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JeffreyWeeks:
TheConstructionofHomosexuality*
Homosexuality:ConceptsandConsequences
Mostworksonthehistoryofsextendtoconcentrateonthemajorformsofsexualexperiencetotheexclusionoftheminority
forms.Thisisnotsurprisinggiventhecentralityinoursocietyofthegreatritualsofbirth,maturation,pairbonding,and
reproduction.Buttoignoreextramarital,nonreproductive,nonmonogamous,orevennonheterosexualformsistostiflean
importantaspectofoursocialhistory.Norindeedaretheyindependentaspects.Theregulationofextramaritalsexhasbeena
majorconcernfortheforcesofmoralorderthroughoutthehistoryoftheWest,whetherthroughthecanonicalcontrolsofthe
churchoveradulteryandsodomyinthemedievalperiod,orthestate'sorderingofprostitutionandhomosexualityinthe
modern.
Ofallthe"variations"ofsexualbehavior,homosexualityhashadthemostvividsocialpressure,andhasevokedthemost
lively(ifusuallygrosslymisleading)historicalaccounts.Itis,asmanysexologistsfromHavelockEllistoAlfredKinseyhave
noted,theformclosesttotheheterosexualnorminourculture,andpartlybecauseofthatithasoftenbeenthetargetof
sustainedsocialoppression.Ithasalso,asaninevitableeffectofthehostilityithasevoked,producedthemostsubstantial
formsofresistancetohostilecategorizationandhas,consequently,alongculturalandsubculturalhistory.Astudyof
homosexualityisthereforeessential,bothbecauseofitsownintrinsicinterestandbecauseofthelightitthrowsonthewider
regulationofsexuality,thedevelopmentofsexualcategorization,andtherangeofpossiblesexualidentities.
Inrecentyearsithasbecomeincreasinglyclear,firsttosociologists,andbelatedlytohistorians,thatitisessentialto
distinguishbetweenontheonehand,homosexualbehavior,andontheotherhomosexualroles,categorizations,and
identities.1Ithasbeenapparenttoanthropologistsandsexologistssinceatleastthenineteenthcenturythathomosexual
behaviorhasexistedinavarietyofdifferentcultures,andthatitisanineradicablepartofhumansexualpossibilities.Butwhat
hasbeenequallyapparentaretherangeofdifferentresponsestowardshomosexuality.Attitudestowardshomosexualbehavior
are,thatistosay,culturallyspecificandhavevariedenormouslyacrossdifferentculturesandthroughvarioushistorical
periods.Whatislessobvious,butisnowcentraltoanyhistoricalwork,istherealizationnotonlythatattitudestowardssame
sexactivityhavevariedbutthatthesocialandsubjectivemeaningsgiventohomosexualityhavesimilarlybeenculturally
specific.Bearingthisinminditisnolongerpossibletotalkofthepossibilityofauniversalistichistoryofhomosexualityitisonly
possibletounderstandthesocialsignificanceofhomosexualbehavior,bothintermsofsocialresponseandintermsof
individualidentity,initsexacthistoricalcontext.Toputitanotherway,thevariouspossibilitiesofsamesexbehaviorare

variouslyconstructedindifferentculturesasanaspectofwidergenderandsexualregulation.Thephysicalactsmightbe
similar,buttheirsocialimplicationsareoftenprofoundlydifferent.Inoutculturehomosexualityhasbecomeanexcoriated
experience,severelysociallycondemnedatvariousperiods,andeventodayseenasalargelyunfortunate,minorityformbya
largepercentageofthepopulation.Itisthisthatdemandsexplanation.
Thegeneraltendencyisstilltoassumethat"deviance",andespeciallysexualunorthodoxy,issomehowaqualityinherentin
theindividuals,towhichthesocialthenhastorespond.Overthepasttwentyyears,however,ithasbeenincreasingly
recognizedthatthesocialnotonlydefines,butactuallyinpartconstructsthedeviance.Theclassicstatementoftheimpactof
sociallabelingwasmadebyEdwinLemert,whodrewadistinctionbetweenwhathetermed"primary'and"secondary"
deviance,thefirstbeingintrinsic,forwhateverreason,totheindividual,thesecondtheresultofsocialdefinition.2Thissuggests
thattherearetwolevelsofanalysis,oneofwhichismoresusceptibletohistoricalunderstandingthantheother.Firstofallthere
isthequestionoftheactualcreationofgenderedandsexedindividuals,whetherasheterosexualorhomosexual.Recent
advancesinsocialpsychologyandinneoFreudianthoughthavesuggestedthatthedevelopmentofheterosexualor
homosexualpropensitiesattheleveloftheyounghumanarenotaproductofinherentbiologicalimperativesbutaretheeffect
ofhistoricallyconditionedfamilialandothersocialinfluenceschannelingthesexualpossibilitieswhichexistintheyoungchild.3
Itisquitepossible,thatistosay,thatchangingfamilyforms,changingnotionsofchildhood,oftheroleofparentsandsoon
actuallyhaveprofoundeffectsintheconstructionofindividualheterosexuals,homosexuals,orothersexualcategorizations.
Emotionsaredifferentiallystructuredaccordingtodifferentsocialformsandpressures.Butevenifprimarydifferenceswere
biologicallyformed,thiswouldnotfundamentallyaltertheargument.Forsecondly,whatmakesthishistoricallyimportantare
thesocialreactionstothesexedindividualsthatemergeinanyparticularformofsociety,andthewaysinwhichtheseshape
individualmeanings.Fortofeelorexperiencesomethingisnotthesamethingastoadoptaspecificsocialidentity,withallits
oftenproblematicaleffects.Thehistoricalproblemthereforeistoexplainthevarioussourcesofthesocialstigmatizationof
homosexuality,andtheindividualandcollectiveresponsetothisbroadlyhostileregulation.Butthewaytodothisisnottoseek
outasinglecausativefactor.Thecrucialquestionmustbe:whataretheconditionsfortheemergenceofthisparticularformof
regulationofsexualbehaviorinthisparticularsociety?InourownhistorythismustinvolveanexplorationofwhatMary
McIntoshpinpointedasthesignificantproblem:theemergenceofthenotionthathomosexualityisapsychologicaloremotional
conditionpeculiartosomepeopleandnotothers,andthesocialimplicationsofthisconceptualization.
MaryMcIntoshherselfhastheorizedthis,inahighlysuggestiveessay,intermsoftheemergenceofwhatshedescribesasa
"homosexualrole.''4Thatistosay,underspecifichistoricalcircumstances,whichMcIntoshtracestothelateseventeenth
century,thereemergesaspecificmale(andithasusuallybeenamale)role,aspecialized,despisedandpunishedrolewhich
"keepsthebulkofsocietypureinratherthesamewaythatthesimilartreatmentofsomekindsofcriminalhelpskeeptherestof
societylawabiding.''5Sucharolehastwoeffects:ithelpstoprovideaclearcutthresholdbetweenpermissibleand
impermissiblebehaviorandsecondly,ithelpstosegregatethoselabeledasdeviantfromothers,andthuscontainsandlimits
theirbehaviorpatterns.Inthesameway,ahomosexualsubculture,whichisthecorrelativeofthedevelopmentofaspecialized
role,providesbothaccesstothesociallyoutlawedneed(sex)andcontainsthedeviant.
Thisinsighthasbeenenormouslyinfluentialbut,asinallexploratoryessays,ithasleftmanyquestionsunanswered.More
recentworkhasattemptedtochallengeitbothintermsofitsrelationshiptoroletheoryandfunctionalismgenerally,and
becauseofitsapparentdenialofanypregivensexualorientation.6Thishoweveristomisconstrueitsrealimportance.The

essayitselfsuffersfromtheusualdefectsofastructuralistfunctionalistapproach,particularlyinthepurposiveeffortatsocial
controlthatitimplies.Butwhatitpointstoisanapproachthatcanbearmuchhistoricalfruit,indicatingthenecessityofstudying
homosexuality(aswithotherformsofsexualbehavior)bothintermsofthesocialcategorizationthatshapestheexperience,
andintermsoftheresponseitself,whichinrelationshiptohomosexualityhas,overalonghistoricaldevelopment,givenriseto
complexculturalandsubculturalforms,andadistinctiveseriesofsexualidentities.Theseidentitiesmust,however,be
understoodinalltheirspecificities,historical,class,andgender.Thislastpointisparticularlyimportantbecausethoughsocial
scientistsandhistorianshave,byandlarge,soughttoexplainmaleandfemalehomosexualitiesintermsofthesameetiologies
andcharacteristics,theirsocialhistories,thoughobviouslyrelated,aredistinctive.Forbothmaleandfemalehomosexualities
aresocialandhistoricaldivisionsoftherangeofsexualpossibilitiesandassuchhavetobeunderstoodintermsoftheirsocial
implications.7

