JAN 12th:---------1) What do you understand by the Holocaust?

Critically analyse the causes and consequences of the

Holocaust.
Topic: Modern Indian history from about the middle of the eighteenth century until the
present- significant events, personalities, issues

The Holocaust film too shocking to show

Stuart Jeffries
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In the spring of 1945, says the narrator, over bucolic springtime shots of the German countryside,
the allies advancing into the heart of Germany came to Bergen-Belsen. Neat and tidy orchards,
well-stocked farms lined the wayside, and the British soldier did not fail to admire the place and its
inhabitants. At least, until he began to feel a smell
So begins a British film about the Holocaust that was abandoned and shelved for 70 years because it
was deemed too politically sensitive. The smell came from the dead, their bodies burned or rotting;
or from malnourished, often disease-ridden prisoners in the concentration camp of Bergen-Belsen,
near all those thriving German farms. As allied troops liberated such camps across what had been
German-occupied Europe, the British Ministry of Informations Sidney Bernstein was
commissioned to make a documentary that would provide incontrovertible evidence of the Nazis
crimes.
Helped in prosecution
Bernsteins team, including the future Labour Cabinet Minister Richard Crossman, who wrote the
films lyrical script, and Alfred Hitchcock, who flew in from Hollywood to advise Bernstein on its
structure, set to work on a documentary entitled German Concentration Camps Factual Survey. As
they worked, reels of film kept arriving, sent by British, American and Soviet combat and newsreel
cameramen from 11 camps, including Auschwitz, Buchenwald, Dachau and Bergen-Belsen.
As well as the dead, the footage showed starved survivors and human remains in ovens.
In one piece of film, from Majdanek concentration camp, we see huge bags containing human hair.
Collected from the murdered, it would have been carefully sorted and weighed. Nothing was
wasted, says the narrator. Even teeth were taken out of their mouth. Bernsteins film then cuts to
a large pile of spectacles. If one man in 10 wears spectacles, we are asked, how many does this
heap represent? Now, 70 years on, director and anthropologist Andre Singer has made a
documentary called Night Will Fall, to be screened on Channel 4 later this month, telling the
extraordinary story of filming the camps and the fate of Bernsteins project. But why the film was
scuppered is not very well documented, Mr. Singer says. There are many theories that have been
cited, but without proof. No matter. The film, which some have called a forgotten masterpiece of
British documentary, was shelved. Bernstein died in 1993 and, according to Mr. Singer, one of his
regrets was not completing his documentary. Footage from his unfinished film, however, proved

key to the prosecution of camp commandants at the Nuremberg and Lrg trials in 1945. Bernsteins
film never got the chance to be as revered as later Holocaust documentaries; only recently did a
team from the Imperial War Museum complete and digitise it.
...Were in an age where such imagery [deeply upsetting and horrific] is so prolific. I think the
imagery in Bernsteins film and mine, if used in the right context, can only help understanding, Mr.
Singer says. We can only truly understand the horror of war if we use images like this.
2) Critically discuss why Mahatma Gandhiji wanted to identify himself with ordinary Indians on his
return from South Africa and, the factors that enabled him to become popular among masses and
unite them for the cause of freedom struggle. (200 Words)
The Indian Express
Topic: Salient features of worlds physical geography

Mahatmas ghar wapsi

Some anniversary images of Gandhi returning home a hundred years ago show a familiar old man
clad in a knee-length khadi dhoti walking wearily with the aid of a lathi. That image is, of course,
false.
The Gandhi who landed in Mumbai was yet to discover khadi or adopt the short dhoti. And he was a
vigorous 45-year-old with a plan to transform India. This returning Gandhi was different in several
ways from the elite English-speaking leaders in Mumbai, who greeted him with a mix of admiration
(for his satyagrahas in South Africa) and amusement (at his keenness to identify with vernacular
and ordinary Indians).
If, in the end, the last laugh belonged to Gandhi, there were several reasons.
First, unlike most recognised leaders of the day, Gandhi saw all of India as one piece, without
partiality for one part of India or a section of Indians. Though he made Ahmedabad his base,
starting his Satyagraha Ashram there, he also strove to regard all of India, and each place in it, as his
home. Within two years of his return, his first major satyagraha in India was successfully conducted
far from Ahmedabad, in Bihars Champaran district, on behalf of peasants growing indigo for
European planters.
Second, again unlike most recognised leaders, Gandhi had realised by 1915 or earlier that the
challenges of independence, Hindu-Muslim unity and caste equality were interconnected; that
Indians would neither attain nor deserve independence if they continued with religious enmity and
caste arrogance. So he insisted, from 1915, that his ashram comrades would solemnly pledge
themselves against untouchability and for religious harmony.
Third, he knew that the Indian National Congress, created 30 years before Gandhis return, had
fostered inter-provincial understanding at the elite level but a great chasm separated the elites from
the masses.
Fourth, thanks to his years in Britain (where he was a student) and in South Africa (where his life
was transformed), Gandhi saw the British ruling India as equals, not superiors, as fellow humans,

not demons.
Fifth, he grasped the folly of violence. Realising that the empire had a ready answer for the politics
of assassination, which, at the time, tempted high-caste Hindu radicals in Bengal, Maharashtra and
elsewhere, Gandhi also saw that privileging the gun and the sword, which were accessible to a
section of the Indian elites, would only push the vulnerable masses women, the lower castes and
untouchables, the blind, the lame and the impoverished to the wall. And he warned that killing
British men and women would be followed inexorably by Indians killing one another.
Sixth, Gandhi knew that, to reach his audacious goals, he had to have a large and gifted team.
Luckily, he found a fabulous one: a private team (including Vinoba Bhave, Mahadev Desai,
Kakasaheb Kalelkar, Kishorelal Mashruwala, Swami Anand, Anasuya Sarabhai and Pyarelal, to
name only some) that brainstormed with him, plus a public team (including Vallabhbhai Patel,
Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajendra Prasad, C. Rajagopalachari, Abul Kalam Azad, Muhammad Ali,
Sarojini Naidu, J.B. Kripalani and others from every part of India). No thick wall separated the two
teams. A few persons belonged to both. Together, the Gandhi-led teams conveyed the promise to
Indias masses and the world outside that a self-governing India could shine in the world. Gandhi
rejoiced in the achievements of his teammates, aware that when they excelled, he became stronger,
not weaker.
Luck had favoured him in South Africa. There, Gandhi was able to bond with Indians of different
religions, castes and linguistic backgrounds. Thus, Gandhi became a man for all Indians even before
he returned to India, where he embarked on rail yatras to different corners of the land.
Seventh, Gandhi never ceased working on himself. He faced and admitted his mistakes. Personal
disappointments only sharpened his prayers to his maker and deepened his bond with the people of
India. His goals soared beyond himself and his family-by-blood. Much of India became his familyin-spirit. Empowering the people of India seemed to be his drive, not becoming prime minister or
president of an independent India.
But Gandhi could not give a normal life to his family-by-blood. And this became true also for
thousands who worked with him or were inspired by him or strove in other ways for freedom. In
thousands of Indian families, prisons became a greater draw than colleges.
Within months of his return to India, Gandhi sent away his second son, Manilal, then 22, to distant
southern India. His first son, Harilal, having run up a debt, Manilal had passed ashram funds to the
older brother for clearing it. While Manilal was asked to weave, earn and return the sum he had
removed from the ashram, Gandhi himself fasted in penance for the sons impropriety. In thousands
of Indian homes, domestic tears would water the plant of Indian liberty.
Chairing a Mumbai reception for the returnee in 1915 was a brilliant lawyer, six years younger than
Gandhi, named Muhammad Ali Jinnah. In fact, Gandhi and Jinnah had met each other a few months
earlier, in London, where Gandhi had stopped en route to India. Thus, Gandhis relationship with
Jinnah had an earlier origin than his teamwork with colleagues like Patel, Nehru, C. R., Azad, the
Ali brothers, Rajendra Prasad and Kripalani, which started in the years between 1915 and 1919. But
the Gandhi-Jinnah alliance ended in 1920.
The other partnerships lasted longer, yet it is worth recalling that when, in April 1947, in a final bid

to avert Indias partition, Gandhi wanted the Congress to offer the prime ministership of a united
India to Jinnah, the idea was firmly rejected by all of Gandhis Congress colleagues, barring Khan
Abdul Ghaffar Khan, and was therefore never put to Jinnah. This final disappointment did not break
Gandhis relationship with comrades of three decades. Accepting that he had been outvoted, he
continued to counsel Nehru, Patel and company, and encouraged them to stay united.
Though the returnee who was killed in January 1948 did not fully achieve his goals, his successes
were remarkable. The people and leaders of South Asia can only help themselves by reflecting on
the reasons for those successes.

3) Write a note on the important factors that determine the climate of India. Also examine how the
monsoon regime emphasises the unity and diversity of India in its pattern. (200 Words)
NCERT
Topic: Distribution of key natural resources across the world (including South Asia and
the Indian subcontinent); also Paper-3 Conservation
pdf 1---------4) Examine the differences between social and farm forestries. Explain their importance to India.
(200 Words)
NCERT
Topic: Important Geophysical phenomena, geographical features and their locationchanges in critical geographical features and the effects of such changes.
Pdf 1---------5) Which factors cause soil erosion, especially in India? Examine the measures taken to conserve
soil in India. (200 Words)
NCERT
General Studies 2
Topic: India and its neighborhood- relations.
Pdf 1---------6) In the light of recent economic and political development in Sri Lanka, critically examine the
new opportunities and challenges that India might find in its southern neighbour. (200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: Effect of policies and politics of developed and developing countries on Indias
interests,

Window in Colombo
Election marks opportunity India cannot miss
Business Standard Editorial Comment |
January 11, 2015 Last Updated at 22:45 IST
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Related News

Rajapaksa's defeat is Tamilian people's victory, say TN parties

Rajapaksa's defeat means advantage for India, bad news for China
Mr Xi and Mr Modi
Sunil Sethi: The pleasures and perils of Sri Lanka
Rorschach Republic

