found on cistophori are not paralleled by usage on bronze.
Her attributes, poppy and grain stalks, identify the goddess as Kore: the identifica-
tion is confirmed by a bronze from the time of Caracalla which shows the goddess and
bears the inscription KOPAIA AKTIA,6 and further assured by two inscriptions from
Rome which mention a Sardian Kore and were accompanied by her statue.'
Kore's prominence on the imperial bronze coinage of Sardis would seem to imply
that she was the city's leading deity, at least during this period. Yet her temple has not
been found, and no further evidence from Sardis itself mentions her cult. Archaeological
discoveries further complicate the question. In the early 1900s, a team of Americans
excavated the huge "Temple of Sardis," as it was then called. A long legal document
from the third century B.C. inscribed on a wall of the temple's treasury shows that the
temple was dedicated not to Kore but to Artemis.7 The excavations also yielded
inscribed objects of all periods dedicated to Artemis.8
The size of her temple and apparent prosperity of her cult make it difficult to account
for Artemis' absence from the coinage of Sardis, and to believe that her cult was sur-
passed by that of Kore. It is tempting to conflate the evidence and assume that the two
* For her appearance in temples, see above notes 2 and 3. The goddess stands alone on bronzes

of Commodus (BMCLydia, p. 259, no. 145); Julia Domna (BMCLydia, p. 260, no. 149 and SNG
vonAulock 8256); Caracalla (Weber 3, 6912) and Salonina (SNGCopLydia 543-44). She appears on
the coinage of five other Lydian cities: Daldis (BMCLydia, pp. 69, no. 3; 72, nos. 15-16; 73, no. 19,
Severans-Gallienus); Gordus Iulia(BMCLydia, p. 93, nos. 24-25, M. Aurelius); Maeonia (BMCLydia,
p. 134, no. 48, Caracalla; SNGvonAulock 3022, Geta Caesar; BMCLydia, p. 130, nos. 26-27, "Time
of Trajan Decius"); Silandus (BMCLydia, p. 297, no. 5, Antonines; SNGvonAulock 3174, Lucilla);
and Tmolus (BMCLydia, p. 324, no. 6).
* Mionnet, 4, p. 132, no. 754; Suppl. 7, p. 428, no. 510. See also Hunter 2, p. 466, nos. 23 (Julia
Domna), 26 (Severus Alexander).
6 IG XIV (Berlin, 1890), 1008, 1009; see L. Robert, "Notes de numismatique et d'epigraphie
grecques," RA 1934. 1 p. 59, n. 6.
7 W. H. Buckler and D. M. Robinson, "Greek Inscriptions from Sardis II," AJA 1912, pp. 11-82,
and the abbreviated discussion in W. H. Buckler and D. M. Robinson, Sardis, voi. 7, pt. 1: Greek
and Latin Inscriptions (Leiden, 1932), pp. 1-5.
8 Sardis 7 (above, n. 7), nos. 8, 50, 52, 55, 85, 87, 88,91-93,177,193.
goddesses were assimilated into one at Sardis, and indeed this is the approach adopted
by G. Radet* and L. LaCroix."
An alternative has recently been offered by G. M. A. Hanfmann and M. S. Balmuth.u
Understanding Kore and Artemis as separate divinities, they suggest that Kore was a
hellenized goddess of native Anatolian origin; her image may have dated from the
seventh century B.C. She was soon overshadowed by Cybele and Artemis, but contin-
ued to be worshiped in rites which may have had special importance for youths.
Her sudden re-emergence in the second century A.D. may be attributed to the histori-
cal and antiquarian renaissance of the period.18
Demeter
There is no consensus regarding the identity of the second goddess appearing on the
Sardian cistophori. She was generally known as Ceres during the nineteenth century;
then Imhoof-BIumer compared similar figures from Maeonia, Sardis, and Tiberiopolis,
and concluded that she might be Hera.13 Head identified similar figures as Hestia.14
Herzfelder, noting that on some specimens a star appears in upper right field, observed a
similar star on bronzes portraying Kore, and concluded that this is simply the same
goddess "modernized and adapted to Greco-Roman standards."16 This is in fact
unsound, since there is no necessary connection between the stars; they are found with
a large number of Asiatic deities.18
On two particularly well preserved specimens in the American Numismatic Society
(nos. 197, 202) it is clear that the goddess holds a stalk of grain. This rules out identifi-
cation with Hera or Hestia, and suggests instead Demeter or Kore. The choice between
the two is not easily made, but a bronze of Antoninus Pius seems to tip the scales in
favor of Demeter." The coin shows the goddess facing left; according to Head, she is
"standing before an open chasm into which she thrusts a long flaming torch." The
chasmrepresenting the entrance to the underworldand the serpent above it are

lacking on the cistophorus, and the goddess faces left instead of right, but the similarity
in dress, attributes and posture is too striking to be accidental.
9 G. Radet, Cybebi. Etude sur les transformations plastiques d'une type divin, Bibliotheque des
university du Midi 3 (Bordeaux, 1909), pp. 96-97.
10 Lacroix, Reproductions, p. 166.
11 G. M. A. Hanfmann and M. S. Balmuth, "The Image of an Anatolian Goddess at Sardis,"
Jahrbuch filr kleinasiatische Forschung 2 (Heidelberg, 1965), pp. 261-69.
12 Trell's view, that the temple in question is the Artemision, would of course support a theory of
fusion between Artemis and Kore; but for the reasons outlined in n. 3 above I regard that view as
untenable.
13 F. Imhoof-BIumer, Munzkunde, p. 11 (= SNR 1905, p. 171), no. 14.
14 For example, on a coin of Maeonia, BMCLydia, p. 132, no. 37.
18 See H. Seyrig, "Antiquites Syriennes, 4. Monuments syriens du culte de Nemesis," Syria
1932, p. 55, n. 7.
17 BMCLydia, p. 257, no. 138; for a better preserved specimen, SNGCopLydia 257.
Asian Mints: Sardis 57
Demeter appears in more conventional form on the coinage of Sardis;" her connection
with the city will have been peripheral at worst (as mother of Kore) and she may have
had a temple there.
The mint of Sardis is identified by the types employed on its products and by the
mint mark SARD which appears on the temple reverse type. All reverse types are
linked in a chain, as follows:
Type Obv. dies Specimens
, Kore in temple 1 (shared) 1
J Demeter with star 3 (2 shared) 4
[ Demeter without star 4 (2 shared) 4
1 Kore 9 (1 shared) 16
14 25
The fact that each reverse type is linked to one and only one other seems to suggest a
simple mint structure with types being produced in succession rather than concurrently.
No deterioration in the linking dies, which might indicate the chronological relationship
among the types, can be observed.
A single hand appears to have produced all the obverses. The heads are uniform in
size and shape, and finer details are consistent. The hair is rendered with large, thick
curls; Hadrian's forelock is longer and heavier than usual. The bustline is charac-
terized by a conspicuous bulge, N-^, far more pronounced than that observed on
other cistophori. The engraver cut rather short letters with large serifs; similar
though larger lettering on reverses suggests that he produced them as well. Exceptions
may be noted in the Demeter group, where reverse dies 3 and 7 were produced by a
much less skilled hand. Demeter is large and cut in lower relief, and the lettering is thin
and tentative. On reverse die no. 3 the order of the consular iteration is reversed:
cm COS j.

Axes are vertical, f J or f [, with only slight variations; 23 of the 25 known Sardian
pieces show traces of overstriking.
18 For example, BMCLydia, pp. 254, no. 125 (Octavia Neronis); 256, no. 130 (Nerva); 259, no.
147 (Julia Domna); SNGvonAulock 3164 (Valerian, with Kore); 3165 (Salonina).
58
THYATEIRA
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Apollo naked standing front facing l. holding
double axe in extended r. and grain stalks down-
ward in l.
BMC RE, p. 385* n.; Herzf elder, p. 22, pi. 6, 3.
219* 1 1 10.55 i Traces Berlin
1 coin, overstruck
1 die combination
1 obverse die
1 reverse die
The deity portrayed here with double axe and grain stalks is Apollo Tyrimnaios, who
was worshiped chiefly at Thyateira in Lydia. The god, who fused characteristics of
Apollo and Helios, had a sanctuary outside the city1 and was called nqoniztaq Oedg.*
Tyrimnaios is represented or symbolized frequently on the coinage of Thyateira.
His head appears with reverse double axe in Seleucid times,* and the axe is again used as
a reverse type under Nero.4 The god appears standing as here in the time of Trajan and
later,6 and is also portrayed on horseback.* Imhoof-Blumer noted the appearance of
the god at Hypaepa in Lydia, but that single coin is the only evidence for his worship
outside Thyateira.7 The very extensive and almost exclusive connection of Tyrimnaios
with Thyateira confirms Herzfelder's hypothesis of a mint there.*
1 RE 7A, s.v. "Tyrimnos," cols. 1867-68 (J. Schmidt).
CIG 3497.
8 BMCLydia, p. 292, nos. 4-7.

4 BMCLydia, p. 293, nos. 8-9; p. 302, nos. 58-64; p. 303, no. 68.
5 BMCLydia, p. 294, no. 14 (Trajan or Hadrian); p. 303, no. 72 (Hadrian); p. 314, no. 99 (Julia
Soaemias); p. 318, no. 137 (Maximinus); p. 319, no. 141 (Gallienus, with Artemis Ephesia).
BMCLydia, p. 294, no. 15 (Trajan or Hadrian); p. 308, no. 89 (Septimius Severus); p. 315,
no. 122 (Severus Alexander).
7 Imhoof-Blumer, Milnzkunde, p. 12 (= SNR 1905, p. 172).
Herzfelder, p. 22.
Asian Mints: Thyateira 59
The single known Thyateiran piece is of generally good style, but the portrait is
rather weak. Hadrian's neck is too long, and the forehead proceeds directly into the
nose. The eye seems to stare out at the viewer, and the neck truncation is uncertain.
Letters have thick strokes, and are regular and well-shaped. The reverse figure is grace-
fully rendered and fills the field well: the legend is bunched around the border and the
lettering resembles that of the obverse. Altogether the dies appear to be the work of a
single engraver of moderate skill whose style is unlike that observed at other cistophoric

mints.
60
AEZANI
Bust of Hadrian draped, Zeus naked to waist standing l., holding eagle in
cuirassed, bare r. outstretched r. and sceptre vertically in l.
BMCRE 1066 note; Herzfelder, p. 19, pi. 5, 2.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
220*
10.16
Obv. on obv.
ANS = R. Ratto FPL,
Augustus, RIC 11
1931, 56 = Naville 12, 18
Oct. 1926, 2851
221*

10.88
Traces on rev.
Hess-Leu 28, 5 May 1965,
412
222*
Traces on rev.
1097
223a*
10.88
Obv. on obv.
Brussels
Augustus
223b*
Traces on rev.
Kress, 31 March 1952,615
224*
10.70
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, temple rev.
Edit 1182
225*
9.91
Obv. on obv.
ANS
Augustus
Head of Hadrian bare r. Zeus as on no. 49.
Asian Mints: Aezani 61
230* 10 11 8.58 Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 673
231* 11 12 Miiller 14, 31 Jan. 1975,
142
12 die combinations
11 obverse dies
12 reverse dies
Neither Pinder nor Cohen distinguished the half-draped figure with protruding belly
holding eagle and sceptre from the Zeus of Laodicea; it was left for Herzfelder to point
to a similar god on the imperial coins of Aezani, and to postulate a small cistophoric
mint in the city. The god appears frequently on Aezinetan coins from Augustus to
Gallienus;1 a sizable temple of Hadrianic date was dedicated to him, and may have
replaced an earlier one.2
The low ratio of specimens to dies, and the infrequency of die linkage, may indicate
that the output of the Aezinetan mint was somewhat larger than the number of sur-
viving specimens would suggest. But the mint certainly employed only a single
engraver: he cut uniformly broad heads with large noses and thick necks; his lettering is
crude but consistent throughout; and his renderings of Zeus are uniformly clumsy.
1 See BMCPhrygia, p. 30, nos. 50-54 (Augustus); pp. 31, nos. 58-59, 32, nos. 62-67, 33, nos.
69-70 (Caligula); pp. 33ff., nos. 73-90 (Claudius); p. 38, no. 108 (Antoninus Pius); p. 39, no. 113 (in
temple, M. Aurelius); p. 39, no. 110 (Commodus); p. 41, no. 129 (Severus Alexander); p. 42, no. 132
(Gallienus).
* On the temple see H. Weber, "Der Zeus-Tempel von Aezaniein hellenistisches Heiligtum der
Kaiserzeit," MDAI(A) 1969, pp. 182ff. Once thought to be Hellenistic, its date was established
by A. K6rte, "Das Alter des Zeustempels von Aizanoi," in Festschrift fur Otto Benndorf (Berlin,

1898), pp. 209-14. The temple contained four inscriptions regarding a grant of land and Hadrian's
adjudication of a dispute over it: G. Iacopi, "Note anatoliche," Bulktino del Museo dell'Impero
Romano 9, in BCAR 66 (1938), pp. 44-48.
62
EUMENEIA
Bust of Hadrian draped, Apollo naked standing half-l. holding raven in
bare, r. extended r., double axe in l.; chlamys hangs from
l. arm.
BMCRE 1065 note; RIC 498; Pinder 50, pi. 7, 3; Herzfelder, p. 20, pi. 5, 7. All references except
Herzfelder identify the deity as Jupiter or Zeus.
232* 1 1 11.00 / Obv. on obv. Vienna
Augustus, RIC 12
Bust of Hadrian draped, Legionary eagle between two standards with
bare, r. vexilla.
BMCRE 1081, pi. 74, 4; RIC 517 (b); Pinder 93, pi. 6, 18; Cohen 453; Herzfelder, p. 24, pi. 5, 8.
233a* 1 2 10.92 t Obv. on rev. London
Augustus
233b 1 2 10.27 Traces Santamaria, 26 June 1950
(Magnaguti 3), 674
2 die combinations
1 obverse die
2 reverse dies
The products of another Phrygian mint survive in only three specimens, all from a
single obverse die. The types are the legionary eagle and standards and a naked male

deity holding double axe and raven. The axe, an attribute of many archaic Asian
deities, is here employed as an attribute of Apollo, who is identifiable through the raven.1
1 Laumonier, Cultes, pp. 85-95; Cook, Zeus 2, pp. 513ff. The identification with Apollo is con-
firmed by an inscription dedicated to Apollo Propylaios and decorated with a double axe: W. M.
Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia 2 (Oxford, 1897), p. 374, no. 195.
Asian Mints: Eumeneia 63
Herzfelder noted that a similar figure appears on the imperial coinage of Eumeneia,*
and suggested that town as the mint which produced this small issue. That attribution
is perhaps confirmed by the legionary type, which may have reference to a garrison
which was stationed in the town during the reign of Hadrian.8
* BMCPhrygia, p. 217, nos. 41-43 (Nero); p. 218, nos. 47-48 (Domitian). The double axe is
employed as a reverse type under Nero (BMCPhrygia, p. 216, no. 40) and, entwined by serpents,
as a countermark (pp. 217, nos. 42-43, and 218, no. 49). It is not certain that the god should be
identified as "Lairbenos": he appears at Hierapolis with a radiate crown, which does not occur
either on the cistophorus or on Eumeneia's bronze coinage (BMCPhrygia, pp. 236-38, nos. 54-66).

* E. Ritterling, "Military Forces in the Senatorial Provinces," JRS 1927, pp. 28-32,
64
HIERAPOLIS
Bust of Hadrian draped, Laureate Apollo wearing the robe of a citharoedus,
bare, r. standing front holding plectrum in r. and lyre in l.
BMCRE 1054, pi. 72, 3, 1055; RIC 482; Cohen 285 (omitting P P in error); Pinder 61, pi. 7, 14;
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
234*
10.28
London
235*
10.36
Obv. on obv.

Augustus, RIC 10.
ANS = R. Ratto FPL,
1931, 58
236*
9.8
Hess, 7 March 1935, 492
= Ball 6, 9 Feb. 1932,
1296
237
10.60
Traces
Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 670
238*
10.19
pierced
Traces
239*
11.08
Traces
240*
Traces
Dorotheum 12 May 1960
(Hollschek 11), 540
241*
10.82
Hirsch 24, 10 May 1909,
1393
242*
Asian Mints: Hierapolis
65
249*
12
16
10.08
Obv. on obv.
Antonius
London
250*
13
17
10.65
Traces
Hoffer coll.
251*
14
18
Obv. on rev.
Antonius
Vatican
252*
15
19
10.30

Obv. on obv.
Antonius
Bern
253*
16
20
Traces
Leningrad
Bust of Hadrian draped, Men in Phrygian cap, crescent behind shoulders,
bare, r. standing half-l. holding patera in extended r. and
sceptre vertically in l.
254* 17 21 10.63 I On Augustus, RIC 11 London
Bust of Hadrian draped, Reclining river god, naked to waist, holding reed
bare, r. and sceptre and resting l. elbow on rock from
which waters gush below.
BMCRE 1078, pi. 74,1; 1078 note, pi. 74, 2 = p. 389*; RIC 513; Cohen 357; Pinder 65, pi. 7, 18;
255* 18 22 10.24 f Obv. on obv. London
Antonius
256* 19 23 10.13 J Obv. on rev. Paris = BMCRE, pi.
Antonius 74, 2
23 die combinations
19 obverse dies
23 reverse dies
Though they have no common obverse dies, the common origin of these three types
is indicated by strong stylistic affinities.1 For example, the emperor's portrait is
1 Herzfelder, pp. 19-20. Pinder, too may have had an inkling that these three types were struck
at one mint, since his plate illustrates a single obverse in combination with the three; but he gave
no attribution for the Apollo or river god types, and thought Men belonged at Sardis (pp. 628-29).
characterized by a beard which curves low on the cheek and thus gives unnatural prom-
inence to the cheekbone. Hair is arranged in neat, regular rows of tight curls. Lettering
is consistent throughout: letters are wide and have thick strokes, and the engraver had
obvious problems rendering G and S. Little planning preceded the execution of the
obverse legend: on two dies (nos. 1 and 10) the final P had to be crowded into space
available, and runs against the beginning of HADRJANVS. Similarities between the
Men and Apollo reverses also point to common origin: the same method is used to depict
falling drapery, H , and the identical disposition of the legend, with its splayed C and
small O, indicates that all the reverses were the work of a single hand.
The types point to Hierapolis as the mint for this group.
Apollo with Lyre*
Apollo was the archegetes of Hierapolis, and was the city's most prominent deity
from earliest times.* He had a large sanctuary, and dedications to him are common.*
The god's head appears on the city's bronze coinage during the second century B.C;'
there is some dispute concerning the date of the first appearance of Apollo with lyre.
Weber* would put it among the earliest issues of the town, i. e. in the second century
B. C; Head7 preferred a first century date. In any case the type was traditional
by the time of Hadrian, and the god regularly represented Hierapolis on alliance issues.8
Men
The Asiatic lunar deity Men is represented in various ways on the coinage of many
cities.9 Here he is portrayed in "Phrygian" costume, wearing chiton, trousers, and
boots; his chlamys falls down behind. He has a crescent behind his shoulders, and holds
a patera and sceptre. The portrayal is highly conventional: elsewhere a pine cone is
sometimes substituted for the patera and a bucranium is added, but the god's posture
rarely changes.
* Perhaps it ought to be pointed out that the name citharoedus (xidagwdSc,), employed to describe

this deity in virtually all numismatic literature, has no ancient authority. No source, Latin or
Greek, employs the term with reference to Apollo; while it is conveniently descriptive, the possi-
bility of confusion with a genuine epithet (e.g. Labraundos) suggests that it should be discarded.
* For the title archegetes see CIG 3905, 3906b and BMCPhrygia, pp. 231, no. 23, 233, no. 34,
and 234, no. 46.
4 For the god's legov see Damascius, Isid. in Epitoma Photiana 131. For dedications to the god
see (in addition to the inscriptions cited in n. 3 above) W. Judeich, Alterliimer von Hierapolis,
JDA1 Erganzungsheft 4 (1898), p. 128, no. 195, and p. 156, no. 278.
6 BMCPhrygia, p. 228, nos. 1-3.
* L. Weber, "The Coins of Hierapolis in Phrygia," NC 1913, pp. 4ff.
7 B. V. Head, BMCPhrygia, p. 229, nos. 8-9.
8 L. Weber, "Die Homonoiemunzen von phrygischen Hierapolis," JIAN 14 (1912), pp. 88ff.;
BMCPhrygia, pp. 256ff., nos. 162-71.
9 E. N. Lane, Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Dei Menis 2 (Leiden, 1975) lists 63 cities at
which Men appears.
Asian Mints: Hierapolis 67
Men's appearance on Hierapolitan bronze coinage is confined to later periods.10
This fact in no way weakens the present attribution since the god hardly appears on
any coinage as early as the reign of Hadrian.
River God
River gods are portrayed on bronze coinage throughout Asia, and no peculiar features
distinguish one from another; they can only be identified by the inscriptions which often
accompany them on Greek imperial issues.11 This fact renders de Foville's attribution
of these coins to Apamea useless,1* and demands that any determination of the coins'
origin be based on criteria other than type. Herzfelder saw this and on stylistic grounds
placed the coins in Hierapolis, where Chrysoroas appears on the imperial bronze coin-
age.18
The number of surviving specimens, the lack of die duplication, and the infrequency
of die links suggests that the output of the Hierapolis mint was substantial: in apparent
volume of coinage the mint ranks behind only such major centers as Ephesus, Sardis,
Smyrna, and Laodicea.
10 Lane (above, n. 9), pp. 59-62, nos. 1-8; obverses are usually IEPA BOY AH or AHMOC. The
earliest securely dated appearance of the god at Hierapolis is on a coin of Faustina I.
n The index to Head, HN, lists 133 river gods, many of whom appear at more than one city.
18 J. de Foville, "Deux mSdaillons," pp. 47-50.
18 BMCPhrygia, p. 252, no. 141; SNGvonAulock 3655 (M. Aurelius Caesar); McClean 8820

(obv. Demos).
LAODICEA
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Zeus of Laodicea draped to feet standing I., holding
eagle in extended r. and long sceptre vertically in l.
BMCRE 1066, pi. 73, 1; 1067, 1068; RIC 497; Cohen 275; Pinder 48, pi. 7, 1; Herzfelder, p. 18,
pi. 5, 1.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
257*
10.40
Obv. on obv.
Antonius, CRR 1197
Vienna
258*
9.81

Traces
Berlin
259*
9.86
Obv. on obv.
Traces of Vespasianic
ctmk.
Paris
260*
10.30
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 10
Paris
261*
Traces
M. Ratto FPL, March
1964, 327
262*
Traces
Santamaria, 24 Jan. 1938,
384
263*
10.08
Obv. on obv.
London
264*
10.27
Asian Mints: Laodicea
69
271*
14
10.50
Traces
Brussels
272*
15
10.56
Traces
273*
16
10.35
Obv. on rev.
Hoffer
Augustus
274*
17
8.83

Obv. on rev.
Oxford
275*
18
10.61
Augustus
Copenhagen {SNG 448)
276
19
Turin
277*
20
10.35
Traces
Paris
278*
10
20
Poindessault, 29 May
1962, 236 = Piatt, 17
March 1970, 64
279*
10
21
10.22
Obv. on rev.
London
Augustus
280*
10
22
10.20
Obv. on rev.
Vienna
Augustus
70
Bust of Hadrian draped, Zeus of Laodicea as on no. 56.
bare, r.
Cited twice in BMCRE, both times wrongly. BMCRE 1066n. cites Ratto FPL, 1931, no. 56,
which is actually of Aezani and is catalogued above, no. 220. A coin of this type is cited in BMCRE
1068n. and said to be in Rome, but that coin has a cuirassed bust and is listed below, no. 295b.
293* 21 35 10.88 t
294 21 36
Overstriking Reference
Traces ANS
Obv. on obv. Turin
Bust of Hadrian draped, Zeus of Laodicea as on no. 56.
cuirassed, bare r.
295a* 22 37 10.38 [ Traces Boston = Hesperia Art
Bulletin 45-46, 152
295b 22 37 i Rome
39 die combinations
22 obverse dies
37 reverse dies

