Paper ID: 36

Author: Shaila Joarder

Title:
Sustainable Development and the Urban Environment in Developing
Countries: the experience of Dhaka
Abstract
Dhaka, the Capital of Bangladesh is one of the most densely populated
cities of the world - a megacity with its population passing the 12 million mark
and growing at the rate of 2000 people a day towards a projected total of 21
million by 2015 (UNCHS 2001, p.300). Mass poverty and population growth
pose major challenges to achieving sustainability in this complex city. The
Government of Bangladesh has developed comprehensive environmental
policies since the Rio Summit in 1992, however these policies have not been
integrated with the urban planning framework, in theory or practice. The
Dhaka Metropolitan Development Plan (DMDP), prepared in 1995 should
have played a significant role in improving urban living conditions. However, it
is a flawed document in concept and reality, failing to bring global and local
concerns together and to acknowledge sustainability protocols generated by
the Rio declarations, though initiated after return of the parliamentary
democracy in 1990. Such plan for the developing countries need an
environmental planning and management concepts that shifts from
technocratic approaches to performance based sustainability approach
while ensuring good governance. Achieving sustainability in the urban
development of Dhaka resides in reconciling the so-called Green and Brown
Agendas while conserving its environmental resources and maintaining
economic development. The key difficulties in moving towards such
development lies in the lack of inter-relationship amongst government

agencies, NGOs and aid agencies and a drastic change in the political culture
of this city as well as the nation (Transparency International 2002).
Key

words:

Dhaka,

megacity,

environmental

policies,

DMDP,

Rio

declarations, sustainable urban development, technocratic approaches,

participatory approach, political culture, good governance.

Population growth and mass poverty in the cities of the developing

world pose major challenges for achieving environmental sustainability. These
cities are faced with fundamental problems in sustaining urban life, providing
food and shelter, generating employment, reducing risks to health, controlling
air and water pollution, building basic infrastructure, reducing waste and
conserving remnants of the natural environment.
The concept of sustainable development in the developed and the
developing countries varies widely. Concern in the developed countries tends
to focus on protecting the urban environment. Concern in the developing
countries tends to focus on meeting human needs and sustaining life itself.
Cities of the developing world are places of risk and physical degradation to
the human population. Citizens face a daily struggle for existence, and the
pressure to seek short-term economic benefits at the expense of the
environment is intense (McGranahan et al 2001).
The declarations of the Earth Summit - the United Nations Conference
on Environment and Development, held in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 - together
with Agenda 21, Local Agenda 21 and the Habitat II Agenda, have set the
framework for a new form of world development (Hall & Pfeiffer 2002). The
Habitat II Conference in Istanbul, 1996 and the World Summit on Sustainable
Development in Johannesburg, 2002 specifically focused on the pressing
needs of the developing countries (UNED Forum 2002; WSSD 2002). As
cities are significant sources of resource depletion, pollution, waste generation
and biodiversity loss, the need for sustainable cities is ever increasing to
maintain

ecological

as

well

as

human

health.

However,

achieving

sustainability in developing countries is blocked by a range of concrete factors

2

in the everyday lives of people that are more immediate and daunting than
abstract concerns such as social objectives, ecological objectives, economic
objectives and improving systems of governance. Most developing cities are
struggling to survive. They need effective policies, programs - and action. As
the geography, economy and culture of these cities vary widely, so must the
policies and programs for achieving sustainability.
Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, and a sprawling megacity of over 12
million people, has for decades, attracted landless rural people who see it as
a place of refuge, a potential place to secure a job and to gain access to
services that are not available in their home villages. The result is an
enormous population with inadequate access to the basic amenities of urban
life. Bangladesh has formulated policies and programs for sustainable
development in the decade following the Rio Summit. However most of the
attention has been paid to conserving and developing the ecological
environment, the urban environment has not been identified as a clear priority.
The current state of the environment of the city - pollution, poor waste
management, and lack of health in the slums - over shadow any economic
development achieved so far. A clear definition of the problems and a solution
for them could be sought through sustainable development.
Bangladesh achieved independence from Pakistan in 1971 after
decades of political struggle and a terrible War of Liberation. As (Jahan 2000,
p.3) observes The birth of Bangladesh in 1971 was the first instance of an
ethnic-linguistic nationalist movement succeeding in creating a new state in
the post-colonial period. With a land area of 144,000 sq. km. and a population
of 133.4 million in 2001, Bangladesh is the most densely populated country in
the world (World Bank 2003, pp.234-235, 242). Bangladesh is also one of the
least urbanized countries with a few town centres and the capital Dhaka are
amongst the urbanized areas. According to the World Economic Forum
Environmental Sustainability Index (ESI), Bangladesh is ranked 86th out of
142 countries, with an ESI score of 46.9. This assessment is based on
measures of environmental systems, reducing environmental stresses,
reducing human vulnerability, social and institutional capacity, global
stewardship (World Economic Forum 2002).
3