From India's southern neighbour comes a lesson in the unpredictability of democracy. Incumbent
Mahinda Rajapaksa looked invincible just weeks before Sri Lanka's presidential election. He had
won the island's long-festering civil war and revived its economy, and his three brothers helped him
control the levers of power - one ran defence, another Parliament and a third the economy. Things
changed quickly, though. At the very last minute, a long-term ally of Mr Rajapaksa and senior
minister quit to run against him. In double-quick time, Maithripala Sirisena forged a coalition across
several anti-Rajapaksa parties - including pro-Tamil elements as well as Sinhalese extremists - and
ran an effective lightning campaign. Mr Sirisena eroded just enough Sinhala Buddhist support for
the anti-Rajapaksa landslide from the minority Tamils and Muslims to push him into office. Mr
Rajapaksa accepted defeat with becoming grace, underlining Sri Lanka's reputation for institutional
strength. Mr Sirisena has his work cut out for him. He has powerful allies to placate. Former (and
likely future) prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and former president Chandrika Kumaratunga
will play major roles in the new dispensation. And his alliance, featuring as it does such wildly
disparate parties, will have sharply differing views on such subjects as war crimes and devolution.
Mr Rajapaksa's last few years in office were marked by a worsening relationship between New
Delhi and Colombo. The United Progressive Alliance government was hostage to the Dravida
Munnetra Kazagham, which continually had to demonstrate an anti-Colombo line to its voters. This
hampered New Delhi's realpolitik. Meanwhile, the People's Republic of China stood by, willing to
enable Mr Rajapaksa at every point when India demurred. This is an old, familiar dynamic - in the
Cold War, for example, each side appeased dictators for fear that if they didn't, the other side would.
Mr Rajapaksa was not a dictator, but China's deep pockets and willingness to completely overlook
the possibility of war crimes made it a desirable partner. China aided, first, in the military build-up
that prefaced the Sri Lankan army's final push in the civil war. And, more recently, it has taken
assertive steps to upgrade the Beijing-Colombo relationship. Its ships of war and submarines dock
seemingly freely in the island's ports. It has promised vast infrastructure investments. But, as with
Myanmar and other places where the People's Republic of China has put money into infrastructure,
there are voices of dissent. Colombo's $1.5-billion dockside redevelopment, for example - part of a

$4-billion promise delivered by President Xi Jinping on a recent visit - is now threatened. Indeed
Mr Wickremesinghe said on the campaign trail that he would cancel it. Much resentment surrounds
Chinese projects, for which mainly Chinese workers have been hired, and the costs of which are
still being disputed.
So, certainly, Mr Rajapaksa's departure presents an opportunity for India. But it is not a return to
status quo ante. China's presence remains, and its power and pockets remain. All that is gained is a
moment in which India can once again attempt to demonstrate that it is willing to be Sri Lanka's
primary ally. This will need it to step up to make investments in projects such as Hambantota port and not run away from them, as it has done in the past.

7) Critically examine why the Kerry-Lugar-Berman Act (KLB) has been contentious issue between
India and USA. Also critically comment on the Act. (200 Words)
The Hindu
General Studies 3
Topic: Indian Economy and issues relating to planning; Inclusive growth and issues
arising from it.

America in a tangle over aid to Pakistan

Narayan Lakshman
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Several ambiguities exist in the discourse on how much or

how little money has flowed from Washington to Islamabad
and under what conditions
The U.S. complex relationship with Pakistan was back in the spotlight last week when it became
evident to beltway policy- wallahs that a private diplomatic conversation between the American
Ambassador in Islamabad and the Pakistani Finance Minister had been twisted into a formal press
release hinting at the promise of $532 million in aid under a now-expired Act.
In two successive daily press briefings the State Department was quick to stoutly deny that the U.S.
Congress had been notified about any such funds for Islamabad, and to spell out the minutiae of the
Kerry-Lugar-Berman Act (KLB), also known as the Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act of
2009, under which the U.S. is authorised to finance its South Asian friend to the tune of $7.5 billion
between 2010 and 2014.
Ambiguities
Yet, apart from the apparent misreading of Ambassador Richard Olsons comments, which some in

U.S. officialdom generously characterised as a publication mistake, the episode has revealed
several ambiguities in the broader discourse, in terms of how much or how little money has
flowed from Washington to Islamabad under the rubric of the KLB, and under what conditions.
On the question of aid conditionality, officials in the U.S. went to great lengths to emphasise last
week that not once since Hillary Clintons assurances in March 2011 had the State Department
provided certification that the government of Pakistan was continuing to cooperate with U.S.
efforts to dismantle nuclear weapons-related material supplier networks and make significant efforts
to combat terrorist groups.
Certification of this sort, which Section 203 of the KLB calls for annually, is a prerequisite for
security assistance and arms transfers.
The reason why it is closely watched by New Delhi and Indian media is that it implies that
Islamabad is also preventing al Qaeda, the Taliban and associated terrorist groups, such as
Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed, from operating in the territory of Pakistan, including
carrying out cross-border attacks into neighbouring countries
According to one expert on Pakistan-U.S. politics, Professor Christine Fair of Georgetown
University, Secretary Clinton perjured herself three years ago when she certified that Islamabad
was complying with this counterterrorism norm, a suggestion that is consistent with the Obama
White House insisting on a waiver after Pakistans knowledge of Osama bin Ladens presence in
Abbottabad was questioned.
A waiver of certain conditionality requirements in U.S. national security interests is a facet not
only of KLB others include the Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related
Programmes, Division I, Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2012; and the National Defense
Authorisation Act for FY2010 a point of confusion in last weeks debates on which funds were,
promised, notified or disbursed.
However certification is quintessentially the opposite of the waiver. KLB certification suggests that
Pakistan was in compliance with counter-terrorism requirements.
The application of the waiver, which has happened numerous times for KLB and appropriations
funding, implies that Washington deemed it necessary from a national security interests
standpoint to transfer the aid despite Pakistans failure to fully comply with the requirements.
Under the rubric of these parameters how much money did Pakistan actually receive?
Amount received
Reporting by Congressional Research Services, a non-partisan think-tank in Washington, suggests
that total security related U.S. aid appropriations for and military reimbursements to Pakistan rose
from $989m in FY2009 to $1.27bn in FY2011 and then dropped off to an estimated $353m by
2014.
In this context it should be noted that there are multiple components to this layered process:
reviews, certifications, waivers, notifications and, finally, disbursement of funds.
From government data on KLB funding it is clear that the amounts disbursed for each year from
2010-2013 inclusive were, in order, $1.515bn, $1.086bn, $1bn, $1.071bn.

For the final tranche of KLB funding, for FY2014, the review and waiver were provided in July
2014 but notification has not been provided, and is likely to happen in 2015. The amount mentioned
by Ambassador, $532m, is unlikely to be the final number.
The deeper question that these transactions provoke however is, what is the quality of the bilateral
relationship here, especially given that U.S. lawmakers have routinely attempted to ramp up aid
conditionality or suspend aid entirely, for example after Pakistans action against Dr. Shakil Afridi
for allegedly aiding the U.S. effort to assassinate bin Laden?
On the other hand the Indian government probably harbours justified concerns about aid fungibility,
the possibility that Pakistan may be diverting resources towards combat operations on its eastern
border given that the cascade of incoming greenbacks makes their deployment elsewhere in the
country redundant.
8) What do you understand by Gross National Happiness (GNH) index? Examine the qualitative
and quantitative indicators adopted to measure this index. Also examine why Indias rank in GNH
index is low compared to some of its neighbours. (200 Words)
The Hindu
India Today
Topic: Indian Economy and issues relating to growth, development

Bhutan PM steals the limelight

Even as some of the worlds most influential leaders spoke at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit
here, it was Bhutans Prime Minister who stole the limelight and the maximum applause from
the audience. Calling Bhutan one of the worlds smallest countries, sandwiched between two
of the worlds biggest powers India and China, Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay, won both
cheers and clapping from the crowd at the Mahatma Mandir hall with his witty remarks.
Directly after the function, he was mobbed by many, even as one businessman was heard
saying in jest, This has become a Vibrant Bhutan function.
Forget competing with other countries, I know that the GDP of my country is less than the personal
wealth of many of you in the room, Mr. Tobgay said to much laughter in the audience, which
included top Indian industrialists RIL chief Mukesh Ambani, power baron Gautam Adani and Adi
Godrej. In fact, at $1.88 billion, Bhutans GDP is just a fraction of their assets, with Mr. Ambanis
personal wealth estimated at $22 billion, Mr. Adanis at $7.1 billion, and Mr. Godrejs at $3.8
billion. However, he said he valued Bhutans gross national happiness far higher than its GDP,
and invited the gathering to invest there.
Bhutan is open for business, said Mr. Tobgay, but only for clean, green and sustainable
businesses, like hydropower, organic agriculture, etc. Coming after speeches by U.N. SecretaryGeneral Ban Ki-moon and U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, both of whom had made battling
climate change the focus of their remarks, Mr. Tobgays speech dwelt on Bhutans clean and green
policies. He said the countrys forests covered 72 per cent of the area, it was dependent on

hydropower, which accounted for 40 per cent of Bhutans earnings, and the governments carbonneutral policies ensured a pollution-free atmosphere for investors. We also have open access to
free markets, indicating India, which drew a laugh from Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Economic pilgrimage
Mr. Tobgay explained that he had planned to visit the Buddhist sites in Varanasi and Bodhgaya in
January, but when PM Modi invited him to the Vibrant Gujarat Summit, he decided to take an
economic pilgrimage ahead of his spiritual pilgrimage and visit Gujarat first, a comment he made
in fluent Hindi, which brought the audience to its feet.