The cistophoric mint at the Phrygian metropolis Laodicea was one of the few Ha-
drianic mints which produced only a single reverse type. The cistophori portray a
standing Zeus, fully draped and holding eagle and sceptre, who closely resembles the
god who appears frequently on the city's imperial coinage.1 The god, who has been im-
properly styled Aaodixrjvdg (Laodicenus) or Aaodixevg (Laodicensis)* had a temple in
the city whose importance is scarcely reflected by extant literary or epigraphic sources.
Its remains have not yet been located, and the sole surviving reference to the god's
cult is a notice of a pavement laid by one Q. Pomponius Flaccus.3 Only the city's
1 The type is common at Laodicea from Augustus (BMCPhrygia, pp. 300ff., nos. 138-52) to
Caracalla (p. 318, nos. 231-232). The god regularly represents Laodicea on alliance coinages until
the reign of Philip: BMCPhrygia, pp. 332-40.
* Cook, Zeus 2, p. 191, was "not aware of any such cult title."
3 E. Szanto, "Die Felswarte bei Smyrna," MDAI(A) 1891, p. 245; see the discussion in W. M.
Ramsay, The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia 1 (Oxford, 1895), p. 50.
Asian Mints: Laodicea 71
name, Diospolis,4 and the god's frequent appearance on coins attest to his stature at
Laodicea.
Laodicean Zeus is one of several godsZeus Lydios and Zeus of Aezani are others
whose similar appearance may indicate common origin. By Hadrian's day Lydios had
virtually disappeared from the coinage of Sardis, and in any case never occupied the
position at Sardis which Laodicean Zeus enjoyed in his city. Zeus of Laodicea is seldom
found on the coins of other cities before Hadrian's day.6
The output of the mint at Laodicea was extensive; despite a relatively high ratio of
surviving specimens to obverse dies, the lack of duplication among the reverse dies
shows that our record of the Laodicean coinage is very incomplete. Yet the mint re-
quired only a single engraver, for all the dies were produced by the same hand.8
* Pliny NH 5.105.
6 I find the god outside Laodicea only at Trajanopolis (BMCPhrygia, p. 427, nos. 19-21, Trajan)
and perhaps Hierapolis (p. 231, nos. 25-28, Trajan-Caracalla) before the reign of Hadrian.
Pace Herzfelder, pp. 18-19, who felt that "there must have been two engravers at work, one,
who succeeded in producing a few remarkably vigorous portraits, another, whose dies show the flat,
expressionless style current in most Phrygian mints." But the heads are almost identical once
variations in drapery are discounted. The eyes and ears adopt the same angle, and stippling of the
beard is similar throughout. The moustache is thick and prominent, curving sharply downward
and giving the emperor a sinister, almost sneering appearance. The hair is treated in a stylized
fashion: a row of curls around the crown of the head curves backward, a second row forward and

then another backward. The curls along the temples are usually five in number.
72
SYNNADA
Bust of Hadrian draped,
bare r. seen from back.
COS III
Amaltheia, turreted, standing r. holding in l. the
infant Zeus and in r. a vertical staff; at her feet
a goat looking back at her.
Cat. Obv. Rev. Wt Axis Overstriking
296* 1 1 10.24 1 Traces on rev.
Reference
Boston = Leu 18, 5 May
1977, 331
Bust of Hadrian draped, Athena helmeted, draped standing half-l. holding
bare r. seen from back. in l. a patera and in r. a shield; behind, a spear.
Unpublished in this style; cf. below, nos. 118, 119.
297* 1 2 10.34 i Obv. on obv. Hoffer = Myers-Adams
Claudius, RIC 54 6, 6 Dec. 1973, 370
2 coins, both certainly overstruck
2 die combinations
1 obverse die
2 reverse dies

There can be little doubt that these two pieces were struck at Synnada in Phrygia.
The coins share an obverse die of fine style on which the draped imperial bust is seen
from the rear. The reverse types, which are very carefully rendered, portray Amaltheia
and Athena. It is the former which secures the attribution, for Amaltheia appears
in precisely this form only on the coinage of Synnada;1 elsewhere she is seated or ac-
companied by curetes or both.2 Athena, too, appears on the coinage of Synnada, al-
1 For example, BMCPhrygia, p. 396, no. 25, and p. 402, no. 53 (Diadumenian); p. 403, no. 57
(Gordian III); Hunter 2, p. 494, no. 3 (Maximus) and p. 404, no. 63 (Gallienus).
* As at Apamea, Laodicea, Aegeai, and Crete in genere.
Asian Mints: Synnada 73
though the type taken alone would hardly provide an attribution.8 It is possible, but
on grounds of style unlikely, that other coins with a similar rendering of Athena were
also produced at Synnada: see below nos. 118-119.
Synnada had been a mint for Greek cistophori, and was the center of a large conven-
tus.* Hadrian probably visited there during his second journey to Asia,5 and the later
coinage of the city commemorates the Hadriania Panathenaia.*
Both known coins of Synnada are overstruck; no. 297 is one of only three Hadrianic
cistophori known to be overstruck on a coin of Claudius (rev. DIANA EPHESIA cult
image).
3 SNGCopPhrygia 722, where she holds an owl in r.
4 Jones, CERP, pp. 65-67.
6 Weber, Unlersuchungen, p. 228, and nn. 808-9.

BMCPhrygia, p. 403, no. 58 (Gordian III); see also Mionnet 4, p. 367, no. 983.
74
UNIDENTIFIED MINT A
Group I
P M TR P COS III
Hadrian, veiled, seated l. holding rudder in r.
and transverse sceptre in l.
61. AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS
Bust of Hadrian with
drapery on l. shoulder,
laureate r.
BMCRE, p. 382 ; RIC 473 ("head laur. r."); Cohen 1158; Pinder 83, pi. 8,11; Herzfelder, p. 23,
pi. 6, 6.
298* 1 1 10.14 I Obv. on rev.
Antonius
Reference
Munich
62. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS
laureate, r.
BMCRE, p. 383 (i); Herzfelder, p. 26, pi. 7, 10
COS at top, III at bottom
Eagle standing r. on thunderbolt between two
standards.

299* 2 2 10.05 ^
Reference
Munich
laureate, r.
COS III l. and r. in field
Female, draped to feet, standing l. holding patera
in extended r. and sceptre vertically in l.; at l.,
a prow.
BMCRE, p. 383 (f); RIC 468 (a); Herzfelder, p. 26, pi. 7, 9.
300* 2 3 9.90 / Traces on rev.
Reference
Echt 1191
64. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS COS I
laureate, r.
BMCRE, p. 383 (j) var., citing Herzfelder's notes
Poppy and six grain stalks in bundle.
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint A
75
301* 2 4 9.85 f Traces
Reference
Piancastelli 1523
laureate, r.
COS-III l. and r. in field.
Tyche, kalathos on head, standing l. holding
rudder in r. and cornucopiae in l.
302* 2 5 9.20
Reference
Kolner Munzkabinett 21,
4-5 Apr. 1977, 217
laureate, r.
BMCRE, p. 383 (j); RIC 469; Pinder 91; Herzfelder, p. 26
COS [III] across top
Poppy and four grain stalks in bundle.
Cat. Obv. Rev. Wt. Axis Oversriking

303* 3 6 9.08 T
Reference
Munich
67. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS III COS
Bust of Hadrian with Poseidon standing r. with l. foot on prow holding
drapery on l. shoulder, trident in upraised r. and dolphin in l.
laureate, r.
BMCRE, p. 383 (b) and (c), both referring to the Munich coin; RIC 465; Cohen 306 (without
mentioning drapery on l. shoulder); Pinder 58, pi. 7,1; Herzfelder, p. 26, pi. 7,11.
304* 4 7 9.59 | Obv. on rev.
Augustus
Reference
Munich
Bust of Hadrian laureate,
draped, cuirassed r.
COS III
Bundle of six grain stalks.
76
305* 5 8 9.82
Reference
Peus 283, 14 May 1974,
212
draped, cuirassed r.
Cat.
306*
Obv.
Rev.
COS III
Tyche, kalathos on head, standing l. holding in r.
rudder, poppy and grain stalk and in l. cornu-
copiae.
10.5 Traces
Reference
Poindessault, 29 May
1972, 239 = Piatt, 17
March 1970, 66

Group II
70. AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS PMTR POOS III
Bust of Hadrian draped, Demeter veiled, draped, standing l. holding grain
bare, r. seen from back. stalks downward in r. and vertical sceptre in l.
BMCRE 1052, pi. 71, 16; RIC 472; Cohen 1077; Pinder 75; Herzfelder, p. 23, pi. 6, 7 obv. only.
307* 6 10 8.68 | Traces London
71. AVGVSTVS HACIRIANVS
laureate, r. seen from back.
COS III
Zeus seated r. on throne holding vertical sceptre
in upraised r. and Victory in extended l.
308* 7 11 Traces
Reference
Kress 158, 8 Nov. 1973,
997
bare, r. seen from back.
COS III
Similar.
309* 8 12 11.04 / Traces on rev.
Reference
Paris
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint A
77
73. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS COS III
Bust of Hadrian draped, Similar but eagle at feet,
bare, r. seen from back.
BMCRE, p. 383 (a); Cohen 273 (reading P P on obv. in error); Herzfelder, p. 18, pi. 4, 9. Herz-
felder wrongly reports a die link with no. 76 below.
310* 8 13 10.82 i Munich
pierced
cuirassed, bare r. seen
from back.
COS
Male figure standing front, head l., holding vertical
sceptre in upraised r. and unidentifiable object in
1.(1).
Woodward, p. 169; G. G. Belloni, "Acquisti e doni per il Civico museo Archeologico e per il Civico
Gabinetto Numismatico," Not. Chiostro Mon. Magg. 1-2 (1968), pp. 113-14. Woodward thought
the figure was "holding some narrow object upright," Belloni saw "la tnano sinistra portata all'
addome."
311a* 9 14 10.55 | Traces
311b 9 14 10.22 I Traces
Reference
Milan = Santamaria

26 June 1950 (Magnaguti
3), 651 = Basel Mzhdlg.
10, 15 March 1938, 608
Spink-Galerie des Mon-
naies, 15 Feb. 1977, 546
draped, cuirassed r. seen
from back.
Ill COS
Male figure fully draped standing front head r.
holding vertical sceptre in upraised l. and un-
identifiable object in r.
Cat.
312a
Obv.
10
Rev.
15
312b* 10 15
8.08 /
10.60
Obv. on obv.
Augustus
Obv. on obv.
Antonius
Reference
ANS
In trade (per C. L. Clay)
78
76. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS COS III
Bust of Hadrian draped, Pax standing l. holding olive branch downwards
cuirassed, bare r. seen in r. and vertical sceptre in l.
from back.
BMCRE, p. 383 (g), pi. 72, 1; Herzfelder, p. 18, pi. 4, 10, erroneously reporting a die link with no.
73 above.
313* 11 16 9.98 J, Traces
Reference
Vienna
cuirassed bare r. seen from
back.
COS III l. and r. in field.
Bundle of six grain stalks.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Reference
314*
12
17

9.88 I Obv. on obv.
Vienna
Augustus, RIC 12
17 die combinations
12 obverse dies
17 reverse dies
A small number of cistophori, all lacking P P in the imperial titulature, may be
assigned to a single mint of uncertain location. For convenience the coins have been
divided into two groups in the catalogue. Group I is characterized by laureate busts
with large, rather crudely formed features; except in the case of obverse die 5, which has
full drapery, the busts show drapery only on the left shoulder. In Group II the busts
are all seen from behind and the emperor is always fully draped; a cuirass is clearly
visible on some examples and implicit on others. The head may be laureate or bare.
The obverse styles are quite distinct and would not at first sight suggest that the two
groups were produced at the same mint. Their common origin is indicated by shared
types (Fortuna/Tyche, grain stalks), parallelism in titulature (each group has one coin
with AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS / P M TR P COS III), similarity in letter forms (large serifs,
splayed V, elongated S) and disposition of reverse legends (the strokes of the consular
iteration are always parallel to one another, and one die in each group reverses the
legend).
The most remarkable coin of the group is that with reverse Hadrian seated l. with
rudder and sceptre. The type has been identified, naturally enough, as Fortuna; but as
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint A 79
Dr. H.-D. Schultz kindly pointed out to me, the figure is clearly bearded. The portrayal
of the emperor as Fortuna, although without a precise parallel, is obvious enough, since
the fors of the empire was intimately bound up with that of the emperor; this is implicit
in the many FORTVNA AVG types struck at Rome. The transfer of Fortuna's attributes
to Hadrian results in the emperor's appearing veiled; this is rare in the imperial coinage,
except when the emperor is shown sacrificing. Yet the type has been modified in other
respects: a sceptre is substituted for the more common cornucopiae, and Hadrian is
seated on a sella rather than the throne normally occupied by Fortuna.
Four other types are interesting if not very informative. Two standing male figures,
one facing right and the other left, might be identified as Zeus or Poseidon; the condition
of the surviving specimens does not permit identification of their attributes. The right-
facing figure, who is fully draped, may even be Hadrian himself; this identification can
be ruled out for the other figure, who is naked to the waist. There seem to be no precise
parallels for either type in the imperial coinage of Asia. A third type shows a standing
figure of Tyche holding grain stalk and poppy in addition to her usual attributes. The
only precise parallel for this figure occurs at Sardis under Caracalla, but that seems an
unlikely attribution since a substantial mint can already be assigned to the city, and
none of the remaining types of Mint A is appropriate to Sardis. Grain stalks, with or
without poppies, appear as an attribute of Tyche all over Phrygia and Lydia, and it is
unlikely that a secure attribution can be based on this type.
Finally a fourth type portrays a female deity whom Imhoof-Blumer1 took to be Hera,
comparing her with Hera of Samos; Voetter8 described her as Concordia. Herzfelder
adduced a figure of Demeter with prow at feet who represents Nicomedia on an alliance
coin struck under Gordian III.8 He noted that Demeter (who certainly appears on
no. 70) and Poseidon (no. 67) were worshiped there, and that prows frequently occur
on the city's bronze coinage. This attribution was followed by Woodward, who felt

that since the coins might have been struck before 128 they could have been part of the
subsidy provided to Nicomedia after the great earthquake of 123.*
This whole line of thinking is best abandoned. The type on which the attribution
rests cannot really be identified; there is nothing to suggest she is Demeter. Her prow
may point to a maritime city, but Poseidon's need not: he was widely worshiped through-
out Asia, which was subject to frequent earthquakes.5 Nor could the coinage have been
part of a subsidy: its survival rate indicates that the issue was minute, and since (pace
Herzfelder) the coins are overstruck they cannot represent an infusion of new money
1 Miinzkunde, p. 10, no. 13.
* Bachofen von Echt, 1191.
8 Herzfelder, pp. 26-27; BMCMysia, p. 163, nos. 350-51.
4 Woodward, p. 167.
5 RE 22, s.v. "Poseidon," cols. 480-81, 529-30 (Wiist). If the representation with dolphin and
trident referred specifically to his function as god of the sea, we should not expect to find it at
inland cities. Poseidon is portrayed on the coins of Nicomedia only under M. Aurelius (Recueil
p. 527, no. 85), and Commodus (Recueil, p. 535, no. 145).
into circulation. There is no evidence for the currency of cistophori in Bithynia prior to
Hadrian's substantial issue in the name of the provincial Koinon, and nothing to in-
dicate that the issue is as early as 123:8 the fact that it was overstruck suggests that
it is of a piece with the other Asian cistophori and belongs later in Hadrian's reign.
The precise date is problematical. This is the only coinage in the whole cistophoric
series which does not attribute to Hadrian the title Pater Patriae; but in Asia (as op-
posed to Rome) the absence of the title is not as conclusive for chronology as its pre-
sence.' The imperial bronzes of Asia regularly omit the title, and the practice may have
been extended to this issue of cistophori; hence it is quite possible that the issue was
produced in or after 128 in ignorance or in spite of Hadrian's new title.
The disorganization of the issue also argues for an early date vis-a-vis the other cisto-
phori. Only here is there such a wide variety of bust styles and legends, and only here
was such a large number of types produced on so limited a basis. This is most easily
accounted for if the issue belongs at the initiation of the recoinage, before the format of
the cistophori was crystallized. If Mints A and B are the same (see below) the date of
the issues here attributed to Mint A will be early 128; otherwise a date of later 128-
early 129 is preferable.
On cistophoric circulation, see below pp. 110-12. It is doubtful whether conventions of the
mint of Rome may safely be analogized to those of Asia, but for what it is worth the obv. legend
HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS (or, rarely, AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS) does not seem to have been in-
troduced until late 125: P. V. Hill, The Dating and Arrangement of the Undated Coins of Rome
A.D. 98-148 (London, 1970), p. 57; Mattingly, BMCRE 3, p. cxxiv. See also Strack, Unlersuchun-
gen 2, pp. 105-8, dating the change as early as 123.
7 Herzfelder (quoted in BMCRE 3, p. clvii, n. 3) thought the omission of P P might have been

accidentai.
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint B
81
UNIDENTIFIED MINT B
Group I
78, AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS P P
FORTVNA AVGVST
Fortuna draped, wearing polos on head, standing
l. holding rudder on ground in r. and cornucopiae
in l.
I Traces
315*
316*
10.05
9.77
Reference
Hoffer
London = Hirsch 18,
27 May 1907, 1898
79. AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS P P PMTRPCOSIII
Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Fortuna as on no. 78.
BMCRE 1088, pi. 74,12; RIC 531; Herzfelder, p. 24, pi. 6, 11.

317* 3 2 10.68 I
Reference
London = Hirsch 18,
27 May 1907, 1897
80. AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS P P COS III
Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Poseidon naked except for cloak on r. arm standing
front, sacrificing out of patera in r. over altar and
holding trident vertically in l.
318* 3 3 9.99 I Obv. on obv. London
Augustus, RIC 16
Group II
81. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P PMTRPCOSIII
Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Demeter veiled, draped standing l. holding two
grain stalks downwards in r. and torch vertically
in l.
82
BMC RE, p. 393 t; RIC 528; Cohen 1074; Pinder 74, pi. 8, 1; Herzf elder, p. 23, pi. 6, 8. RIC 487
gives this rev. type with legend COS III, citing Pinder 74 in error.
319* 4 4 10.28 ; Traces; also Berlin
double-struck
82. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P COS - III l. and r. in field
Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Distyle temple on podium of three steps; within,
Demeter standing l. holding torch vertically in up-
raised l. and grain stalks downwards in r.
320 5" 5
Turin
Head of Hadrian laureate, r.
Herzfelder, pi. 7, 2.
COS III
Fortuna draped, wearing polos on head, seated l. on
chair holding rudder in extended r. and cornu-
copiae in l.
321* 5a 6 10.48 I
Reference
Paris

Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Triumphal arch surmounted by two prancing
horses.
BMCRE, p. 391 ; Herzfelder, p. 24, pi. 7, 1.
322* 6a 7 10.70 Berlin
Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Bundle of six grain stalks.
BMCRE, p. 391 B note; RIC 518 (c); Pinder 87.
323* 6 8 10.14 4.
Reference
Paris
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint B 83
Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Fortuna draped, wearing polos on head, standing l.
holding rudder on ground in r. and cornucopiae in l.
BMC RE, p. 391 *; Herzfelder, p. 24, n. 90.
324a 7 9 9.70 Santamaria 26 June 1950
(Magnaguti 3), 677 = R.
Ratto FPL, 1928, 2709.
324b* 7 9 8.36 I Traces Myers-Adams 6, 6 Dec.
1973, 371
Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Legionary eagle between two standards with
vexilla.
BMCRE 1081 note; RIC 517 (c); Cohen 451; Pinder 92; Herzfelder, p. 26, pi.7, 8 obv. only.
325* 8 10 9.12 / Obv. on obv. Vienna
Augustus
a Herzfelder made an understandable error in identifying obv. dies 5 and 6 as identical; there
are differences in the form of the wreath ties and the arrangement of the hair, but in other respects
the dies resemble one another very closely.
11 die combinations
8 obverse dies
10 reverse dies
The coins here attributed to a second uncertain mint are all rare and display a consi-
derable variety of types; nonetheless their common origin is not in doubt. Nos. 78 and

79 were first recognized as products of the same mint by Imhoof-Blumer;1 Herzfelder
joined the latter to nos. 80 and 81, calling them his group Hl.b.2 Although he confused
the die linkage, Herzfelder also noted the unity of nos. 83, 84 and 85; they constituted
his group III.c, which he thought was connected to Ill.b. The die link assures that no.
82 also belongs to the same mint; nos. 86 and 87 are joined to each other by identity of
obverse style and to the rest through the Fortuna reverse type.
1 Milnzkunde, pp. 14-15.
It is attractive to suppose, with Woodward,* that the coinage of Mint B merely
continues that of Mint A, adding P P to the obverse legends in use at Mint A. In
addition to the similarity of the legends, two bust styles are employed at both mints;
both have two reverses with P MTR. PCOS III; both strike a large number of rather
vague types, some of which are shared. Yet there is no stylistic link whatever between
the two mints, and it is best to treat them separately.
The location of the mint can hardly be established on the basis of the types. The
eagle and standards and grain stalks types are derivative from earlier cistophori;
Demeter can be found all over Asia; and the two most distinctive types, triumphal
arch and Poseidon sacrificing, lead nowhere: triumphal arches are unknown in the east,
and no. 80 seems to be the only portrayal of Poseidon sacrificing in this posture.
Neither of the attributions so far proposed is very likely. Imhoof thought that nos.
78 and 79 might belong to Ephesus by analogy to that mint's FORTVNA EPHESIA
type; but there is no stylistic or typological link to the known coinage of Ephesus.
The possibility of a connection with the coinage of Mint A led Woodward to attribute
this group to a Bithynian mint; but, as argued above, that attribution has no attractions.
The date of Mint B's operation is easier to estimate than its location. Obverse die 1 has
all the look of having had P P added in haste, after the border had been occupied by
the simple legend HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS. It is improbable that this resulted simply
from the engraver's error; his dies, if not of great artistic merit, are at least neatly done.
More likely the new title was added to an existing die when news of its adoption reached
Asia. If so the mint was operative as early as mid-128 and continued its operations into
129. The character of the types seems to support this early dating. Several Fortuna
typesone of them referring directly to the Fortuna Augustisuggest concern for
the emperor's well-being; taken together with the Poseidon reverse, they may indicate
wishes for a safe voyage or gratitude for a safe arrival. The reference is probably to

Hadrian's voyage from Athens to Ephesus in late 128.
8 Woodward, pp. 167-68. Woodward believed that all the cistophori lacking P P in obv.
legend were Bithynian; most were assigned to Nicomedia, but our nos. 78 and 79 were attributed
to Nicaea. See above, pp. 79-80.
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint C 85
UNIDENTIFIED MINT C
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Cult image of Artemis Ephesia facing front,
arms extended l. and r. over stags who look
away from her; fillets fall to ground from wrists,
ending in trident shape.
BMCRE1061, pi. 72,8; RIC 489; Cohen 319; Pinder 69, pi. 5, 5; Herzfelder, p. 16, pi. 4, 2.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
326a*
10.07
Obv. on obv.
Antonius
London
326b*
10.30

Paris
327*
10.93
Traces
328*
10.36
Traces
Munich
329*
10.28
Traces
Winterthur
330*
7.42
Traces
Winterthur photo (ex
Imhoof-BIumer coll.)
331*
9.48
Obv. on rev.,
undertype unc. (traces
of Vespasianic ctmk.
on rev.)
Vienna
332*
10.40
J. Vinchon, 6 Apr. 1959,
202
333*
86
Cat.
335*
Obv. Rev.
10 9
336a*
10
10
336b*
10
10
337
11
11
Wt. Axis Overstrike
10.10
Traces
8.21 I Traces
Reference
Piancastelli 1519 = Bara-
nowsky, 25 Feb. 1931,
1779
ANS
Kress 153, 3 Nov. 1971,
639
Herzfelder, pi. 4, 1 (ex

Trau coll.)
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Nemesis winged, draped, standing r. with r.
drawing out fold of drapery from breast and
resting l. on wheel at her side.
BMCRE 1073 (description only), 1073 bis; RIC 504; Cohen 324; Herzfelder, p. 16, pi. 4, 3.
338* 11 12 10.78 Munich = Naville 18,
10 Oct. 1938, 206 =
Collection da Viconte de
Sartiges (Paris, n.d.), 156
339* 12 13 8.45 i Traces London = Hess, 22 May
1935 (Trau), 1112
92. IMP CAESAR AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS AVG P P REN
Head of Augustus bare, r. Hadrian togate standing half-l., holding grain
stalk in r. and wrapping l. in toga.
BMCRE 1094, pi. 75, 5; RIC 532; Cohen (Augustus) 576; Pinder 103, pl.8, 15; Herzfelder, p. 17,
pi. 4, 6.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
340a*
13
14
MUnzen und Medaillen 7,
3 Dec. 1948, 579
340b
13
14
10.77
G. Kastner 6, 27 Nov.
1974, 298
341*
14
15
10.33
Traces on rev.
344*
15
17
10.73
\.
Obv. on obv.
Augustus
Vienna
345*
16
18
118
346*
17
19
9.84
347*
18
20
9.8
Obv. on obv.
Hirsch 18, 27 May 1907,