Moral,Legal,andMedicalRegulation
ThereisalongtraditionintheChristianWestofhostilitytowardshomosexuality,althoughthisusuallytooktheformofthe
formalregulationofmalehomosexualactivityratherthanoflesbian.TheWestduringtheChristianerawasinfactuniqueinits
tabooagainstallformsofhomosexuality.Crossculturalevidencedemonstratesveryclearlythatothercultureshave
successfullyintegratedsomeformsatleastofhomosexualbehaviorintoitssexualmores,whetherintheformofthesocially
acceptedpedagogicrelationscommontoancientGreece,orinthedevelopmentofthetransvestite(berdache)rolesincertain
tribalsocieties.8Butthoughpersistent,theChristiantaboosagainsthomosexualityhavevariedinstrengththroughouttimeand
havehaddifferentialeffectsonmaleandfemalehomosexualbehavior.InEnglandbefore1885theonlylegislationwhich
directlyaffectedhomosexualbehaviorwasinfactthatreferringtosodomy.This"sinagainstnature,"thecrimenottobenamed
amongstChristians,evokedacutehorrors.Theclassicpositionwassummedupbythejurist,SirWilliamBlackstone,inthelate
eighteenthcentury,whofeltthatitsverymentionwas"adisgracetohumannature."Butthisdefianceofnature'swillwasnota
solelyhomosexualoffence.The1533ActofHenryVIIIwhichfirstbroughtbuggerywithinthescopeofstatutelaw,superseding
ecclesiasticallaw,adoptedthesamecriterionasthechurch:allactsofbuggerywereequallycondemnedasbeing"against
nature,'whetherbetweenmanandwoman,manandbeast,ormanandman.Thepenaltyfor"theabominableviceofbuggery"
wasdeath,andthedeathpenaltycontinuedonthestatutebooks,formallyatleast,until1861.Thisenactmentwasthebasisfor
allhomosexualconvictionsupto1885inEnglandandWales.Otherformsofhomosexualactivityweresubsumedunderthe
majorformeitherasassaultorasattemptsatthemajorcrime.Thecentralpointwemustgraspwasthatthelawwasdirected
againstaseriesofsexualacts,notaparticulartypeofperson,althoughinpracticemostpeopleprosecutedunderthebuggery
lawswereprobablyprosecutedforhomosexualbehavior(sodomy).Itseemslikelythathomosexualitywasregardednotasa
particularattributeofacertaintypeofpersonbutasapotentialinallsensualcreatures.Theprimetaskseemstohavebeen
protectionofreproductivesexinmarriage.Thelawagainstsodomywasacentralaspectoftheregulationofallnonprocreative
sexanditwasdirectedatmen.Thoughlesbianbehaviorwasvariouslycondemneditsthreatwaslessexplicitlyrecognizedin
legalregulation,inAngloSaxonculturesatleast.9

The"sinagainstnature"seemstohaveevokedapeculiarhostility.OneofthesailorscourtmartialedforbuggeryonHMS
Africainein1815spokeof"acrimewhichwouldtoGodt'werenevermoreseenonearthfromthoseshadesofhellishdarkness
whencetothemiseryofManitspropensityhasbeenvomitedforth."10Theepithet"sodomite"wascertainlyonetobefeared
throughoutthenineteenthcentury.Intheearlypartofthecenturythereissomeevidenceofgreatpublicantipathytowards
convictedsodomites,whilein1895OscarWildewasstirredintohisdisastrouslibelcaseagainsttheMarquisofQueensberry
afterbeingaccusedofposing,inhisinimitablemisspelling,asa"somdomite."AsLordSumnerputitin1918,settingthestamp
ofanadmiredjudgeonsocialstigmatization,sodomiteswerestampedwith"thehallmarkofaspecializedandextraordinary
classasmuchasiftheyhadcarriedontheirbodiessomephysicalpeculiarities."11
Despitethisevidenceitisdifficulttotraceinanydetailtheactualenforcementofthesodomylawortounderstandthesorts
ofsexualidentitiesthatthoseprosecutedunderitdeveloped.Itsenforcementvariedthroughouttimeandbetweendifferent
socialclasses.Thereseemstohavebeenaspateofconvictionsattheendoftheseventeenthcenturyandinthe1720s,
coincidingsignificantlyenoughwithmoralitycrusadesandtheemergenceofadistinctivemalehomosexualsubcultureinsome
ofthelargercities.Andthereappearstohavebeenanincreaseinprosecutionsinthefirstthirdofthenineteenthcenturywhen
morethan50menwerehangedforsodomyinEngland.Inoneyear,1806,thereweremoreexecutionsforsodomythanfor
murder,whilein1810fouroutoffiveconvictedsodomistswerehanged.12Thelawappearstohavebeenparticularlysevereon
membersofthearmedforces,whereitwasoftenemployedwithparticularlydramaticandexemplaryresults.In1811Ensign
JohnHepburnandDrummerThomasWhitewere"launchedintoeternity"beforea"vastconcourseofspectators"including
manynotablesandmembersoftheRoyalFamily.AndinFebruary1816,fourmembersofthecrewoftheAfricainewere
hangedforbuggeryafteramajornavalscandal.Buggeryhasbeenmentionedinthearticlesofwarsincetheseventeenth
centuryandwastreatedasseriouslyasdesertion,mutiny,ormurder.13
Theredoesseemtobeapattern,certainlyintheearlynineteenthcentury,ofanincreaseintheprosecutionofbuggery
relatedtowhetherornotBritainwasatwarorinastateofsocialturmoilasinlaterperiods,homosexualbehaviorwasoftena
funnelforwidersocialanxieties.Effortstoremovethedeathpenaltyforsodomyweregenerallyunsuccessful.SirRobertPeel
reaffirmeditinhisreforms,in1826andwhenLordJohnRussellattemptedtoremove"unnaturaloffences"fromthelistof
capitalcrimesin1841hewasforcedtowithdrawthroughlackofparliamentarysupport.Inpractice,however,thedeathpenalty
wasnotappliedafterthe1830s,andwasfinallyremovedin1861(tobereplacedbysentencesofbetweentenyearsandlife
imprisonment).
Severeasthelawwasintheory,itwasacatchallratherthanarefinedlegalweapon,reflectingageneralizedlegalcontrol
ratherthandetailedindividualsurveillance.Aslateas1817amanwassentencedtodeathunderthesodomylawsfororalsex
withaboy(hewaslaterpardoned),andtheterm"unnaturalcrimes"oftencoveredamultitudeofmeanings,frombestialityto
birthcontrol.Theuncertainstatusofsodomywasunderlinedinthenotoriousprosecutionofthetwotransvestites,Ernest
BoultonandFrederickWilliamPark,whowithothersweretriedforconspiracytocommitsodomiteactsintheearly1870s.
Police,legal,andmedicalattitudesweremanifestlyconfused.WhenBoultonandParkwerearrestedin1870forindecent
behavior(constitutedbytheirpubliccrossdressing),theywereimmediatelyexamined,withoutauthorization,forevidenceof
sodomy.Itbecomesclearfromthetranscriptsofthetrial(itselfamajorpublicevent,heldbeforetheLordChiefJusticein
WestminsterHallandproducingsaturationpresscoverage)thatneitherthepolicenotthecourtwerefamiliarwiththepatterns
ofmalehomosexuality.TheopeningremarksoftheAttorneyGeneralhintedthatitwastheirtransvestism,theirsolicitingmen