India ranks 111 in global happiness index,

BEHIND Pakistan and Bangladesh
For all of you who are very happy living in India, here's a startling fact that will make you
wonder: In the global happiness ranking list, India stands at rank 111-much after Pakistan
(rank: 81) and Bangladesh (108).
Read full report
This unpleasant fact came out in the second annual World Happiness Report released by the
United Nations General Assembly. The report measures happiness and well-being in countries
around the world to help guide public policy.
The happiest nation was Denmark, which bagged the spot after ousting last year's winner
Iceland. Denmark was followed by Norway, Switzerland, Netherlands, Sweden, Canada,
Finland, Austria, Iceland and Australia in the top 10 positions, respectively.
Interestingly and ironically, the United States was ranked number 17, just behind
Mexico. Last year, the US had ranked 23.
The Happiness report ranks nations on the basis of six key factors that include GDP per
capita, healthy life expectancy, someone to count on, perceived freedom to make life choices,
freedom from corruption, and generosity.
The least happiest country was Togo.
((((pdf-2))))
&
image 1,2,3
9) Enumerate the advantages and disadvantages of decreasing Brent crude price for India. Also
examine why the prices of petroleum and diesel in India have not been reduced proportionately to
that of reduced global crude prices. (200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: mobilization of resources; Effects of liberalization on the economy

Is a low Brent crude oil price good for

India?
While it will help the macro economy, it will also have other implications, not necessarily as
beneficial, say analysts
Related News
Is low crude oil price good for India?
Crude oil price may stay low for some time
End diesel subsidy now
Would a falling oil price boost GDP growth?
Fall in crude oil prices to boost OMCs' earnings in Sept quarter
Brent crude oil prices are down almost 60 per cent in the past two quarters, currently around $51 a
barrel, a level not seen in five and a half years. While many see the fall as a blessing for the macro
economy, the decline is not so good for all businesses and markets. The real benefits can be seen
when prices stabilise, preferably at levels acceptable to both consumers and producers.
Madan Sabnavis, chief economist at CARE Ratings, said: A lower crude oil price for a country like
India (a third of our import bill is crude oil) is certainly beneficial, as it helps macroeconomic
management. It results in lower inflation, gives comfort to the Reserve Bank of India in cutting
interest rates and flexibilities in budget and fiscal management.
Crude oil import in 201314 was $165 billion, about 36 per cent of the total import bill. In AprilNovember 2014, it was $90.3 billion, about 28.3 per cent of the total import. India also exports
petroleum products and in FY1415 till November, these were $42.6 bn or a fifth of total exports.
Thus, India saves on foreign exchange. Also, says an analysis of Macquarie Research, lower oil and
other global commodity prices bode well for containing inflationary pressure. A 10 per cent
reduction in crude oil prices could reduce Consumer Price Index-based inflation by around 20 basis
points (bps) and bring about a 30 bps rise in gross domestic product (GDP) growth. A $10 a barrel
fall in oil prices reduces the countrys import bill and, hence, the current account deficit by $10 bn
or 0.48 per cent of GDP.
HSBC Research had said the fall in oil prices should also support purchasing power gains, current
account stability, fiscal consolidation and policy rate cuts.
Sabnavis goes on to suggest that petrol and diesel prices should not be cut with a further fall in oil
prices, but the surplus should be used for other subsidised fuels.
However, on the flip side, the sharp and immediate fall in crude oil prices has deeper implications
on markets and the way businesses and companies operate. For example, $2 trillion of bank funding
is involved in oil exploration and production activities, including in shale gas. With crude oil falling
to around $50 a barrel, many projects are facing viability issues. When unviable for a long period,

there will be either production cuts or the company might declare bankruptcy.
Abhishek Deshpande, oil market analyst with London-based Natixis Commodities, said: It would
be wrong to ignore the potential downside risks associated with lower oil prices. Many oil
producers, both companies and countries, are dependent upon high prices, and we should therefore
expect to see an increase in bankruptcies and sovereign defaults as a result.
When bank funding of such a high magnitude is involved and budgets of oil exploring companies
go haywire, global markets could feel the pinch. All these risks cannot be measured immediately.
Market players also cite cases of hedge funds which were long on crude oil. In the past couple of
months, they went bankrupt, as instead of cutting their losses, they went on buying crude oil at
every fall, reaching a point where they had to declare bankruptcy.
According to Kamlesh Kotak, head of research at Asian Capital Market Securities, All markets
across segments will remain highly volatile on currency and country-specific news.
Kotak, however, said, As a country, India for sure stands to gain from lower crude oil prices.
However, currency volatility and global economic slowdown might impact exports. Beside, India is
dependent upon foreign institutional investor and foreign direct investment inflows, which might
get impacted. Servicing high foreign debt also might be a concern as the rupee weakens.
Overall, he says, India benefiting from a lower crude oil price is too simple a conclusion, as many
other dynamics are at play in the global arena. Several Indian companies have business deals with
foreign oil majors. Their cash flows could be affected with unviable prices. In India, companies
active in the business of polymers, chemicals and other crude oil derivatives like synthetic yarn are
stuck with high-cost inventories, purchased when crude prices were high. Products made from those
derivatives fetch prices at current market rates.
Investors, however, are advised to have a long-term perspective, as according to Kotak, The
volatility will provide good investing opportunities to long-term investors, though one needs to be
very selective.
PLUSES & MINUSES

Lower prices conducive for improvement in macro economic fundamentals

Poses risk for financial markets, as there could be frequent reports of corporate and
sovereign defaults which will keep markets volatile
Several companies in the business of crude oil derivatives sitting on high-cost inventories
Investors should keep only long-term perspective and buy selectively

10) Sometimes the governments rely on public sector undertakings (PSUs) to mobilize resources. In
the light of post economic liberalization that took place in early nineties and its effect on PSUs in
India, analyse if governments reliance on PSUs is a right step forward in mobilizing resources.

(200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: Awareness in the fields of robotics

A K Bhattacharya: Public sector no

panacea for the government
Public sector enterprises may not be financially sound enough to plug deficit or revive
investment
India's public-sector enterprises are receiving the kind of close attention that they had become
quite unused to for several years. Since 1991, for much of the post-reform period, publicsector enterprises or PSEs were largely seen as inefficient, a drain on national resources and,
therefore, worthy of either divestment, privatisation or closure. Little else was contemplated
for them.
The mood has changed quite unexpectedly in the last few weeks. First came the mid-year
economic review by the government that underlined the need for increased public investment
to revive the economy - since the private sector was woefully short of funds, the banking
sector was already overstretched and the governance structure for the much-hyped publicprivate partnership projects exposed them to several kinds of financial risks and weaknesses.
The central exchequer, too, faced a resource crunch that did not allow the government to
spend more money on new projects for fear of widening the fiscal deficit.
So what was the way out? The government, therefore, started looking at the 229-odd
operational public sector companies to check if they could be encouraged to step up
investment by using their reserves. The total cash reserves with these companies at the end of
March 2013 were estimated at Rs 2.66 lakh crore.
Could all of it be used to kick-start some of the stalled projects? This appeared a tall task
since not all of them were operating in areas where new projects needed to be set up or
existing projects were stuck. Most importantly, the cash reserves with the PSEs were already
deployed in financial instruments, and withdrawing them from those for re-deployment in
new projects might be qualitatively different - but their net incremental impact on the system
would be debatable.
An alternative option, therefore, was to gently persuade some of these public sector
undertakings to declare special dividends, so that the government could get those resources
and channel them for projects that needed to be set up. Remember that this was one of the
preferred options of finance ministers during the United Progressive Alliance regime. In the
current financial year also, dividends from PSEs will constitute a significant chunk of
revenues, and will likely far outstrip the proceeds the government will book from the sale of
its equity in some of these enterprises.
All this was perhaps fine. But the big dilemma the government will face now is in allocating
the required resources to public sector enterprises next year, without having made any
progress in their financial restructuring.
Consider some numbers. In the current year, the government provided Rs 39,663 crore by

way of equity to a total of 146 PSEs, up marginally from Rs 36,976 crore in 2013-14. But
there is a catch. The bulk of these equity investments - almost 82 per cent of the total equity
outlay - was cornered by Air India, the National Highways Authority of India and public
sector banks needing recapitalisation. Last year, their share in the equity provided by the
government to PSEs was even higher, at 87 per cent of the total government contribution
towards equity at Rs 36,976 crore.
Note that, in spite of such equity infusion, these PSEs continue to rely primarily on their
internal generation of resources to fund their fresh investments and expansion plans. Apart
from the equity contribution, all that the government offers them are loans estimated at Rs
6,637 crore in 2014-15, compared to Rs 5,514 crore last year.
The sorry state of affairs in the PSEs is evident from the fact that they could generate only Rs
1.42 lakh crore from internal resources this year, a drop of about 13 per cent over Rs 1.63 lakh
crore they generated from internal resources last year. The decline in internal resource
generation has been compensated by a rise in equity contribution from the government and an
increase in their mobilisation of resources from the markets through bonds and other financial
instruments.
But the sobering thought that must be dawning on government officials is that tapping the
public sector to improve the investment rate can become a fashionable idea, but the figures
tell a different story - of financial problems and shareholders' negligence made worse by
opportunistic use of their available resources and political interference.
11) In recent months the use of private drones is on the rise across the world. Some governments
and city administrations are mulling over regulating flying of such private drones citing security
risks. Critically examine what security risks and challenges these drones pose and how they can be
regulated without infringing rights of individuals. (200 Words)
The Hindu
General Studies 4
Topic: Work culture, Quality of service delivery, Utilization of public funds, challenges
of corruption.

Police may regulate or ban use of private

drones
The police are considering either regulating or even completely banning the use of private
drones within the city limits citing security reasons.
Following the recent announcement that drone owners must notify to the Police Commissionerate,
three persons, including a famous film actor, have reported with specifications of their device.
This comes in the wake of a camera-fitted drone falling on the terrace of a serviced apartment in
M.R.C Nagar last week. The man who navigated it was detained by the police the next day.
At a press conference after the incident, Police Commissioner S. George pointed out that drones or
Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS) could pose a serious threat to security. Ban on drones is in place

in cities like Mumbai.

With the Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) barring the use of drones or any type of
UAS in civilian airspace, the city police may soon slap a ban on the devices in Chennai or subject
its commercial users to prior police clearance procedure after fulfilment of various guidelines for
flight.
We will be holding a meeting with DGCA authorities in the coming days and will announce the
final word on drone usage in city limits. Until then we have advised all drone owners in the city to
furnish details on their device to police, said a senior officer.
Drone owners should approach the nodal officer, in this case the Deputy Commissioner of Police
(Security), and necessarily mention the category, power, flight range, purpose and place of purchase
of their drone.
Police are also collecting information on possible selling points of UAS in Chennai, including grey
markets and online dealers.