Demographically Dhaka was the 31st largest city of the world in 1985
and was predicted to be the 15th largest city by the year 2000 with a
population of 11.16 million (United Nations 1987). In fact, the official
population reached 12.147 million in 2000 (UNCHS 2001, p.300). Dhaka has
since decisively entered the ranks of the worlds Megacities. The historical
pattern of population growth and population density of Dhaka are shown in
Table 1.
Table 1. Historical Pattern of Urban Growth and Densification of Dhaka.

Year

Period

Approximate area

Population

Density
(per km2)

(km )

1600

Pre- Mughal

2.6

1700

Mughal Capital

12.6

900,000

7,149

1800

British town

20.7

200,000

9,653

1867

British town

20.7

51,600

2,491

1911

British town

15.7

125,700

8,012

1947

Provincial Capital

31.1

250,000

8,044

1961

Provincial Capital

72.5

550,100

7,586

1971

National Capital

103.6

1,500,000

14,479

1981

National Capital

2,200,000

1991

National Capital

256

3,500,000

13,672

1998

National Capital

300

7,000,000

23,333

Source: Zaman & Lau 2000, p.143

Dhaka as the capital city of Bangladesh enjoys primacy in the national

urban hierarchy (Islam 1996) in terms of function and in terms of population. It
has the highest urban population concentration - 39% of the total urban
population of Bangladesh (UNCHS 2001, p.300). Administrative headquarters
and civil employment, financial and banking services, international commerce
and business, educational, cultural and research facilities are all concentrated

in Dhaka. Despite the Governments policy to decentralize, most of the

industries are located in and around Dhaka. Moreover a free trade industrial
park - the Export Processing Zone (EPZ) - has been established close to the
city that provides jobs for the urban poor. Informal sector, however contributes
to 60% of all employment of the city.
Dhaka accordingly attracts a huge number of migrants from rural areas.
Due to its central location, the city is well linked to its hinterlands and other
parts of the country. Hence in addition to being a permanent attraction to
migrants it attracts hundreds and thousands of daily commuters. Nearly one
fifth of the total population of the country is within the daily zone of influence of
the capital (Islam 1996). Frequent permanent and circular migration (ruralurban-rural) has made the socio-cultural environment of Dhaka resistant to
conventional notions of progress, as the rural poor adopt urban culture very
slowly. Islam (1996, p.196) called Dhaka a premature megacity to describe
this socio cultural state of Dhaka.

Figure 1. Detail Area Map and Regional Maps of Dhaka.

High rates of migration and subsequent unemployment have led to endemic

poverty - 50% of the urban population lives below the poverty level (Leautier &
Subrmananian 2000, p.300). the definition of poverty being the inability to
attain minimally adequate standard of living, that includes necessities such as
food, water and clothing for physical survival and participation in everyday
social life (United Nations 2002, p.40). The proportion of the population in
poverty, and the disparity in income between Dhaka and Bangladesh, are
shown in Figure 2 and Table 2.

Figure 2. Incidence of Poverty in Bangladesh and Dhaka

Source: ADB study on urban poverty of Bangladesh, adapted from Leautier & Subramanium
2000, p.19

Table 2. Income Disparity in Dhaka Metropolitan Area.