aswomenwhichwasthecoreoftheircrime.ADr.Paul,whoexaminedthemforsodomyontheirarrest,hadneverencountered
asimilarcaseinhiswholecareer.HisonlyknowledgecamefromahalfrememberedcasehistoryinAlfredSwaineTaylor's
MedicalJurisprudence.ButevenDr.Taylorhimself,whogaveevidenceinthecase,hadhadnopreviousexperienceapartfrom
thiscase,andtheotherdoctorscalledincouldnotagreeonwhatthesignsofsodomiticalactivitywere.TheAttorneyGeneral
observedthat:"Itmustbeamatterofrareoccurrenceinthiscountryatleastforanypersontobediscoveredwhohasany
propensityforthepracticeswhichareimputedtothem.14Theironlyrecoursetothe"scientific"literaturethatwasbythen
appearingwastotheFrench,andthenreluctantly.Dr.PaulhadneverheardoftheworkofTardieu,whohadinvestigatedover
200casesofsodomyforpurposesoflegalproof,untilananonymousletterinformedhimofitsexistence.TheAttorneyGeneral
suggestedthatitwasfortunatethattherewas"verylittlelearningorknowledgeuponthissubjectinthiscountry."Oneofthe
defensecounselwasmorebitter,attackingDr.Paulforrelyingon"thenewfoundtreasuresofFrenchliteratureuponthesubject
whichthankGodisstillforeigntothelibrariesofBritishsurgeons.15
Whatisstrikinginallthisisthataslateas1871,conceptsofhomosexualitywereextremelyundevelopedbothinthe
MetropolitanPoliceandinhighmedicalandlegalcircles,suggestingtheabsenceofanyclearnotionofahomosexualcategory
orofanysocialawarenessofwhatahomosexualidentitymightconsistof.Certainlyfromtheearlyseventeenthcentury,ifnot
earlier,therewasawidespreadappreciationoftheexistenceofasortoftransvestiteandmaleprostitutionsubculture,andby
theearlynineteenthcenturyitwasoftenassumedincourtcasesthatamarriedmanwaslesslikelytobeguiltyofbuggery
offenceswithanotherman.16ButeventhisissuewasamatterofdebateintheBoultonandParkcasein1871.Suchpopular
notionsasdidexistinvariablyassociatedmalehomosexualbehaviorwitheffeminacyandprobablytransvestismaswell.The
counterevidencethatwaspresentalwaysproducedsurprise.TheauthorofThePhoenixofSodom,publishedin1813,was
amazedtodiscoverthatmaleswhoprostitutedthemselveswereoftennoteffeminatemen,butcoalmerchants,policerunners,
drummers,waiters,servants,andagrocer.17Therewasnoawarenessofhomosexualityconstitutingthecenterofalife
"career."EvenJeremyBentham,theutilitarianphilosopher,whohadproducedextraordinarilyadvancedviewsattheturnofthe
eighteenthandnineteenthcenturies,almostalwaysconceivedofsodomitesas"bisexual,"capableofmarriage,andattractedto
adolescentboys,ratherthanasadultmenwholoveotheradultmen.18
Thelatterpartofthenineteenthcentury,however,sawtheclearemergenceofnewconceptualizationsofhomosexuality
althoughtheelementsofthenewdefinitionsandpracticescanbetracedtoearlierperiods.Thesodomite,asFoucaulthasput
it,wasatemporaryaberration.The"homosexual,"ontheotherhand,belongedtoaspecies,anditisthisnewconcernwiththe
homosexualperson,bothinlegalpracticeandinpsychologicalandmedicalcategorization,thatmarksthecrucialchange,both
becauseitprovidedanewsubjectofsocialobservationandspeculation,andbecauseitopenedupthepossibilityofnew
modesofselfarticulation.Itispreciselyatthisperiodthatweseethedevelopmentofnewtermstodescribethoseinterestedin
thesamesex.Theadoptioninthelastdecadesofthenineteenthcenturyofwordslike"homosexual"or"invert,"bothby
sexologistsandbythehomosexualsthemselves,markedascrucialachangeinconsciousnessasdidthewidespreadadoption
oftheterm"gay"inthe1970s.Changinglegalandmedicalattitudeswereimportantelementsinthisdevelopment.The1861
OffencesAgainstthePersonActrepresentedaformalmovetowardscivilizationandremovedthedeathpenaltyforbuggery
(replacingitbysentencesofbetweentenyearsandlife).InthenexttwentyyearsthereisclearevidenceintheHomeOffice
filesofattemptstodistinguishthevariousformsofbuggery,whichinpracticemeantaseparationofbestialityfromhomosexual
activity,whichwasbeingmorecloselydefinedasanindividualtrait.19Thisinturnwasbeingmoredirectlycontrolled.Bythe

famousLabouchreAmendmenttotheCriminalLawAmendmentActof1885,actsofgrossindecencybetweenmenwereas
"misdemeanors"madepunishablebyuptotwoyears'hardlabor,andthisineffectbroughtwithinthescopeofthelawallforms
ofmalehomosexualactivity.In1898theVagrancyActtightenedupthelawrelatingtoimportuningfor"immoralpurposes"and
thiswaseffectivelyappliedexclusivelyagainsthomosexualmen.ByafurtherCriminalLawAmendmentActin1912,the
sentenceforthisoffencewassetatsixmonths'imprisonmentwithfloggingforasecondoffense,onsummaryjurisdiction.20
HenryLabouchrestatedthathisstimulustointroducethisamendmentwasareportonmaleprostitutionsenttohimbyW.
T.Stead,andhearguedthatitsintroductionwasessentiallytofacilitateproof.21Thenewlawswereofcourseformallyless
repressivethanthesodomylaw,whichstillcarriedforawhileamaximumoflifeimprisonment.Moreovertheapplicationofthe
lawsvariedthroughouttimeandbetweendifferentplacesatdifferenttimes,withjuriesstillreluctanttoconvict.Therewaseven
someoppositionatgovernmentalleveltothefactthattheLabouchreAmendmentappliedtoprivateaswellaspublicbehavior.
TheDirectorofPublicProsecutionsnotedin1889"theexpediencyofnotgivingunnecessarypublicity"tocasesofgross
indecencyandatthesametimehefeltthatmuchcouldbesaidforallowing"privatepersonsbeingfullgrownmentoindulge
theirunnaturaltastesinprivate."Oftenitseemsjurieswerereluctanttoconvict,whilethepolicedirectedablindeyetoprivate
activitybeforetheFirstWorldWar,aslongas"publicdecency"wasnottoooffended.22Whenthelawwasappliedhowever,as
itwasforinstanceinthecaseofOscarWildein1895,itwasappliedwithrigor,withthemaximumpenaltyoftwoyears'hard
laborunderthe1885Actoftenbeingenforced.Similarly,theclausesagainstimportuningwerevigorouslyapplied.Comparedto
theshillingsfineimposedonfemaleprostitutesundertheVagrancyAct,themaximumsentenceofsixmonths'imprisonmentfor
menunderthesameprovisiongroundparticularlyhardonmalehomosexuals,particularlyasaprosecutionwasusually
associatedwithsocialobloquyandmoralrevulsion.Asalibertarianwriterobservedinthe1930s,speakingofprivate
enforcementsbythePublicMoralityCouncil,"Itisgratifyingtonotethatinrespectoffemalesolicitingactionisonlytakenwhere
actualannoyanceordisorderlyconductareapparent.Allcasesofimportuningbymalepersonsarehoweverreported.''23The
lawdidnotcreatehostility,butaspartofawiderrestructuringofthesocialregulationofsexithelpedshapeanewmood,
particularlyinitsoperation.Perhapsevenmoreimportantthantheindividualprosecutionsweretheoutburstsofmoralpanic
thatoftenaccompaniedsomeofthemoresensationalcases.Thiswasparticularlyexemplifiedinthefuroresurroundingthe
"ThreeTrials"ofOscarWildein1895.ThedownfallofOscarWildewasamostsignificanteventforitcreatedapublicimagefor
the"homosexual,"atermbynowcomingintouse,andaterrifyingmoraltaleofthedangersthattrailedcloselybehinddeviant
behavior.TheWildetrialswereineffectlabelingprocessesofamostexplicitkinddrawingaclearborderbetweenacceptable
andabhorrentbehavior.Buttheyalsoofcoursehadparadoxicaleffects.AsHavelockEllissaidoftheOscarWildetrials,they
appeared"tohavegenerallycontributedtogivedefinitenessandselfconsciousnesstothemanifestationsofhomosexuality,
andtohavearousedinvertstotakeupadefinitestand.''24Itseemslikelythatthenewformsoflegalregulation,whatevertheir
vagariesinapplication,hadtheeffectofforcinghometomanythefactoftheirdifferenceandthuscreatinganewcommunityof
knowledge,ifnotoflifeandfeeling,amongstmanymenwithhomosexualleanings.Therewasclearevidenceinthelater
decadesofthenineteenthcenturyofthedevelopmentofanewsenseofidentityamongstmanyhomosexualindividuals,anda
crucialelementinthiswouldundoubtedlyhavebeenthenewpublicsalienceofhomosexuality,dramatizedbythelegal
situation.
Thechanginglegalsituationwasintricatelyassociatedwiththeemergenceofa"medicalmodel"ofhomosexualitywhich
helpedprovidetheoreticalexplanationfortheindividualizingofthecrime.ThemostcommonlyquotedEuropeanwriterson