12) Many state governments have passed legislations to provide citizens with right to services
where a government department has to deliver a service in a time-bound manner.
You are working as Executive Officer (also Block Development Officer). You are told that many
Panchayat Development Officers (PDOs) who are working under you at panchayat level are not
delivering services within time despite there being penalty for delaying the service delivery. They
are ready to pay the penalty. You come to know that some of them receive bribe and pay the same as
penalty. You are told that PDOs have been driven to taking bribes due to pressure mounted by
elected members of panchayat who want some share in it. When you enquire few PDOs, they tell
you that panchayat members are the ones who are acting as stumbling blocks by demanding bribe
from them for delivery of each service such as releasing of payment for beneficiary of Indira Awas
Yojana etc. They tell you that because they can not pay bribe from the salary money, they delay
services to people and make them pay the bribe. You realize that things are more complicated than
you had thought of.
In this situation, what will be your course of action to provide citizens a corruption-free
administration? Explain. (200 Words)
Business Standard

Maharashtra government drafts law to

provide time-bound services to people
Under the new law, the officials may face a penalty of up to Rs 5,000 if they fail to provide
services to citizens within a designated time
Related News
Maharashtra govt to bring in Right to Services Bill

Odisha adds 26 services to Right to Services

TCS sees digital services as over $5-bn opportunity
Citizen services made cheaper in Punjab
OBCs in Government Services

For time-bound delivery of services to citizens, the Maharashtra Government has drafted a
legislation, under which its officials could face a penalty of up to Rs 5,000 if they fail to provide
services to citizens within a designated time.
The draft of the 'Right to Services Act' prepared by the state government's General Administration
department (GAD), says that officials of zilla parishads, panchayat samitis and gram panchayats,
municipal councils, municipal corporations, nagar panchayats, planning authorities, industrial
townships will come under the purview of this Act.
"Once the Act comes into existence, it would cost government employees dearly if licences, ration
cards, birth- death certificates, caste validation certificates, etc are not given to citizens within a
stipulated time," a GAD official said. It said the specified time will start from the date when the
required application for a service is submitted to the designated officer or to a person subordinate to
him authorised to receive the application.
The application will have to be duly acknowledged to the applicant in writing or through electronic
means or SMS, specifying date, time, place, unique complaint number, particulars of receiver of
complaint along with stipulated disposal time frame.
"Every designated officer or his subordinate public servant who fails to deliver the citizen related
services to a citizen within the stipulated time shall be liable to pay compensatory cost," the draft
states.

13 January 2015
1) What do you understand by disasters? Differentiate between natural hazards and disasters. Write
a note on the socio-environmental consequences of earthquakes and their hazard mitigation
measures. (200 Words)
NCERT
Topic: Important Geophysical phenomena
pdf 1---------2) What are the different types of droughts? Write a note on the causes and consequences of
droughts. (200 Words)
NCERT
General Studies 2

Topic: various quasi-judicial bodies

pdf 1---------3) As a quasi-judicial body how has the Securities and Exchange Board of India (Sebi) performed in
fulfilling its mandate? Critically evaluate. (200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: mechanisms, laws, institutions and Bodies constituted for the protection and
betterment of vulnerable sections; Also, Paper-1 Indian society

Spate of CBI probes hits morale at Sebi

Officials at Sebi find themselves under the spotlight amid allegations of criminal misconduct
Related News
Spate of CBI probes hits morale at Sebi
The four Sebi officials in CBI crosshairs
Denying discretion
Another case Sinha should recuse himself from
Govt probing Abraham's complaint
In what seems a case of the doctor getting a taste of his own medicine, the Securities and Exchange
Board of India (Sebi), which often dons the role of an investigator, is finding itself a subject of
intense scrutiny, and several of its officers and decisions are being probed.
In a span of four months, close to 30 Sebi officials have come under the scanner of the Central
Bureau of Investigation (CBI), probing for criminal misconduct and conspiracy.
Such mass scrutiny by an external agency is unprecedented and affecting productivity at the market
watchdog, say Sebi veterans.
CASES UNDER RADAR
Bank of Rajasthan
MCX-SX
Saradha scam

Regulatory officials are aware of their responsibility and are open to scrutiny but the sheer scale of
examination is impeding completion of even the day-to-day tasks, says an official, who does not
wish to be named.
In March last year, CBI registered a preliminary inquiry against former Sebi chairman C B Bhave
and former whole-time member K M Abraham, in a matter related to grant of licence to MCX Stock
Exchange (MCX-SX). In August, CBI converted this into a First Information Report (FIR), without
naming either Bhave or Abraham. But four officials, three serving and one former, who had worked

on the case were named in the FIR.

The multi-crore Saradha scam has also placed a spotlight on the market regulator. People in the
know suggest CBI has interrogated more than 15 of its officials who handled or were part of
investigations and adjudicating proceedings. These officials include the brass a member and
three executive directors.
In a matter related to Bank of Rajasthan (BoR), CBI has also registered a preliminary inquiry
against five Sebi officials, including the adjudicating officer, investigating officer, and head of the
investigation department, R K Padmanabhan.
Sources indicate CBI is examining whether or not the regulator could have ascertained the loss to
investors. Another official says there is a general feeling among employees that officials are being
targeted indiscriminately.
Basing an investigation on only the complaints, without going into the merits of the case, is
harmful for the sanctity of any organisation. During the course of interrogation, Sudipta Sen,
alleged architect of the Saradha chit fund scam, took names of over 40 regulatory officers. In such a
scenario, how does one ascertain such claims are genuine and out of vindictiveness? asked a
source.
Acknowledging the challenging work environment amid a spate of inquiries against its officials,
Sebi Chairman U K Sinha recently wrote a morale-boosting letter to the staff. Our job is getting
tougher by the day. Our accountability, as well as vulnerability, is very high. I am conscious of the
challenges we have lately been facing with external agencies. Nevertheless, I am confident that in
due course, our solidarity will sail us through these obstacles, Sinha said in the letter.
Following the inquiry related to MCX-SX, former member Abraham had released a statement to
CBI, in public domain, saying Sebi, as a statutory body, was legally entitled to autonomy.
At legal and constitutional levels, unwarranted intrusion by an investigative agency into a
regulatory and quasi-judicial body like Sebi, which administers the recognition of exchanges under
the Securities Contracts (Regulation) Act, 1956, and the Securities and Exchange Board of India
Act, 1992, is ultra vires of judicial pronouncements of the Honourable Supreme Court of India.
Preserving the autonomy of Sebi is important to the financial markets of the country. An
investigative agency like CBI cannot be allowed to tamper with this autonomy, said Abraham in an
affidavit.

4) In India, the inter-state migrants whose number is very large, face numerous problems in
accessing government services or in being part of democratic processes such as electoral process.
Critically examine major social, economic and political problems these migrants face and
governments response in addressing these problems. (200 Words)
The Hindu

Topic: Welfare schemes for vulnerable sections of the population by the Centre and
States and the performance of these schemes;

Notice on voting rights for inter-State

migrants
Legal Correspondent
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The Supreme Court on Monday sought the government's response to an application on allowing
inter-State migrants the same voting privileges, like postal ballot, accorded to government servants.
Section 20(8) (d) of the Representation of the People Act 1950 read with Section 60(b) of the
Representation of the People Act 1951 allows government servants and certain other class of
persons to vote via postal ballot following the Election Commission's consent.
A Bench led by Chief Justice of India H.L. Dattu issued notice to the government, and gave it four
weeks' time to respond on the application by Dr. V.P. Shamsheer, a native of Kozhikode, Kerala,
based in UAE.
Dr. Shamsheer, represented by senior advocate Dushyant Dave and advocate Haris Beeran, was one
of the two petitioners who successfully fought for the rights of NRIs to vote from abroad.
His present application seeks the Supreme Court intervention to set up a method for in-country
migrants who leave their constituency for reasons of work/employment, business, education,
marriage, etc. to vote from their current place of residence.
According to him, the number of migrants within the country is staggering.

5) Indias small and marginal farmers have been facing variety of problems thanks to various
factors ranging from climate to policy matters. Examine these major problems, their cause and also
evaluate governments interventions to address these problems. (200 Words)
The Hindu
Topic: Functions and responsibilities of the Union and the States, issues and challenges
pertaining to the devolution of powers and finances up to local levels and challenges
therein; Paper 1: Social empowerment

An uncertain Hobbesian life

Feroze Varun Gandhi
Of Indias 121 million agricultural holdings, 99 million are with small and marginal farmers, with a
land share of just 44 per cent and a farmer population share of 87 per cent. With multiple cropping

prevalent, such farmers account for 70 per cent of all vegetables and 52 per cent of cereal output.
According to National Sample Survey Office data, 33 per cent of all farm households have less than
0.4 hectares of land. About 50 per cent of agricultural households are indebted. In Sultanpur district,
Uttar Pradesh, cultivation cost per hectare for wheat has increased by 33 per cent in five years. Such
farmers face an uncertain Hobbesian life: poor, brutish and short.
Rain-fed agriculture has been practised since antiquity in India, with Indus Valley farmers growing
peas, sesame and dates. Greek historian Herodotus had noted in The Histories : India has many
vast plains of great fertility. Since there is a double rainfall, the inhabitants of India almost always
gather in two harvests annually. With the British era came the zamindars, the ryots and penury. As
Tirthankar Roy notes in The Economic History of India , 1857-1947 , from 1891 to 1946,
diminishing returns coupled with growing land-shortage and yield deceleration led to an acute
crisis, particularly in Bengal. Indias marginal farmers have been worse off for centuries.
Alleviating marginal farming
Our policymakers recognised this dependence on rain and formulated policies focussed on
supporting canal-fed crops and improving agricultural productivity. This they coupled with
incentive structures, pricing regimes and input subsidies. A bewildering array of schemes was
launched Small Farmers Development Agency (1971), Integrated Rural Development
Programme (1980), Swarnjayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY, 1999) and the Mahatma Gandhi
National Rural Employment Guarantee Act. Skewed by a bureaucratic approach, these schemes
focussed on creating yearly jobs and roads, while resisting decentralisation and localised decisionmaking. Individual symptoms were mitigated, while long-term food security and ecological
sustainability were ignored.
The Drought Prone Area Programme (1974) was concerned with drought proofing rather than
livelihoods and growth-focussed development. The National Policy on Farmers (2007) focussed on
improving farmer income through better risk management and an improved price policy.
Implementation, sadly, was lacking, with less than 30 per cent of small and marginal farmers
borrowing from institutional credit systems.
The Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojana (2011) allocated Rs.10 lakh to each district to prepare and
implement the Comprehensive District Agriculture Plan with the participation of local panchayats.
The discussions were mostly chaired by the local minister or district collector, with little reflection
on farmers needs. Best practices were mostly ignored.
Farmers in arid regions were encouraged to plant high-yielding wheat instead of Malwi Ghehu, a
local wheat variety, while relying on declining groundwater. Sixty one per cent of irrigation is now
from groundwater, with the proportion of districts with semi-critical and overexploited groundwater
rising to 33 per cent. The proportion of districts in the critical, semi-critical and over-exploited
category rose from 5 per cent in 1995 to 33 per cent in 2004, according to statistics available from
the Central Ground Water Board.
Punjab is well past unsustainability, with 110 blocks out of 137 falling under the over-exploited
category. The Punjab State Farmers Commission (2013) recommended a substantial crop
diversification to cotton, pulses and vegetables, decreasing area under paddy cultivation by 40 per
cent over five years. Of the Rs.5,300 crore suggested for diversification to dryland crops, the Centre

allocated only Rs.500 crore.