1843
348*
19
21
9.80
Obv. on obv.
Winterthur
349*
20
22
FPL 281, Oct. 1967, 39
350*
21
23
10.30
Traces
ANS = Grunthal, 5 June
1950, 264 = Schulman,
5 March 1923 (Vierordt),
655 = BMCRE, pi. 75, 6
351*
22
24
9.80
Boston = Mazzini 576 =
Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 655
= Schulman, 5 March
1923 (Vierordt), 656 =
Hirsch 22, 25 Nov. 1908,
33
352*
23
25
10.39
Obv. on obv.,
undertype unc. (traces
of Vespasianic ctmk.
link uniting two of them1 and overwhelming stylistic similarities throughout the series.
The dies, though cut in rather low relief, are of exceptional quality: the emperor's head
is small and elegantly rounded, and the lettering of both obverse and reverse dies is
rendered with great precision. The engraver clearly possessed great sensitivity to
posture: the bodies of Hadrian and Asclepius bend gently at the waist, while heads
incline slightly to produce a completely relaxed effect unlike that given by other re-
productions in the cistophoric series.
The fabric of the coins is equally homogeneous. Their flans are generally broader and
thinner than those found at other mints. In this connection it is important to note the
much lower rate of detectable overstrikes at Mint C: only 18 of the 34 pieces assigned
to this mint (52.9%) show traces of undertypes.2 This perhaps suggests a two-step
overstriking process. Old coins may first have been hammered to obliterate their types,
and only then restruck; among the Hadrianic cistophori at large, the overstriking itself
had to efface the undertype.
The difficulty in identification of the mint responsible for the series is obvious: the
three deities portrayed on its coinage would normally invite attribution to one of three
cities, Pergamum, Ephesus, or Smyrna. Even the assumption that the mint must
belong to one of these three is unsatisfactory: mints at all three have already been
identified, and the individual style and fabric of the present group precludes its addition
to any of those mints.
Moreover, the reverses show considerable variations in detail from those usually
found in their native cities. Artemis' usually stiff figure is given a more rounded, almost
human shape; the stags on either side look away from rather than back toward the
goddess; and her "fillets" almost appear to be fixed on the ground rather than falling
from her wrists. The single Nemesis, too, differs from the archaic statues of Smyrna:
she is accompanied by a wheel, carries no cubit rule, and unlike the Smyrnaean goddes-

ses is winged. Asclepius is rendered in familiar fashion except for the unusual type no. 89,
on which he appears leaning left instead of right.
Herzfelder nonetheless assigned the coins to Pergamum, admitting that he did so
simply because of the paucity of certainly Pergamene issues and the probability that so
important a city might be expected to have had a substantial mint.8 Mattingly went a
step further, and designated this the Pergamene "official" style, apparently on the basis
of its high quality.*
Attribution to Pergamum, however, will not withstand scrutiny; indeed, it might be
said that this is the least likely of the three attributions possible on the basis of typology.
In addition to the prior presence of a mint there, two points tell against Pergamene
mintage. First, the Asclepius reverse is of only minor importance in the series: the four
specimens from three obverse dies represent, by either standard, only about one-eighth
1 Obv. die 11, linking Asclepius and Nemesis reverses.
2 Compare the many mints at which all known coins are overstruck, and the 78.8% of detectable
overstrikes for the whole series.
* BMCRE 3, p. clix.
of the mint's output as we know it. Both Artemis and Hadrian reverses are better re-
presented in the surviving sample. Secondly, type no. 89 is a highly unusual rendering
of Asclepius, unparalleled in the coinage of Pergamum: the god is never portrayed
leaning right except on alliance issues, where the balance of the coin requires it.6
The location of Mint C therefore remains obscure, but the HADRIANVS AVG P P REN
issue seems to provide a chronological clue. Early interpreters of the coin saw it as a
"restoration" issue, analogous to the famous restorations of earlier coins which began
with Tiberius and extended through the Flavian period, culminating in the large series
issued by Trajan after his recall of pre-reform aurei and denarii.8 These commentators
expanded the reverse legend HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P REN(pvavit). Mattingly was
the first to expose the impossibility of this construction.7 The objection that the coin
duplicates no known Augustan issue is not fatal; parallels may be cited from earlier
restorations. But the word for "restored" is always restituit, not renovavit. Mattingly
suggested instead renatus; he thought the point of the issue was that "Hadrianus Augus-
tus, the Father of his Country, is a rebirth of the First Augustus, a Neos Sebastos as
the Greeks would put it." He later connected the coin with Hadrian's initiation into
the second stage of the Eleusinian Mysteries, which took place early in 129.8
D. Kienast has recently reopened the question, and has affirmed Mattingly's theory
against the objections of modern skeptics.9 He argued that Hadrian's "rebirth"
is connected with the palingenesia of initiation into the Mysteries, and that the
grain stalk held by the emperor symbolizes the connection of the mysteries with
Demeter/Ceres. On this view the portrait of Augustus takes on greater significance,
since he too was initiated into the second stage of the Mysteries; recollection of their
common religious experience symbolized the spiritual kinship of Hadrian and Augustus.
The term renatus refers not only to Hadrian's religious rebirth at Eleusis, but more
generally to his rebirth as a second Augustus. On this interpretation the initiation at

Eleusis provides a terminus post quem for the coinage of Mint C; commemoration ought
to have been nearly immediate, and 129 seems a satisfactory date for the whole series.
Unfortunately this whole construct breaks down when examined in detail. First,
there is no evidence that Hadrian ever claimed to be a second Augustus in any sense.10
6 For example BMCMysia, p. 163, no. 350.
8 For example J. Kckhel, Doctrina Numorum Velerum, 5 (Leipzig, 1797), p. 101.
7 RIC 2, p. 335.
8 BMCRE 3, p. clxi.
9 D. Kienast, "Hadrian, Augustus und die eleusinischen Mysterien," JNG 1959-60, pp. 61-69.
10 Obviously we cannot know what precedent, if any, Hadrian himself cited, or what effect his
initiation might have had on the public in a place where the memory of Augustus was still fresh;
but for what it is worth the author of the S.H.A. failed to find the parallel between Augustus and
Hadrian compelling, and cited the more distant examples of Herakles and Philip. J. H. Oliver,
("Hadrian's Precedent, the Alleged Initiation of Philip II," A JP 71 [1950], pp. 295-99) maintains
that the author of the S.H.A. intended to cite precedents for the initiation of non-Athenians into
the mysteries, and that at Hadr.13.1 the text should read Philopappique instead of Philippique
since there is no other evidence for the initiation of Philip. If this is correct the author's failure to
mention Augustus is even more remarkable; but few would credit him with so much care and sys-
tem.
Secondly, the expansion renatus is neither necessary nor obvious: were Hadrian claim-
ing to be the religious and spiritual successor of Augustus, a less ambiguous form of
expression would be expected than REN, which must have been as mysterious to
ancients as it is to moderns. Thirdly, there is no specific connection between the em-
peror's posture and attributes and the second stage of the Mysteries: if those admitted to
the epopteia wore any particular garb at all it was surely not a toga, and Mylonas has
demonstrated the absurdity of the notion that "cut wheat" could have been the "great
and marvelous mystery of perfect revelation."11 More damning is the fact that this
posture is known from at least one other context in which connection with the Mysteries
is impossible: a bronze coin of Tralles portrays Britannicus in the identical attitude.1*
Finally, a type of Hadrian and Augustus referring to the Mysteries is totally out of
place when its obvious numismatic connection is to three other types portraying Asia's
most important divinities.
An alternative is to read, with earlier scholars, renovavit, without the implication
of "restoration" as it was known at Rome. Indeed, Hadrian was not "restoring"
anything (although some of his own types derive from cistophoric antecedents); but he
was "renewing" the coinage in a very literal sense by restriking it, and equally he gave it
new form through the employment of local types.
This interpretation is consistent with the use of Augustus' portrait, which can be seen
as an idealization of some of the portraits on his own cistophori; Augustus had, after all,
taken the final steps in the Romanization of the cistophori (Antony's role in this process
would hardly be commemorated). The Hadrianic obverse legend IMP CAESAR
AVGVSTVS does not appear on a single face of any known Augustan coin; but, divided
between obverse and reverse, it is the commonest legend on the Augustan cistophori
which Hadrian was renewing.13 The coin, then, commemorates both the founder and
the renewer of the cistophoric series; Hadrian stands on the reverse as a generalized

symbol of well-being and prosperity. As I have argued, his recoining of the cistophori at
least eliminated one financial abuse in the province of Asia."
Nor, perhaps, need the terminus post quem be sacrificed. The types of Mint C,
which have no specific local reference, belong to a fairly early stage in the development
of the Hadrianic cistophori; the use of the Augustus/Hadrian type alongside the three
major divinities of the province epitomizes the scope and purpose of the recoinage.
The almost medallic aspect of the Mint C issue, with its more carefully produced flans
and superb engraving, confirms its celebratory character and suggests that it should
belong at or near the inauguration of the whole series.
Mint C, then, remains unidentified, but it is fair to suppose that it was in operation
as early as 129.
11 G. E. Mylonas, Eleusis and the Ekusinian Mysteries (Princeton, 1961), pp. 275-76.
12 BMCLydia, p. 345, no. 124.
13 See Sutherland's Groups II-VI (Sutherland et ai., Cistophori) which account for about two-
thirds of the known Augustan cistophori whether dies or examples are counted.
14 "The Overstriking of Hadrian's Cistophori," Acles du 8' congres international de numismalique
NewYork-Washington, Septembre 1973 (Paris/Basel, 1976), pp. 347-53; see below pp. 115-20.
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint D
91
UNIDENTIFIED MINT D
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Bundle of six grain stalks.
BMCRE, p. 391 || note. Perhaps this is the coin described at Pinder 88 as having obverse
HADRIANVS AVG COS [III P P(= BMCRE, p. 395 , RIC 480); I saw no such coin in Vienna.
356* 1 1 8.54 i Vienna
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Roma helmeted, draped, seated l. on cuirass and
shield, holding Victory in extended r. and vertical
spear in upraised l.
BMCRE 1076 note, 1076 bis; Herzfelder, p. 15, pi. 3, 7.
357* 2 2 10.17 Traces
358a* 3 3 10.95 [ Traces
358b 3 3 9.80 | Obv. on rev.
Augustus, RIC 13
Reference
Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 660
= Schulman, 5 March
1923 (Vierordt), 1298
London
Vienna

Bust of Hadrian with Roma as on no. 94
bare, r.
BMCRE 1076, pi. 73, 11; RIC 511; Pinder 86.
359* 4 4 10.10 4 London = R. Ratto, 12
May 1925, 1138
360 5 5 9.45 i Rome = RIN 1898, pi.
1,4
92
BMCRE 1076 ter.
Cat.
361*
362a*
362b
363*
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
10.87
10.57
10.47
pierced
Axis

COS III
Roma helmeted, draped seated l. on chair, holding
Victory in extended r. and vertical sceptre in up-
raised l.
Overstriking
Traces
Traces
Traces
Traces
Reference
London
Munich
Vatican
Paris
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Roma helmeted, draped, seated l. on chair with
shield at side, holding Victory in extended r. and
spear transversely over 1. elbow.
364* 9 8 9.72 1 Traces Rerlin
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Dionysus, naked, standing front head l. emptying
oinochoe over panther on l. and holding thyrsus
vertically in l.; panther looks back to r.
BMCRE 1057, pi. 72, 5; RIC 485, pi. 14, 297, rev. only; Cohen 323; Herzfelder, p. 21, pi. 6, 1.
365* 9 9 10.52 i London = Hirsch 18,
27 May 1907 (Imhoof-
Rlumer), 1894.
366* 10 10 10.42 / Obv. on rev. Paris
Antonius, CRR 1197
367* 11 11 10.37 J, Obv. on obv. Paris
pierced Antonius
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Dionysus, draped, standing front head l. emptying
oinochoe over panther on l. and holding thyrsus
vertically in l.; panther looks back to r.
BMCRE 1057 note, 1058.
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint D
93
368* 12 12 10.17 1 Traces London
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Herakles standing r., r. on hip, l. resting on club
with lion skin set on rock.
BMC RE, p. 387 *; RIC 494; Herzf elder, p. 26, pi. 7, 7.
369* 13 13 10.23 / Vienna = Hirsch 24, 10
May 1909, 1405
Bust of Hadrian with Herakles as on no. 100
bare, r.
BMCRE, p. 387 * note.
370* 14 14 9.10 i Obv. on rev. Berlin = Hirsch 18, 27
Antonius May 1907 (Imhoof-Blu-
mer), 1892
Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Roma helmeted, draped, seated l. on cuirass and
shield, holding Victory in extended r. and vertical
spear in upraised l.
Cat.
Obv.
Wt.
Axis

Rev.
Overstriking
Reference
371a*
15
15
10.57
Boston
371b
15
15
10.12
Obv. on obv.
Munich
Augustus
372*
16
16
9.84
Traces
ANS = Numismatic Fine
Arts 2,26 March 1976,418
Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Roma helmeted, draped seated l. on chair,
holding Victory in extended r. and vertical sceptre
in upraised l.
BMCRE 1076 note; RIN 1898, pi. 1, 5.
Cat. Obv. Rev. Wi. Axis
Overstriking
Reference
373* 17 17 9.70
Obv. on rev.
undertype uncertain
(traces of Vespasianic
ctmk. on rev.)
Piancastelli 1521
COS III
Roma as on no. 103.
laureate, r.
SNGvonAulock 8734.
Overstriking
Reference
374* 18 18 10.67
von Aulock (Si\i
375*
18 19
9.93 i Traces
= Mazzini 2 "prima 337"
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 650

Brussels
20 die combinations
19 obverse dies
19 reverse dies
A fourth uncertain mint produced four major types, two of which have variants:
Dionysus may be portrayed draped with panther, and naked with or without it. Roma
is seen on a throne with transverse sceptre and shield, or merely with vertical sceptre;
or seated on arms with the sceptre held vertically. The last two varieties appear with
bare, laureate, and laureate and draped busts. The variation is probably not signi-
ficant.1
Three styles may be distinguished among the obverse dies. Style I is found only on
dies 9 and 14. Hadrian's head is rounded and rather narrow at the top; the hair is
rendered with fine lines, and the front row of curls is shown as a single continuous mass
which curves sharply up over the ear. The ear itself is formed with parallel double
strokes.
1 At a number of cities Dionysus appears draped or naked, with or without panther: see
BMCLydia, p. 92, no. 17, and p. 91, nos. 6-9 (Gordus Julia, Trajan and "Time of Commodus");
BMCPhrygia, p. 377, no. 1, and p. 378, no. 4 (Sibidunda, Commodus and Julia Domna). M. Bern-
hart, Dionysos and seine Familie auf griechischen Miinzen, JNG 1 (1949), regards the varieties as
constituting distinct types.
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint D 95
Style II shows some affinities with the first: the ear, when it can be seen, is formed
with double strokes, and the head occasionally narrows toward the top; but the curls
are somewhat looser and in general the image resembles Hadrian much more closely.
The truncation of the neck is highly variable. Both styles I and II occur with bare
heads, although on three dies the emperor has a trace of drapery.
Style III is characterized by a larger portrait of the emperor laureate, with or
without drapery, the most distinctive feature of which is the low cut of the hair, which
is brought down far on the forehead. When the bust is undraped the truncation has the
the form "S*..
Despite the diversity of styles and multiplicity of varieties, there can be little doubt
that nos. 93-104 are of common origin. Die 9 of style I links the Roma with transverse
sceptre type to the Dionysus type; other reverse dies portraying the god are paired with
obverses of style II, which in turn is found with all the other reverse types. The
Herakles reverse is found with styles I and II, and the two other representations of
Roma seated with vertical sceptre are found with styles II and III.2
It is easier to demonstrate the common origin of the types than to identify the mint
which produced them. The one type which would seem to lead somewhere because of
its rarity is the Herakles Farnese, which Herzfelder thought pointed to a Bithynian
mint.8 He noted the high quality of the dies, and observed that the type, uncommon
in Asia, is found frequently in Bithynia. He suggested Cius und Heraclea as possible
mint sites, but none of the other cistophoric types of Mint D is known from either
mint.*
Perhaps a likelier possibility is Tralles, which is otherwise, somewhat surprisingly,
absent from the catalogue of Hadrianic mints. Yet the city had had one of the original
cistophoric mints, and in Hadrian's day remained an important commercial center.
The attribution is supported only in a general way by the cistophoric types themselves:

grain stalks appeared on the city's bronze coinage under Nero,6 but Dionysus and He-
rakles appear in this form only much later." Yet both figured prominently in the city's
religious life. The oldest known inscription from Tralles mentions the sanctuary of
2 Two coins noted by Herzfelder must be removed from consideration. They share an obv. die
of style III and bear the rev. types COS - III six grain stalks and DIA-NA EPHESIA tetrastyle
temple. The former is known only in a plated specimen (SNGCopCyprus etc. 449); the latter,
once in Herzfelder's collection, has disappeared but the barbarity of its style is evident from his
plate. Two other plated coins share an obv. die of style III: one in The Hague has rev. COS III
Dionysus, another seen in trade has rev. COS III seated Roma.
3 Herzfelder, p. 26. The remaining types are either very rare (Roma) or extremely common
(for grain stalks, see above; for Dionysus see Bernhart (above, n. 1], nos. 80-489).
4 The connection of Herakles with Heraclea Pontica scarcely requires illustration; at Gius, coins
of the imperial period show obv. head of Herakles, TON KTICTHN: Rccueil, voi. 1, pt. 2 (Paris,
1908), p. 316, no. 28. It is far from certain, however, that p. 318, no. 40, p. 322, no. 68, p. 362,
no. 106, and p. 363, no. 114, derive from the Lysippean original or are related to the cistophoric
type: all these figures holds bows and stand in a somewhat different posture.
5 BMCLydia, p. 345, nos. 125-27.
Dionysus: BMCLydia, p. 360, nos. 197-98 (Gallienus); p. 362, no. 205 (Salonina).
Dionysus,' and there was a festival called the Dionysia there;8 two inscriptions also
mention the Herakleia." The Roma type does not occur at Tralles, but we know that a
considerable body of Romans had resided there from Republican times.10 Finally,
even the grain stalks type might have had topical reference: an inscription of Hadrianic
date shows that with the assistance of a generous grant from A. Fabricius Postumus,
Hadrian granted 60,000 modii of grain to the Tralleans.11 The grant may have come
about in connection with an imperial visit in 129/30.12
All this is suggestive, no more, and in view of the weakness of the typological parallels
in the city's bronze coinage it seems safest to leave the mint unidentified.
7 CIG 2919 (fourth-third centuries B.C.). See M. Pappaconstantinou, "'Emygaiprj TqaXMcDv"
BCH 1889, p. 280, with nqoaodoiv Tov Aiovtioov.
IG XII. 5 869, 60-61.
9 CIG 2936 (Antonine); J. R. S. Sterrett, "Inscriptions of Tralleis," MDAI(A) 1883, pp. 330ff.
(third century).
10 RE 6A, s.v. "Tralleis," coi. 2104 (Ruge).
11 CIG 2927.

18 Weber, Untersuchungen, p. 222.
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint E
97
UNIDENTIFIED MINT E
drapery on I. shoulder,
laureate, r.
Cat.
376*
377*
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
10.80
10.27
Axis
COS III
Eagle standing front on exergual line, head r.
Overstriking
Traces on rev.
Traces

Reference
Vienna
Kolner Munzkabinett 21,
4-5 Apr. 1977, 222
Bust of Hadrian with in laurel wreath,
laureate, r.
SNGvonAulock 6630.
378* 3 2 10.80 On Augustus, RIC
13
Reference
laureate, r.
379* 3 3 9.72
COS III
Bundle of five grain stalks.
Reference
Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 678
Head of Hadrian,
laureate, l.
COS III
Pax standing l., modius on head, holding olive
branch in r. and cornucopiae in l.; in field l.,
anchor.
BMCRE, p. 3911; RIC 514; Cohen 364; Pinder 85, pi. 8,13; Herzfelder, p. 26, pi. 7, 5.
380* 4 4 9.78 J Traces Paris
Head of Hadrian in laurel wreath
laureate, l.
BMCRE 1084, pi. 74, 8; RIC 524; Cohen 475, omitting P P on obverse; Pinder 94, pi. 8, 14;
381* 4 5 11.07 i Traces London
Head of Hadrian Bundle of six grain stalks.
laureate, l.
BMCRE, p. 391 || note; Herzfelder, p. 26.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Reference
382*
10.54 J, Traces
Budapest
A fifth unidentified mint was responsible for at least six cistophoric varieties, only
one of which survives in more than a single specimen. The obverse busts or heads are
laureate in all cases, three facing left, three right.

The common origin of the obverse dies is clear, despite the variation in direction of
the bust. The lone left-facing obverse die, no. 4, merely mirrors the other two, with
their characteristic rounded chin, large nose, and sharp neck truncation.
The reverse types are completely uninformative. Grain stalks can only have specific
reference when their context is known; COS III in laurel wreath can have no possible
local significance. The symbolism of the eagle, here portrayed without the usual thun-
derbolt, is uncertain. Pax is a purely Roman deity, and does not appear on the coinage
of the Greek cities;1 the anchor in field may point to a maritime city, but if so it cannot
be positively identified.
Herzfelder wished to place the left-facing obverse group in Bithynia; the five grain
stalks reverse (no. 107) seemed to him to resemble one with obverse legend IMP CAES TRA
HADRIANO AVG P P, certainly of Bithynian mintage.2 Indeed, there is considerable
superficial similarity between the two coins, but detailed examination shows Herz-
1 Eirene, a goddess similar in conception but different in form, does appear on Greek coinage.
2 No. B16 below.
Asian Mints: Unidentified Mint E 99
felder's hypothesis of common origin to be unconvincing. The lettering of the Bithynian
die is small and neat: that of obverse die 3 is rather crude. The truncation of the bust
on the Bithynian die is smoothly curved, ~--* ; that of obverse die 3 has a deep indenta-
tion at the rear of the neck, tj*, characteristic of Mint E's other dies. The border of the
Bithynian piece is composed of small dots; those on all Mint E pieces are large and
clumsy. Finally, the reverse legend of the Bithynian piece is laid out horizontally on
either side of the bundle of grain stalks; that on reverse die 6 follows the border. The
parallel rather than radial arrangement of the vertical strokes in the consular iteration is
characteristic of Mint E. In view of all this the Bithynian connection is weak, and on
general grounds it is safe to assume that Mint E was located in Asia.8

* On cistophoric circulation in Bithynia see below pp. 110-12.
100
UNATTRIBUTED
Coins included in this section share with those assigned to unidentified mints types
so general in reference, or so incomprehensible, that they allow no specific attribution.
But it seems reasonable to distinguish between minting entities which cannot be identi-
fied even though their output is fairly well defined, and those coins which now seem
isolated but which might eventually be attributed in the light of new types or die links,
or even added to the products of an already known mint.
RIC 493; Herzfelder, p. 14, pi. 3, 4.
COS III
Artemis in short chiton standing r., holding bow
in extended l. and drawing an arrow from quiver
with r.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
383*
10.20 On Claudius,
RIC 54
Reference
Santamaria, 26 June

1950 (Magnaguti 3), 659
= Hess, 22 May 1935
(Trau), 1108
BMCRE, p. 386 t, pL 72, 7; RIC 493.
COS III
Artemis in long chiton standing r., holding bow
in extended l. and drawing an arrow from quiver
with r.; in front of her, a stag.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wl.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
384a
384b*
11.55
8.50
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 13
In trade, 1974
385
Rome = RIN 1898, pi.
1, 6
386*
10.37
Obv. on obv.
Paris
Augustus, RIC 13
Asian Mints: Unattributed 101
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Artemis with polos on head standing front,
holding patera in extended r. and torch vertically
in l.; to l., a stag.
BMCRE, p. 386 *; RIC 492; Cohen 318; Pinder 73, pi. 5, 10; Herzfelder, p. 21, pi. 5, 9.
387* 4 5 11.03 J Munich
The cistophori portray "Artemis Huntress" both with short chiton and with long;
the version with short chiton is commonest on the imperial bronzes, and is found
frequently at Ephesus.1 Indeed, Herzfelder attributed no. 111 to that city on the
basis of unspecified stylistic similarities to known Ephesian products; but it is impossi-
ble to point to any single Ephesian coin which closely resembles this one, and in view of
the wide popularity of the type it cannot be attributed.
Herzfelder assigned two other Artemis types linked by an extremely crude obverse
die to Phrygia.2 The first resembles the usual Huntress reverse, but the goddess wears
a long chiton and is accompanied by a stag rather than the more usual hound. The type
does not become common until the later second century, and it is unlikely that it can be
employed for purposes of attribution.
The second type is found only at Thyateira, and not there until the reign of Severus
Alexander.8 It presents a very generalized conception of Artemis: the stag symbolizes
her interest in hunting, the torch her connection with light, the moon, and birth-giving.
This may simply be an ideal form rather than an imitation of a sculptural model.
The occurrence of the type at Thyateira alone does not seem conclusive for attribution
in view of the gross inferiority of these coins to the one surviving piece which can be
attributed to the mint with certainty.
114. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS COS COS III