Source: Leautier and Subramaniam 2000, p. 20

This huge migrant population has an important bearing on the physical
growth of the city. The present area of Dhaka city is 360km2. The Metropolitan
Area, also defined as the RAJUK (Rajdhani Unnayan Kartipakha) area
occupies 1,528 km2. The RAJUK area consists of the city, four municipal

areas, one cantonment board plus few urban centres and rural suburbs
(Zaman & Lau 2000, p.142). Urban centres are usually located on strips of
elevated land of 6.0-8.0m height (Khan 1993, cited in Islam 2000, p.155). The
increased pressure on land in the city centre has pushed the low income
workers and the poor to poorly serviced areas on the periphery of the city.
DMDP (1995, vol.-1, p.43) predicts that the fringe of the urban core could
accommodate an additional 1.29 million people provided its capacity is
increased three fold and 52% or 4.26 million people would be directed to
these new developments.
The spatial structure of the city is a function of many factors such as natural topographical features; the historical pattern of settlement; the
morphological pattern of infrastructure, roads, blocks and lots; the
spontaneous growth of informal settlements; the formal urban land market;
housing and resettlement policies; the transportation system; and industrial
location policies. Dhaka was established on the north bank of the river
Buriganga and confined by the rivers Buriganga, Turag, Shitalakhya and Balu
(Islam 1996, p.191). Physiographically there is a very small amount of floodfree land and virtually all flood-free land close to Dhaka has already been
developed. Keeping the existing and future expanded areas free of flood and
water logging is a challenge for RAJUK.

The 2004 flood has posed the

challenge even more acutely. The old city centre Old Dhaka, runs along the
northern bank of the river Buriganga. This area is highly congested with mixed
land use patterns. The roads are narrow and congested, the physical
infrastructures are overloaded and inadequately maintained (United Nations
1987, p.11). The 1995 Dhaka Metropolitan Development Plan has proposed
the development of satellite cities - designated as new towns- 20 km beyond
the existing built-up area. However, as Zaman and Lau (2000, p.141) have
remarked, these towns are like ghost towns, driven by the false hope of
attracting real-estate developers and buyers who may need to wait for several
decades to recoup their investment on these barren land.

Figure 3. Dhaka Metropolitan Structure Plan, 1995-2015

Source: DMDP 1995, http://www.rajuk.org

Like other parts of Bangladesh, Dhaka is suffering from a number of

environmental problems. In its strive to reduce poverty, it often carries out
activities at the expense of the environment and without knowing the impact of
their actions. Promoting development at the cost of environment, and
considering environmental conservation a luxury, have been convincingly
challenged by the sustainable development movement over the past decade
(Lee 1994; Islam 2000, p.35). It is increasingly being recognized in
Bangladesh, as in other parts of the world, that for development to be
meaningful and sustainable over a longer period, environmental concerns
must be integrated with all development activities. Specific environmental
actions are required for a radically improved development path (SoE 2001,
p.2.1). As Islam (2000 p.36) argues, economic growth may actually suffer as
a result of environmental degradation. An example could be Dhaka city where
Poisonous air, uncollected garbage, lack of open space, dying and polluted
water bodies, congestion, noise, traffic jam are all making life in Bangladeshs
capital increasingly difficult. This situation threatens to seriously discourage
foreign investments as well as the continuing support of donor agencies. The
World Bank has already insisted that Dhaka has to improve its environmental
performance for continued support from the Bank (World Bank 1999).
The environmental problems of Dhaka are mostly the outcome of high
in-migration and unplanned urbanization. Sultana (2000, p.1) has commented
that, with its growth, Dhaka has become a showcase for almost every urban
problem imaginable, most of which are due to over density of population. Unplanned growth has involved (i) land use alterations, (ii) inadequate shelter,
water/sanitation, and other facilities in slums and other urban poor areas, (iii)
degradation of community ambient environment, and (iv) little control of
industrial waste emissions, which often greatly compounds the problem of
environmental pollution due to inadequate management of human and
domestic wastes (SoE 2001, p.2.21). Selected urban environmental indicators
for Dhaka compared to the other urban areas of Bangladesh are shown in
Table 3.
Table 3. Selected Urban Environmental Indicators for Dhaka, 1996.
10