A shift back to dryland agriculture, particularly in western India, is much needed. Rajasthan, despite
low rainfall, is buffering by integrated farming having subsidiary farm enterprises such as dairy,
poultry, sericulture and goats. States with little rainfall such as Haryana can be encouraged to shift
back to oilseeds and coarse cereals. Rice cultivation could be increased in rainfed Odisha and
Assam, while incentives to promote wheat and rice are realigned.
With conventional irrigation mostly tapped, drip irrigation is an obvious solution. By
accommodating irregular field sizes and unlevelled topography, water application efficiency
(greater than 70 per cent) can be kept high, lessening soil erosion. Yield can be increased up to 230
per cent, while fertilizer efficiency rises up to 30 per cent. However, the high initial cost has been a
significant barrier. With individual loan sizes too small for transaction costs, banks have been
reluctant to provide loans. Bundling farming households through subsidy schemes like SGSY can
help structure such transactions. Tamil Nadu offers a 100 per cent subsidy for small and marginal
farmers for taking up micro irrigation up to a maximum of 60,000 acres. With high monetary
ceilings in irrigation projects, drip irrigation can be mostly funded through a revolving subsidy
fund, which is based around local self-help groups.
Even with existing subsidies, sanction delays can cause installation delays, with suppliers reluctant
unless the full cost is paid. Banks could be encouraged to advance full loans to governmentauthorised self-help groups, without insisting on sanction and release of subsidy. Subsidy
adjustment can occur later, while repayment periods are kept between 10-15 years.
Funding for research
The Indian Council for Agricultural Research (ICAR) has been primarily focussed on breeding
higher yielding varieties for rice and wheat, while mostly ignoring coarse cereals. Funding for
research for ICAR and State Agricultural Universities (SAUs) has been dismal. Most SAUs are in
overdraft, with little accreditation and a growing dependence on ICAR.
A restructured funding scheme, with a focus on Research and Development in 10-12 crops in
dryland agriculture can be encouraged. The Kelkar Committee in Maharashtra had suggested that
funding to SAUs could be increased by at least Rs.100 crore, to upgrade research facilities and set
up agriculture labour training schools. Mechanisation needs to be encouraged as well.
Even the National Mission for Sustainable Agriculture has been hit by a funds crunch. This mission
would have focussed on mitigating risks associated with climate change and ensuring food security,
with a focus on organic farming and System of Rice Intensification propagation. Such initiatives
need to be encouraged.
The Working Group on Marginal Farmers (2013) recommended that marginal cultivators could be
encouraged to join Farmer Producer Organisations (FPOs). Such organisations can be provided
interest subvention on loans for a five year period and exempted from the agricultural produce
market committee cess. Procurement from small and marginal farmers should be prioritised
particularly through regulation for multi-brand retail. Enhancing their investment credit and
matching their working capital requirements should be a priority. FPOs could be extended collateral
free loans of up to Rs.25 lakh, along with creating a Credit Guarantee Fund for financial institutions

to lend to such institutions.

To foster these shifts, comprehensive ground-up regulatory and social action is essential. A shift to
drip irrigation can be instituted by mandating it for all sugarcane plantations and fruit orchards.
Combining this with micro-irrigation and horticulture incentives might create demand on-ground.
Agriculture can be further customised through soil test labs at the ground level that provide advice
to farmers on a personalised basis, while promoting greater water efficiency. Taxes on agricultural
machinery should be removed and agro-based industries fostered, with commodity parks created at
the district level. Such social and governmental action can help the marginal farmer peer beyond
penury.

6) The Rajasthan Panchayati Raj (Second Amendment) Ordinance, 2014 is a major setback to the
constitutional mandate of ensuring gender equality in panchayati governance. Critically comment.
(200 Words)
The Hindu
General Studies 3
Topic: changes in industrial policy and their effects on industrial growth.

Policy distorts gender equity

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The Supreme Court recently refused to hear a petition challenging the Rajasthan Panchayati Raj
(Second Amendment) Ordinance, 2014 on procedural grounds, sending it back to the High Court.
The controversial ordinance introduces a set of educational qualifications of secondary education in
order to be able to contest panchayat elections. For the post of sarpanch, Class VIII is the minimum
qualification, while posts in the zilla parishad require a Class X pass. The petition is currently being
heard by the Rajasthan High Court. The ordinance was challenged by several non-governmental
organisations and political parties including the Congress. The BJP, which had inexplicably taken
the ordinance route in the State, welcomed the decision of the Supreme Court and hailed it as a
victory of truth. The rationale of the law is to encourage education and literacy. The problem is
not with the ends, but with the means. Although the ordinance may be constitutionally valid as the
facts are analogous to the reasoning of the Supreme Court in Javed (2003), it is at the level of policy
that the law is weak. In Javed , the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of a provision that
stipulated that no person who has more than two children could be elected as the sarpanch or panch
of a panchayat. A similar reasoning may be applied in the case of this ordinance as well. The Javed
judgment was criticised for its reasoning as also its consequences, such as instances where men
gave their daughters up for adoption to be able to contest elections. Ironically, it is not difficult for
those who are influential to obtain false Class X certificates either.
In India, the right to vote is only a statutory right, but the act of voting is a constitutionally protected

freedom of expression under Article 19, as a fundamental right ( PUCL , 2013). The freedom to
vote is inseparable from the freedom to contest in elections, and hence a policy of encouraging
education cannot arguably prevail over fundamental rights. The law is a major setback to the
constitutional mandate of ensuring gender equality in panchayati governance where the Rajasthan
government has provided for 50 per cent reservation for women. In rural areas, the literacy rate of
women is only 45.8 per cent in tribal areas it is 25.22 per cent as opposed to the
corresponding male literacy rate of 76.16 per cent. The law therefore excludes the majority of
potential women contestants. The educational qualification norms, on top of the existing massive
inequality in literacy rates, will reduce womens participation in politics. Lastly, several grassroots
activists argue that panchayat governance requires ethical values and an understanding of local
issues gained from experience, more than Class X certificates.

7) Contrary to popular perception, it is now said that the stupendous growth of Indias pharma and
information technology sectors is because of the active but largely invisible hand of the Indian state.
Critically examine. (200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: Conservation, environmental pollution and degradation, environmental impact
assessment

Ajit Balakrishnan: Hail the invisible hand

of the state
Neither pharma nor IT would have become the stars of the economy without the active but
largely invisible hand of the Indian state
The current debate in India about how to trigger a quantum jump in industrial manufacturing
activity and, thus, create large-scale employment is largely centred on ways to reduce the role
of the state - in allotting land, in environmental clearances, in firing workers and so on. Yet
the case studies of two industries that came from origins even smaller than where
manufacturing is today and have become international success stories - the Indian pharma
industry and the Indian information technology (IT) services industry - proves the opposite
point. Neither would have come to their current stellar role in the Indian economy without the
active but largely invisible hand of the Indian state.
The Indian pharma industry has grown from minuscule revenues in the late 1960s to a world
player with an annual revenue of $40 billion (of which $15 billion is in exports) and an
activity base of 20,000 plus manufacturing units employing over 29 million people. The case
of the software services industry is even more striking; it employed just 8,500 people in 1990
and had a revenue of a mere $165 million (tiny Ireland had a $185-million software industry
at that time). Today, its size is $118 billion, with $100 billion as exports. The people directly
employed in the industry is reported as exceeding two million, with another seven million
employed indirectly. Both these industries have also created multiplier effects in sectors such
as housing construction, transport services and household goods, as young chemists and
programmers set up homes, and bought cars and home appliances.

What was the magic? Unfortunately, finding the key to these success stories is like that old
tale of the blind men of "Hindoostan", who, when asked to describe an elephant, said that it
was like a wall, snake, spear, tree, fan or rope, depending upon which part of the elephant
each touched.
Proponents of the "market economy" will say that the success of these two industries is an
example of what energetic Indian entrepreneurs can achieve when the government of India
steps aside. Reinforcing this view is India's business press, which frequently features stories
about software and pharma industry millionaires. Proponents of "globalisation", such as New
York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, in his book The World Is Flat, credit globalisation:
increased world trade that spreads prosperity around the world. Proponents of "privatisation"
say that decades of public sector efforts in these industries (Electronics Corporation of India
in the case of IT and Hindustan Antibiotics are often quoted as examples) came to nothing
until the private sector was "allowed" to participate. To them, this is proof that the
government needs to privatise many other industries as well. And, of course, there are those
that say that the state's only role should be to provide zero income tax on export incomes,
government-sponsored software parks and export zones.
But actual case studies of these two industries tell another story. The rise of the Indian
software services industry can be traced back to two mega projects sponsored by the Union
government: the computerisation of public sector banks and Indian Railways. These two
projects, apart from providing an impetus to the start-up and growth of hundreds of software
development companies, also had another dimension. Far-sighted government policymakers
like N Seshagiri of what was then called the department of electronics, the forerunner to the
current ministry of IT, insisted that these applications be built using such technologies as the
Unix operating system and relational database systems; the world was then getting ready for a
paradigm change that would unleash an insatiable wave of demand for computer
programmers well versed in these specific technologies as the world shifted from mainframe
computers to client server computers. Thanks to the banking and the railway projects, Indian
companies had a ready stock of thousands of software programmers well versed in these new
technologies, who could be immediately deployed on assignments abroad.
The rise of India's pharmaceutical industry is based on similar visionary moves by the Indian
state. In 1970, the government introduced a new patents Act reforming the 1911 one, which
excluded pharmaceuticals and agrochemical products from eligibility for patents. Patents on
molecules, which are products of chemical reactions or on mere admixtures and the like, were
made non-patentable in India. Only the method of making the product was patentable. This
resulted in the Indian pharmaceutical industry developing considerable expertise in reverse
engineering of drugs that are patentable as products throughout the industrialised world but
not in India.
You need to peer really hard to detect this kind of invisible hand of the state. Mariana
Mazzucato, professor of science and technology at the University of Sussex and the author of
The Entrepreneurial State - Debunking Public vs. Private Sector Myths, did just that and
uncovered the role of the American state behind what is generally seen as the ultimate artifact
of entrepreneurial vision, the Apple iPhone. "What actually makes the iPhone a smartphone,
instead of a stupid phone?" she asks in a recent TED talk. And answers that it is the internet;
the Global Positioning System (GPS), which detects your geographic location; the
touchscreen display that makes it also a really easy-to-use phone. She points out that "the very
smart, revolutionary bits about the iPhone, are all government-funded the Internet was
funded by the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) of the United States.
The GPS was funded by the [United States] military's Navstar program the touchscreen

display was funded by two public grants by the CIA [Central Intelligence Agency] and the US
National Science Foundation", and in the American pharmaceutical industry, "a full 75
percent of the new molecular entities with priority rating are actually funded in boring,
Kafkian [United States government] public sector labs".
8) Critically discuss with suitable examples the need for developing sustainable tourism criteria in
the country in the light of increasing pollution of ecologically sensitive regions due to tourist and
cultural activities. (200 Words)
The Hindu
Topic: Linkages between development and spread of extremism; Also Paper
2 : powers, functions and responsibilities of various Constitutional Bodies.