III P P
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Artemis Phosphoros (Diana Lucifera) in long
robes running r., carrying a torch in each hand.
BMCRE, p. 564, addendum to p. 386 # (ex Schulman FPL 90,1935,168, not illustrated).
1 BMCIonia, p. 69, no. 185 (first century B.C.); p. 84, no. 265 (Julia Domna); pp. 85, no. 271,
and 86, no. 276 (Caracalla); p. 90, no. 299 (Elagabalus); p. 93, no. 311 (Severus Alexander); p. 96,
no. 326 (Orbiana); p. 97, no. 331 (Gordian III); pp. 101, no. 359, and 103, no. 366 (Valerian);
pp. 105, no. 378 and 107, no. 385 (Gallienus); pp. 107-8, nos. 390-91, and 109, nos. 396-97 (Salonina).
The type is known from at least 30 other mints, mainly in Lydia and Phrygia.
* Herzfelder, p. 21.
3 BMCLydia, p. 315, no. 123. Artemis Huntress in her conventional form also figures prominent-
ly in the coinage of Thyateira, but does not appear in long drapery.
102
Cat.
388*
389
Obv. Rev. Wt. Axis Overstriking
5 6 10.54 4 Traces
5 7 Traces
Reference
ANS
Turin
Artemis Phosphoros (Diana Lucifera)
The figure is that of Artemis Phosphoros (Diana Lucifera). The Great Mother
figure, Artemis, had been identified from early times with motherhood; the association
with fertility led to connection with menstrual cycles, hence to identification with the
moon. Like other goddesses with similar associations, she was invoked by women
during delivery;4 ancient etymologizers thought this to be the origin of her epithet
Lucifera or Lucina.5
The cistophoric portrayal is of some iconographic interest. The earlist Roman de-
piction of Lucifera on coins graces the non-triumviral aurei and denarii of P. Clodius
M. f., moneyer in 42 B.C.8 The Diana of his coin faces frontally and holds two long,
heavy torches which rest on the ground on either side of her. Except for the restoration
of this issue by Trajan,7 the cistophorus under consideration is the next appearance of
the goddess on coins. Now she is seen running right in long, flowing robes and carrying
more diminutive torches; the new figure presents, on the whole, a much more graceful
aspect. A similar conception of her is found on a bronze medallion,8 likewise of Ha-
drianic date, but this pleasing presentation is soon abandoned permanently. Issues

from the time of Faustina II to Severus Alexander usually show the goddess static with
a single torch held transversely, and frequently bear identifying legends.9
The cistophoric portrayal is quite exceptional in a Roman context, and Greek paral-
lels are equally difficult to adduce. Seemingly the only coin which presents Phosphoros/
Lucifera comes from Ephesus,10 where the obverse legend would normally invite attri-
bution; but the crude style of the obverse is unlike anything observed there, and it
seems safest to leave the coin unattributed.11
* Cic. ND 2.68: "Itaque ut apud Graecos Dianam eamque Luciferam, sic apud nostros Iunonem
in pariendo vocant."
5 Isid. Etym. 8.11. 56-57, Varro LL 5.74. See A. Walde, Lateinisches etymologisches Wbrterbuch,
3rd ed. (Heidelberg, 1938-56) s.v. for a derivation from lv%vo<;.
8 RRC 494/22-23 = CRR 1116-17.
7 RIC 814 = BMCRE 3, p. 137, no. 691.
8 F. Gnecchi, / medaglioni romani 2 (Milan, 1912), p. 7, no. 40, pi. 40, 5.
Faustina: BMCRE 4, p. 397, nos. 86-88; p. 530, nos. 897-901; p. 539, nos. 972-76. Lucilla:
BMCRE 4, p. 427, nos. 308-12; p. 569, nos. 1143-46. Diva Faustina: BMCRE, p. 655 *. Crispina:
BMCRE 4, p. 765, no. 411; p. 768 *. Julia Domna: BMCRE 5, p. 159, nos. 14-19; p. 277, nos.
598-99; p. 307 t; p. 311, no. 782; pp. 430-31, nos 1-5. Plautilla: BMCRE 5, p. 277, nos. 420-21.
Severus Alexander: BMCRE 6, p. 209, no 970*, a hybrid quoted by Cohen (42) from Wiczay.
10 BMCIonia, p. 108, no. 393.
11 The universality of the goddess' function meant that her worship was widespread. Her
worship is known at at least the following sites: Apameia Bithyniae (Head, UN, p. 510); Prusa ad
Olympum {SNGCopBosporus etc. 586); Nicomedia (SNGCopBosporus 580); Pagae (Head, HN
Asian Mints: Unattributed
103
Head of Hadrian
laureate, r.
SNGvonAulock 6613.
COS III
Athena helmeted, draped standing l. holding
thunderbolt in r. and spear vertically in upraised
l.: shield at r.
390* 6 8 10.63
Reference
This representation of Athena is of Roman rather than Asiatic inspiration. The type
has a rough antecedent in the asses of Titus, but is most prominent on the coinage of
Domitian, perhaps as a result of his fondness for Minerva.12
The "eastern" coinage of Hadrian includes a denarius of identical description.18
Bust of Hadrian draped, Distyle temple on podium of three steps; within,
laureate, r. Athena standing front looking l., holding patera
in extended r. and resting l. on shield set on
ground; behind her, a spear.
BMCRE, p. 392 *, pi. 74, 6; RIC 520; Cohen 300 (illustration only); Pinder 79; Herzfelder, p. 17,
pi. 4, 8.
391* 7 9 9.79 \ Traces Paris

Bust of Hadrian draped, Athena standing front looking I. holding patera
laureate, r. in extended r. and resting l. on round shield set on
ground.
BMCRE 1072, pi. 73, 6; Herzfelder, p. 17, pi. 4, 7.
392* 7 10 10.60 i London
p. 394, see Paus. 1.44.4 and C. Daremberg and i.;. Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquitis gricqu.es et
romaines 2 (Paris, 1892) p. 133, fig. 2352); Bolus (Dion. Byz. 36 = C. Muller, Geographici Graeci
Minorca [Paris, 1855-61] 27); Pholegandros (F. Lenormant, "Inscriptiones grecques de Pholdgan-
dros," RA, M.S. 6, vol. 2, [1865], p. 126); Parium (Head, HN*, p. 532); and Athens (CIA II 432);
see Clem. Alex. Strom. 1.24.
12 BMCRE 2, p. 274, nos. 243-45 (Titus); p. 306, no. 42 et passim (Domitian).
13 BMCRE 3, p. 379, no. 14, pi. 69, 5 (Vienna) = Cohen 296.
104
Bust of Hadrian draped, Athena standing front looking l., holding patera
bare r. in extended r. and resting l. on shield set on
ground; spear rests vertically against l. arm.
BMC RE 1071, pi. 73, 5; RIC 503; Cohen 294; Pinder 78, pi. 8, 5; Herzfelder, p. 21, pi. 5, 6.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
393*
11
10.30
Traces
Boston
394*
12
9.30
Obv. on obv.

Augustus, RIC 10
Paris
395*
13
10.61
Obv. on rev.
Augustus
Vienna
396*
14
10.49
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 15
Oxford
397
15
10.00
Traces
Winthertur photo (ex.
Imhoof-Blumer coll.)
398*
10
16
10.73
Traces
Vienna
399*
10
17
10.03
Obv. on rev.
Antonius
London
400*
11
18
11.20
105
Cat.
408*
18 26 7.70 Traces
Reference
Vienna
The linkage of nos. 116 and 117 was first noted by Herzfelder.14 The common origin
of the two types and the posture of Athena on both indicate that the same statue is
being portrayed, although the spear is lacking on no. 117. The dies are all of high quali-
ty, although the resemblance of the portrait to Hadrian is only casual; the figure of
Athena is light and graceful, her posture is relaxed and the engraver has even decorated
her shield with radial markings.
Herzfelder called the figure Roma, and noted that the style of the obverse die is
"comparable to that of some of the definitely Pergamene Asclepius coins." He did
not elaborate, and the stylistic similarity is not really obvious. Nor can the presence of
the temple of Roma and Augustus in Pergamum be adduced in support of an attri-
bution to that city: earlier cistophori show that the figure of Roma in that temple
stood crowning the emperor, and she would hardly be portrayed in this fashion.16
A second, larger group with reverse standing Athena is of much cruder style: the ren-
dering of Athena is flat and lifeless, with her shield brought in close to the body and
seeming to merge with her arm. The head is disproportionately large, and the right arm
protrudes stiffly. Herzfelder noted that the obverse dies of this group bear a general
resemblance to those of Herapolis, where Athena appears frequently on the bronze
coinage; but there are stylistic differences which may preclude attribution to that mint.
The usual curvature of the beard is absent, and there is more consistency in the depiction

of the drapery. More significant is the reduction in size of the bust to allow the legend
to run underneath it, i.e. continuously around the coin. The additional space thus
achieved may account for the larger, more regular lettering.
The Athena standing type, with or without spear, is common throughout Asia but
particularly in Phrygia,16 where the style of obverse dies 8-18 would seem to point; a
more precise attribution is impossible.
u BMCRE 1, p. 114, nos. 705-6 (Augustus); p. 196, no. 228 (Claudius); 2, p. 94, no. 449 (Vespa-
sian); p. 254, no. 352 (Domitian); 3, p. 12, no. 79 (Nerva); p. 146, no. 711 (Trajan).
14 BMCPhrygia: Aemoneia, p. 12, no. 55 (Hadrian); Aezani, p. 36, nos. 94-95 (Domitian),
p. 42, nos. 135-36 (Gallienus); Amorium, p. 48, no. 12 (M. Aurelius-Geta), p. 55, no. 47 (Caracalla);
Apamea, p. 90, nos. 124-25 (Philip-Valerian and Gallienus), p. 99, no. 173 (Geta), p. 101, no. 79
(Severus Alexander); Cidyessus, p. 150, no. 5 (Julia Domna); Cotiafium, p. 167, no. 46 (Julia
Domna), p. 175, no. 87 (Otacilia Severa); Docimeium, p. 189, nos. 5-6 (Septimius Severus and later);
Dorylaeum, p. 196, no. 9 (Sabina); p. 198, no. 14(Gordian III), Eumeneia: pp. 213-14, nos. 22-23
(Septimius Severus and later); Grimenothyrae, p. 222, nos. 2-4 and p. 223, no. 7 (Trajan-Hadrian),
p. 224, no. 12 (Sabina); Hieropolis, p. 249, no. 128 (Trajan), p. 250, no. 132 (Hadrian); Laodicea,
p. 295, no. 103 (M. Aurelius Caesar); Otrus, p. 344, no. 6 (Julia Domna); Philomelium, p. 357,
no. 26 (Severus Alexander); Sebaste, p. 370, no. 6 (Nero-Gordian); Siblia, p. 381 no. 8 (Geta
Caesar); Stectorium, p. 384, no. 7 (Faustina II), p. 386, nos. 15-16 (Philip I); Synaus, p. 391,
no. 22 (Philip II); Synnada, see above, p. 72, n. 1; Temenothyrae, p. 411, no. 17 (time of Gallienus),
p. 399, no. 40 (Faustina II); Themisonium, p. 418, nos. 2-3 (Septimius Severus-Philip); and Traja-
nopolis: p. 428, no. 24 (Hadrian).
106
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Athena in crested helmet draped to feet standing
r., holding thunderbolt in extended l. and spear in
upraised r.
BMCRE, p. 564, addendum to no. 1070, inaccurately describing the bust as head laureate r.
Cat.
409*
410*
411*
Obv.
19
19
Rev.
27
28
19 29
10.60
9.97 T
(pierced,
broken)
9.72
Traces
Traces
Reference
Bern

Mazzini 2 "dopo 294" =
Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 662
= Cahn 26 Nov. 1930,
370
The reverse type is modelled on the Athena Velletri; the type goes back to a fifth or
fourth century original deriving from the Pheidiac school.17 Here the goddess holds a
thunderbolt; elsewhere she holds a figure of Victory or a patera. In imperial times the
type seems to be found only at Athens and Amastris,18 neither possible as the mint of
this type.
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Nemesis standing l. drawing out fold of drapery
from breast with r. and holding bridle in l.; at
side to l., a wheel.
BMCRE, p. 389 t, pi. 73, 8; RIC 505; Cohen 325.
412* 20 30 10.93 Obv. on obv., von Aulock (SNG 6625)
ref. unc. (traces of
Vespasianic ctmk. on
obv.)
413* 20 31 Traces Hirsch 22, 25 Nov. 1908,
86
414 20 32 Obv. on obv. Turin
Augustus, RIC 10
17 Roscher, Lex. I, 702 (Furtwangler).
18 BMC Attica, p. 93, no. 671 (Hadrian-Antonines); BMCPontus, p. 87, no. 20 (Antoninus Pius).
107
415*
21
32
10.29
Obv. on rev
Antonius, CRR 1198
vonAulock (SNG 6626)
416*
21
33
10.50
Traces
Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 664
417*
22
34
10.09
Obv. on obv.
Augustus, RIC 12
Berlin (2 for S on both
dies)
418*
23
10.36
Traces

35
Brussels
419*
24
36
10.33
Paris
420*
24
37
9.98
Traces
Foss
The Nemesis portrayed here differs from the Smyrnaean models in that wings are
added, and from the type struck at Mint A in that she faces left and holds a bridle.
The rendering is common enough in Asia but cannot be said to be characteristic of any
one city.19 The considerable number of surviving specimens would seem to indicate a
rather substantial mint, but its location cannot be identified.
The style, while undistinguished, is apparently unrelated to any observed at identi-
fiable mints. The rendering of Nemesis is clumsyher wings are too long, her head
is too small, and her legs are exceedingly longand the features of the emperor are
sharp and linear. The treatment of the hair is very distinctive: instead of the several
rows of regular curls familiar from other issues, long single strokes proceed from the
crown to the forehead.
COS III
Head of Hadrian laureate, r. Salus/Hygieia draped standing r., feeding snake in
r. out of patera in extended l.
421*
25 38
10.21
Traces
Reference
Boston
Although the cult of Hygieia was of remote antiquity, she is seldom found on coins
prior to the time of Hadrian;*0 thereafter her appearances, too numerous to catalogue,
108
Head of Hadrian
laureate, r.
COS - III l. and r. in field
Distyle temple on podium of three steps; within,
male divinity (Zeus?) seated half-r. on throne,
holding vertical spear in upraised r.
422* 26 39 10.62
Reference
Santamaria, 26 June
1950 (Magnaguti 3), 652
This piece presents problems of identification as well as attribution; the illustration
in the Magnaguti catalogue is not sufficiently clear to allow confident identification of
the deity within the temple. The apparently male figure sits half-right on a high-backed
throne and rests his upraised right arm on spear or sceptre, of which only faint traces
remain. The left arm is not visible on the coin; it may rest at his side or, if outstretched,
it may be concealed because of the angle at which the statue is portrayed. On this view
the figure is likely to be Zeus.
The style of the coin is singular: the extremely broad bust on the obverse leaves
almost no empty field, and the lettering is tall and rather narrow. The reverse legend is
neatly done, but the temple is unusually tall and the figure inside disproportionately
large.

Head of Hadrian
laureate, l.
BMCRE, p. 392 /; RIC 523; RIN 1911, p. 154, no. 16.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis Overstriking
423*
27
40
Traces of wreath
on rev.
COS III l. and r. in field
Hexastyle temple on podium of three steps.
Reference
Schulman, 5 March 1923,
(Vierordt), 1308 = Hess,
1 Dec. 1913, 614
125. HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P COS III l. and in field
Head of Hadrian Legionary eagle between two standards with
laureate, l. vexilla.
BMCRE 1081 note; RIC 517; Cohen 452.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis Overstriking
Reference
424
28
41
Traces
Turin
425*
28
42
Munich
Asian Mints: Unattributed 109
The most remarkable feature of this pair of types is the style of the obverse dies;
the bust is unusual in that Hadrian faces left and wears a laurel wreath, but its most
distinctive feature is the large portion of Hadrian's shoulder and its sharp downward
truncation, dr*. The extended front point actually touches the border of dots.
The individuality of the style precludes attribution to any known mint; the types do
not suggest any specific location.
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Male figure on horseback galloping r. holding
lance in upraised r.
BMCRE,p. 564, addendum to p. 391 ?&; RIC 515; Cohen 413. BMCRE, p. 391 /.wrongly cites
Cohen 413 for obv. head laur. r.
426* 29 43 9.39 J London
pierced
Bust of Hadrian Male figure on horseback as on no. 126.
laureate, draped r.
McClean 9584, pi. 356, 8; Imhoof-Blumcr, MQnzkunde, p. 15, no. 26.
427* 30 44 9.97 J Cambridge
The representation of a male figure, presumably the emperor, riding on horseback,
is familiar from later bronze coinage but apparently had not been employed in pre-
Hadrianic times. The type probably represents Hadrian hunting: he is known to have
been an enthusiastic hunter;" the coin lacks the cowering enemy who usually defines
military activity;28 and the occurrence of a martial type would be unusual in Hadrian's
generally peaceful reign.

In view of the type Hadrianoutherae might seem a probable mint site; but the etymo-
logy which connected the town's name with Hadrian's successful hunt may be wrong,23
there is no certainty about its date of foundation, and it is perhaps unlikely that a
newly founded city would strike cistophori immediately. The mint remains uncertain.
21 Dlo 69.10, S.H.A. Hadr. 20.13.
22 As lor example on BMCRE 3, p. 65, no. 245 (Trajan).
23 RE 7, s.v. "Hadrianothera," coi. 2177 (Burchner); W. M. Ramsay, Historical Geography
of Asia Minor (London, 1890), p. 437, see also p. 155.
CIRCULATION
In the foregoing discussion it has been noted that there is no good reason to follow
Herzfelder (and later Mattingly and Woodward) in assigning to Bithynian mintage any
cistophori except those which bear the mark of the Commune Bithyniae and others
which must be associated with them on the grounds of obverse legend, for this would
require the assumption that imperial cistophori circulated in Bithynia before Hadrian's
day. The opportunity may now be taken to summarize the evidence relating to cir-
culation of imperial cistophori.
The following cistophoric hoards are recorded:
1. The "Istanbul" hoard, deposited ca. 18 B.C., of uncertain provenance.
It consisted of 38 Antonian and 255 Augustan pieces.1
2. A hoard of Turkish provenance which contained 47 Antonian and 99 Augustan
cistophori.8
3. A hoard including cistophori of the Flavian emperors, Julia and Domitia,
along with denarii of Nero, Otho, and Vitellius (sic), all in good condition.
Imhoof-Blumer originally gave the provenance of the hoard as Antiochia-ad-
Maeandrum;* he later amended this to Pisidian Antioch, modern Yalvac.*
4. We may include for the sake of completeness a hoard discovered on the south
slope of the Acropolis in 1957, consisting of 59 plated coins.6 The 35 which
could be identified included denarii from Trajan through Commodus and
16 cistophori, 15 of Claudius and one of Nerva. The hoard was surely part
of a forger's stock and is irrelevant to the problem of cistophoric circulation.8
Regarding the composition and provenance of two other hoards there can be no
certainty. A hoard discovered in the late 1940s terminated with extremely fine issues
of Claudius, but no record was made of its contents.7 Remnants of a second considera-
ble hoard passed through the trade in the early to mid-1960s. The condition of the coins
1 N. Olcay in Sutherland et ai., Cistophori, pp. 1-11.

* S. de Roquefeuil, "Un tresor de cistophores trouve en Turquie," BSFN, May 1975, pp. 76C-67.
3 Imhoof-Blumer, Munzkunde, p. 8 (= SNR 1905, p. 168).
4 Imhoof-Blumer, Milnzkunde, p. 112 (= SNR 1905, p. 272).
6 M. Caramcssini-Oeconomides, "On a Hoard of Plated Roman Coins," ANSMN 12 (1966),
pp. 71-74.
For other hoards of this sort see the list of M. H. Crawford, "Plated CoinsFalse Coins," NC
1968, p. 55. While the Athens hoard sheds no light on the geographical limits of cistophoric
circulation, it is not completely uninstructive. A terminus post quern for the production of these
forgeries is provided by the latest identifiable issue, that of Commodus; the fact that the forger
chose to imitate Claudian cistophori demonstrates their prominence in circulation a century and a
quarter after issue. The durability of the cistophori is reconfirmed.
7 Information from C. A. Hersh.
110
Circulation 111
ranged from worn (Antonius, Augustus) to very fine and better (Hadrian); it is fair
to suppose that the hoard terminated with Hadrianic issues.
Excavations have added almost nothing. Four cistophori (two Antonius, one
Augustus, one Claudius) were unearthed by the American excavations at Sardis;8 and
a plated cistophorus (rev. Apollo with lyre, cf. no. 53) was recovered by the German
excavations at Pergamum and is now in Berlin.9 But other intensively excavated
sites in Asia have yielded nothing. Again, merely for the sake of completeness, three
other finds may be noted. A cistophorus struck at Laodicea (cat. no. 291) was discover-
ed in the Danube during the dredging of a harbor in the village of Tass; M. Alfoldi
has plausibly suggested that the coin was lost by or buried with a soldier returning
from the East who had kept it as a souvenir.10 Austrian excavations at Carnuntum
turned up an Augustan cistophorus with reverse triumphal arch;11 and finally one
cistophorus of Augustus was part of the Vicopisano hoard of 1920."
If the evidence for circulation of cistophori solely within Asia is not very impressive,
the negative evidence against their currency outside the province is overwhelming.
For cistophori are never found in hoards from farther east, which are generally eclectic
in composition. Of major finds of eastern silver, e.g. the Asia Minor, Caesarea, Gerzeul
and Tokat hoards (not to mention finds from more distant spots such as Tell Kalak,
Murabba'at, Eleutheropolis, and Mampsis) not one contains a single cistophorus.18
The hoard from Pisidian Antioch is thus the only hoard from outside the province of
Asia to contain cistophori in substantial numbers, and that city is so close to the border
of the province that it can hardly be adduced as evidence for the non-Asian currency of
cistophori.
Certainly the nature of the coinage supports the view that cistophori circulated freely
only within Asia. The cistophoric system devised by Eumenes II employed a weight
standard which was conveniently consistent with Attic, Rhodian, and Roman systems;

yet it has long been observed that cistophori are hardly ever found outside Attalid
territory.14 As Kleiner has pointed out,16 the king could hardly have prevented trans-
actions in cistophori beyond the borders of his realm; nor is it reasonable to suppose
that foreign merchants were prevented by decree from accepting cistophori in payment.
The best explanation for the tendency of cistophori to remain at home is that the coins
8 H. W. Bell, Sardis, voi. II, The Coins (Leiden, 1916), nos. 422, 423, 428, 429.
K. Regling, Allertiimer von Pergamon 1. Stadt und Landschaft, Text 2 (Berlin, 1913), p. 358.
10 M. Alfoldi, "Beitrage zur Frage der Cistophori Kaisers Hadrians," Folia Arch 8 (1956),
pp. 89-95.
n W. Hahn, Die Fundmiinzen der Romischen Zeit in Osterreich, pt. 3: Niederdsterreich, voi. I:
Carnuntum (Vienna, 1976), no. 157.
18 M. H. Crawford, Roman Republican Coin Hoards, RNS Special Publication no. 4 (London,
1969), no. 549; A. Minto, "Regione VII (Eturia). V. Vico Pisano," NSA 1920, pp. 240-43.
13 The contents of these hoards are summarized in ANSMN 20 (1975), p. 94.
11 H. Seyrig, "Monnaies hdlenistiques V. Questions cistophoriques," RN 1963, pp. 22-31
with earlier bibliography.
"F. S. Kleiner and S. P. Noe, The Early Cistophoric Coinage, ANSNS 14 (New York, 1977),
pp. 124-25; F. S. Kleiner, "The Dated Cistophori of Ephesus," ANSMN 18 (1972), pp. 30-32.
were overvaluedworth more inside Attalid territory than outside it. This view gains
confirmation from Cicero's reluctance to accept cistophori instead of denarii.1*
That overvaluation of the cistophorus continued into the Roman period is sug-
gested by Walker's analyses.17 His sample is very limited and his results await
confirmation; but his figures seem to indicate a consistent overvaluation of be-
tween 6% and 11% from ca. 70 B.C. to the time of Claudius. The degree of overvalu-
ation will have been reduced almost to the point of disappearance when Nero reduced
the weight of the denarius; but by that time long-standing tradition would have been
effective, and kept the cistophorus within its traditional boundaries; and the Roman
province of Asia was, after all, almost congruent with the earlier Attalid kingdom.
The strongest evidence for purely Asian circulation of cistophori in Hadrian's day is
the selection of mint sites employed for overstriking. With the exception of Nicomedia
(clearly a special case, discussed below), all the certainly identifiable mints fall within
the province of Asia. Even Herzfelder was able to adduce only style in support of his
Bithynian attributions; and although some of our unidentified mints produced coins of
very good style, in no case is there any direct relationship to the style of the Nicomedian
cistophori. Until hoards, site finds, or firm typological evidence point to circulation
elsewhere, it is safest to suppose that cistophoric circulation was confined to the
province of Asia.
18 Cic. Alt. 2.6.2; 2.16.4.
17 D. R. Walker, The Metrology of the Roman Silver Coinage Part 1. From Augustus to Domilian,

British Archaeological Reports, Supplementary Series 5 (Oxford, 1976), pp. 26-36.
Mint
Total
Coins
VOLUME
Table 1
Summary of Dies
Obv. dies
Rev. dies
463
309
410
Coins:
Obv. dies
Pergamum
10
1.67
Ephesus
105
73
86
1.44
Miletus
16
15