Source: ADB Urban Poverty Study, adapted from Leautier & Subramaniam 2000

The environmental aspects that dominate the urban environment of

Dhaka, as identified by Islam (2000, pp.156-63), are the physical destruction
of nature, water supply, sanitation and drainage, waste disposal, air pollution
and health. Dhaka has lost extensive natural resources in the process of
urbanization. Political decisions further contribute to this destruction. The early
victims of this process were the khals, the canals of Dhaka, most of which
have disappeared and the few remaining are continuing to disappear under
built structures and illegal encroachments. The low-lying areas, lagoons and
wetlands on the fringe of the city are constantly being occupied for future
development by land filling. This has led to water-logging which is
exacerbated by the poor drainage capacity of the sewerage system especially
in the rainy season. There are allegations that the greater Dhaka flood
protection dam, completed after the disastrous flood of 1988, is also causing
water-logging as the embankment retards the natural drainage process (Islam
2000, p.158). The devastating flood of 2004 has again proved this statement.

11

Like the canals, wetlands and water bodies of the delta landscape, the park
systems and gardens are disappearing gradually.
Equally competing with this is the ever shortage of Water Supply and
Sewerage system of this city. The water supply system; an extensive
production system of collecting water from groundwater reserve (90%), meets
only 50% of the total demand (Islam 2000, p.158). In the dry season,
November to March, water shortages become so acute that the Government
has had to deploy the army to prevent water theft in Dhaka (Lawson 2002).
Deep well water extraction leads to lowering of the ground water table from
6m. to 12 m. at places over the past seven years; sometimes even at a rate of
1m. to 2.5m. on average per year (Shahadat & Hai, 2004).
The sewerage system is equally inadequate. Most slum dwellers use
latrines located near their settlements, or the nearest surface water source, or
defecate in the open-air. These human waste disposal methods are the
fundamental cause of poor hygiene in the slums and informal settlements.
Garbage is openly dumped in the streets and water bodies and 50% of the
solid waste produced everyday are never collected (Islam 2000, p.159). The
City Corporation now encourages private initiatives for waste management.
Such private level Initiatives have proven that people are in fact ready to pay
more for better services (Changemakers 2002). Community-based collection
of solid waste in the capital city provides waste collection service from houseto-house and transports the waste to nearest municipal bins or demountable
containers. In the absence of bins or containers, the waste is taken to nearby
open collection points. These community based initiatives have led to a clean
neighborhood but at the same time given a dirty look to the city, due to nonremoval of waste from secondary waste collection points like bins and
containers. The collected garbage is left open, often as landfill, untreated
contributing to health risk, air pollution and pollution through leaching.
However due to subsistence nature of the economy, a certain amount of the
waste are recycled at very informal level. The representatives of Bangladesh
at the Johannesburg summit in 2002 urged that, instead of dumping bins, a
small plot in every ward should be used as a transfer station. It is not that the
citizens need to be compelled to dump their garbage properly at designated
12

places or bins; it is the weak enforcement of law that encourages them to act
illegally. For example, the Government has banned the use of polythene bags
in Dhaka since 1 January 2002, an initiative which was welcomed as well as
strictly implemented by the citizens (The Daily Star, 26 December 2000).
The surface water quality of the rivers running through Dhaka is
another major environmental problem for the city. The three rivers flowing
through the metropolitan area receive a large quantity of waste from the city
directly or indirectly. The untreated chemical waste from the tanneries and
nearby industries, as well as municipal drains carrying untreated sewage and
sullage, are the prime pollutants of surface water. However, a substantial
amount of drinking water for the city comes from the Buriganga River. In the
Buriganga, the Dissolved Oxygen level becomes very low or non-existent in
the dry season and the river becomes toxic (SoE 2001). In the Buriganga river
Dissolved Oxygen (DO) and Biological Oxygen Demand (BOD) often exceeds
the tolerable limit in the months of January, February, March and December,
The Sitalakhya River flowing east of Dhaka is not as affected as the
Buriganga. The Dhaka Metropolitan Development Plan has mapped Water
Quality Protection Zones along the Sitalakhya system as constraints to future
urban development (DMDP 1995 vol.I).
Figure 4. Water Quality of the Buriganga River at Dhaka, 1998