homosexualityinthemid1870swereCasperandTardieu,theleadingmedicalandlegalexpertsofGermanyandFrance
respectively,andbothseemedtohavebeenprimarilyconcernedwiththeneedtodefinethenewtypeof"degenerates"who
werecomingbeforethecourts,andtotestwhethertheycouldbeheldlegallyresponsiblefortheiracts).25Thesameproblem
wasapparentinBritain.MostoftheworksonhomosexualitythatappeareduptotheFirstWorldWarweredirected,inpartat
least,atthelegalprofession.EvenJ.A.Symonds'sprivatelyprintedpamphletAProbleminModernEthicsdeclareditselftobe
addressed"especiallytomedicalpsychologistsandjurists,"whileHavelockEllis'sSexualInversion(1897)wasattackedforits
oppositepolicy,fornotbeingpublishedbythemedicalpressandbeingtoopopularintone.Themedicalizationof
homosexualityatransitionfromnotionsofsintoconceptsofsicknessormentalillnesswasavitallysignificantmove,even
though,likethenewlegalmodel,itsapplicationwasuneven.Arounditthepolesofscientificdiscourseragedfordecades:was
homosexualitycongenitaloracquired,ineradicableorsusceptibletocure,tobequietlyifunenthusiasticallyacceptedas
unavoidable(eventheliberalHavelockEllisinhispioneeringstudyofhomosexualityfounditnecessarytowarnhisinvert
readernotto"sethimselfinviolentopposition"tohissociety),ortoberesistedwithalltheforceofone'sChristianwill?26Older
notionsoftheimmoralityorsinfulnessofhomosexualbehaviordidnotofcoursedieinthenineteenthcentury.Butfromthe
nineteenthcenturytheywereinextricablyentangledwithwouldbescientifictheorywhichformedtheboundariesagainstand
withinwhichhomosexualshadtodefinethemselves.
Whatineffectmanyofthepioneeringsexologistsofthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturiesweredoingwasto
developthenotionthathomosexualitywasthecharacteristicofaparticulartypeofperson.KarlWestphal,forinstance,inthe
1860sdescribeda"contrarysexualfeeling"andarguedthathomosexualitywasaproductofmoralinsanityresultingfrom
"congenitalreversalofsexualfeeling."KarlUlrichs,aGermanlawyerandwriterandhimselfhomosexuallyinclined,who
pioneeredcongenitaltheoriesinGermanyfromthe1860s,arguedthatthe"urning"wastheproductoftheanomalous
developmentoftheoriginallyundifferentiatedhumanembryo,resultinginafemalemindinamalebodyorviceversa.The
theoriesofanintermediatesexpopularizedbyEdwardCarpenterintheearlytwentiethcenturywerelogicalextensionsof
Ulrichs'ideas.Onamorescientificlevel,thegreatGermansexologistMagnusHirschfeldwasabletodevelopnotionsofathird
sexandtointegrateintothisnotiondiscoveriesofthesignificanceofhormonesinthedevelopmentofsexualdifferentiation.
HormonalexplanationsalsosupplementEllis'scongenitaltheories.Manyoftheseideasinturnweretakenupbyhomosexual
apologiststoformthebasisforanexplanationofhomosexualitywhichwasfreeofthepejorativeimplicationsofthesinor
moralweaknesstheories.
Alongsidethesecongenitaltheories,environmentalistnotionsofcorruptionof"degeneration"continuedtoflourish.And
discussioncontinuedastowhether,asliberalslikeHavelockEllisagreed,homosexualitywasacongenitalandrelatively
harmless"anomaly,"orwhetheritwasevidenceofmoralinsanityormentalsickness.Thesicknesstheoryofhomosexuality
wastohaveprofoundsocialreasonancefromthe1930sonwards,butevenearliermanyhomosexualsthemselveshada
deeplyrootedbeliefthattheyweresick.OscarWildecomplainedinprisonthathehadbeenledastrayby"erotomania"and
extravagantsexualappetitewhichindicatedtemporarymentalcollapse.27SirRogerCasement,theIrishpatriot,thoughthis
homosexualitywasaterriblediseasewhichoughttobecured,whileGoldsworthyLowesDickinson,aliberalhumanistfamed
forhisrationalism,believedhishomosexualitytobeamisfortune:"Iamlikeamanborncrippled.''28Withsuchadeeplyrooted
selfconceptionoftenwentawillingnesstoacceptahegemonyof(oftendubious)medicalknowledgeandthatinturn
encouragedwouldbecures,fromhypnotismthroughtochemicalexperimentationandinthe1960stoaversiontherapy.29But