Smyrna
65
46
60
1.41
Alabanda
Aphrodisias
Mylasa
13
11
1.86
Nysa
Sardis
25
13
24
1.92
Thyateira
Aezani
12
10
11
1.2
Eumeneia
and 410 reverse dies. If one applies Lyon's formula1 to these figures the following results
are achieved:
Dies First Maximum Minimum
Coins known estimate estimate estimate
Obverse 309 537 601 477
463
Reverse 410 1852 2436 1597
These figures invite comparison with those calculated by the same method for the
Augustan cistophori:
Hadrian Augustus
Obv.-.Rev. Obv.-.Rev.
First estimate 537:1852 456:1971
Maximum estimate 601:2436 498:2393
Minimum estimate 477:1597 433:1695
Taken at face value, these results suggest that Hadrian's coinage involved a slightly
larger number of dies than had Augustus' issues. But the application of Lyon's formula
to simple die totals is open to several objections. Our record of dies for both coinages
is imperfect to begin with; yet the very fact that most of the Hadrianic coinage is
overstruck on Augustan cistophori further depresses the survival rate of Augustan dies.
Second, in both coinages a number of different issues in which the dies do not and
cannot overlap have been combined; the effect of this, according to Lyon, is always to
underestimate the range of values within which the total number of dies employed
should be sought.
Even were it possible to arrive at accurate die totals for both coinages they might
mislead. On purely technical grounds it is fair to suppose that Hadrian's dies had a
shorter life than those of Augustus. Metal becomes harder once struck, and Hadrian's

flans, composed solely of earlier cistophori, were harder than those of Augustus had
been, thus requiring more stress to achieve the same strike. In addition Hadrian's
cistophori were struck cold: several blows were probably required to achieve even the
degree of undertype obliteration which they display.2 Both considerations would
contribute to shorter die life, and the differential from Augustan cistophori would be
even greater if Augustus' cistophori were struck hot.
In view of all these imponderables it is doubtful whether any meaningful result can
be achieved through estimates either of die totals or of output per die. The best index
to the output of Hadrianic cistophori is our knowledge that the flan material was
limited by the number of Antonian and Augustan cistophori that had survived 150
years of circulation. There is no way of estimating this.
1 C.S.S. Lyon, "The Estimation of the Number of Dies Employed in a Coinage," NCirc 1965,
pp. 180-81.
8 D. G. Sellwood, "Some Experiments in Greek Minting Technique," NC 1963, pp. 217-31.
OVERSTRIKING
Overstriking is a phenomenon rare in the coinage of Greek and Roman worlds.
That many of the Hadrianic cistophori were overstruck was remarked as early as
Pinder, but the question has attracted no serious study since interest in the series
has centered primarily on the types and on the mints whose identification they permit.
Yet careful analysis of the overstriking reveals the scope and purpose of the whole
series, and accounts for the dispersion of Hadrian's mints.1
Table 2
Summary of Overstriking
Total over-
Obv. on
Obv. on
On
On
On
Mint
Coins
struck (%)
Obv.
Rev.
Ant.
Aug.
CI.
Pergamum
10
8 (80.0)

Ephesus
105
88 (83.8)
28
16
19
24
Miletus
16
16 (100)
Smyrna
65
48 (73.8)
16
14
Alabanda
4 (100)
Aphrodisias
2 (100)
116
As Table 2 shows, of 463 coins studied, 364 (78.8%) show positive traces of under-
types. This figure is extremely high in view of two factors which might depress it.
First, a truly perfect overstrike would leave no traces; and secondly, many of the pho-
tographs studied, while adequate for purposes of die comparison, were not sufficiently
clear to permit detection of overstriking traces. We may thus doubt whether any of the
Hadrianic cistophori were struck on virgin flans.
Of 166 identifiable undertypes, 104 (62.7%) were of Augustus, 59 (35.5%) of Antonius.
Only three Claudian pieces (1.8%) have been detected, and none of later emperors;
no Greek or Roman proconsular undertypes have been noted. This suggests that
an attempt was made to confine overstriking to Antonian and Augustan issues.
The effect of overstriking on the circulation of Antonian and Augustan cistophori
has been variously estimated. Mattingly called the overstriking a "recoinage" and
followed Pinder in comparing it to Trajan's recall of Rome's "obsolescent" money;*
Woodward argued from the large number of surviving pieces that there was no com-
pulsory calling-in of Antonian and Augustan issues,3 but this argument no more pre-
cludes a recall of cistophori than the present abundance of aurei and denarii struck
before Nero's reform shows that Trajan's recall never took place. There are in fact good
reasons for concluding that Hadrian's overstriking removed Antonian and Augustan
cistophori from circulation.
The Augustan cistophori were struck to a standard of slightly over 12 g.4 This norm
diminished during the first century: correspondence of the cistophoric tetradrachm
to the reduced post-Neronian denarii, for which there is inscriptional and literary
evidence, would place the standard at ca. 10.23 g. The cistophori of Titus and Domitian
closely approach this standard, while those of Nerva and Trajan fall somewhat short.
Hadrian's issues average 10.32 g (if coins under 9.00 g. are excluded). A frequency

table shows no clear point of concentration, but over half the known weights fall in the
range 10.11-10.80 g, and the greatest number of these in the range 10.11-10.40 g (see
Table 4).
Now the Hadrianic cistophori attest the state of wear of the Antonian and Augustan
coins on which they were struck. The Hadrianic coinage is on the whole well preserved,
and a factor of ca. 0.50 g for wear subsequent to restriking is a fair if arbitrary estimate.
This would place the point of concentration of Antonian and Augustan cistophori at
the time of restriking at ca. 10.61-10.90 g. If only some of these issues were restruck
and substantial numbers remained in circulation in post-Hadrianic times, we should
expect to find many weighing much less. Yet Sutherland's catalogue of the Augustan
cistophori lists only 9 coins (of 415 outside the Istanbul hoard) weighing under 10.95 g;
the lightest recorded Augustan cistophorus weighs 10.40 g, roughly the mean weight of
surviving Hadrianic coins. The impression that the present corpus of Augustan cisto-
phori was removed from circulation by Hadrian's day is confirmed by its generally
excellent state of preservation. While many coins display considerable wear, none
* BMCRE 3, p. clviiii.
* Woodward, p. 170.
4 Sutherland et al., Cistophori, pp. 118, 121.
OVERSTRIKING
117
Table 3
Weight Summary by Mint
Mint
Total
Recorded
weights
High
Low
Mean1
354 (350)
12.20
8.08
10.25
Mean1
Pergamum
10.63
8.60
9.94
10.13
Ephesus
70 (68)
11.05
8.73
10.27

10.33
Miletus
12
10.94
9.12
10.13
10.13
Smyrna
47
12.20
8.46
10.44
10.52
Alabanda
10.44
9.83
10.23
10.23
Aphrodisias
10.44
10.25
10.35
10.35
Mylasa
13
11.03
9.36
10.39
10.39
Nysa
10.17
10.17
10.17
10.17
Sardis
18
11.09
9.55
10.35
10.35
Table 4
Frequency Table: The Asian Cistophori
3 S 2 1 ^ I - " 1 8 . "< J W Q fcl
ss .5 c s s a <s .Si "c S S. .S e
11.51-up
11.41-11.50
11.31-11.40
11.21-11.30
11.11-11.20
11.01-11.10
12

10.91-11.00
15
10.81-10.90
19
10.71-10.80
13
10.61-10.70
31
0 VERSTRI KING 119
The purpose of the recoinage was certainly not a revaluation of the cistophorus, since
only Antonian and Augustan pieces were affectedthe three Claudian coins presumably
having been included by accidentwhile substantial issues of later emperors were
allowed to remain in circulation. Nor was the area of cistophoric circulation redefined,
since the mint sites are consistent with the traditional area of circulation. Nor, seem-
ingly, would revalidation have been at issue: Antonian and Augustan pieces were well
worn, but because of diminution in the weight of the denarius during the first century,
their weights had not slipped below the contemporary standard. The very fact of their
overstriking indicates their prominence in the currency of Hadrian's day.
Yet weight and fineness were not the only criteria of a coin's acceptability. The well-
known rescript attributed to Hadrian which deals at length with abuses by the Per-
gamene banking monopoly specifically prohibits aspratoura: their practice of accepting
only fresh (asper) coins at face value, and discounting others.6 Nor was concern to
accept fresh coin confined to bankers. In an assessment to support a military ex-
pedition, Nero had once demanded payment only in nummus asper;* a tabula pecunia-
rum, recording monthly gifts to a sacred college, specifies denaria aspra,7 and a sepul-
chral inscription demands a penalty of 5,000 denarii lamprou dicharaktou, "freshly
minted," for illegitimate burial.8
The practice undoubtedly reflects the usually direct relationship between a coin's
state of preservation and its weight (and consequently precious metal content). But
the two considerations were clearly distinct in the case of the Antonian and Augustan
cistophori, which were of full weight even though worn. Nevertheless, they would
have been most severely affected by aspratoura. Trajan's recall had removed pre-
Neronian aurei and denarii from circulation,9 insuring a fairly fresh body of coinage;
the Antonian and Augustan cistophori were thus nearly a century older than any
denarius in circulation, and at least 60 years older than all other cistophori.

Hadrian's rescript mentions only the Pergamene bankers, but no doubt the abuses it
enumerates were widespread. Banks were frequently public institutions controlled by
elected municipal officials; sometimes exchange rights were leased to private firms
in return for a share of the profits.10 In either case the municipal treasury profited
from any abuses perpetrated by the trapezitai; the economics of municipal government,
with high expenses and limited revenues, encouraged the perpetuation of illicit prac-
tices.
While the rescript treated the legal issue involved, it was prudent if not imperative to
insure against resuscitation of the practice. Restriking those coins most heavily af-
5 IGR IV 352 (Pergamum).
'Suet. Nero 44.
7 IGR IV 494 (Pergamum).
8 IGR IV 595 (Cadi, Phrygia).
9 The effect of Trajan's recall is immediately evident in hoards: S. Bolin, State and Currency in
the Roman Empire to 300 A.D. (Stockholm, 1958), pp. 340-43.
10 T. R. S. Broughton, "Roman Asia," in T. Frank, ed., An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome 4
(Baltimore, 1938), pp. 892-95.
fected, the Antonian and Augustan cistophori, was an obvious, effective and inexpensive
solution. It provided guarantee of value and precluded refusal or discount due to
excessive wear. The restriking amounted to a new issue without the expenses normally
incurred in coining.
If indeed aspratoura prompted Hadrian's restriking, there was no need for a demone-
tization decree or any complex machinery for the recall of earlier cistophori. The prac-
tical increase in a coin's value would alone be sufficient incentive to voluntary sub-
mission of coins by their holders. Once restruck, Hadrian's issues could circulate freely
and on a par with those of earlier emperors whose coins were not so severely worn as to
be affected by the abuse.
Previous commentators have accounted for the unprecedented dispersion of Hadrian's
mint in political terms, seeing the multiple-mint scheme in the context of Hadrian's pan-
hellenic program: the act of minting as well as the employment of local types gave the
strife torn cities of Asia a sense of participation in a larger community and thus furthered
provincial harmony. The scope and purpose of the coinage, as defined here, offer a
more concrete explanation. The mint sites which can be identified with certainty
correspond well to the known area of cistophoric circulation; it is fair to suppose that
this decentralization was intended to facilitate restriking. In general, the output of
different mints reflects the relative commercial importance of their cities. Coins
circulated in greater numbers and were exchanged more frequently in such important
centers as Ephesus, Smyrna, Sardis and Laodicea than in such relative backwaters as
Alabanda, Aphrodisias or Nysa.
Thus a numismatic event which has previously been understood only in political
terms is seen to have been demanded by economic considerations. Antonian and
Augustan cistophori no longer circulated freely because of their worn condition; restrik-
ing was adopted as the simplest, least expensive, and fastest means of restoring their

currency. For practical reasons the restriking was carried out at mints scattered
throughout the province: small mints could be established and disestablished quickly,
and their decentralization insured that coins all over Asia would be restruck expedi-
tiously. The decision to recoin once made and the multiple mint scheme devised,
the employment of local types was an obvious means of integrating the recoinage into
Hadrian's panhellenic program.11
11 A different analysis of the overstriking has recently been put forward by D. R. Walker,
The Metrology of the Roman Silver Coinage Part 2. From Nerva to Commodus, British Archaeologi-
cal Reports Supplementary Series 22 (Oxford, 1977), pp. 63-64. He suggests that progressive re-
duction in the fineness of the denarius would have led to intolerable undervaluation of the cisto-
phorus. He proposes that the overstriking was intended to retariff the cistophorus at four rather
than three denarii, thus overvaluing it by a factor of ca. 19%. This hypothesis would be more
attractive if the same considerations did not also apply to the cistophori of Claudius, which are
very rarely overstruck, and those of the Flavians, Nerva, and Trajan, which are never overstruck.
See the comments of I. Carradice and M. Price in R. A. G. Carson, P. Berghaus, and N. M. Lowick,
eds., A Survey of Numismatic Research 1972-1977 (Berne, 1979), pp. 123-24.
EXECUTION
Overstriking is a simple process, since flans may be simply extracted from circulation
and restruck. One consequence of this simplicity, however, is irregularity in the weights
of the new coins. Without filing or trimming, processes sufficiently laborious to limit
the utility of overstriking,1 no control over weight is possible. Thus it is not surprising
to find that the weights of the Hadrianic cistophori vary widely, and show no clear
point of concentration. The heaviest piece known weighs 12.20 g and can hardly have
seen much circulation before or after Hadrian; the lightest known piece is 7.12 g;
90.2% of the surviving specimens fall between 9 and 11 g. The mean weight of all
coins is 10.25 g, rising to 10.32 g after coins under 9 g are eliminated; 10.32 g is also
the median weight of all coins.
Another indication that coins were restruck just as they came from circulation is the
lack of technical success in overstriking. Except at Mint C, where hammering may
have been employed, no care was taken to insure a flat surface for restriking. Nor is
there any evidence for heating, seemingly a more practical method of preparing a large
body of flans. For heating results in a slight distortion of flan shape, and the fabric of
Hadrian's coins is precisely that of the Antonian and Augustan cistophori. Moreover,
two blows on a heated coin are sufficient to eliminate all but the slightest traces of
undertypes; unheated coins may still show traces after several strikes.2 Many clear
examples of double striking show that coins were usually struck more than once: but
as Table 2 shows, over 35% of the Hadrianic cistophori have traces sufficient to allow
identification of the undertype.
Finally, as that table shows, most restriking was done obverse on obverse, despite
the greater emphasis this gave the usual concavity of the reverse. Off-center strikes
made in this direction thinned and spread the flan, often twisting it slightly or produc-
ing a swelling on one edge. Many Hadrianic pieces are almost oval in shape.
In other respects standards of production were higher. The coins are generally

well centered, and very few display evidence of die breakage. There is one possible
case of recutting (obverse no. 67), but evidently dies were simply discarded when flaws
developed.
Die axes are regularly | and J, with slight declensions; only at Miletus (t) and
Mylasa (J.) is a rigid adherence to any one norm observed. No examples are known
of horizontal or nearly horizontal axes, so some system of fixing the dies in approxi-
1 F. S. Kleiner ("The Dated Cistophori of Ephesus," ANSMN 18 [19721, pp. 30-32) has noted
several cases in which early cistophori were struck over other tetradrachms which had been
trimmed to cistophoric weight; the very fact that this process was employed would seem to indicate
how rarely foreign coins found their way to Attalid mints, since melting and restriking would have
been the only practical method for larger numbers of coins.
2 D. G. Sellwood, "Some Experiments in Greek Minting Technique," NC 1963, p. 228.
121
mately parallel relationship to one another must have been employed. No examples of
the same die pair in different relationships have been noted, although there are several
cases of one obverse die in different relationships to several reverses. This should
indicate a "box" system: variations from t or j. would then be the result of careless
initial placement of the reverse die in its "box" or holder. In this case the relationship
of any single pair of dies would always be identical, while a new reverse die might adopt
any relationship to the obverse.
Specific questions of iconography have been discussed in the commentaries on in-
dividual mints, but in summary the broad range of style across the series may be noted.
This is clearest from comparison of the obverses. Even allowing for wide variation in
the skill of individual engravers, it is clear that no standard model of imperial features
was distributed, and likenesses must have been obtained locally. Some portraits, for
example those of Aezani, Eumeneia, and Hierapolis, bear so little resemblance to Ha-
drian that they might have been cut from memory or verbal description. Even por-
traits of fairly high quality, such as those of Pergamum, Ephesus, and Mint A, bear no
very close relationship to Hadrian's features; they might portray almost any bearded
male.
The question of the use of hubs to mass-produce obverse dies has arisen in connection
with the Augustan cistophori3 and merits brief examination here. The technical fea-
sibility of such a method is no longer questioned, but the evidence for its employment is
inconclusive. Use of the process cannot be proved for the Augustan cistophori, but as
Miss Merrington notes (p. 120):
There is the phenomenon of quite large numbers of dies which are more nearly
alike than would seem to be believable if each individual die had been freely
engraved from start to finish. The circumstances are those in which the use of a
hub would have been entirely appropriatethe punching out of the essence

of a design (head, hair, mass, eye-structure, ear-structure, for example) and
the finishing of all detail, including the addition of lettering and border, as a
subsequent and separate operation by hand.
The practice, once begun, might be continued under subsequent emperors, and the
evidence of issues of Claudius and Nerva is not, at first sight, inconsistent with the
use of hubs.
Hubbing has obvious advantages in the production of any long series of identical
dies; it would have particular utility in a context of several mints issuing similar
obverses simultaneously. The production of dies at a central workshop, whether by
hubbing or not, would insure stylistic and artistic uniformity throughout a series,
however many mints were engaged in striking.
Yet there is no evidence for use of this process to produce Hadrian's dies. Variations
in style peculiar to individuals mints rule out a central workshop, and differences not
only in detail but in essence of design, position and size of bust, and shape of fea-
tures, rule out the use of hubbing even on a local level.
8 Sutherland et ai., Cistophori, pp. 119-20.
CHRONOLOGY
While it remains difficult to fix any precise chronological limits for the production of
the cistophori, it is possible to remove one misconception that has crept into the litera-
ture: the view that those cistophori lacking P P in the obverse legend are to be associated
with Hadrian's first visit to Asia in ca. 123. This is inconsistent with the fact that all
the cistophori seem to be overstruck; and whether the restriking was undertaken
to restore the currency of the cistophori or to retariff them, it has to be seen as a single
continuous phenomenon. The coinage without P P is far too small (in terms of either
surviving specimens or obverse dies) to have spanned the entire period from 123 to 128.
It is more likely that the coinage began just before Hadrian became Pater Patriae,
sometime in 128. The next issue, the IOVIS OLYMPIVS and associated coins of Ephesus
with obverse legend HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P, is securely placed in later 128-early
129. This was succeeded at Ephesus by the group with obverse legend HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS P P which is found at all other mints. That this legend was adopted fairly
early is suggested by the "medallic" coinage of Mint C, which fits best at an early
stage of the recoinage.
How long the coinage lasted after 129 is problematical. The death of Sabina provides,
at least for the coinage of Smyrna, a terminus ante quem that can fairly be extended to
the rest of the coinage, since there are no allusions to individuals or events of the later
years of Hadrian. In fact the coinage probably ended much more quickly, in ca. 130:
whatever one's view of the purpose of the recoinage, it would have been profitable to
submit one's coins promptly; at no mint, Ephesus excepted, have we evidence for a
very large number of obverse dies; at no mint, again excepting Ephesus, is there any
major change in format such as might be expected over a long period; and only at
Ephesus and Mylasa (and possibly at Pergamum and Mint D) is there any evidence
for the employment of more than a single die engraver.
This is a fairly tight chronology, but it makes historical as well as numismatic sense.

We shall see that there is no need to connect the openings and closings or the locations
of the cistophoric mints with Hadrian's Asian itinerary, but it is generally fair to sup-
pose that the coinage coincided with his presence in the province.
123
MINT SELECTION
Several attempts have been made to determine what criterion, if any, was employed
in the selection of sites for cistophoric mints. If the principle could be discovered, it
would provide clues to the locations of several unidentified mints.
J. Marquardt1 first suggested that the cistophori were produced at centers of the
juridical conventus. The proposal had a certain attractiveness, since the conventus were
natural administrative centers which might have been equipped with the bureaucracy
necessary to oversee the production of coinage. Marquardt's own comparative lists are
of purely academic interest today owing to advances in the identification of both
conventus and mints; instead the conventus as identified by Habicht2 can be compared
with mint sites identified in the present study. Pergamum, Ephesus, Miletus, Smyrna,
Alabanda, Sardis and Synnada were both conventus and mint cities. But no cistophori
can be assigned to Adramyttium, Cyzicus, Halicarnassus, Apamea, Cibyra, or Philo-
melium; and among the identified mints Aphrodisias, Mylasa, Nysa, Aezani, Eumeneia,
Hierapolis and Laodicea are not known to have been centers of the conventus.
An even less satisfactory suggestion was made by Woodward:3
Hadrian's own interest in the past history of these cities, large or small,
and in particular in their primitive cults, may have been coupled with a wish
or an insistencethat the original mint cities of Greek cistophori in the second
century B. C. should revive that activity, as far as possible.
Hadrian's interest in Greek affairs, which is otherwise attested, and his omnium rerum
curiositas may entitle us to posit a particular interest in the cities of Asia; but it is going
too far to suppose that he or anyone else could have known (or would have cared) what
cities had originally struck cistophori. In any case, among the original mint cities,
Apamea is not known to have struck under Hadrian, while Alabanda, Aphrodisias,
Miletus, Aezani and Eumeneia struck their first cistophori under him.
Finally it has been proposed that cistophoric mints were established in connection

with imperial visits. The idea seems to have occurred to Herzfelder, who did not for-
mally advance it; but Mattingly embraced it with enthusiasm:* "It is reasonable to sup-
pose that the right of coinage was often, if not always, associated with a visit of the
emperor."
1 J. Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung 1 (Leipzig, 1880), pp. 340-42.
8 See most recently C. Habicht, "New Evidence on the Province of Asia," JRS 1975, pp. 64-91;
and L. Robert, "Le culte de Caligula a Milet et la province d'Asie," Hellenica 7 (1949), pp. 206-38.
8 Woodward, pp. 165-66.
* BMCRE 3, p. clviii.
124
Mint Selection 125
He was followed by Woodward.5 The hypothesis is an attractive one, and gains sup-
port from the IOVIS OLYMPIVS issue, which was stimulated by if not actually struck
during Hadrian's visit to Ephesus. Moreover, the overall chronology of the Asian
cistophori is consistent with striking of the entire series during his travels in the province.
The cities visited by Hadrian during his second journey have been identified, within
the limits of the very imperfect evidence, by Weber.6 They include Ephesus, Magnesia,
Miletus, Mylasa, Panamara, Halicarnassus, Tralles, Attouda, and Laodicea; from Lao-
dicea the emperor probably went south through Heraclea and Tabai to Cibyra, and
thence around the Lycian coast, north through Pisidia and back into the province of
Asia at Melissa. If he went on to Synnada this was his northernmost stopping point,
for Weber's reconstruction (universally followed from this point) now takes the emperor
south and east. Cities in the north and west of the province, including some with sub-
stantial mints such as Pergamum, Sardis, Smyrna and Aezani, cannot be fitted into any
reconstruction of his route.
None of the theories is individually satisfactory, and probably we are wrong to look
for any single criterion. The main purpose of the overstriking was to remonetize worn
coin expeditiously, and it was practical to have mints located in the more important
commercial centers throughout the province. But eventually the advantage of pro-
liferation of mints would begin to be offset by the labor of supervising their activities,
and it was this factor which finally limited their numbers. Naturally lists of mints,
conventus centers and cities visited by Hadrian have common elements; they should be
regarded as adventitious.
5 Woodward, p. 165.
* Weber, Untersuchungen, pp. 211-31. Woodward's table (p. 166) does not accurately reflect

Weber's conclusions.
TYPE SELECTION - CONCLUSION
The evidence of changes in legend and the chronological inferences which can be
derived from them indicate that Hadrian's cistophori do not constitute an amorphous
body of coinage; instead, a distinct evolution can be perceived, culminating in the
large HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P series. This evolution is also perceptible in the type
content of each successive group. The first, the coinage of Mint A, has as its theme
good fortune and prosperity, perhaps in anticipation of the visit of the emperor. The
second, known only from Ephesus, at first emphasizes local deities, the emperor's
beneficence and the city's good fortune. This group is succeeded by another which
introduces deities of other cities (Asclepius, probably Artemis Leukophryene). Finally
striking begins at a large number of mints, each of which gives prominence to its own
deities; but explicit local reference in the form of legend or ethnic is avoided all but
entirely.
The decision to inaugurate a scheme of multiple mints functioning simultaneously,
taken in 129, demanded some form of central control over the content of the coinage;
uniformity could hardly have been maintained without it. Apparently the later issues
were produced in accordance with centrally issued guidelines relating at least to legend
division, for with the sole exception of Mint B, where two die pairs with AVGVSTVS
HADRIANVS P P/P M TR P COS III are known, all mints issued only HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS P P / COS III coins.
There is less consistency in portraiture. We have noted above that no attempt was
made to standardize renderings of the emperor's features, and in all probability no
likenesses to be used as models by engravers were distributed. But there is considerable
variation in the imperial attributes as well. At Pergamum, Ephesus, Mylasa, Aezani
Laodicea and Mints A and D draped and free busts occur. It is impossible to interpret
these variations as the badges of separate officinae; the use of different attributes
may have been purely arbitrary. At Mint A four obverse portrait styles coexisted.