A festival adds to the woes of Sagar

In the next few days, lakhs of devotees will descend on the Sagar Island in the Sunderbans
archipelago of West Bengal to take a holy dip in the confluence of the Hooghly river and the
Bay of Bengal on the occasion of Makar Sankranti, unaware of the festivals environmental
impact on the island.
Sagar is the largest island in the Indian Sunderbans system, boasting an area of 251 square km and a
population of 2.10 lakh as per the 2011 census. Despite its size, the erosion of certain parts owing to
the rising sea level is causing its resident concern.
In July 2014, at least 10 villages were submerged in high tide, and this exposed the vulnerability of
the island, like the other smaller islands of the unique ecosystem.
While State government officials admit that no detailed environmental assessment has been done in
the recent past, some recent studies show that on the one hand, the issue of pollution has not been
addressed and on the other, the islands potential of tourism has not been tapped.
Experts say the number of devotees gathering on a particular beach during the Mela is five to six
lakhs, almost three times the islands population.
At least two recent papers, produced by researchers of the School of Oceanographic Studies (SOS),
Jadavpur University, have looked at the issue of sustainability of the Mela and the islands tourism
potential.
Impact of Gangasagar Mela on Sustainability of Sagar Island, published in 2012 in International
Journal of Research in Chemistry and Environment, pointed to an increase in fecal coliform bacteria
in the surface water of the beach used by the pilgrims. The paper said the inhabitants of the island
living near the Mela ground complained of obnoxious smell and communicable diseases.
The authority needs to limit the gathering according to the capacity of the Gangasagar Mela
ground which depends on infrastructure such as housing, latrine, toilet and bathing ghat [so as] to
minimise pollution, said the paper authored by Tuhin Ghosh of the SOS and Rituparna Hazra and
Rajarshi Mitra.
Another paper published by Prof. Ghosh and others at International Journal of Innovative Research

& Development in 2014 looks at the tourism potential of the island under the Global Sustainable
Tourism Criteria.

9) One of the major threats by Maoists to India is to prevent or severely disrupt the holding of
elections in affected regions. What threats do they pose? How has the Election Commission
overcome these threats to conduct free and fair elections in naxal affected regions? Critically
analyse. (200 Words)
The Hindu
General Studies 4
Topic: social influence and persuasion; Essence, determinants and consequences of
Ethics in human actions

The Naxal challenge to electoral process

Navin B. Chawla
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Indias general election is the largest exercise of its kind in the democratic world. Since it fell on me
to oversee four out of five phases of the election in 2009, it was also viewed by the country as being
my responsibility. This task included every aspect of its planning, including visits to the naxalaffected States in the run-up to the election. With 716 million voters, almost 8,35,000 polling
stations and several million officials in service, there was no dearth of problems, all of which had
either to have been anticipated or attended to in the shortest period. Time was short. In this case,
there were barely 76 days from the announcement of polls to the date of counting of votes.
I do not intend to go into the reasons that have caused the growth of armed insurgency, a protracted
war of sorts, that has been waged against the state since the 1960s. Its history is complex and
arguments, for and against, continue to be made. Underlying the Maoist philosophy has been its
opposition to the very concept of the democratic state. The Maoist view (and which still remains)
was that it was a peoples war against an unjust government. Hence, conducting elections was to be
opposed by all means available, and which justified the use of extreme violence. Towards this end,
anyone who opposed its call for a boycott was a potential target, and which included political
parties and candidates, election staff and ordinary voters. My task was to ensure that the election
would be conducted on schedule but by avoiding the risk of loss of life or limb using all means
available.
Dangers in the Red Corridor
By 2009, naxal-related violence was estimated to have spread up to 180 administrative districts (out
of a total of 610 districts in the country), spread over nine States Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Bihar,
Odisha, Maharashtra, Karnataka, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh. It was estimated
that there were about 20,000 armed cadres.

The most significant challenge in all this was the open threat by Maoists to prevent or severely
disrupt the holding of elections. It was well recognised that in the Red Corridor of deeply forested
Central India, the Maoist threat was all too real. Much of the infrastructure that we needed, schools
and other government buildings to set up poll stations, was badly damaged; several roads, bridges
and mobile towers had been blown up. Therefore, the major issues that concerned us were
movement, communication and safety.
But our problems were by no means confined to these remote areas; there were a number of urban
pockets which provided the Maoists shelter and weapons, and where they were indistinguishable
from the population at large. Hence, our canvas was very wide indeed.
From earlier elections, the Maoists modus operandi was well known. In order to prevent vehicular
movement on arterial roads, they had planted explosive devices, often deep under road surfaces.
Aimed against any and all security forces, these lethal elements were implanted sometimes at the
time of road laying. Gelatin sticks and explosives, often stolen from sites of mining operations,
were strategically hidden under bridges and culverts. Compounding our problems were the huge
number of landmines the Maoists had buried under jungle footpaths as well. Further, to specifically
deter voters, Maoists have been known to chop off the fingers of the first voter in queues at election
booths. All of this made political activity, the very life blood of elections, as hard as possible for
political parties. However, the security forces remained their special targets. By killing them, they
could also loot their weaponry in order to stock their own requirements.
The early signs were ominous. On April 13, 10 policemen were killed when Maoists attacked a
bauxite mine in Koraput district of Odisha, where they also seized explosives. Since I had already
begun to undertake detailed reviews in the region, these attacks heralded the naxal warning of their
own readiness to thwart the process.
Duty before life
The efforts that went into the setting up of polling stations in these troubled areas necessitated
attention to detail. These were carried out in the main by district magistrates/collectors and
superintendents of police under the general supervision of the Election Commission. It is not known
to the public how difficult these duties are or were for our poll officials. Most often teachers and
revenue officials, they had to walk long distances over dangerous terrain (with electronic voting
machines) in order to set up their stations. Walking became necessary because transportation by
road was infinitely more dangerous. In all these cases, these brave civilian officials put duty before
life, and in my mind, remain the true heroes of the election.
Voter insecurity was another issue that had to be looked into, for if they did not feel confident
enough to come out to vote, the Maoists would have achieved their aim. Equally important,
candidates needed to move around for electioneering. The constantly fluid situation did not make
for easy movement as the basic precautions they needed to take were being constantly spelt out to
them by the district authorities. This was vital, as timely information and putting in place alternative
plans very often helped save many lives. Witness the carnage in Bastar on May 25, 2013, when
ignoring basic ground rules cost the lives of a number of Congress leaders and security personnel in
Bastar, making it one of the most deadly attacks on the political establishment in recent years as far
as Naxal-related violence in India is concerned. The prospect of even a single casualty worried me

constantly. Therefore, no detail was too small, no travel too inconvenient and 24 hours not time
enough to sort out problems. The Commissions three indefatigable IAS officers, R. Balakrishnan,
J.P. Prakash and Vinod Zutshi, were stretched to the extent possible.
We soon realised that a vital requirement was in having helicopters from the Indian Air Force,
thereby reducing the need for long and dangerous jungle treks. Their use would also help send
police officials where needed, or rescue electoral staff in case of danger. I also wanted two
helicopters to be converted into air ambulances.
The initial response was not too encouraging, but when I explained to the authorities how the use of
helicopters would play a key role in saving lives, providing deterrence, and ultimately help in
strengthening the democratic process, I was able to get almost everything that I needed. The
presence of the machines was a strong psychological reassurance. I also acknowledge the efforts of
the brave flight crew as well.
Growing threat
Inspite of the many obstacles, including 17 deaths from Maoist attacks in two States, elections were
held on time. There was 55 per cent polling in the first phase and 65 per cent in the second. This
was quite a good turnout considering the circumstances, and the press commented on the triumph of
ballot over bullet. Yet, there were violent incidents and loss of life. These continued immediately
after the election process was over, when on May 21, 16 police personnel including five
policewomen were gunned down in Gadchiroli district in Maharashtra.
In 2006, the Prime Minister described the naxal threat as the greatest internal security problem that
India faced. Between 2006 and 2010, there were an estimated 9,000 incidents in Maoist-dominated
States; in the election year of 2009, when there was also an Assembly election in Jharkhand, there
were as many as 1,100 incidents.
This internal conflict has deeply affected Indias governance, security, economy and rule of law. In
February 2009, the government initiated an Integrated Action Plan. This involves broad and more
coordinated operations alongside grass-root economic development projects. However, our track
record in understanding this very complex problem has been spasmodic at best. A much more
comprehensive, holistic and sustained policy involving across-the-board views particularly within
the severely affected States, is long overdue. From the singular point of the conduct of future
elections, our reputation as a successful democratic beacon will henceforth depend on the ability of
the government to find solutions to this growing problem within our polity.