intheearlydecadesofthetwentiethcenturythemedicalmodelstilltoalargeextentstayedattheleveloftheoryandmost
doctorsseemedtohavebeenindifferenttoorignorantofthephenomena,reflectingasusualalltheprejudicesofthewider
society.Theoldmoralityratherthanthenewpsychologyretaineditsinfluenceuntilatleasttheinterwaryears.Nevertheless,
theexistenceofamedicalmodelwasprofoundlytoshapetheindividualizationofhomosexuality,andcontributetothe
constructionofthenotionofadistincthomosexualperson.
Althoughthetheorizingofhomosexualityappliedindifferentlytomalesandfemales,itisstrikingthatitwasmale
homosexualitythatwaschieflysubjecttonewregulation.Lesbianismcontinuedtobeignoredbythecriminalcodes.Anattempt
in1921tointroduceprovisionsagainstlesbianismsimilartothoseoftheLabouchreAmendmentultimatelyfailedtoget
throughParliament,andthereasonswereinstructive.LordDesart,whohadbeenDirectorofPublicProsecutionswhenWilde
wasindicated,opposedtheprovisionwiththecomment:"Youaregoingtotellthewholeworldthatthereissuchanoffence,to
bringittothenoticeofwomenwhohaveneverheardofit,neverthoughtofit,neverdreamtofit.Ithinkthatisaverygreat
mischief."LordBirkenhead,theLordChancellormadethesamepoint:"Iwouldbeboldenoughtosaythatofeverythousand
women,takenasawhole,999haveneverevenheardawhisperofthesepractices.Amongallthese,inthehomesofthis
country...thetaintofthisnoxiousandhorriblesuspicionistobeimparted.''30Itisclearinsuchcommentsthattherewasboth
anawarenessofthecontradictoryeffectofseverelawsagainsthomosexualbehavior,andabeliefthatthecontrolofmale
homosexualitywasofgreatersocialsaliencethanoffemale.Itwasnotthatlesbianbehaviorwasapprovedbutitdidnotenter
thesamedomainofdebateasmalehomosexuality.
Itisthispreoccupationwithmalesexualitythatallowsustoindicateatleastsomeoftheconcernswhichactedas
preconditionsfortherefinementofsocialregulationsinthelatterpartofthenineteenthcentury.Thesecannotbeunderstoodby
tryingtolocateasimpleprogrammeofsocialcontrol.Onthecontrary,itseemslikelythatthechangesinattitudestowards
homosexualitywereoftenunintendedconsequencesofothermajorchanges.Whatwashappeningwasthattheensembleof
traditionalassumptionswasmeetingnewcategorizationandtogetherbeingtransformedbyaseriesofintersectinginfluences.
Animportantfactorherewastherenewedemphasisinthesocialpuritycampaignsofthelatterpartofthenineteenthcentury
onthedangersofmalelust,andonthenecessityforpublicdecency.Itisstrikingthatthesocialpuritycampaignersofthe
1880ssawbothprostitutionandmalehomosexualityasproductsofundifferentiatedmaledesireanditissignificantinthis
respectthatthemajorenactmentsaffectingmalehomosexualityfromthe1880s(theLabouchreAmendment,the1898
VagrancyAct,the1912CriminalLawAmendmentAct)wereaspectsofthegeneralmoralrestructuring,andwereprimarily
concernedwithfemaleprostitution.Indeed,aslateasthe1950sitwasstillseenaslogicaltosetupasinglegovernment
committeetheWolfendenCommitteetostudybothprostitutionandmalehomosexuality.Inthedebatesbeforethe1885
CriminalLawAmendmentActwasrushedthroughParliament,malehomosexualbehaviorwasquiteclearlylinkedwiththe
activitiesofthosewhocorruptedyounggirls.Whatwasatstakewasontheonehandtheuncontrolledlustsofcertaintypesof
men,andontheotherthenecessarysanctityofthesexualbondwithinmarriage.31
Atthispointseveralapparentlyextraneousthemesintervene,whichinparticulardemonstratetheinfluenceofthenew
attitudestowardschildhoodandadolescence.Theprogressofcivilization,theheadmasterofCliftonCollege,Bristol,the
ReverendJ.M.Wilson,intonedinthe1880s,wasinthedirectionofpurity.Thiswasthreatenedbysinsofthefleshwhich
underminedboththeselfandthenation.Headvisedhisstudentsto"strengthenyourwillbypractice:subdueyourfleshbyhard
workandhardlivingbytemperancebyavoidingallluxuryandeffeminacy,andalltemptation.''32Suchbeliefsandadjurations
constantlyinvadethediscussionofandresponsestohomosexuality.

InthescandalsaroundtheClevelandStreetbrothelin1889/90andintheOscarWildescandal,thecorruptionofyouthwas
againacentralissue.TheDirectorofPublicProsecutions,reflectingontheClevelandStreetscandal,observedthattherewasa
duty"toenforcethelawandprotectthechildrenofrespectableparentstakenintotheserviceofthepublicfrombeingmade
thevictimsoftheunnaturallustsoffullgrownmen."33Theeffortsthroughtheraisingoftheageofconsentforgirlsto16to
preventtheseductionofminorswasthereforeparalleledbytheregulationofmalehomosexualbehavior.Inthemythologyof
thetwentiethcenturythehomosexual,asthearchetypalsexedbeing,apersonwhosesexualitypervadedhiminhisvery
existence,threatenedtocorruptallaroundhimandparticularlytheyoung.Themostpervasivestereotypeofthemale
homosexualwasasa"corrupterofyouth."
Anothervitalcomplexofattitudes,thoseassociatedwithimperialistsentiment,alsoenteredthedevelopmentofattitudes
towardshomosexuality.Heretherewasacomplexpatternrelatednotonlytothenotionofcorruptionanddegenerationbutalso
tothevitalimportanceofthefamilytoimperialsecurity.Attitudestohomosexualityhaveofcourselongbeenlinkedtofearsof
imperialdecline,fromGibbon'sdescriptionofthedeclineandfalloftheRomanEmpire,throughtothosewhoopposed
homosexuallawreforminthe1960s.Thesehadnomorerelevanceinthe1880sthanatothertimes.Buttothesocialpurity
advocateitwaslustwhichthreatenedboththefamilyandnationaldecay."RomefellothernationshavefallenandifEngland
fallsitwillbethissin,andherunbeliefinGod,thatwillhavebeenherruin.''34Thepuritanemphasisonthefamily,andon
sexuallifeasbeingnecessarilyconfinedtothemaritalbed,offeredanantidotetosocialcrisisandacountertothefearof
decline.
Butthereisanevenwiderfactorthatneedstobeemphasized.Homosexualityonlybecomesamatterforsocialconcern
whensexualityasageneralcategorybecomesofmajorpublicimportance.Thedebateson"natural"sexualityinthenineteenth
century,andparticularlythefocusingonthesanctityofthemaritalbondinsocialpuritydiscourse,byanecessaryrebound
demandsthemorerefinedcontrolofextramaritalsexuality,howevertrivial.Sodomywasacatchallwhichmarkedthe
distinctionbetweennonreproductiveandreproductivesexuality,hutwhosecharacter,asdescriptionandaslegalcategory,
remainedvague.HomosexualityandtheothercategoriesthatweresointricatelydescribedbyKrafftEbingandothersinthe
latenineteenthcenturyspokeofthepleasuresanddangersofsexingeneral,inallitsforms,pleasures,anddangersthatnot
onlyaddressedreproductivesexualitybutalsotheprivilegedroleofsexincementingthemarriagealliance.Assexwas
ideologicallyprivatized,intheprivilegeddomainofthesacramentalmarriage,asitsdiscretionand"control"becamethemarkof
respectability,soitsvariantformsneededevermorerefineddefinitionsandcontrolandevermorediscussionanddebateand
analysis.Butinevitably,simultaneously,theyalsoprovidedthespacefornewsexuallocalizations:for,indeed,sharpersexual
identities.Theinevitablecontradictoryeffectwasthatagrowingawarenessofhomosexuality,aneverexpandingexplosionof
worksaboutit,accompanieditsmoredetailedorganizationandcontrolandthisinturncreatedtheelementsofresistanceand
selfdefinitionthatledtothegrowthofdistinctivehomosexualidentities...
Homosexualityhasexistedinvarioustypesofsocieties,butitisonlyinsomeculturesthatitbecomesorganizedinto
distinctivesubcultures,andonlyincontemporaryculturesthatthesebecamepublic.HomosexualbehaviorintheMiddleAges
andafterwasnodoubtrecurrent,butonlyincertainclosedcommunitieswasiteverprobablyinstitutionalized:insome
monasteriesandnunneries,asmanyofthemedievalpenitentiariessuggestinsomeofthechivalricordersinthecourtsof
certainmonarchs,suchasJamesIandWilliamIIIandinandaroundthetheatricalprofession,andsuchlikefringecultural
activities.Otherhomosexualcontactsarelikelytohavebeencasual,fleeting,andundefined.Thedevelopmentofwider,more
opensubcultureswasprobablyofacomparativelyrecentorigin.ThoughinItalyandFrancethereisevidenceforsomesortof

malehomosexualsubcultureinthetownsinthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies,inBritaintherewasnoobviouspublic
subculture,bringingtogethervarioussocialstrata,untilthelateseventeenthcentury.Certainlybytheearly1700stherewere
signsofadistinctivenetworkofoverlappinghomosexualsubculturesinLondonassociatedwithopenspaces,pederastic
brothels,andlatrines.Fromtheeighteenthcenturythesewereknownas"markets,"reflectinginpartthecurrentheterosexual
usage,asintheterm"marriagemarket."Butitdoesunderlinewhatseemstohavebeencharacteristicofthesesubcultural
formationswellintothetwentiethcentury:theirorganizationaroundformsofprostitution,theexchangeofmoneyandservices
betweenunequals,ratherthanpeerpartnerships.Itseemsquitelikelythattheonlyfrequentorregularparticipantsmthese
subculturesweretherelativelyfew"professionals."Theevidenceofthetrialsfromtheeighteenthcenturysuggestthatawide
varietyofmenfromallsortsofsocialclassesparticipatedinthesubculture,butveryfeworganizedtheirlivesaroundthem...
Bythelatterdecadesofthenineteenthcenturywecanseetheemergenceofgroupsofpeoplewithamuchmoreclearly
definedsenseofahomosexualidentity.Fromthe1860sthepoetandcriticJohnAddingtonSymondswasattemptingtograpple
withthenewtheoriesoninversionwhichwereappearinginEurope.HisessayAProbleminGreekEthics,privatelyprintedin
1883,examinedhomosexualityasavalidlifestyleinAncientGreeceandthisemphasisontheGreekideal,despiteits
transparentanachronisms,wasaveryimportantoneforselfidentifiedhomosexualsintothetwentiethcentury.HisessayA
ProbleminModernEthics,privatelypublishedin1891,wasasynthesisofrecentviewsandapleaforlawreform.With
HavelockEllishebeganthepreparationforthefirstcomprehensiveBritishstudyofthesubject,Sexuallnversion,which
appearedafterhisdeath,andafterhisfamilyhadwithdrawntheirconsent,underEllis'snamealone.Althoughmarried,with
children,thereisnodoubtthatJ.A.Symondswasstrivingtoarticulateawayoflifequitedistinctfromthosewhichhadgone
before.EdwardCarpenterandhiscircleofsocialistsandlibertariansprovideanotherexampleofthedevelopmentofa
distinctivehomosexualidentity,inhiscaseassociatedwithpoliticosocialcommitment.Fromthe1890shelivedarelatively
openhomosexuallifewithhispartner,GeorgeMerrill.OscarWildeandhiscirclealsoconstituteanexampleofasocialnetwork
whereasenseofahomosexualwayoflifewasdeveloping.Individualsfromtheseinterlockingcircles,suchasGeorgeCecil
Ives,laterbecameimportantinthesmallscalehomosexualreformmovementswhichbegantodevelopintheearlyyearsofthe
twentiethcentury,andsawthemselvesverymuchasfightingfor"theCause"againstlegalandmoralrepression...
Thekeynoteofthehomosexualworldwasambivalenceandambiguity.Itwaspossibletoleadasuccessfulhomosexuallife
withintheintersticesofthewidersociety.Norwasthelifeentirelyshapedbylegalrepression.JackSaulinhisdepositionin
1889wasasked:
Wereyouhuntedoutbythepolice?
No,theyhaveneverinterfered.Theyhavealwaysbeenkindtome.
Doyoumeantheyhavedeliberatelyshuttheireyestoyourinfamouspractices?
Theyhavetoshuttheireyestomorethanme.35

Probablymoreimportantthanthelegalsituationwasthesocialstigmathatattachedtohomosexualbehaviorandthatseemsto
haveincreasedinthelatenineteenthandearlytwentiethcenturies.Itisthiswhichgivessocialsignificancetothedevelopment
ofthesmallscaleandsecretivehomosexualreformmovement.OnecircleassociatedwiththecriminologistGeorgeCecilIves,
theOrderofChaeronea,appears,ontheevidenceofhisthreemillionworddiary,tohavebeenactivefromtheearly1890sin
succoringhomosexualsintroublewiththelaw.ItdevelopedanalmostMasonicstyleandritual,insistingonsecrecyandloyalty,
and developed international "chapters." Many of the participants in this Order, men like Ives and Laurence Housman, were

activeintheBritishSocietyfortheStudyofSexPsychology,foundedontheeveoftheFirstWorldWartocampaignforgeneral
changesinattitudestowardssexuality.Oneofthemajorplanksofthesocietywasreformofthelawrelatingtohomosexuality,
andinthe1920sthistoobecamepartofaninternationalmovementforsexreform.Itischaracteristicofthesemovementsthat
althoughtheyweregenerallyfoundedandoperatedbyhomosexualstheywerenotostensiblyhomosexualorganizations.On
thecontrary,theirabilitytoremainpubliclyrespectablewasanimportantpartofwhatsuccesstheygained.
Despite the ambiguities, it is clear that by the end of the nineteenth century a recognizably "modern" male homosexual
identity was beginning to emerge, but it would be another generation before female homosexuality reached a corresponding
levelofarticulacy.Thelesbianidentitywasmuchlessclearlydefined,andthelesbiansubculturewasminimalincomparison
withthemale,andevenmoreoverwhelminglyupperclassorliterary.BerlinandParismighthavehadtheirmeetingplacesby
theturnofthenineteenthcenturyandthereisclearevidenceofcoteriesofliterarylesbianssuchasthoseassociatedwiththe
ParissalonofNatalieCliffordBarney.Achroniclerofhomosexuallifeintheearlypartofthiscenturymentionsvariouslesbian
meetingplaces,includingtheLondonVapourBathonladies"day,andbythe1920sthebetterofflesbianscouldmeetinsome
of the new nightclubs. But it is striking that the bestrecorded examples of a lesbian presence referred to the defiantly
"masculine appearance and manner" of the participant. The novelist, Radclyffe Hall, for instance, became notorious for her
masculine appearance. Only by asserting one's identity so vehemently, as Radclyffe Hall recognized, could you begin to be
noticedandtakenseriously.Butthenumberswhocoulddressthiswayandcouldaffordtodefyconventionalopinionweretiny
and the lives of the vast majority of women with lesbian feelings were unknown, perhaps unknowable. Even the enthusiastic
categorizersofearlytwentiethcenturysexologystoppedshortoffemalehomosexuality.In1901KrafftEbingnotedthatthere
wereonly50knowncasehistoriesoflesbianism,andevenintheearly1970s,twomodernwritersonhomosexualitycouldnote
that "the scientific literature on the lesbian is exceedingly sparse." Writers like Magnus Hirschfeld and Havelock Ellis whose
scientificandpolemicalinterestinthesubjectwasgenuineseemtohavefounditdifficulttodiscovermuchinformation,ormany
lesbianswhosecasehistoriestheycouldrecord.
Nodoubttheabsenceofanylegalregulationoflesbianbehaviorandaconsequentabsenceofpublicpilloryingandscandal
was an influence in shaping the low social profile of female homosexuality, but the basic reason for the indifference towards
lesbianism is probably more fundamental. It relates precisely to different social assumptions about the sexuality of men and
womenandinparticulartodominantnotionsoffemalesexuality.HavelockEllis,whosewifewaslesbian,felttheneedtostress
that female homosexuals were often particularly masculine, and in Radclyffe Hall's The Weil of Loneliness, a major novel of
lesbianlovepublishedin1928,itisthe"masculine"womaninthestorywhoisthetrueinvert.Stephen,masculineinnameand
behavior,isforcedtoenduretheagoniesofhernature,thebiologicallygivenessence,whilethefeminineMaryinthestoryisin
theendabletooptforaheterosexualmarriedlife.
This concern with the masculinity of lesbians can only be explained in terms of the overwhelming weight of assumptions
concerningfemalesexuality.AsJ.H.GagnonandWilliamSimonhaveputit,"thepatternsofovertsexualbehavioronthepart
ofhomosexualfemalestendstoresemblethoseofheterosexualfemalesandtodifferradicallyfromthesexualpatternsofboth
heterosexualandhomosexualmales.''36Severalintertwinedelementsdeterminedattitudestolesbianism,andtheconsequent
possibilitiesforlesbianidentity:therolesthatsocietyassignedwomentheideologywhicharticulated,organized,andregulated
thisthedominantnotionsoffemalesexualityintheideologyandtheactualpossibilitiesforthedevelopmentbywomenofan
autonomous sexuality. The prevailing definitions of female sexuality in terms of the "maternal instinct," or as necessarily
responsivetothestimulationofthemale,wereoverwhelmingbarriersinattemptstoconceptualizethesubject.Ideologylimited