Only draped busts occur at Hierapolis; these are also well represented among unattri-
buted coins. Mint E produced laureate heads facing both right and left; all remaining
mints of HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS PP / COS III cistophori have heads bare r. There is no
perceptible pattern to this very considerable variation. Given the present state of the
evidence, the conclusion that details of portraiture were subject to some measure of
local control seems inescapable.
Of more concern, of course, are the reverse types. Who was responsible for their
selection? Four factors suggest that even types with strictly local reference were none-
theless selected by Romans to conform, loosely at least, to local usage.
First, the inclusion of vague and unfamiliar types indicates a certain insensitivity
to local numismatic tradition and religious institutions. At least five mints remain
unidentified because the content of their cistophori deviated from that of their regular
126
Type Selection Conclusion 127
bronze issues; over a dozen types are unattributed because their reference is too vague
or general to permit attribution. In view of the concern for and pride in local monu-
ments which the bronze coinage of Asia attests, this is incomprehensible if types were
selected locally.
Secondly, non-Asian and purely Roman types intrude. Some, such as legionary
eagle and standards and grain stalks, had clear cistophoric precedent. But the Athena
of our no. 115, who had appeared mainly on Roman denarii, would hardly have ap-
peared spontaneously; nor is Roma (nos. 94-97, 102-104) a regular feature of Asian
coinage. In their Roman forms, Pax (no. 76) and Salus (no. 122) have no parallels on
the Asian coinage. The best clue to Roman influence is the HADRIANVS AVGVTSVS P P
REN type (no. 92) which probably baffled contemporaries no less than it has most
modern commentators.
Thirdly, types show subtle but discernible variations from traditional local renderings.
The statue of Asclepius at Pergamum is more graceful in form than that which appears
on local bronzes. Mint C's Artemis Ephesia is almost human in shape, in contrast to
the usually stiff xoanon. Eyes are added to the normally faceless statue of Kore at
Sardis; the Milesian Apollo of Canachus is given a more relaxed posture.
Finally, even though types derived from local monuments or deities, there is a distinct
lack of emphasis on their city of origin. Only Ephesian coins regularly bear (in the
word EPHESIA or EPHESI[Oj) indication of mintage; coins with SARD and SMVR are
unique, unparalleled in the remainder of their cities' coinage. The absence of ethnics is
a sure indication of central control over production.
Taken as a whole, the cistophoric coinage focuses on three major typological cate-
gories. The first and most extensive includes ancient Asian gods and religious monu-
ments. The appearence of indigenous Asiatic deities such as Apollo Didymeus, Artemis
Ephesia, Artemis Phosphoros, Artemis Leukophryene, Aphrodite of Aphrodisias,

Zeus Karios, Zeus Labraundos, Zeus Osogoa, the Sardian Kore and others reflects a
concern to recognize the importance of the province's indigenous cults. Alongside
them appear more broadly Hellenic deitiesApollo as lyre player, Athena, Herakles,
Tyche. Finally there appear types of distinctly Roman origin: Pax, Salus, Roma,
and those deriving from earlier cistophori: grain stalks, legionary eagle and standards.
Within this third group are to be included types relating to the emperor himself.
The series may be seen as an attempt to blend three distinct cultural heritages: the
Hellenic, its peculiar expression in Asia, and the Roman. The Asian element naturally
dominates, but gods of classical Greece and Rome occupy similar positions on the
coinage.
In this pattern lie indications that Hadrian himself may have inspired the coinage.
The existence of two types referring directly to him is, of course, nearly conclusive on
this point; but the broad range of types also betrays his influence. Some observers
have felt that Hadrian's fascination with the curious and love of all things Greek might
have found expression in this medium, and they regarded that alone as sufficient to
account for the cistophori. We have seen that the coinage came about for less frivolous
reasons.
We have also seen that the great flood of cistophori began in 129. That year also
marked the inauguration of Hadrian's "Panhellenic program." Whenever this policy
of unification was conceived, its first implementation came in the form of Hadrian's
acclamation as Olympius at Athens in early 129. The emperor's travels through the east
followed, culminating with his return to Athens and foundation of the temple of Zeus
Panhellenios. The Panhellenion, an idealistic attempt at a federal organization of the
Greek cities, was headquartered there.1
The Panhellenion was undoubtedly created in response to strife among the Greek
cities, particularly those of Asia. The second century saw a revival of civic pride in
achievement and honors, however empty. Local chauvinism often found expression in
grandiose building projects: temples, libraries, gymnasia and the like burdened limited
municipal resources to the breaking point. Financial crises demanded the appointment
of correctores in Asia and Bithynia at this time. But this self-destructive local enthusiasm
had a second equally grave consequence: it fostered a spirit of competitiveness among
cities. Their belligerence toward one another was inconsistent with imperial interests,
hampered the province's productivity and rendered it ungovernable.
For us, the most visible remnant of this patriotic revival is the "Greek Imperial"
coinage, which provided an important outlet for expression of local pride. Rome's
permitting the cities of the empire to strike token bronze gave them an opportunity
for advertisement and glorification of local honors, festivals, shrines or heroes. Even if
the coins themselves were not mute witnesses to the enthusiasm with which the cities
exploited this medium, Dio Cassius gives us a sense of the importance of this limited
right of coinage. In a speech he surely manufactured, Dio makes Maecenas recom-
mend that local coinage rights be abolished, as an obstacle to the unity of the empire.2
If coinage could be an instrument of divisiveness, it could also, with a change of
emphasis, become an instrument of unification. This is the final element crucial to the

understanding of Hadrian's cistophoric coinage. Even if recoining was demanded by
economic considerations, and a large number of mints employed as a practical measure,
such a radical departure from the traditional conservative pattern of cistophoric types
was neither necessary nor obvious. The employment of local types was a step toward
the creation of a Greek federal coinage and restoration of the Greek character of the
cistophori.
The right of precious-metal coinage was one the cities of Asia had not possessed
for two centuries, and indeed their right of striking was still very much restricted, since
the coinage was under Roman control and they were merely acting as imperial agents
in restriking it. But in another sense their participation was very real, for their gods,
heroes and monuments adorned a coinage intended exclusively for their use.
The cistophori provided a much broader focus than the bronze coinage had. The
emphasis was no longer local, but provincial: the cistophori were intended for circula-
tion throughout the province, and regularly bore no indication of mint; the types used
were presented as part of the common heritage of all Asians rather than simply as local
1 On the Panhellenion see Magie, RRAM 2, p. 1485, n. 49, with earlier bibliography.
* Dio 52.30.9.
Type Selection Conclusion 129
property. The faster and broader circulation of silver vis-a-vis bronze insured quick
mingling of the types of all cities; the occasional presence of Greek and Roman types
would serve as a reminder of the province's link with the rest of the empire.
Hadrian's cistophoric coinage was connected, chronologically at least, with his
Panhellenic program. Recoining had to be undertaken, and the use of many mints
issuing their own types would not only produce an attractively varied series but serve
a practical purpose. Since its scope was limited, the coinage could hardly become a
permanent endeavor; but it was an ideal inaugural coinage for the newly founded Pan-
hellenion, expressing perfectly the ideals of the organization. The several cities of Asia
were acting in unison, cooperating to their mutual advantage.
The Panhellenion did not last; it is so obscure an institution that today even its
membership is largely unknown. While the emperor was present to foster it, the league
apparently had some success; without his leadership it soon collapsed and the cities fell
back into their familiar pattern of strife. The institution was never revived, and the
cistophori remain to us today as the most prominent artifact of Hadrian's visionary
scheme for unifying Asia and the Greek world.
For all practical purposes Hadrian's cistophori mark the end of the series. The
cistophori must have continued to play a prominent role in the currency of Asia for
some time, but only because of the volume of earlier issues; none of Hadrian's immediate
successors saw fit to continue their issue. The coinage was half-heartedly revived by
Septimius Severus, with a small issue of lower weight and smaller module.8 But Hadrian's
multiple-mint scheme was not resuscitated, and Roman types returned to the coinage.
The cistophori probably perished in the economic turmoil of the early third century,
when their high silver content would have driven them from circulation.
The Asiatic cistophori in some ways reflect all that was most attractive about Ha-
drian and his rule. His interest in the past was not purely antiquarian; and his attempt

to inject new vitality into the cistophoric coinage represents, as do the "Greek revival"
and his plans to restore federal governments in the provinces, an attempt to make the
tradition of the past function in a contemporary context. The cistophoric coinage,
the traditional federal currency of Asia, was a medium perfectly in keeping with his
objective of unification and revival of the East. The optimism and energy with which
he pursued those goals are paralleled in the innovativeness of the series, the most strik-
ing of its time and perhaps the most original in conception of all the Roman imperial
coinages.
* BMCRE 5, pp. 304-6, nos. 758-62; on this small series see D. Walker, The Melrology of the
Roman Silver Coinage 3 (BAR Supplementary Series 40, Oxford, 1978), pp. 72-73. These coins
have little in commonwhether in type, weight, or finenesswith the earlier cistophori.
BITHYNIA
NICOMEDIA
A. Issues of the Commune Bithyniae
Bl. IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO COM BIT l. and r. in field
AVG PP
Head of Hadrian laureate r. Octastyle temple on podium of three steps;
ROM S P AVG in entablature.
BMCRE 1099 note; RIC 461 (b); Pinder 100. BMCRE 1099, pi. 75, 10, is included here because
the "drapery on l. shoulder" noted there seems instead to be part of the emperor's neck.
verstriking Reference
M. Ratto FPL 2, 1967,
173 = Hess-Leu, 2 Apr.
1958, 322 = Santamaria,
26 June 1950 (Magnagu-
ti 3), 648 = Baranowsky,
25 Feb. 1931, 1777
London
McClean 9581 = Hirsch
18, 27 May 1907 (Imhoof-
Blumer), 1871
Vienna
Leu-Miinzen und Medail-
len, 2 Nov. 1967 (Niggeler
3), 1262 = Miinzen und
Medaillen 9,22 J une 1951,
46

Kricheldorf 26, 19 Feb.
1973, 177
1092
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt. Axis
1*
10.51
2*
10.48 |
pierced
3*
10.19
4*
10.12 1
5*
9.58 /
6*
10.73
7*
8*
130
BlTHYNIA
131
9* 7 9 Glendining, 27 Sept. 1962
(Woodward), 297 =
Hamburger, 19 Oct. 1925,
838 = Hess, 30 Apr. 1917,
3244
B2. IMP CAES TRAI HADRIANO COM BIT l. and r. in field.
AVG PP
Head of Hadrian, Octastyle temple on podium of three steps;
laureate, r. ROM S P AVG in entablature.
10* 8 10 10.13 Foss
B3. IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO COM BIT l. and r. in field.
AVGPP
Bust of Hadrian draped, Octastyle temple on podium of three steps;
laureate r. ROM S P AVG in entablature.
BMCRE 1099 note; RIC 461 (c); Cohen 240; Pinder 99, pi. 4,12; Recueil, pi. 36,1.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
11*
11
12*
12
13*
10
13
10.25
14*
11
14

10.46
Reference
ANS
Kunst und Miinzen FPL
3, 1969, 262
Paris
13, 17 June 1954, 683
AVG P P
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Octastyle temple on podium of three steps;
BMCRE 1099 note; RIC 461 (a); Pinder 101, pi. 4, 14.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis Overstriking
Reference
15*
12
15
10.66
Boston
16*
13
15
10.42
Vienna
17*
14
AVG PP
Head of Hadrian bare, r. Tetrastyle temple on podium of three steps;
within, togate male standing r. holding vertical
spear in upraised r. and Victory in extended l.;
globe in pediment, crescent on fastigium. ROM
S P AVG in entablature.
BMCRE 1096, pi. 75, 8; RIC 459 (a); Cohen 241; Pinder 97.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
19*
12
18
10.75
20*
12
19
10.67

Copenhagen (SNG Bos-
porus etc. 322)
21*
12
20
10.65
The Hague
22*
13
21
10.15
Described as "rico-
Piancastelli 1527 = Hess,
niato" although this
22 May 1935 (Trau), 1094
is not evident from
23*
16
22
9.56
the illustration.
London = Hirsch 18,
27 May 1907 (Imhoof-
Blumer), 1873
COM BIT l. and r. in field.
Tetrastyle temple on podium of three steps;
within, male figure in military dress standing r.
holding vertical spear in upraised r. and Victory
in extended l.; globe in pediment, on fastigium.
BMCRE 1097, pi. 75, 9; RIC 459 (b); Cohen 242 = 244; Pinder 96; Recueil, pi. 36, 4.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis Overstriking
Reference
24a*
17
23
10.96
BlTHYNIA
133
r. holding vertical spear in upraised r. and
Victory in extended l.; globe in pediment, on
fastigium. Victories running on gable. ROM
BMCRE1097 note; RIC 459 (c); Cohen 243; Pinder 95; Recueil, pi. 36, 5.
Cat.
Obv. Rev. Wt. Axis
25*
18 24 11.03 I
Berlin = Recueil, p. 36, 5
26a
18 25 10.30 /
Rome
26b*
18 25
G. Hirsch 41, 9 Dec.
1964, 294
B8.
IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO
AVGPP
COM BIT I. and r. in field.
Head of Hadrian
laureate, r.

within, male figure in military dress standing
l. holding vertical spear in upraised l. and wreath
in extended r. Globe or shield in pediment.
Cat.
Obv. Rev. Wt. Axis
27*
19 26 9.81 i
Cambridge
B9.
IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO
COM BIT l. and r. in field.
AVGPP
within, male figure in military dress standing r.
holding vertical spear in upraised r. and Victory
in extended l., crowned by helmeted Fortuna
standing l. facing him. Shield in pediment.
BMCRE 1097 note; RIC 460; Pinder 98.
28* 20 27 10.18 /
Reference
Vienna
BIO. IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO
AVGPP
Head of Hadrian bare r.
KOM (sic) BIT l. and r. in field.
Distyle temple on podium of two steps; within,
togate male figure standing l. holding spear in
134
r. and Victory in extended l., crowned by hel-
meted Fortuna standing l. facing him. ROM
29* 21 28 10.08 i ANS
Bll. IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO COM BIT l. and r. in field.
AVGPP
Head of Hadrian Distyle temple on podium of two steps; within,
laureate, r. Minerva and two male figures.
BMCRE, p. 564, addendum to p. 396; Hess, 22 May 1935 (Trau), 1095. I have not seen this piece
and nowhere is it reproduced; the description is provided by C. Bosch, Die Kleinasiatischen Miinzen
der rdmischen Kaiserzeit, pt. 2: Einzeluntersuchungen, vol. 1: Bithgnien, sect. 1 (Stuttgart, 1935),
pp. 191-92; see Woodward, p. 167.
B12. IMP CAES TRAHADRIANO S . PR, . . ..
AVGPP CQM and B|T l. and r. m field.
Head of Hadrian Octastyle temple on podium of three steps,
laureate, r. shield in pediment. ROM AVG in entablature.
BMCRE 1098 note; RIC 462 (b); Pinder 102, pi. 4, 15; Recueil, pi. 36, 2.
30* 22 29 10.95 J Paris
B13. IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO
AVG P P
cuirassed, laureate r.

BMCRE 1098, pi. 75, 11.
S PR
COM and BIT
l. and r. in field.
Octastyle temple on podium of three steps;
shield in pediment, dot between fourth and fifth
columns. ROM AVG in entablature.
31* 23 30 10.51 i
Reference
London
AVG PP
laureate, r.
BMCRE 1100, pi. 75,12; Recueil, pi. 36, 3.
SP-QR l. and r. in field.
COM BIT in exergue.
BlTHYNIA 135
Cat. Obv. Rev. Wt. Axis Overslriking Reference
32* 24 31 10.62 1 London
33* 24 32 10.35 / Paris = Recueil, pi. 36.5
34
24
33
1093
35a
24
34
Turin
35b*
24
34
9.49
Mazzini, 2, p. 75, "dopo
AVG PP
cuirassed, laureate r.
SNGvonAulock 6606.
Cat.
36*
37*
Obv.
26
Rev.
35
36
Wt.
11.33
10.67

25
S P - Q R l. and r. in field.
COM BIT in exergue.
Axis Overstriking
Reference
Mazzini 2, p. 75, "prima
247" = Santamaria, 26
June 1950 (Magnaguti 3),
649 = Schulman, 5
March 1923 (Vierordt),
1288 = Hirsch 18, 27
May 1907 (Imhoof-Blu-
mer), 1872
B. Reverse Legend COS III
B16. IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO COS III l. and r. in field.
AVGPP
Head of Hadrian Bundle of five grain stalks,
laureate, l.
BMCRE 1051, pi. 71, 15; RIC 464 (b); Pinder 90, pi. 3, 11; Herzfelder, p. 26.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt.
Axis
Overstriking
Reference
38*
27
37
10.02
Obv. on obv.
136
B17. IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO COS III I. and r. in field.
AVG PP
Bust of Hadrian draped, Bundle of six grain stalks,
cuirassed, laureate seen
from back.
40* 29 39 9.96 I Berlin
AVGPP
cuirassed, laureate seen
from back.
COS III
Demeter standing l. holding grain stalks down-
ward in r. and sceptre vertically in l.
Cat.
41
42*
29 40 10.00 1
29
41
9.51

Reference
Berlin
Miinz Zentrum Koln
FPL 21, 6 Nov. 1974, 76
= Miinz Zentrum K6ln
FPL 19, June 1974, 149
AVGPP
Head of Hadrian
laureate, r.
SNGvonAulock 6610.
COS III
Genius Populi Romani standing l., holding
patera in r. extended over altar to l. and cornu-
copiae in l.
Cat.
Obv.
Rev.
Wt. Axis
Overstriking
Reference
43a*
30
42
10.78 J
Paris
43b*
30
42
10.18
The Bithynian cistophori can be distinguished from their Asian counterparts on the
basis of style, fabric and legend. Both obverse portraits and reverse representations are
rendered with greater care; laureate and/or draped busts are more common than
among the Asian coinage. The flans tend to be smaller and thicker and, because they
BlTHYNIA 137
were not subjected to overstriking,1 much more regular in shape. All Bithynian cis-
tophori bear the obverse legend IMP CAES TRA(I) HADRIANO AVG P P.
For detailed discussion it is convenient to divide the Bithynian cistophori into two
groups: those which bear the reverse legend COM BIT, and those with the more usual
COS III reverse.
I. The Coinage of the Commune Bithyniae
Cistophori were produced in the name of the Commune Bithyniae (or Koinon Beithy-
nias) for the first and only time under Hadrian. All bear the reverse legend COM BIT;
they are similar and closely related to contemporary bronzes bearing Greek legends.2
The most common reverse type (nos. B1-4, B12-15) is a simple octastyle temple viewed
frontally. ROM (S P) AVG appears in its entablature on the cistophori, while the bronzes
have variable ornamentation. Both groups occasionally show a small dot at or slightly
above center in the central intercolumniation, and both irregularly display a larger dot
("shield" or "globe") in the pediment. The same temple is also portrayed tetrastyle
(nos. B5-9) and distyle (nos. B10-11).
The inscription in the entablature identifies the temple as that of Rome and Augustus
at Nicomedia; although no trace of the temple has been discovered, its appearance has
been reconstructed on the basis of the extensive numismatic evidence by Bosch.8 It was
Corinthian and octastyle, and in the entablature bore at least the inscription cited
above: this was probably expanded to Romae Senalui Populo Augusto.* On the cor-
nices appeared Victories erecting trophies.5 Details of the pediment may be salvaged
from the bronzes: some show a wolf suckling twins, others a sacrificing Genius with
sceptre.4 The "shield" observed on some cistophori may have been employed merely
to fill a blank pedimental field, and probably bears no relation to the actual ornament.
Inside the temple were at least two statues. The female figure on the right, because
she is always helmeted, is presumably to be identified as Roma, although she has the

attributes of Fortuna. The figure on the left is always male, but it is aggravating to
observe that he is sometimes togate(nos. B4, B1O), sometimes in military garb (nos.
B5-9). An explanation of this phenomenon was offered by Bosch, who suggested that
a statue of the living emperor was added to an existing group consisting of Roma and
Augustus. Varieties showing only one male figure were thus selective, abbreviating
1 Only one Bithynian cistophorus (no. 38) is certainly overstruck; presumably it was includ-
ed by accident.
2 BMCPonlus, pp. 105-8.
* C. Bosch, Die kleinasiatischen Miinzen der rdmischen Kaiserzeit, pt. 2: Einzeluntersuchungen,
voi. 1: Bilhynien, sect. 1 (Stuttgart, 1935), pp. 191-94.
4 This expansion was suggested by Bosch (above, n. 3), p. 194, and Mattingly, BMCRE 3,
p. clxi.
B See B7 and BMCPonlus, p. 107, no. 27.
8 Wolf: BMCPonlus pp. 105-6, nos. 10-13, 19; Genius: p. 106, nos. 14-15.
the complete group by showing only Augustus (in military garb) or Hadrian (togate).'
It is unfortunate that it has been impossible to trace no. B11 which could confirm this
interpretation.
All cistophoric types have parallels in the bronze series, and this parallelism extends
to the form and disposition of the legends. Bronzes regularly have KOI - NON to l.
and r. of the temple, BEI0YNIAC in exergue. The cistophori display several variations
S PR
on this arrangement: COM-BIT l. and r. in field (nos. B1-11): _n and l. and r.
in field (nos. B12-13); S P-QR l. and r. in field, COM BIT in exergue (nos. B14-15).
The general resemblance between bronze and cistophoric obverses is equally striking.
Bronzes uniformly bear the legend AYT KAIC TRAI AAPIANOC CEB; alone among the
cistophori, Bithynian pieces have IMP CAES TRA(I) HADRIANO AVG P P. The omission
of P P from the bronze is insignificant, for it almost never appears on Greek-legend coin-
ages of the imperial world.
The close similarity between the bronzes and the cistophori suggests a coordinated
issue, with Latin legends reserved for use on the precious-metal coinage and Greek used
on its token fractions. That the two series were produced at the same mint or by the
same personnel is suggested by several unusual coins. The first, coin no. 29, bears the
reverse legend KOM BIT, an anomaly most likely to have been produced by an engraver
accustomed to cutting the word KOINON, which is regular on the bronzes. The sug-
gestion that native Greek die engravers were employed for both issues is confirmed by
two obverse dies (nos. 8, 18) on which the obverse legend reads IMP CAES TRAI, etc.
TRAI does not otherwise appear on the cistophori, but TPAI is the regular abbreviation
for TPAIANOC on the bronzes; the slip would have been natural for an engraver who
had worked on both coinages.
The location of the mint is hardly in question: the temple is surely that of Rome and

Augustus at Nicomedia, construction of which was sanctioned by Augustus at the same
time as that of a similarly dedicated temple at Pergamum which served as the center
of the Commune Asiae.8 The main function of the Commune Asiae, and perhaps of the
Commune Bithyniae (about which considerably less is known) was maintenance of the
imperial cult.9
It has long been assumed that the temples at Pergamum and Nicomedia were con-
structed simultaneously, soon after their authorization. The Pergamene temple appears
early on coins, including Augustus' cistophori in ca. 19 B.C.10 But as Magie pointed out
years ago, there is no evidence for the existence of the Nicomedian temple prior to
7 These identifications seem more probable than Bosch's proposal that Hadrian was represented
in military garb.
8 Dio 51.20.7; see Tac. Ann. 4.37.4, 4.55.6.
On the koina of the Roman world see J. Deininger, Die Provinziallandtage der romischen
Kaiserzeit: Von Augustus bis zum Ende des dritten Jahrhunderts n. Chr., Vestigia, Beitrage zur
alter Geschichte 6 (Munich, 1965).
10 Sutherland et ai., Cistophori Group VII, p. 103. The outside chronological limits are 20-18 B.C.
(Cistophori, p. 36).
BlTHYNIA 139
the time of Hadrian.11 Although Dio specifically mentions its authorization, the earliest
confirmation of its existence is provided by our cistophori. The absence of any numis-
matic notice is particularly striking in view of the extensive commemoration accorded
the analogous temple at Pergamum on that city's coinage." It is at least arguable that
the temple was not constructed until Hadrian's day; or perhaps that it was begun under
Augustus, destroyed in some natural disaster, and then restored by Hadrian. If so the
prominence of the temple on the coinage of Nicomedia (which continues into later
times) and the flowering of the Commune during the Antonine period take on new
significance.13
Whether or not Hadrian constructed or restored the temple, his permission for coinage
in the name of the Commune Bithyniae was a considerable increase in its responsibilities
which it would be desirable to date with as much precision as possible. The coins them-
selves provide only the vaguest of chronological clues: a terminus post quem of 128 is
provided by the inclusion of P P in the obverse legend, an ante quem of course by Ha-
drian's death in 138. The upper limit can be lowered somewhat if it is allowed that
the cistophori and the bronze fractions were issued concurrently. For Sabina appears
regularly in the bronze series; since she is never described as 0EA, it is fair to suppose
that the bronze issues fell within her lifetime.
Sabina's death is usually placed in 136.14 Within the period 128-36 there was one
occasion that was particularly apt for the issue of a provincial coinage: the special
legatio of C. Iulius Severus. Severus was dispatched to Bithynia during the later years
of Hadrian's reign: Groag16 suggested 136 or 137. The position of Severus is described
as nods nivre Q&ftdovQ ne/icpdivTa eig Bsidwiav dioQOojrrjv xal Aoylornv vno Qeov 'Adgiavov,
which translates loosely as "legatus Augusti pro praetore ad corrigendum statum prc-
vinciae."16 His mission, like those of Pliny and Tertullus before him, was to check the
11 Magie, RRAM 2, p. 1294.