10) One of your friends who is preparing for civil services exam is addicted to consuming alcohol.
He is a brilliant student, but due to some problems he is driven to this addiction. Now a days he
keeps telling you that consuming alcohol is not wrong as it is keeping him away from his
problems, moreover he is not abusing or harming anyone after consuming alcohol.
a) Why is consuming alcohol is perceived as morally wrong among certain sections of societies?
(100 Words)
b) Do you agree with your friends view? How and why you will persuade him to give up alcohol

consumption ? (150 Words)

The Hindu

17 dead in Uttar Pradesh after drinking

spurious liquour
At least 17 people died and over 100 were admitted in various hospitals here on Monday following
a hooch tragedy in villages adjoining Malihabad and Unnao.
The death toll could go up as condition of around 40 people is reported to be critical even as the
State administration suspended over half-a-dozen police and excise department officials on charges
of dereliction of duty.
Police sources said the illicit liquor, which was made in Datli village of Malihabad, was consumed
by villagers of at least half-a-dozen villages in Malihabad and Unnao on Sunday night and Monday
morning.
While 12 deaths have so far been reported from Malihabad villages, five of the dead are from
Unnao. Most victims had visited Datli village to consume and buy the country-made liquor that is
allegedly made in large amount in the village.
Over a hundred affected have been admitted in the Medical College and Balrampur hospital besides
local hospitals in Malihabad and Unnao, while doctors at other government hospitals in Lucknow
have been kept on standby in case more patients are brought in. Many victims are feared to have
lost their eyesight.
Senior police and administrative officials visited the hospitals, while at least seven police and excise
department officials posted in Malihabad, including the circle officer and an inspector, have been
suspended. Police have arrested a person while hunt is on to nab four others who allegedly made the
illicit liquor, sources added.

14 January 2015
General Studies 1
Topic: Salient features of worlds physical geography; Important Geophysical
phenomena such as earthquakes,
1) What do you understand by the continental drift theory ? What are the evidences in its support ?
(200 Words)
NCERT
Topic: Salient features of worlds physical geography; Important Geophysical
phenomena such as earthquakes,
pdf 3----------

2) What arguments can be put forward to support the concept of Sea Floor Spreading as proposed
by Hess ? How does it differ from Continental Drift theory ? (200 Words)
NCERT
Topic: Salient features of worlds physical geography; Important Geophysical
phenomena such as earthquakes,
pdf 3---------3) Scientists believe that the Himalayas are still in the process of aggradation. Elucidate how
Himalayas were formed in light of the theory of plate tectonics. (200 Words)
NCERT
General Studies 2
Topic: India and its neighborhood- relations
pdf 3------4) Some foreign policy experts argue that Indonesia qualifies as Indias critical strategic partner in
the region. But in recent months it is being observed that Indonesia is forging close relationship
with China rather than with India. Critically analyse why. (200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: Issues relating to development and management of Social Sector/Services
relating to Education

Shyam Saran: Distant neighbours

Worryingly for India, Indonesia looks to China for help in achieving its maritime ambitions
Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Joko Widodo (better known as "Jokowi") of
Indonesia are often compared to each other. Both achieved high office despite their humble
origins. Both have raised surging expectations, of being harbingers of transformational
change, in their respective countries but confront similar challenges - of complex democratic
polities, entrenched bureaucracies and a legacy of corruption.
It is not clear whether these commonalities engendered any special empathy between the two
leaders when they met briefly on the sidelines of the East Asia Summit in Naypyidaw,
Myanmar, on November 12 last year. Neither announced any initiative to impart new energy
and direction to a relationship that has consistently fallen short of its evident potential. After
their meeting, Mr Widodo said the discussions had covered coal and defence industries - and
added somewhat oddly that "we had no exclusive cooperation in the maritime field". Odd,
because the maritime field is precisely where we do have some modest cooperation.
As pointed out by an Indonesian analyst, India-Indonesia relations "remain mired in neglect".
If this persists, then both countries would have missed an opportunity to work together to
shape the emerging security landscape in Asia.

In my column entitled "Rising Indonesia" (May 19, 2010, Business Standard), I had spelt out
the reasons why Indonesia qualified as a critical strategic partner for India. It is a close
neighbour, separated by only 80 kilometres of ocean space. Together our two countries serve
as sentinels of the ocean bridge connecting the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and dominate the
dense sea lines of communication running across them. They are Asia's two largest and
vibrant secular democracies and share a strong cultural affinity. Just as they have an
instinctive preference for a multi-polar world, so do they wish to ensure a multi-polar Asia, or
what Indonesians describe as a "dynamic equilibrium".
Since India and Indonesia established a Strategic Partnership in 2005, there has been progress
in enhancing maritime cooperation through coordinated ship patrols and joint exercises. The
Indonesian navy participates in the Indian Ocean Symposium and the Milan joint-naval
exercises hosted by the Indian navy. India has offered to share its capabilities in maritime
domain awareness. The Indonesian army has benefited from training at the Counter
Insurgency and Jungle Warfare School in Mizoram. Training on Sukhois is part of cooperation
between the air forces.
However, security cooperation remains thin and the overall relationship in terms of political,
economic, trade and people-to-people exchanges is well below expectations. Till date, there
are no direct flights between the two countries, despite 150,000 Indians travelling to Indonesia
each year. Trade is modest at around $20 billion and Indian investment in Indonesia is mostly
flat.
As would be apparent, maritime cooperation between the two countries, even though modest,
is the centrepiece of their bilateral relations. Recent developments in Indonesia's maritime
strategy pose a challenge. President Jokowi has declared that Indonesia must become a
"maritime fulcrum" and a "power between the two oceans". As a maritime country, he adds,
"Indonesia should assert itself as the World Maritime Axis". It is the first time that an
Indonesian leader has enunciated a maritime doctrine with such clarity, and this is to be
welcomed.
At the East Asia Summit, President Jokowi further declared his intention to develop maritime
infrastructure and connectivity by "constructing sea highways along the shores of Java,
establishing deep-sea ports and logistical networks as well as developing shipping industry
and marine tourism". In all, 24 deep-sea and other ports are to be built in the next five years.
In theory, this should create expanded opportunities for India to promote maritime
cooperation with Indonesia and offer to play a part in helping build the latter's maritime
capabilities. However, it is China that has emerged as the likely partner, subsuming
Indonesian ambitions into its Maritime Silk Road (MSR) project. Another attraction for
Indonesia is the likely availability of funds from the newly established and Chinese-sponsored
Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, of which Indonesia is a founder member - and has been
pitching for the bank to be sited in Indonesia. When the Chinese foreign minister visited
Jakarta in October 2014, he supported President Jokowi's ambitious plans: "China is willing
to actively participate in Indonesia's process of building a maritime power and take Indonesia
as the most important partner in building the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st century."
It is learnt that China has agreed to finance the building of several of the ports identified by
Indonesia.
It should be noted that for China, Indonesia is slated to play a key role in the MSR initiative.
A Chinese scholar has described the MSR route in a recent article: "The MSR will extend

southwards from China's ports through the South China Sea, the Straits of Malacca, Lombok
and Sunda, and along the north Indian Ocean to the Persian Gulf, Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.
In other words, the Road will extend from Asia to the Middle East, East Africa and Europe
and it will mainly rely on ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations] countries."
India has been ambivalent about participating in the MSR project. Some analysts see it as a
benignly dressed-up version of the String of Pearls strategy to encircle India. Others believe
that we ought to participate and help shape its contours. Whatever our perceptions, it is
necessary to examine the implications of Indonesia being co-opted into China's maritime
strategy and becoming a platform for an extensive Chinese maritime presence in our sensitive
ocean space. We may need to engage Indonesia in a frank dialogue about our concerns and
also consult our other partners in the region, including the United States, Japan and Australia,
and other Asean countries. Perhaps this coalition could offer an alternative source for assisting
Indonesia's maritime project.
There is one inescapable conclusion though. India needs to speedily ramp up its all-round
maritime capabilities in terms of modern ports, efficient port-handling facilities and shipbuilding. Above all, its naval forces must enjoy enhanced priority in resource allocation for
defence.
5) The Annual Status of Education Report (ASER), 2014, says only an average 48.1 per cent of
Class V children across India can read a Class II-level text. From your own experience of school
days, or from observations you might have made in your surroundings, critically comment on the
reasons behind such low levels of learning outcomes in Indian schools. (200 Words)
The Hindu
General Studies 3
Topic: Issues related to Direct & Indirect farm subsidies ; PDS
objectives,functioning,limitations ,revamping;

Learning outcomes poor, says ASER

Pheroze L. Vincent
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Even as the reading levels of schoolchildren have stagnated throughout the country, Tamil Nadu has
seen sharp improvements.
The Annual Status of Education Report (ASER), 2014, says only an average 48.1 per cent of Class
V children across India can read a Class II-level text. While this is an improvement from the 47 per
cent in 2013, the percentage shot up to 46.9 from 31.9 in Tamil Nadu.
Though the reading levels in Himachal Pradesh (75.2 per cent) and Haryana (68.1 per cent) are
higher, they do not differ much from 2013. The survey facilitated by Pratham, a non-governmental
organisation, says Tamil Nadu has made the highest gains.
In Assam, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh, less than 35 per cent of the Class V children surveyed

can read a Class II-level text. The survey covered 5.7 lakh children aged three to 16 from over
34,000 households between September and December across 16,497 villages in 577 districts.
More teachers
K. Devarajan, Director of School Education, Tamil Nadu, during 2012 and 2013, said targeted
teaching with adequate recruitments had resulted in the improvements in the State.
In the past two years, 40,000 teachers have been recruited and teachers focus on weaker students.
This, along with the incentives and teaching tools, has made a difference, he told The Hindu .
The survey does not collect data on reasons for the changes. However, I can say that in the past
two years, Tamil Nadu focussed a lot on improving the basics in Tamil and Maths in Classes I and
II. It may also be the case that the activity-based learning in government schools is giving results
now, ASER head Rukmini Banerji told The Hindu .