the possibility for even an attempt at scientific definition of lesbianism. But even more important, the social position of most
women militated against the easy emergence of a distinctive lesbian identity. It remained very difficult for respectable young
ladiestobe"independent."Soitislikelythatmostwomenwithlesbianinclinationsfittedinconspicuouslyintothegeneralworld
ofwomen.Thereisaswehaveseenabundantevidenceineighteenthandnineteenthcenturydiariesandlettersthatwomen
as a matter of routine formed longlived emotional ties with other women. Such relationships ranged from a close supportive
loveofsisters,throughadolescententhusiasms,tomatureavowalsofeternalaffection.Manyoftheearlywritersonlesbianism
spokeofthegreateremphasisoncuddling,onphysicalwarmthandcomforting,ofkissingandholdinghandsbetweenfemale
homosexuals, at the expense of exclusively sexual activity. This was precisely the line of continuity between all women
whatever their sexual orientation. Deep and passionate declarations of love recur without any obvious signs of sexual
expression.37Theconditionsforapolaritybetween"normal"femalesexualityand"abnormal"werealmostnonexistentanditis
this which makes it presumptuous to attempt to explore female homosexuality in terms of categories derived from male
experiences.
It is striking that it is amongst the new professional women of the 1920s that the articulation of any sort of recognizable
lesbianidentitybecamepossibleforthefirsttime,anditwasindeedinthe1920sthatlesbianismbecameinanywayanissueof
publicconcern,followingaseriesofsensationalscandals.TowardstheendoftheFirstWorldWarthecriminallibelprosecution
broughtbythedancerMaudeAllanagainsttherightwingMemberofParliament,NoelPembertonBilling,whohadaccusedher
of being on a German list of sexual perverts, was a causeclbre which brought lesbianism to the headlines. In 1921 there
wereattempts,aswehaveseen,tobringlesbianismintothescopeoftheCriminalLaw.Duringthe1910sand1920saseries
of novels, and even a film, portrayed lesbian experiences and in 1928 came the most famous event of all, the banning and
prosecution of Radclyffe Hall's lesbian novel, The Well of Loneliness. As Lord Birkett, who appeared for the publishers, later
pointedout,theChiefMetropolitanMagistrate,SirChartresBiron,foundagainstthenovellargelybecauseRadclyffeHall"had
notstigmatizedthisrelationshipasbeinginanywayblameworthy".Nevertheless,paradoxically,andinlinewiththeimpactof
theOscarWildetrial,theprosecutiongaveunprecedentedpublicitytohomosexuality.Thisperhapsistheoutstandingfeatureof
the case: the publicity it aroused did more than anything to negate the hopes of reticence expressed by Lords Desart and
Birkenhead in 1921. Thousands of lesbian inclined women wrote to Radclyffe Hall. She more than anyone else during this
periodgavelesbianismanameandanimage.Asalesbianofalatergenerationputit,"When...IreadTheWellofLonelinessit
fell upon me like a revelation. I identified with every line. I wept floods of tears over it, and it confirmed my belief in my
homosexuality.''38
Inanystudyofhomosexualitytheimportantpointtoobserveisthatthereisnoautomaticrelationshipbetweensocial
categorizationandindividualsenseofselforidentity.Themeaningsgiventohomosexualactivitiescanvaryenormously.They
depend on a variety of factors: social class, geographical location, gender differentiation. But it is vital to keep in mind when
exploringhomosexuality,whichhasalwaysbeendefinedinourcultureasadeviantform,thatwhatmattersisnottheinherent
natureoftheactbutthesocialconstructionofmeaningsaroundthatactivity,andtheindividualresponsetothat.Thestriking
featureofthe"historyofhomosexuality"overthepasthundredyearsorsoisthattheoppressivedefinitionandthedefensive
identitiesandstructureshavemarchedtogether.Controlofsexualvariationshasinevitablyreinforcedandreshapedratherthan
repressed homosexual behavior. In terms of individual anxiety, induced guilt, and suffering, the cost of moral regulation has
often been high. But the result has been a complex and socially significant history of resistance and selfdefinition which
historianshavehithertoalltooeasilyignored.


Notes
*In:QueerTheory/Sociology,editedbyStevenSeidman,Oxford,Blackwell,1996(reprintedin1997),p.4163.Firstpublishedaschapter6ofJeffrey
Weeks,Sex,PoliticsandSociety:TheRegulationofSexualitysince1800,London,Longman1981.
1OrastheFrenchtheoristGuyHocquenghemputsit,between"desire,"andhomosexualityasapsychologicalcategory:SeehisHomosexualDesire,
London,AllisonandBusby,1978.APrefacebyJeffreyWeeksdiscussesthegeneralplacingofhistheories.Foramajordiscussionofthedistinctions
drawn here see the essays in Kenneth Plummer (ed.), The Making of the Modern Homosexual, London, Hutchinson, 1981. A longer theoretical
explorationoftheissuesreferredtointhischaptercanbefoundinJeffreyWeeks,"Discourses,DesireandSexualDeviance:ProblemsinaHistoryof
Homosexuality,"inthatvolume.SeealsoKennethPlummer,SexualStigma:AninteractionistAccount,London,Routledge&KeganPaul,1975,whichis
themostimportantBritishworkofsociologyonthesethemes.
2EdwinM.Lemert,HumanDeviance,SocialProblemsandSocialControl,EnglewoodCliffs,PrenticeHall,NJ,1967,p.40.
3These are themes discussed in Hocquenghem, op. cit. and in Deleuze and Guattari, AntiOedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, New York, Viking
Press,1977.
4MaryMcIntosh,"TheHomosexualRole,"SocialProblems,16,no.2(1968).Partlyreproducedasch.Iabove.
5Mclntosh,op.cit.,p.184.
6CompareFrederickL.Whitam,"TheHomosexualRole:AReconsideration,"JournalofSexResearch,13,no.1,(Feb.1977)andRandolphTrumbach,
"London'sSodomites:HomosexualBehaviourandWesternCultureinthe18thCentury,"JournalofSocialHistory(fall1977).
7ThispointisforcefullyarguedbyAnnabelFaraday,"LiberatmgLesbianResearch"inHummer(ed.),TheMaking.
8The anthropological and crosscultural data is summarized in McIntosh, The Homosexual Role and in Trumbach, "London's Sodomites." The most
comprehensivediscussionofancientGreekattitudesismK.G.Dover,GreekHomosexuality,London,Duckworth,1978.OntheberdacheseeDonaldG.
Forgey,"ThelnstitutionofBerdacheAmongtheNorthAmericanPlainsIndians,"JournalofSexResearch,11,no.1,(Feb.1975).Onadifferentformof
crossdressingseeMartinBaumiDuberman,FredEggan,andRichardClemmer(eds),DocumentsinHopiIndianSexuality:Imperialism,Culture,and
Resistance,RadicalHistoryReview,20(spring/summer1979).
9For a general discussion of the legal situation, see Jeffrey Weeks, Coming Out: Homosexual Politics in Britain from the Nineteenth Century to the
Present,London,Quartet,1977,chs.13.(Thispresentchapterisadevelopmentofthemesdiscussedinthatbook.)Forafurtherdiscussionofthelegal
situation, see D. J. West, Homosexuality Revisited, London, Duckworth, 1977, ch. 10. On the general taboo on sodomy, see Michael Goodich, The
Unmentionable Vice, Oxford, Clio, 1978 and John Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance and Homosexuality, Chicago and London, University of
Chicago Press, 1980 and on the confusion in the use of the term in another, though related culture, see Robert F. Oaks, Things Fearful to Name:
SodomyandBuggeryinSeventeenthCenturyNewEngland,"JournalofSocialHistory,12(1978).Onreasonsfortheabsenceoflegislationrelatingto
lesbianbehavior,seethestatementoftheBritishgovernment,quotedinGayNews,144(June114,1978),p.3thequestionofhomosexualactsby