18 BMCMysia, p. 137, no. 236 (Augustus), p. 140, nos. 253-56 (Tiberius); p. 141, no. 257
(Claudius); p. 142, nos. 263-67 (Trajan).
13 All the direct evidence relating to the Commune or to its chief priests, the Bithyniarchs, is
post-Hadrianic: see Magie, RRAM, pp. 451, 1301. An argumentum ex silentio against its existence
in the time of Tacitus (or in the time of Tiberius, the dramatic date of the speech) is provided by
Ann. 4.37.1 ("exemplo Asiae"not Bithynia) and 4.37.4 ("cum divus Augustus sibi atque urbi
Romae templum apud Pergamum sisti non prohibuisset"no mention of Bithynia or Nicomedia).
The assumptions of Deininger (above, n. 9, p. 61) and A. N. Sherwin-White (The Lelters of Pliny
[Oxford, 1966], p. 407 on Ep. 7.6.1.) that legatus provinciae refers to an envoy from the Commune
is unwarranted. Nor is any of Pliny's other evidence convincingly brought to bear on the problem.
Concilii (on Ep. 7.6.1.) is a very vague term which may imply any form of assembly. Sherwin-
White's conclusion that "the councils (sc. those of Pontus and Bithynia) provided a focus for the
politics of the provinces" is hardly supported by the evidence he cites: 3.9.1, "electusque a provin-
cia" is vague; 4.9.3 "unus ex legatio" is irrelevant. 10.34 refers to local factionalism, 10.58 to
Pliny's convenlus. The Bule mentioned in 10.81 is clearly that of Prusa.
14 See above, p. 40, n. 32.
15 RE 10, s.v. "Iulius (Severus)," coi. 817 (Groag); PIR1 V 414.
le Orienles Graeci Inscriptiones Seleclae 2 (Leipzig, 1903-5) 543; sec also RE 10 (above, n. 15),
coi. 818.
outlandish construction and expenditure which served only to intensify already heated
civic rivalries, and to restore soundness to the finances of the province. The dispatch
of an imperial legatus to a senatorial province bespeaks the gravity of the situation,
and foreshadows the eventual imperial takeover of Bithynia by Marcus Aurelius.
Severus performed his job well, meriting an eventual consulship, "a place in the
memory of the Bithynians,"17 and, perhaps more to the point, the post of praefectus
aerarii Saiurni. Exactly what steps he took we do not know; but the revival of the
Commune Bithyniae may have been one. That the organization had been dormant up
to Hadrian's day is clear from the imbalance of the evidence: all our information
concerning its officers and institutions dates from post-Hadrianic times. That it was
an appropriate vehicle for control of expenses is easy to see: the existence of a coinage
in the name of the Commune shows its financial orientation. Moreover, the imperial
cult provided a focus for the energies of the individual cities: some kind of unifying
element was necessary to excise the root of financial irresponsibility, civic rivalry.
A provincial coinage, a common endeavor emphasizing the unity of the province, was
very much in point.
The introduction of cistophori to Bithynia might then have represented another
attempt to employ coinage as an instrument of unification. In Asia, the simpler solution
of overstriking earlier cistophori had been employed; but since cistophori had never
before circulated in Bithynia a fresh coinage was necessary.18 In any case the provincial
economy might have required an injection of new money into circulation.
If a connection between the legalio of Severus and the revival of the Commune is
assumed, the range of possible dates for the Bithynian cistophori is considerably nar-
rowed. Severus' mission cannot be dated earlier than 135, and probably occurred in
136; at least the bronze coinage with Sabina's portrait, which is of a piece with the rest,
must have concluded before the end of that same year. The evidence of the dies is

completely consistent with so short-lived an issue.
II. Reverse legend COS III
The obverse legend, already observed on COM BIT coins struck at Nicomedia but not
elsewhere, provides the chief argument for attribution of several COS III cistophori to
Bithynia.
Five Grain Stalks
The symbolism of the type has been discussed elsewhere.19 The variety possesses
two noteworthy features: the splayed stalks and the left-facing bust of the emperor.
Together they produce a very singular coin, without any real stylistic connection to
17 Dio 69.14.4.
18 On cistophoric circulation see above, pp. 110-12.
19 Above, p. 10.
BlTHYNIA 141
other Bithynian or Asiatic issues. The bust, with large head, broad neck, and prominent
nose, may represent the only remaining product of a single engraver's work.
Demeter; Six Grain Stalks
Herzfelder20 first noted that these two types share an obverse die and assigned them
to Bithynia on the basis of obverse legend. The obverse, which he thought "much the
finest die and portrait of all surviving cistophori" is in extremely high, almost medallic
relief, and is unusual among the cistophori in portraying the emperor from behind.
The appearance of Demeter in this group should indicate that the COS III cistophori
were produced at Nicomedia. She was the city's principal divinity: Libanius referred
to Nicomedia as tt)v rjyc AtffirjTQos (n6Xiv);il coins mention the ArjfirJTQia;2* the historian
Arrian, a native of the city, was a priest of Demeter and her daughter alg xal tt]v ndhv
dvaxetoddi yrjoi.23 The local importance of Demeter's cult is also reflected in her frequent
personification of Nicomedia on homonoia-coinages.2*
Genius Populi Romani
The word genius, literally signifying a begetter, to the Romans defined every man's
attendant spirit." He symbolized each male's generative ability, and was particularly
associated with the paterfamilias in early times.2* It was natural that the concept of
genius should be extended to include groups of people and eventually to symbolize
the state. The Genius first appears on the coinage of Lentulus Marcelli f.27 where he
stands holding cornucopiae and crowning Roma. Later his bust is found on denarii
of Cn. Lentulus.28 Under the empire it was natural that the Genius should come to be
identified with the person of the emperor; his first numismatic appearancein exactly
the form observed on the cistophorioccurs under Nero, near the outbreak of the
civil war, with the legend GENIO AVGVST.29 He is subsequently defined as GENIO P R
on civil war issues, and appears frequently as such thereafter.80

21 Lib. Or. 1.48.
22 Recueil, voi. 1, pt. 3, p. 553, nos. 281-82.
28 Arr. Bith. 1.
24 For example BMCPontus, p. 193, no. 1 (alliance with Perinthus, Gordian III); BMCMysia,
p. 163, nos. 350-52 (with Pergamum, Gordian III); BMCPhrygia, p. 327, no. 277(with Laodicea,
Gommodus); and BMCIonia, p. 303, no. 489 (M. Aurelius), 490 (Commodus), and p. 304, nos.
496-98 (Crispina), all with Smyrna.
26 The Genius has been treated most recently by H. Kunckei. Der romische Genius, MDAI(R)
Erganzungsheft 20 (Heidelberg, 1974).
28 H. J. Rose, "On the Original Significance of the Genius," CQ 1923, pp. 57-60.
87 RRC 329 = CRR 604-5.
28 RRC 393 CRR 752.
28 BMCRE 1, pp. 272-73, nos. 366-72.
80 BMCRE 1, p. 288 *; 2, p. 85, no. 417 (Vespasian), p. 171, no. 4 (Titus), p. 266, no. 209 (Titus);
3, p. 323, no. 656 (Hadrian).
The type is completely new to eastern coinage, and on its own would not indicate
any particular mint site. It is worth noting, however, that a Genius (with sceptre)
appeared in the pediment of the temple of Rome and Augustus at Nicomedia.
The two groups, with COM BIT and without, have been separated in the catalogue,
partly for convenience and partly because the COM BIT coinage is a closely die-linked
entity of individual style into which the COS III coinage does not, as yet, fit easily.
But it seems most likely that the two groups really belong together. The striking of
types referring to Nicomedia itself and not bearing the name of the Commune should
not be taken to indicate a difference of conception or purpose, since the types are also
relevant to the Commune: Demeter was one of Bithynia's chief deities; she and her
grain stalks symbolize prosperity, and the Genius Populi Romaniwho appeared in the
pediment of the temple of Rome and Augustusmay stand for achievement of it under
the leadership of Rome.
Table 5
Weights of the Bithynian Cistophori
Total Com. Bit. Nicomedia
11.31-11.40
11.21-11.30
11.11-11.20
11.01-11.10
10.91-11.00

10.81-10.90
10.71-10.80
10.61-10.70
10.51-10.60
10.41-10.50
10.31-10.40
10.21-10.30
10.11-10.20
10.01-10.10
9.91-10.00
9.81-9.90
9.71-9.80
9.61-9.70
BlTHYNIA 143
The restriking of cistophori in the province of Asia had been conceived in response
to a financial abuse and only then integrated into Hadrian's panhellenic scheme.
As far as we know there was no pressing economic motive for the introduction of cis-
tophori to Bithynia, but the striking of a new coinage for the province may have
played a role similar to that of the Asian cistophori in fostering a sense of participation
in a communal effort in the province. The Bithynian coinage was in a sense even more
ambitious than the Asian, since when the aes is considered with the cistophori it is clear
that a complete provincial currency system was being created.
Despite the ambition of such a project, its life was short. The cistophori and associ-
ated bronzes may have appeared as early as 128, although that does not seem likely,
and perhaps as late as 135. In either case the coinage did not extend beyond Hadrian's
death, and neither cistophori nor bronzes in the name of the Commune were ever
struck again.
The number of weights available for the Bithynian cistophori is almost pathetically
small, but what evidence there is suggests that they were struck to the standard of
their Asian counterparts. Their weights fall in a similar range and show no clear point
of concentration. The mean weight of the COM BIT cistophori is 10.36 g, that of those
assigned to Nicomedia 10.11 g. I think it likelier that this discrepancy is due to the
inadequacy of the evidence than that different weight standards were employed for the
two groups. Taken together the 41 coins have a mean weight of 10.31 g, which is very

close to the mean of 10.32 for all Asian cistophori above 9 g.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I: CISTOPHORI EXCLUDED FROM THE CORPUS
This appendix includes all types and varieties whose existence cannot be confirmed,
i.e. of which not a single genuine specimen has come to light during the course of this
investigation. Two classes of false coins occur. The first and larger consists of "ghosts"
created by faulty description. Often it has been possible to pinpoint the origin of er-
roneous references; in such cases the coins in question should simply be excluded from
future consideration.
The second class includes varieties known only in plated specimens. These are to be
regarded as ancient forgeries; in general, their anomalies indicate that they do not
accurately imitate genuine exemplars.
1*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS Head of Hadrian laureate r.
Rev.: COS III Minerva seated l. holding Victory and sceptre.
BMCRE, p. 383 (d); RIC 466, both quoting Schulman, 24 Nov. 1913, 1482.
The catalogues accurately repeat the description in the sale catalogue, where the coin
was not illustrated. This is presumably a false description of no. 102.
2*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder, lau-
reate r.
Rev.: COS III Roma seated l. on cuirass holding victory and sceptre, shield in
rear.
BMCRE, p. 564, addendum to p. 383 (e), citing Vienna.
The only coin of this reverse type in Vienna has obverse HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS
P P, head bare right (above, no. 358b).
3*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS Head of Hadrian bare r.
Rev.: COS ill Roma seated l. on cuirass, holding victory and sceptre; shield
in rear.
BMCRE, p. 383 (e); RIC 467; F. Gnecchi, "Contribuzioni al corpus numorum CII," RIN 1911,
144

p. 154, no. 15.
Appendix I 145
Gnecchi's description came from a coin in the collection of Joachim Scheyer, Milan.
His description seems to have been inaccurate, since the obverse legend was corrected
to include P P when the collection was sold in 1913 (A. Hess, 1 Dec. 1913, 618).
4*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS Head of Hadrian bare, r.
Rev.: COS III Eagle to front on thunderbolt, head r.
BMC RE, p. 383 (h); RIC 468 A; Cohen 427.
Subsequent references all derive from Cohen, who assigned the coin to the British
Museum. It is not there, and Mattingly questioned the existence of the variety.
Presumably Cohen misread BMCRE 1079.
Rev.: COS III Poppy and four grain stalks.
BMCRE, p. 383 (j) var.
Mattingly cites "Hertzfelder (sic) notes." No coin of this description appears in Herz-
felder's article, although a Munich specimen with draped l. shoulder is discussed (p. 26).
Herzfelder's notes probably referred to that piece (above, no. 303).
Rev.: COS III Triumphal arch on which stand two horses.
BMCRE, p. 384 (k); RIC 470; Cohen 474.
Cohen cites "Elberling," a reference now untraceable. Mattingly questioned the
existence of this variant, and Cohen probably misdescribed no. 84 above.
7*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS Head of Hadrian laureate l.
Rev.: COS III in laurel wreath.
BMCRE, p. 384 (1); RIC 471; Cohen 475.
Cohen cites "Cat. Campana," which can only be the sale catalogue of the collection
of the Cavaliere Campana (Sotheby, 23 July 1846). No such coin appears there.
8*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder

laureate r.
Rev.: COS III Legionary eagle between two standards.
BMCRE, p. 564, addendum to p. 383, citing "note in BM."
This variety has probably been confused with no. 61 above, where the eagle stands
on a thunderbolt.
9*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS Head of Hadrian bare r.
Rev.: COS III Concordia standing l. holding patera and spear; at feet, prow.
BMC RE, p. 383 (f) var.; RIC 468 (b); Annuaire de la Sociiti Frangaise de Numismatique 1884,
p. 245, no. 14.
This variety surely results from careless description of no. 63 above; that coin shows
Hadrian laureate with draped l. shoulder.
10*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P Head of Hadrian laureate r.
Rev.: IOVIS OLYMPIVS Zeus seated l. on throne holding sceptre in l. and cult
image of Artemis Ephesia in r.
BMCRE, p. 395t; RIC 478; Cohen 865.
Cohen's reading of the Paris coin (above, no. 72b) errs in two respects: the head
is bare, and his illustration shows Zeus holding an eagle in place of the statue of
Artemis.
11*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P Head of Hadrian laureate r.
Rev.: IOVIS OLYMPIVS Zeus seated l. holding thunderbolt and sceptre.
BMCRE, p. 395#; RIC 479; Cohen 866 (omitting P P in obv. legend).
Cohen cites "M. Rollin," presumably the Paris dealer. In general Cohen's descriptions
derived from other parties are even less reliable than his own, and in view of the other
confusions in descriptions of this type it seems safe to disregard this variety.
12*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder,
bare r.
Rev.: IOVIS OLYMPIVS Zeus seated l. holding thunderbolt and sceptre.
BMCRE, p. 395t note, citing Munich.
This is presumably the coin catalogued above, no. 72a. There is a light line at the
front of the neck which might have been interpreted as drapery; the rev., however,
shows Zeus holding a statue of Artemis.

13*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Head of Hadrian bare r.
Rev.: COS III Nemesis standing l. holding sistrum in l., wheel at feet.
BMCRE, p. 389?4; RIC 506; RIN 1914, p. 180, no. 34.
The coin is not illustrated in RIN, from which all other references derive; the de-
scription might well be applied to no. 121 above.
Appendix I 147
14*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Bust of Hadrian draped, bare, l.
Rev.: COS III Diana Lucifera advancing r., carrying a torch in each hand.
BMC RE, p. 386 #; RIC 491; Cohen 320, citing "Lavy, Musee de Turin."
The catalogue of the Lavy collection (Museo Numismaiico Lavy 2 [Turin, 1840], no.
1787) gives the correct description of this coin, which is now in the Museo Civico di
Torino (above, no. 389).
15*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Bust of Hadrian draped bare r.
Rev.: COS III Zeus seated r. on throne, holding sceptre and Victory; eagle at feet.
BMCRE, p. 388*; RIC 500; Cohen 273; Pinder 53, pi. 7, 6.
Both Cohen and Pinder cite the Munich collection for this variety, and Pinder even
illustrates the holed specimen included in the catalogue (above, no. 310). It was evi-
dently he who groundlessly restored P P to the obverse legend.
16*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Bust of Hadrian with drapery on l. shoulder,
bare r.
Rev.: COS III Zeus seated l. on throne holding Victory and sceptre; eagle at feet.
BMCRE 1069 note.
Mattingly's note cites "Trau collection." The description he gives is probably an
erroneous interpretation of no. 73 above.
bare r.
Rev.: COS III Zeus of Laodicea standing l. holding eagle and sceptre.
BMCRE 1065 note, citing Vienna.
The three coins in Vienna with reverse Zeus of Laodicea all clearly have obverse
head bare right. The variety is not improbable but requires confirmation.
bare r.

Rev.: COS III Zeus advancing l. holding eagle and spear with two points.
BMCRE 1065 note; Cohen 277, citing Vienna.
The description is incomprehensible; there is no such coin in Vienna.
19*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Bust of Hadrian draped, bare r.
Rev.: COS III Distyle temple; within, Minerva standing l. holding patera and
spear; shield at side.
BMCRE, p. 392* note; RIC 520 note; Cohen 300; Pinder 79 text (but see his illustration).
Subsequent references derive from Cohen, who cites a coin in Paris. He describes a
coin with bare head, then illustrates one with laureate bust which is surely no. 391
above. Coincidentally Pinder had made the same error.
20*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Head of Hadrian laureate r.
Rev.: COS III Neptune standing r., I. foot on prow, holding trident and dolphin.
BMCRE, p. 390*; RIC 509.
Both catalogues cite Cohen 306; but his description of a coin in Munich (no. 304
above) has obverse: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS, correctly.
21*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Bust of Hadrian draped, bare r.
Rev.: COS III Boma seated l. on chair, shield at side.
BMCRE 1076 note, citing Rome.
No such coin is now in Bome; this is presumably no. 360 misdescribed.
22*. Obv.: IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO AVG P P Head of Hadrian bare r.
S PR
Rev.: ^^w and ,_ l. and r. in field. Octastyle temple on podium of three-
COM BIT
steps; ROM S P AVG in entablature.
BMCRE 1098 note; RIC 462 (a); Cohen 246.
Subsequent references derive from Cohen, who is guilty of another slip. His citation
of "Vente de Moustier" can only refer to Hoffmann, 17 June 1872,1048, a coin of similar
reverse but with obverse head laureate right which is no longer traceable.
23*. Obv.: IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO AVG PP Head of Hadrian bare l.

Rev.: COS III l. and r. in field. Bundle of five grain stalks.
BMCRE 1051 note; RIC 464 (a); Cohen 439.
Both later references depend upon Cohen, who cited M. Rollin. There is nothing
improbable about the type, but its failure to appear is suspicious. Perhaps no. B16
is misdescribed.
Appendix I 149
24*. Obv.: IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO AVG P P Bust of Hadrian draped, laureate r.
S PR
Rev.: and |T l. and r. in field; octastyle temple on podium of three steps.
ROM S P AVG in entablature
BMCRE 1098 note; RIC 462 (c); Cohen 245 (Paris).
No such coin is now in Paris. Perhaps this is no. B12 misdescribed.
25*. Obv.: IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO AVG P P Bust of Hadrian draped laureate r.
seen from back.
Rev.: COS III l. and r. in field. Bundle of five grain stalks.
BMCRE, p. 564, addendum to no. 1051, citing Munich.
No coin of this description is now in Munich; presumably Mattingly miscounted the
grain stalks on no. B17.
Plated Coins
26*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P Head of Hadrian bare r.
Rev.: COS III Cult image of Kore with grain stalks to l., grain stalks and poppy
to r.
SNGvonAulock 6633.
27*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P Head of Hadrian bare r.
Rev.: COS III Eagle to front on thunderbolt, head r.
BMCRE, p. 395 || (Budapest).
28*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Head of Hadrian laureate r.
Rev.: COS III Dionysus draped standing front with head l., holding oinochoe
over panther on l. and thyrsus vertically in l.; panther looks back to r.
SNGvonAulock 6612; The Hague (different dies).
29*. Obv.: IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO AVG P P Head of Hadrian bare r.
Rev.: COS III l. and r. in field; Cybele seated l., holding patera in extended r.

and resting l. on drum; lion at feet facing l.
BMCRE, p. 382t; RIC 463; Cohen 283 note; Pinder 81. Paris
30*. Obv.: HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P Head of Hadrian bare r.
Rev.: DIANA EPHESIA Cult image of Ephesian Artemis in tetrastyle temple.
BMCRE, p. 393*; Cohen 538, citing "Vente de Moustier" (= Hoffman, 17 June 1872,1063).
APPENDIX II: THE CISTOPHORI AND THE "EASTERN'
DENARII OF HADRIAN
From time to time it has been suggested that some, at least, of the "eastern" denarii
of Hadrian were struck at those cistophoric mints that can be identified on the basis
of local types, and that careful stylistic comparisons might repay the effort.1 To pursue
the problem of these denarii in detail would have required another book, and in defense
it may be pleaded that at least the evidence of the cistophori themselves has now been
assembled. Nonetheless the following general observations may be offered.
1. The only eastern mint for which there is firm evidence is that of Antioch, which
struck denarii and perhaps aurei immediately after Hadrian's accession up to ca. 120.2
This attribution has historical probability in its favor, since Hadrian was elevated at
Antioch and imperial accessions normally involved donatives to the troops; what is
more important, the early denarii, whose types focus on the transfer of power, show
close stylistic similarity to the tetradrachms and bronze coinage which certainly
belong to Antioch.
2. For three reasons Strack assigned a substantially larger series of later denarii
to the "Offizin der kleinasiatischen Cistophoren":
a. Both the denarii and the cistophori display a broad variation in styles, ranging
from the barbarous to some worthy of or better than that of Rome itself.
b. Both denarii and cistophori show a variation between the die axes t and J,,
which was not yet regular at the mint of Rome.
c. Both denarii and cistophori have similar disposition of legends, e.g. HADRIANVS
AVGVSTVS (rarely AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS) / COS III; HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P
/ COS III; HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P / various; HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P / P M
TR P COS III.
But while both denarii and cistophori vary widely in style, it is impossible to show

that the stylistic variation is consistent. What is really wanted, and what has not so
far been demonstrated, is an exact stylistic correspondence between any single group
of denarii and any single group of cistophori. The alternation of die axis between | and J,
is insignificant, since almost all mints aligned their dies vertically but few religiously
adhered to either f or j. Finally, the legends of both series are generally disposed in
the same fashion as legends of the mint of Rome; both coinages probably followed
Roman prototypes in this respect, and there is no necessary relation between the two.
1 For example, Herzfelder, p. 27; Mattingly, BMCRE 3, p. cliv; P. V. Hill, "The Aurei and
Denarii of Hadrian from Eastern Mints," NC 1966, pp. 135,136.
2 Strack, Unlersuchungen, nos. *1-*11; see BMCRE 3, pp. 372-73, nos. 1021-23 and p. 378,
nos. 1-7. Strack's objections to Antioch (pp. 195-96) are ill-founded.
Appendix II 151
In addition, Strack seems to have assumed that all the cistophori were produced at a
single mint; this is demonstrably not the case. The improbability of denarii having
been produced at as many as 20 or 25 tiny mints does not seem to have occurred to
others who have associated the denarii and the cistophori. Moreover, if the scope and
purpose of the cistophoric coinage have been correctly defined here, the striking of
denarii is not a natural corollary to the striking of cistophori; nor is it likely that most
of the cistophoric mints had the capability to undertake fresh coinage. If any Ha-
drianic denarii were struck in the province of Asia at all, they probably belong to one
of the major provincial centers.
If the "eastern" denarii were not struck at cistophoric mints, there is little reason to
suppose that they were "eastern" at all. They are certainly not prominent in the few
eastern finds which have been recorded, and of all the emperors to whom an Asian
denarius coinage might be attributed Hadrian is among the least likely. It is time to
admit that "eastern" means simply "anomalous," and to set about systematic collection
and comparison of these anomalies and, above all, adequate recording of their pro-

venances.
APPENDIX III: THE CISTOPHORI AND THE GREEK IMPERIALS
Hadrian's cistophori bear types which also occur on the Greek imperial coinage.
Two questions naturally arise: is there any correlation between the functioning of
Greek imperial mints and that of cistophoric mintsthat is, do the same mints strike
or not strike both seriesand, if so, is there any stylistic relationship between the two
coinages which might permit the identification of further cistophoric mints?
Of the 16 cistophoric mints which can be located with certainty, only Alabanda and
Synnada did not also strike Greek imperials. This seems a high degree of correlation,
although we can never be certain that the bronzes are actually contemporary with the
cistophori since they do not usually bear dates or Hadrian's titles. Furthermore there is
not one stylistic link between cistophori and bronzes to be found: quite the opposite
is generally true, since the bronzes are often of grossly inferior style. The conclusion
that the coinages were produced by different authorities and personnel seems inescap-
able.
There is no reason why this should not have been so. Roth the gigantic number of
Greek imperial mints and the totally irregular pattern of their operation indicate that
Rome was not concerned (at least in Hadrian's day) to regulate the production of purely
token coinage, whose circulation was mainly local and which could have comprised
only the smallest fraction of provincial money. The precious metal coinage was quite
another matter. Most silver issues were struck in substantial quantities and circulated
far more broadly. Some major mints were in almost continuous operation while the
activity of others was confined to short periods; these sporadic issues may have been
struck for specific purposes. In either case it was important to maintain strict control
over production; for this reason even where they existed (and if they had the facilities to
produce large quantities of coin), local mints might not have been employed for the

striking of silver issues.
CONCORDANCES
A. TO BMCRE
BMCRE
Metcalf
BMCRE
Metcalf
1051
B16
1078 bis
45
1051 note
20, B17, B18,
23*
1078 note
55
1052
70
1079
31
1053
1080
31
1053 note
90
1081
52
53