Second Draft 3.24

Source: SoE 2001, p. 3.24

13

Dhaka has the worst air pollution due to vehicular and industrial
emissions. Industrial areas are located in and around Dhaka city contributing
to the low air quality. The lead concentration in Dhaka has exceeded the
tolerable limit for human population & almost ten times above the government
safety standard set by the DoE.. About 50 tons of lead is emitted annually with
seasonal variation and emission reaches its highest level in the dry season.
The lead in air of Dhaka city is 463 nanogram per cubic meters, the highest in
the world. In contrast, lead concentrations are 383 nanogram in Mexico City,
360 nanogram in Bombay and only 70 nanogram per cubic meter in Los
Angles. (SoE 2001, pp.3.34-3.36).
Fig. 8, presents measured ambient concentrations of SPM, NOx, and
SO2 in Dhaka collected at Farmgate area, which is located in a higher traffic
zone in the north central portion of the city and classified as commercial/mixed
use area. Table 10 compares air pollution levels in Dhaka with WHO and US
standards.
Figure 5. Ambient Concentration of Selected Pollutants in Dhaka, 2001

14

Note.
CO

Carbon monoxide

HC

O3

Ozone

NOx

SPM

Suspended Particulate Matter

S02

Pb

lead

Hydrocarbons
Nitrogen oxides
Sulfur dioxide and

Source: Karim 2001

Table 4. Air Pollution in Dhaka compared to WHO and US Standards.

Source: Karim 2001, p.3

The effect of air quality on human health generally occurs as a result of
exposure to the different components of air pollution. Studies show that the
mean level of pollutants in the blood of people actively working in the
transportation sector are much higher than the accepted level (Islam 2000).
Child Development Centre of Dhaka Children Hospital measured it to be 7 to
16 times higher than the limit determined by the US Center for Disease
Control and Prevention (SoE 2001, pp.3.38). The SoE also documents the
fact that Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs) in Dhaka city are beyond
tolerable limits. Some of the compounds are known carcinogens. The overall
scenario, however, has improved a lot since two stroke low combustible
engines are banned on the streets of Dhaka since January 2002.

15

Achieving sustainability at the urban level depends upon the theory and
practice of planning as a technical procedure and as reform initiative. The
Dhaka Metropolitan Development Plan (DMDP), prepared in 1995 and the first
attempt at planning the city since 1959, should have played a significant role
in improving urban living conditions. However, the DMDP is a flawed
document in concept and reality - flawed in concept, because it was prepared
without reference to the Rio declarations, Agenda 21 and sustainability
concerns; flawed in reality, because it has proved to be incapable of
implementation. Although initiated in a hopeful period in the recent history of
Bangladesh, following the return to parliamentary democracy in 1990 after 15
years of military rule (Jahan 2000, pp.7-26), the DMDP is conspicuous in its
failure to acknowledge the sustainability protocols generated by the Rio
Summit, to which the newly elected government were signatories.
The problems of achieving a significant measure of sustainability in the
urban development of Dhaka are formidable. The principal policy challenge
resides in reconciling the so-called Green and Brown Agendas to improve the
health and well-being of the vast population of the megacity, while conserving
its environmental resources and maintaining economic development. Without
the latter, the greatest problem facing Dhaka - mass poverty - cannot be
addressed; without the former, life in the city will be life-threatening for all.
Significantly, for all the official acceptance of sustainability, few
problems of urban sustainability have been addressed to date. The DMDP
could have played a decisive role in this regard. Although formulated without
reference to Agenda 21, the DMDP does identify a number of major issues
concerning sustainable urban living conditions in Dhaka, such as poverty
alleviation, shelter for the poor, health and sanitation, controlling water and air
pollution. But, in the nine years since release of the metropolitan plan, these
issues have not been addressed in any effective way. Although the Structure
Plan and the Urban Area Plan have been adopted by RAJUK, the Detailed
Area program has only seen one plan prepared to date, for the DhakaNarayanganj Demra triangle. The DMDP is an abstract framework that
suggests a possible future for Dhaka, not a clear, measurable program of
action. It outlines future requirements and spatial patterns but does not set in
16