femaleshasneversorarasthegovernmentoftheUnitedKingdomareawarebeengenerallyconsideredtoraisesocialproblemsofthekindraisedby
masculinehomosexuality.
10QuotedinA.N.Gilbert,"TheAfricaineCourtMartial,"JournalofHomosexuality,1,no.1(fall1974).
11QuotedinSirL.Radzinowicz,AHistoryoftheEnglishCriminalLaw,4,GrapplingforControl,London,StevensandSon,1968,p.432.
12On the eighteenth century, see Trumbach, "London's Sodomites" on the early nineteenth century, see A. D. Harvey, "Prosecutions for Sodomy in
England at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century," HistoricalJournal, 2, no. 4 (1978) see also Radzinowicz, Grappling for Control and the review
article by Louis Crompton, Victorian Studies (winter 1979), pp. 21113. Crompton makes the point that in no other Western country was the law so
severe.Noexecutionselsewherehavebeendocumentedafter1784.Andthepolicyofsentencingtodeathcontinuedtotheeveofrepeal.Intheyears
18569,54menweresentencedtodeathforsodomy,thoughthecapitalpunishmentwasnotcarriedthrough.
13SeeGilbert,op.cit."BuggeryandtheBritishNavy17001861,"JournalofSocialHistory,10,no.I(Fall1976)"SocialDevianceandDisasterduring
theNapoleonicWars,"Albion,9(1977).
14PublicRecordOffice:DPP4/6.Transcriptofthetrial,Day1,p.21.Thisaccountisbasedonthemanuscripttranscript.
15Ibid.:Day2,p.276Day1,p.82Day3,p.299.
16Mclntosh,"TheHomosexualRole"Trumbach,"London'sSodomites,"p.18.
17ThePhoenixofSodomortheVereStreetCoterie,London,RobertHolloway,ca.1813,p.13.
18LouisCrompton,"JeremyBentham:Essayon'Paederasty':Anlntroduction,"JournalofHomosexuality,3,no.4(summer1978),p.386.
19See for example "Opinions of certain judges on Unnatural Offences Cases," Public Record Office: HO 144/216/A 49134/2. Mr. Justice Hawkins
suggestedwithregardtobestialitythat"forthemostpartthatcrimeiscommittedbyyoungpersons,agriculturallabourersetc.outofpureignorance.The
crime of sodomy with mankind stands upon a different footing..." See also HO 144/216/A 49134/4, a memorandum from the Under Secretary. I am
gratefultotheDepartmentalRecordOfficerattheHomeOfficewhogavemeaccesstothehithertoclosedfilesintheHO144series.
20SeeWeeks,ComingOut,ch.1D.J.West,op.cit.andG.C.Ives,TheContinuedExtensionoftheCriminalLaw,London,1922.
21OnLabouchre'smotiveseehisParliamentarystatement,TheTimes,March1,1890,andhiscommentsinTruth,May30,1895andthediscussionin
F.B.Smith,"Labouchre'sAmendmenttotheCriminalLawAmendmentAct,"HistoricalStudies,17,no.67(1976).
22FortheDPP'scomments,seePublicRecordOffice:DPP1/95/1:July20,1889,andSept.14,1889.Onthereluctanceofjuriestoconvict(sometimes
because they could not believe respectable people could commit such deeds), see H. Montgomery Hyde, The Other Love: An Historical and
ContemporarySurveyofHomosexualityinBritain,London,MayflowerBooks,1972,p.19.Onpoliceattitudesintheearlytwentiethcentury,seeHavelock
Ellis,TheTaskofSocialHygiene,London,Constable,1912,p.272.

23AlecCraig,TheBannedBooksofEngland,London,GeorgeAllen&Unwin,1937,p.86.TheReportoftheRoyalCommissionupontheDutiesofthe
Metropolitan Police, Cd 4156, London, HMSO 1908, vol. 1, p. 119, makes clear that there is nothing in the 1898 Act which would have inhibited
prosecuting of men soliciting women in practice it was never used for this purpose. It was effectively directed against homosexual offenses. For the
floggingprovisionofthe1912Act,seeBristow,ViceandVigilance,p.193IanGibson,TheEnglishVice:Beating,SexandShameinVictorianEngland
and After, London, Duckworth, 1978, p. 161 Hermann Mannheim, Social Aspects of Crime in England between the Wars, London, George Allen &
Unwin,1939,tableV,p.51.
24HavelockEllis,StudiesinthePsychologyofSex(4vols},vol.2,Sexuallnversion,NewYork,RandomHouse,1936,p.352.
25ArnoKarlen,SexualityandHomosexuality,London,Macdonald,1971,p.185.
26ForafullerdiscussionseeWeeks,ComingOut,ch.2.
27SeeWilde'spetitionforreducinghissentence,July2,1896,HO144/A56887/19.Theeloquenceofhispetition,astheprisonstaffdidnotfailtopoint
out,contradictedhissupposedmentalweakness.
28DennisProctor(ed.),TheAutobiographyofG.LowesDickinson,London,Duckworth,1973,pp.1011Brianlnglis,RogerCasement,London,Coronet,
1973,pp.678PublicRecordOffice:CasementDiaries,entryforApril17,1903.
29Foranexcellentsummaryoftheoriesofintersexuality,theincorporationofhormonaltheories,andthedebateover"cures,"seeMaxHodann,History
ofModernMorals,London,WilliamHeinemann,1937.
30SeeHyde,TheOtherLove,pp.200ff.
31ForafullerdiscussionoftheseideasseeWeeks,ComingOut,ch.1.
32RevJ.M.Wilson,SocialPurity,London,SocialPurityAlliance,1884SinsoftheFlesh,London,SocialPurityAlliance,1885,p.7.
33QuotedinL.Chester,D.Leitch,andC.Simpson,TheClevelandStreetAffair,London,Weidenfeld&Nicolson,1976,p.73.
34Wilson,Sins of the Flesh, p. 7. "This sin" in fact referred to masturbation, but masturbation (not surprisingly, given the publicschool tradition) was
intimately linked to homosexuality. Cf. V. L. Bullouh and M. Voght, "Homosexuality and its Confusion with the 'Secret Sin' in preFreudian America,"
JournaloftheHistoryofMedicine,27no.2(April1973).
35PublicRecordOffice:DPP1/95/4,File2:Saul'sdeposition.
36GagnonandSimon,SexualConduct,p.180.
37Carroll SmithRosenberg, "The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations between Women in Nineteenth Century America," Signs: Journal of

WomeninCultureandSociety,1,no.1(autumn1975).SeealsoBlancheWiesenCook,"FemaleSupportNetworksandPoliticalActivism:LillianWald,
CrystalEastmanandEmmaGoldman,"Chrysalis,3,(autumn1977)reprintedasapamphletbyOutandOutbooks1979.ForsimilarBritishreferences
seeWeeks,ComingOut,ch.7.
38QuotedinCharlotteWolff,LoveBetweenWomen,London,Duckworth,1971.

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