1054
1081 note
87, 125
1055
53
1082
25
1056
35
1082 note
24
1057
98
1083
28
1057 note
99
1084
109
1058
99
1085
19
1059
33
1085 note
17
1060
33
1086
80
1061
88
1087
78
1062
26
1088
79
1063
42
1089
154
BMCRE
Metcalf
BMCRE
Metcalf
p. 383
(g)
76
P.
391 *
86
p. 383
(h)
4*
P.
391 t
108
p. 383
(1)
62
P.
391 #
126
p. 383
(J)
66

P.
391
84
p. 383
(j) var.
64, 5*
P.
391 ||
p. 384
(k)
6*
P.
391 || note
85, 93, 110
p. 384
(l)
109, 7*
P.
392 *
116
p. 385
22
P.
392 * note
19*
p. 385
* note
23, 48
P.
392 t
44
p. 385
45
P.
393 *
30*
p. 385
t note
40
P.
Concordances: RIC
B. TO RIC
RIC
Metcalf
RIC
Metcalf
459 (a)
B5
494
100
459 (b)
B6
495
42
459 (c)
B7
496
38, 39
460
B9
497
56
461 (a)
B4
497 note
50
461 (b)
498
51

Bl
461 (c)
B3
499
30
462 (a)
22*
500
15*
462 (b)
B12
501
29
462 (c)
24*
502
54
463
29*
503
118
464 (a)
23*
504
91
464 (b)
B16
505
120
465
67
506
13*
466
1*
507
32
467
3*
508
40, 41
156
C. TO COHEN
Cohen
Metcalf
Cohen
Metcalf
240
B3
320
14*
241
B5
321
45
242
B6
322
46
243
B7
323
98
244
B6
324
91
24*
325
121
246
22*
326
32
272
30
327
54
273
15*
357
55
274
42
364
108
275
56
413
126
276
38
427

245
31, 4*
277
18*
439
23*
279
47
440
280
44
451
87
283
33
452
Concordances: Pinder
D. TO PINDER
Pinder
Metcalf
Pinder
Metcalf
48
56
77
44
49
39
78
118
50
51
79 text
19*
51
42
79 illus.
116
52
30
80
33
53
81
29*
54
40
82
32
55
41
83
61
56
31
84
35
57
80
85
108
58
67
86
95
59
22
87
85
60
24
88
93
61
53
89
62
20
90
B16
63
91
66

15*
158
E. TO HERZFELDER
(by plate number)
Herzfelder
Metcalf
Herzfelder
Metcalf
1, 1
38
4,8
116
1,2
41
4,9
73
1,3
42
4, 10
76
1,4
35
5, 1
56
1,5
26
5,2
1,6
22
5, 3
53
1,7
24
5, 4
54
1,8
36
5, 5
55
1,9
47
5, 6
118

49
1, 10
44
5,7
51
1, 11
45
5, 8
52
2, 1
28
5, 9
113
2, 2
29
6, 1
98
2,3
30
6,2
97
2,4
32
6, 3
48
2,5
33
INDEXES
I. MINTS
Type nos.
Coin nos.
Pages
Aezani
49-50
220-31
60-61
Alabanda
35
177-79
41
Aphrodisias
36-37
180-81
42-43
Ephesus
5-21
10-99
12-26
Eumeneia
51-52
232-33
62-63
Hierapolis
53-55
64-67

234-56
Laodicea
56-58
257-95
68-71
Miletus
22-27
100-14
27-30
Mylasa
38-42
182-92
44-49
Nicomedia
Bl-19
1-43
130-43
Nysa
43
193
50-51
Pergamum
1-4
1-9
8-11
Sardis
44-47
194-218
52-57
Smyrna
28-34
116-76
31-40
Synnada
59-60
296-97
72-73
Thyateira
48
219
58-59
Unattributed
160
II. LEGENDS
Ohverse Legends
AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS 61, 70 (Mint A).
AVGVSTVS HAORIANVS 71 (Mint A).
AVGVSTVS HADRIANVS P P 78-80 (Mint B).
HADRIANVS AVG COS III P P 5-16 (Ephesus), 114 (Unattributed), 10*-12*, 26*-27*.
HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS 62-69, 72-77 (Mint A), l*-9*.
HADRIANVS AVGVSTVS P P 1-4 (Pergamum), 17-20 (Ephesus), 21-27 (Miletus), 28-33 (Smyrna),
35 (Alabanda), 36-37 (Aphrodisias), 38-42 (Mylasa), 43 (Nysa), 44-47 (Sardis), 48 (Thyateira),
49-50 (Aezani), 51-52 (Eumeneia), 53-55 (Hierapolis), 56-58 (Laodicea), 59-60 (Synnada),
81-87 (Mint B), 88-91 (Mint C), 93-104 (Mint D), 105-10 (Mint E), 111-13,115-27 (Unattributed),
13*-21*, 28*, 30*.
IMP CAES TRA HADRIANO AVG P P Bl, B3-6, B8-19, 22*-25, 29*.
IMP CAES TRAI HADRIANO AVG P P B2, B7.
IMP CAESAR AVGVSTVS 92 (Mint C).
SABINA AVGVSTA HADRIANI AVG P P 34 (Smyrna).
Reverse Legends
COM BIT l. and r. in field Bll.
COM BIT L and r. in field, ROM S P AVG in entablature Bl-8.
COM BIT l. and r. in field, S - P R l. and r. in field, ROM AVG in entablature B12-13.
COM BIT l. and r. in field, S - P R l. and r. in field, ROM S P AVG in entablature 22*, 24*.
COM BIT in ex., S P - Q R l. and r. in field, ROM AVG in entablature B14-15.
COS III 1-4 (Pergamum), 16, A20-21 (Ephesus), 22-27 (Miletus), 28-34 (Smyrna), 35 (Alabanda),
36-37 (Aphrosidias), 38-42 (Mylasa), 43 (Nysa), 44-47 (Sardis) 48 (Thyateira), 49-50 (Aezani),
51,52 (Eumeneia), 53-55 (Hierapolis), 56-58 (Laodicea), 59-60 (Synnada), 62-66, 68-69, 71-74,

76-77 (Mint A), 80, 82-87 (Mint B), 88-91 (Mint C), 93-104 (Mint D), 105-110 (Mint E), 111-27
(Unattributed), B16-19, l*-9*, 13*-21*, 23*, 25*-29*. See also DIANA EPHESIA.
DIANA EPHESIA 5-7,17 (Ephesus).
DIA - NA l. and r. in field, EPHESIA in ex. 8-9, 18 (Ephesus), 30*.
DIANA EPHESIA / COS III 19 (Ephesus).
FORTVN EPHESIA 11 (Ephesus).
FORTVNA AVGVST 78 (Mint B).
FORTVNA EPHESIA 12 (Ephesus).
HADRIANVS AVG P P REN 92 (Mint C).
Ill COS 67, 75 (Mint A).
IOVIS OLYMPIVS 13 (Ephesus), 10*-12*.
IOVIS OLYMPIVS EPHESI 14 (Ephesus).
IOVIS OLYMPIVS EPHESIO 15 (Ephesus).
KOM BIT l. and r. in field, ROM S P AVG in entablature B10.
P M TR P COS III 61, 70 (Mint A), 79, 81 (Mint B).
ROM AVG see COM BIT.
ROM S P AVG see COM BIT.
SARD 44 (Sardis).
SMVR 28 (Smyrna).
S P Q R see COM BIT.
S P R see COM BIT.
Indexes: Types
161
III. TYPES
Obverse Types
Augustus
Head bare r. 92 (Mint C).
Hadrian
Head bare r. 4 (Pergamum), 5, 8, 10-21 (Ephesus), 22, 24, 26 (Miletus), 28-33 (Smyrna), 35
(Alabanda), 38, 41-42 (Mylasa), 43 (Nysa), 44-47 (Sardis), 48 (Thyateira), 50 (Aezani), 56
(Laodicea), 78 (Mint B), 88-91 (Mint C), 93-94 (Mint D), 111-14, 120-21, 126 (Unattributed),
B4-5, B9-10, 3*-4*, 9*, 13*, 22*, 26*-27*, 29*-30*.
Head bare l. 23*
Bust with draped l. shoulder bare r. 39-40 (Mylasa), 95, 101 (Mint D), 119 (Unattributed), 12*,
16*-18*.
Bust draped bare r. 1-3 (Pergamum), 6-7 (Ephesus), 23, 25, 27 (Miletus), 51-52 (Eumeneia),
53-54 (Hierapolis), 57 (Laodicea), 118 (Unattributed), 15*, 19*, 21*.
Bust draped bare l. 14*
Bust draped bare r. seen from back 59-60 (Synnada), 70, 72-73 (Mint A).
Bust draped cuirassed bare r. 49 (Aezani), 58 (Laodicea).
Bust draped cuirasse bare r. seen from back 74, 76-77 (Mint A).
Head laureate r. 79-87 (Mint B), 102 (Mint D), 115, 122-23 (Unattributed), Bl-2, B6, B8, Bll-12,
B19, 1*. 5*-6*. 10*-11*, 20*, 28*.
Head laureate l. 107-10 (Mint E), 124-25 (Unattributed), B16, 7*.
Bust with draped l. shoulder laureate r. 61-67 (Mint A), 105-7 (Mint E) B14, 2*, 8*.
Bust laureate draped r. 104 (Mint D), 116-17, 127 (Unattributed), B3, B7, 24*.
Bust laureate draped r. seen from back 71 (Mint A), 25*.
Bust laureate draped cuirassed r. 67-68 (Mint A), B13, B15.
Sabina

Bust laureate draped cuirassed r. seen from back 75 (Mint A), B17-18.
Bust draped r., hair coiled and bunched on top of head. 34 (Smyrna).
Reverse Types
Amaltheia turreted, draped standing r. holding in l. the infant Zeus and in r. a vertical staff;
at her feet, goat. 59 (Synnada).
Aphrodite of Aphrodisias, cult image r.; in front, Eros; behind, seated figure. 36 (Aphrodisias).
in front, naked figure; behind, censer (?). 37 (Aphrodisias).
Apollo draped standing front holding raven in r. and branch in l. 35 (Alabanda).
naked standing front holding double axe in r. and grain stalks downward in l. 48 (Thyateira).
laureate in robe of a citharoedus holding plectrum in r. and lyre in l. 53 (Hierapolis).
Apollo Didymeus, cult image standing r. holding bow in l. and stag in r. 22-23 (Miletus).
Arch. See Triumphal arch.
Artemis in short chiton standing r. holding bow in l. and drawing arrow from quiver with r. Ill
(Unattributed).
in long chiton standing r. holding bow in l. and drawing arrow from quiver with r.; in front,
a stag. 112 (Unattributed).
-in long drapery standing half-1. holding patera in r. and bow in i.; to 1., a stag 26-27 (Miletus),
-draped, polos on head, standing front holding patera in r. and torch in l.; to I., a stag 113
(Unattributed).
Artemis of Ephesus, cult image standing front, arms extended r. and l. over stags who look back
at her. 5-6, 17, 19 (Ephesus), 88 (Mint C).
similar but no stags 7 (Ephesus). See also Temple.
Artemis Leukophryene, cult image standing front, arms extended r. and l. over geese; at top r.
and l., crowning Victories. 16, 21 (Ephesus).
Artemis Phosphoros (Diana Lucifera) in long robe running r. carrying a torch in each hand. 114
(Unattributed), 14*.
Asclepius draped standing front head l. holding serpent-wreathed rod in r., 1. arm at side. 3-4
(Pergamum), 20 (Ephesus), 89 (Mint C).
standing front head r., holding serpent-wreathed rod in 1., r. arm at side. 90 (Mint C).
Athena helmeted, draped standing half-l. holding patera in r. and shield in l.; behind, a spear. 60
(Synnada). helmeted, draped standing front looking l. holding patera in r. and resting l. on round shield
117 (Unattributed).
similar, spear resting against l. arm. 118-19 (Unattributed).
helmeted, draped standing r. holding thunderbolt in l. and spear in r. 120 (Unattributed).
helmeted, draped standing 1. holding thunderbolt in r. and spear in l., shield at r. 115 (Un-
attributed).
Concordia draped standing 1. holding patera and spear; at feet, prow. 9*. See also Female figure.
Cybele seated I. on throne holding patera in r. and resting l. arm on tympanum; at feet, lion.
33-34 (Smyrna), 29*.
Demeter veiled, draped advancing r. holding grain stalks in r. and transverse sceptre in l. 45
(Sardis).

similar, star in upper r. field. 46 (Sardis).
standing l. holding grain stalks in r. and sceptre in 1. 70 (Mint A), B18.
standing l. holding grain stalks in r. and torch in l. 81 (Mint A).
Diana. See Artemis.
Dionysus naked standing front head l. emptying oinochoe over panther on l. and holding thyrsus
ini. 98 (Mint D). similar, but Dionysus draped. 99 (Mint D), 28*.
Eagle standing front on exergual line, head r. 105 (Mint E).
standing front on thunderbolt, head r. 31 (Smyrna), 4*, 27*.
standing r. on thunderbolt between two standards. 62 (Mint A). See also legionary eagle.
Female figure draped to feet standing l. holding patera in r. and sceptre in l.; at l., a prow. 63
(Mint A).
Genius Populi Romani standing l. holding patera in r. over altar and cornucopiae in l. B19.
Grain stalks, five, in bundle. 107 (Mint E), B16, 23*, 25*.
, six in bundle. 2 (Pergamum), 68, 77 (Mint A), 85 (Mint B), 93 (Mint D), 110 (Mint E), B17.
, four in bundle with poppy. 66 (Mint A), 5*.
, six in bundle with poppy. 64 (Mint A).
Hadrian togate standing half-l. holding grain stalks in r. and wrapping l. in toga. 92 (Mint C).
, veiled, seated l. holding rudder in r. and transverse sceptre in l. 61 (Mint A).
Herakles standing r., r. hand on hip, resting on club with lion skin set on rock. 100-101 (Mint D).
Hygieia. See Salus.
Indexes: Types 163
Kore, cult image facing wearing high headdress with plume, stiff robe and long veil draped over
wrists; grain stalk to l., grain stalks and poppy to r. 47 (Sardis), 26*. See also Temple.
Laurel wreath enclosing COS III 106, 109 (Mint E), 7*.
Legionary eagle between two standards with vexilla. 1 (Pergamum), 52 (Eumeneia), 87 (Mint B),
125 (Unattributed), 8*.
Male figure, naked to waist, standing front head l. holding sceptre in r. and unidentifiable object in
l. 74 (Mint A). , fully draped standing front head r. holding sceptre in l. and unidentifiable object in r. 75
(Mint A).
on horseback galloping r., holding lance in r. 126-27 (Unattributed).
Men in Phrygian cap, crescent behind shoulders, holding patera in r. and sceptre in l. 54 (Hierapo-
lis).
Minerva seated l. holding Victory and sceptre. 1*. See also Roma, Temple.
Nemesis winged, draped, standing r., with r. drawing out fold of drapery from breast and resting l.
on wheel at side. 91 (Mint C). wingless standing 1. drawing out fold of drapery from breast with r., holding bridle in 1.,
at side to l., wheei. 121 (Unattributed).
standing l. holding sistrum in l., wheel at feet. 13*.
Two Nemeses standing face to face, each holding out fold of drapery from breast. One holds cubit
rule, the other a bridle. 32 (Smyrna). See also Temple.
Neptune standing r., l. foot on prow, holding trident and dolphin. 20*. See also Poseidon.
Pax standing l. holding sceptre in 1. and olive branch in r. 76 (Mint A).
modius on head, holding olive branch in r. and cornucopiae in l.; in field l., anchor. 108
(Mint E).
Poseidon standing r., l. foot on prow, holding trident in r. and dolphin in l. 67 (Mint A). , naked except for cloak on r. arm, sacrificing out of patera in r. over altar and holding trident
in l. 80 (Mint B).
Rape of Persephone. Hades with Persephone in fast quadriga r.; beneath, overturned flower
basket. 43 (Nysa).

River god, naked to waist, reclining l. holding reed and sceptre and resting l. elbow on rock from
which waters gush below. 55 (Hierapolis).
Roma helmeted, draped seated l. on chair holding Victory in r. and sceptre in l. 96, 103-104
(Mint D). seated l. on chair with shield at side holding Victory in r. and transverse sceptre in l. 97
(Mint D), 21*.
seated l. on cuirass and shield holding Victory in r. and spear in l. 94-95, 102 (Mint D).
seated l. on cuirass holding Victory and sceptre; behind, shield. 2*.
Salus (Hygieia) draped standing r. feeding snake in r. out of patera in extended 1. 122 (Unat-
tributed).
Temple, distyle on podium of two steps; within, Minerva and two male figures. Bll.
, within, togate male standing l. holding spear in r. and Victory in 1., crowned by helmeted
Fortuna. B10.
Temple, distyle, on podium of three steps; within, Demeter standing l. holding grain stalks in r.
and vertical sceptre in l. 82 (Mint B). , within, male deity seated half-r. on throne holding sceptre in r. 123 (Unattributed).
, within, Athena standing front looking 1. holding patera in r. and resting 1. on shield set on
ground; behind, spear. 116 (Unattributed).
Temple, tetrastyle, on podium of three steps; within, cult image of Apollo Didymeus. 24-25
(Miletus).
, within, two Nemeses facing each other. 28 (Smyrna).
, within, togate male figure holding spear in r. and Victory in l. B5.
, within, male figure in military dress holding spear in r. and Victory in 1. B6-8.
, within, male figure in military dress holding spear in r. and Victory in l, crowned by helmeted
Fortuna. B9.
Temple, tetrastyle, on podium of three or four stems; within, cult image of Artemis Ephesia without
stags. 8-9, 18 (Ephesus), 30*.
Temple, tetrastyle, on podium of four steps; within, cult image of Kore with grain stalk on l.,
poppy and grain stalk on r. 44 (Sardis).
Temple, hexastyle, on podium of three steps. 124 (Unattributed).
Temple, hexastyle, on podium of four steps; within, cult image of Artemis Ephesia without stags.
10 (Ephesus).
Temple, octastyle, on podium of three steps. B1-4, B12-15, 22*, 24*.
Triumphal arch surmounted by two prancing horses. 84 (Mint B), 6*.
Tyche draped standing l. holding rudder in r. and cornucopiae in l. 11-12 (Ephesus).
, kalathos on head standing l. holding rudder in r. and cornucopiae in l. 65 (Mint A).
, kalathos on head standing l. holding in r. rudder, poppy and grain stalk and in l. cornucopiae.
69 (Mint A).
, polos on head standing 1. holding rudder in r. and cornucopiae in l. 78-79, 86 (Mint B).
, polos on head seated l. on chair holding rudder in extended r. and cornucopiae in l. 83
(Mint B).
Zeus seated r. on throne holding sceptre in r. and Victory in l. 71-72 (Mint A).

, similar, but eagle at feet, 73 (mint A), 15*.
Zeus seated l. on throne holding sceptre and small cult image of Ephesian Artemis in r. 13-15
(Ephesus), 10*.
similar but behind, eagle. 29 (Smyrna).
Zeus seated l. holding thunderbolt and sceptre. 11*-12*.
Zeus seated l. on throne holding Victory in r. and sceptre in l. 30 (Smyrna).
similar but at feet, eagle. 16*.
Zeus, naked to waist, standing half-l. holding eagle in r. and sceptre in l. 49-50 (Aezani).
Zeus of Laodicea draped to feet standing half-l. holding eagle in r. and long sceptre in l. 56-58
(Laodicea), 17*.
Zeus Karios standing front holding sceptre in r. and resting l. on shield in front of which eagle on
pedestai. 42 (Mylasa).
Zeus Labraundos standing front holding double axe in r. and spear in l. 38-39 (Mylasa).
Zeus Osogoa standing r. holding trident set on crab in r. and eagle in I. 40-41 (Mylasa).
Zeus advancing l. holding eagle and spear with two points. 18*.

PLATES

PERGAMUM, l-8; EPHESUS, l0a-l6

EPHESUS

EPHESUS

EPHESUS


94 95 96 9?
EPHESUS

MILETUS

SMYRNA

SMYRNA

I0
SMYRNA

SMYRNA, l66-l76; ALABANDA, l77 l79a; APHRODISIAS, l80-l8l

MYLASA, l82-l92; NYSA, l93

SARDIS

SARDIS, 207-2l8; THYATEIRA, 2l9

I5
AEZANI

EUMENEIA, 232 233a; HIERAPOLIS, 234,247

HIERAPOLIS, 248-256; LAODICEA, 257-26l

LAODICEA

LAODICEA

SYNNADA, 296-297; MINT A, 298-309

MINT A, 3l0-3l4; MINTB, 3l5-325

22
MINTC

MINTC

MINTC, 348-355; MINTD, 356-359

MINTD

MINTE, 376-382; UNATTRIBUTED, 383-392

UNATTRIBUTED

UNATTRIBUTED

29
BITHYNIA

30
BITHYNIA

3I
BITHYNIA

The Cistophori of Hadrian / by William E. Metcalf

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THE AMERICAN NUMISMATIC SOCIETY

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List of Collections Consulted 4

The Asian Mints

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Mint Selection 124

Type Selection - Conclusion 126

I. Cistophori Excluded from the Corpus 144

II. The Cistophori and the "Eastern" Denarii of Hadrian 150

III. The Cistophori and the Greek Imperials 152

II. Legends 160

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III. Types 161

This study represents a thoroughly revised version of a dissertation presented to

the Department of Classical Studies of The University of Michigan in 1973, in partial

underwrote the costs of travel and photography.

for the unevenness of some of the plates.

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kaiserlichen Silbermedaillons der romischen Provinz Asia appeared in the Abhandlungen

phori from several European collections, providing illustrations, type identifications,

inevitable advances in numismatic methodology have rendered his study incomplete,

yet it remains the only comprehensive treatment of the cistophori.

only by sporadic publication of new varieties. In 1936, Hubert Herzfelder published

He succeeded in identifying almost a score of mints.

foundations, called for a comprehensive treatment of Hadrian's cistophori. The present

importantly why the cistophori were produced.

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It is founded upon fresh examination of material in previous studies, major collections,

accompany each section. Questions of circulation, artistic technique, mint technique,

volume and purpose of the coinage are treated in summary chapters.

The catalogue is arranged geographically by mint, following the order of Head's

Historia Numorum. Each entry is headed by a description of the type: legends,

numbered continuously and designated by bold numerals. Each die is designated by

the undertype have been identified in the "Overstriking" column. References to

3, RIC = RIC 2, etc.

Numbering begins again at 1 and 1, distinguished by the prefix B (=Bithynia). This

practice is followed also in Appendix I, concordances, and indexes. Concordance and

index references are to the coin types except where noted.

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In general, the form most familiar in English has been preferred.

LIST OF COLLECTIONS CONSULTED

ANS American Numismatic Society, New York

Athens National Museum (M. Caramessini-Oeconomedes)

Berlin Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (H.-D. Schultz)

Boston Museum of Fine Arts (C. C. Vermeule)

Brussels Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique (J. Lallemand)

Budapest Magyar Nemzeti Museum (K. Bir6-Sey)

Cambridge Fitzwilliam Museum (T. R. Volk)

Copenhagen Royal Collection of Coins and Medals (A. Kromann)

Dresden Staatliche Kunstsammlungen (P. Arnold)

Foss Collection of Clive Foss, Boston

Glasgow Hunterian Museum (A. S. Robertson)

Hoffer Collection of Harvey J. Hoffer, New York

Istanbul Arkeoloji Miizeleri Mudurliigii (N. Olcay)

Karlsruhe Badisches Landesmuseum (F. Wielandt)

Leningrad The Hermitage (V. Brabich)

London The British Museum (R. A. G. Carson)

Milan Castello Sforzesco (E. Arslan)

Moscow Pushkin Museum (K. V. Golenko)

Munich Staatliche Munzsammlung (B. Overbeck)

Oslo Myntkabinettet, Universitetet i Oslo (J. Nordbe)