place prescriptions, programs or priorities. In the meantime, the population of

Dhaka has increased by more than 2.5 million people (DMDP 1995 vol I,
pp.34,72; UNCHS 2001, p.300).
Many of the suggestions set out in the plan appear unrealistic or
impractical. For example, the shift from a monocentric city to a polycentric city
will depend upon a totally new metropolitan road pattern and mass transit
system. Apart from the first section of the eastern artery, the Progati Sarani,
which provides a new link from the CBD to the Airport, none of these
infrastructure projects has been implemented. The proposal to build a light rail
network is based on a plan to relocate sections of the existing heavy rail linebut this will involve large-scale land resumption and removal of informal
settlements, adding considerably to the cost and feasibility of this proposition.
Similarly, the subway scheme for central Dhaka- modeled on the Calcutta
metro of the 1980s- poses formidable technical challenges as a sub-surface
system in a flood-prone city. The plan recognizes that there is a lack of
coordination among the public implementing agencies, but does not attempt
any suggestions or policies that would lead to coordination, and other
imperatives of good governance. A large amount of the funds that have been
proposed for implementation of the DMDP yet needs fund allocation.
However, budget allocations to different sectors of the urban improvement
programs are listed in Table 5.
Table 5. Variations in Capital Expenditure by Development Sectors
Development sector

Allocated
resources/
funds (%)

Flood protection and drainage

29%

Transport proposals (mainly roads but including some rail, water & airport

16%

proposals)
A similar amount is planned for housing largely for better off including

16%

estates, new townships and staff quarters.

Water & sewage

11%

Energy (electricity)

6%

Institutional development, mainly new Govt. offices

6%

Communications

4%

17

Health & welfare facilities

4%

Housing and infrastructure development for lower income groups including

3%

slum, sanitary and environmental upgrading

Education including training institutes

3%

Investment in commercial and industrial development, recreation forms a

< 1%

minute part of the total budget.

Source: DMDP 1995 vol. II, p.22

The DMDP follows the planning model as classified by McGranahan et. al.
(2001, pp.84-85) Its analyses and policies have been made by higher
authorities in a top-down approach. Though the plan anticipates the
introduction of community participation in the Detailed Area Plan phase of the
planning process, this phase has not been implemented in any meaningful
way. The lack of community involvement is a complex political and
administrative issue, deeply embedded in the political history of Bangladesh
and the culture of corruption which has flourished since independence (Blair
2000; Transparency International 2002). Deicisons are largely influenced by
foreign consultants, the World Bank, ADB and NGOs. Despite significant help
from the developed countries, Dhakas aid development programs have failed
to alleviate poverty and environmental deterioration which is common to many
Third World situations. Hence it is likely that planning model would be flawed
in such circumstances and not contradicting with this, the DMDP has fallen at
the first hurdle of implementation.
According to Choguill (1994, pp.26-28) successful implementation of
urban development projects such as the DMDP need to overcome the
following constraints: organizational issues (i.e. an effective institutional
setting to ensure coordination among different planning and implementing
agencies); resource scarcity (i.e. adequate supply and capable delivery of
resources, both monetary and technical); lack of cultural understanding
(development projects tend to employ foreign consultants who often fail to
grasp the cultural settings and inherent problems of the host country); overreliance on technology and advanced infrastructure (i.e. use of too advanced
technology, making the development program a means to westernize and
modernize regardless of real needs and maintenance capabilities); exclusion
18

of the target population from the planning and implementation process (i.e.
exclusion of local knowledge and reluctance to test the technocratic
assumptions of the planners); and the political environment (i.e. decisions
influenced by political figures and administrative heads though they may have
little knowledge of the subject, and little willingness to share power with
people). In any case the first priority should be to formulate and implement the
detailed area plans to its effect and ensuring good governance and coordination amongst the implementing agencies. Other huge impediments to
orderly urban development and plan implementation are embedded in the
political culture of the city and the nation (Transparency International 2002).
For Dhaka, the environmental planning and management structure of
the future must embrace the fundamental recommendation of the Habitat II
Agenda to integrate top down and bottom up planning processes. NGOs and
related organizations that are currently working at the grass roots, in initiatives
such as slum improvement and waste management, need to be empowered
so that their activities are not piece-meal, short-lived interventions but truly to
build a living city.
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