6) Many arm chair experts believe that cash transfers is the magic bullet to solve poverty problem in
India. Explore the deficiencies in this approach. (200 Words)
The Hindu
Topic: money-laundering and its prevention

Cash transfers, the lazy short cut

Advocates of unconditional cash transfers claim that they can be both emancipatory and
transformative. They argue that people are quite capable of making rational decisions. And
that this kind of basic income support can improve their lives.
I have no quarrel with the claim that we must trust the poor. Such suspicion is part of an elite
mindset, which we must firmly reject. However, what is equally true is Babasaheb Ambedkars
reminder that we must not romanticise the poor. We need to bear in mind that historically Indian
society has had more than its share of prejudice and discrimination, based especially on caste and
gender. Robust empirical evidence suggests that access to food, rather than cash, favours children
rather than just adults, and girls, not just boys. Income support goes a long way in providing a
modicum of security to those left out of the mainstream development process. But the problem with
regarding unconditional cash transfers as transformative silver bullets in themselves is that we may
leave unattended many fundamental requirements of poverty elimination, without which cash
transfers will just not work.
What will cash do without essential capabilities and skills? Development is much more about
empowering the poor and creating concomitant conditions that allow them to translate their
aspirations into tangible outcomes. A key part of these conditions is possessing requisite capabilities
to be relevant in a rapidly evolving economy. Transmitting these skills is a completely different ball
game than just transferring cash to the poor.
Providing linkages

What will cash do without forward and backward linkages? Poverty elimination demands
sustainable livelihood options and these require not just cash but vital inputs (such as water or raw
materials or veterinary services) and a market, where the outputs produced could be sold. It is good
to see the National Rural Livelihoods Mission working not only on skills, but also on assuring these
forward and backward linkages.
Can cash work for the unorganised poor when faced with exploitative markets? As any student of
the poor in India knows, when individual small and marginal farmers enter any market, they face
extremely onerous conditions. The nexus of interlocked markets presents grievously unfair terms
for them and most of the time they end up making distress sales, getting even deeper into debt. It is
for this reason that recent work on farmers poverty has focussed so much on building powerful
economic institutions of the poor such as Self-Help Group Federations or Farmer Producer
Organisations, so that they can compete on better terms in the market. A mere transfer of cash
without this major innovation will do the poor little good.
Can cash work for the unorganised poor when faced with unresponsive governments? Another
reason why the poor need to be organised is to generate greater accountability of systems of
governance that are the weakest in our most deprived regions. When the poor get organised,
especially when led by women, we get much higher quality of mid-day meals and primary health
centres. Removing poverty without strengthening systems of public health delivery is almost
inconceivable in the poorest regions of India. And without strengthening Panchayati Raj
Institutions, governance reform and better public service delivery will continue to remain a pipe
dream. The 12th Plan Rajiv Gandhi Panchayat Sashaktikaran Abhiyan is a source of much hope in
this direction.
What will people do with cash where there are no options? One of the fundamental requirements for
cash transfers to succeed is the availability of affordable high quality options for the poor so that
they can choose the best service provider. But as the repeated experience of the Rashtriya Swasthya
Bima Yojana shows, the poor have hardly any options for proper health care or for any other basic
requirements of life. Indeed, the danger, as I have witnessed over the last 25 years first-hand, is that
the poor are caught in a terrible web of low quality local, private providers of health and education.
Cash transfers without strengthening quality of service provision could end up even making things
worse in this respect.
In large parts of rural India, market failure is rampant. Here, a range of public goods and
infrastructure need urgent provisioning. The trustworthy beneficiary of our direct cash transfer
cannot arrange for this all by herself. No one has ever stopped the private sector from going there
but there is no incentive for a profit-seeking capitalist to travel to these impoverished regions of
India. What the markets cannot do, what the private sector will not do, the State must.
The Indian challenge
Governments in all developed nations in Europe, the U.S., Canada, Japan, Australia, South Korea,
Singapore and many others have provided their citizens social security, education, health care, mass
transport etc. Such public investments also generate many positive externalities and spur private
investment; they are indeed, a precondition for it. Cash transfers cannot be a substitute for this. The
challenge we face in India is of massive government failure in these crucial sectors. We need to

extend the process of reform to these key parts of the economy, where the state is in close interface
with our most vulnerable regions and people.
The almost irresistible seductiveness to the idea of cash transfers is a reflection of great intellectual,
policy and political ennui. Since real change is hard to come by, why not go with a lazy short cut?
Just give everyone a dole. Which is what unconditional cash transfers are. In fact, cash transfers are
just one element of Indias anti-poverty programmes. They work only when they are accompanied
by other enabling changes, each of which addresses key elements of the poverty syndrome in India.
We have many such conditional cash transfer schemes, which I strongly support because their
success is contingent upon something more than mere cash transfer: such as the creation of durable
assets under Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Guarantee Act; incentivising education of girls and
disincentivising their early marriage in the Ladli Lakshmi Yojanas of many States; or the Janani
Suraksha Yojana that incentivises institutional deliveries. The real challenge is to reform their
functioning and improve their quality, learning creatively from best practices set up by many States,
so that these programmes can deliver up to their real potential.

7) In your opinion, why does black money thrive in Indian economy? Explain the nature of black
money that is circulated in India and examine if encouraging more and more cashless transactions
will be effective in curbing its growth and circulation. (200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: environmental pollution and degradation, environmental impact assessment;
changes in industrial policy and their effects on industrial growth.

Subir Roy: The political roots of black

money
Cashless transactions are one of the very important solutions to tame black money and should
be promoted, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said. There is a problem of emphasis here. It
is good for people to use as little cash as possible as non-cash (through book transfers in
banks) transactions leave a trail that law enforcers like income tax authorities or those
tracking money laundering find extremely useful. But going off cash does not offer a major
solution to the problem of black money.
To understand what works best in fighting black money it is critical to understand what black
money is and is not. It is income that is not declared for income tax purposes. This can be
simply tax evasion by a businessman or a professional engaged in legitimate activity. It can
also be much more serious criminal offences like handling money that fuels trafficking in
drugs or humans.
An enormous amount of black money flows in and out of the banking system and still remains
black. A government official can take his family out for a lavish meal at a five-star hotel or

buy the choicest Scotch whisky from liquor shops with cash taken as bribe. Once these sales
enter the books of the hotel chain or the legitimate foreign liquor importer who pay taxes, the
black money becomes "white". Then if the hotel chain's or the liquor importer's liaison person
pays a bribe to any official functionary (there are ingenious ways of cloaking it as a legitimate
cashless transaction), the amount paid, which will not be declared by the official as income to
the tax authorities, becomes black money again.
Before going any further let us get a red herring out of the way. During its election campaign
the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had promised to bring back black money stashed away by
Indians abroad. How this is any more black than black money that stays within the country
(there was no similar emphasis on unearthing it) is unclear. It seems there is greater interest in
grandstanding on black money than actually doing something serious about it. Had the latter
been the case the primary reason why black money thrives would have been addressed.
Black money thrives because it plays a critical role in Indian elections and no political party
of any consequence appears interested in putting an end to this. Had it been so the way
elections are fought would have changed beyond recognition by now. It is widely believed
that it costs at least Rs 5 crore and often much more to contest a parliamentary seat today,
whereas the Election Commission-approved ceiling for such expenditure by a candidate is a
mere Rs 70 lakh. What is fascinating is that many candidates, going by their declared
expenses, do not even spend up to the permitted ceiling!
The Economist, in a report in May last year, picked up a frequently cited quote of Atal Bihari
Vajpayee, saying that "every legislator starts his career with the lie of the false election return
he files". Closer to today, the late Gopinath Munde, then deputy leader of the BJP in the Lok
Sabha, in 2013 publicly admitted that he had spent Rs 8 crore for his 2009 parliamentary
election, and then, on being issued a show cause notice by the Election Commission, denied
the statement by saying it was "rhetoric". Thus, how much gets spent in fighting elections is
hardly a well-kept state secret.
It is easy to see what such electioneering lets loose. A person who has spent Rs 5 crore in
getting elected will want to recoup that principal, plus inflation plus a reasonable return to
create a corpus with which to fight for his re-election. Thus, in five years he will want to
making close to Rs 10 crore in black money or more. If legislators who rule the country face
this kind of compulsion to generate black money for their own political future, how can they
be expected to put in place a system that will bring an end to the generation of black money?
It is, therefore, unsurprising that there is a big hole in the rules on permissible election
expenses. While there is a cap on what a candidate can spend for his election, nothing like that
exists for political parties. What is more, donations up to Rs 20,000 are not treated as
donations and can be reported without any details. So all that a party needs to do to account
for, say, Rs 1 crore, is to claim that it received it in the form of 500 donations of Rs 20,000
each!

Other rules, in this regard, are either of minuscule size and consequence (companies can now
officially make political contributions) or routinely flouted (filing returns on expenses within
90 days of an election). There is no attempt to change the rules where they matter. The entire
political class, across parties, is complicit in this.

8) The latest proposed amendments to different environment and pollution related laws to ensure
ease of doing business for industries has given rise to concerns especially among
environmentalists. Critically examine why. (200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: Investment Models

Govt pushes to ease industrial pollution

norms and inspections
Under the UPA government, a working group was formed to look into the revision of pollution
categories
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The Union environment ministry has begun work to ensure greater self-certification and selfregulation by industries. It has also asked state governments to do away with their licensing powers
under environmental laws. These changes, the ministry said, were being sought under the National
Democratic Alliance governments plans to provide ease of doing business to industry.
In an advisory to all states, issued on December 23, the ministry said industries should not require
mandatory consent-to-establish (CTE) certificates from state pollution control boards for power
connections.
In another order, passed on December 31, it tasked a committee with drafting rules to allow
industries to self-certify and self-regulate their environmental performance, against the practice of
industries being subjected to inspection and scrutiny by state environmental authorities.
Under the water and air Acts, it is mandatory for industries to obtain a CTE certificate from the state
pollution control board (SPCB) concerned by submitting a form, along with the requisite documents
and fees. This is also applicable in case of expansion of output or any technological change and is
valid for a particular time limit. Without this certificate, industries cannot secure a power
connection.

At the same time, SPCBs are empowered to carry out inspections and scrutiny of the workings of
these industries. These bodies prosecute industries found violating environmental laws.
Now, the ministry has issued a clarification stating a CTE certificate isnt mandatory in every state,
while in other states (where it is compulsory), the provision might be done away with, as these
arent the directives of the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB). In such cases, the government
can only give advisories, as water and air fall under the state list.
The Centres advisory reads: As a result (of the provision), establishment of coming projects and
overall industrial development in the state concerned is adversely affectedSince in some states,
the pre-requisite of CTE certificate for release of electricity connection doesnt exist, other states
might consider revisiting their provisions in this regard for improving ease of doing business in
the state.
This is shocking, to say the least, as the CPCB seem to be concerned not with its duty of reducing
pollution but ease of doing business. If an industry does not have a CTE, why should it be given
an industrial electricity connection? asked prominent environment lawyer Ritwick Dutta.
On condition of anonymity, a senior bureaucrat said, A CTE is used to ensure the site of industry is
right. A state wouldnt want to let a polluting plant come up behind, say, a school. In such a case, it
wont give a CTE. De-linking the CTE from the provision of electricity connection makes the
certsificate redundant.
Industry has often complained consent certificates under the air and water Acts have led to a maze
of licences at the state level.
Meeting another long-standing industry demand, the central government has also tasked a
committee to develop norms through which industries will be able to self-certify and self-regulate
their environmental impacts. A working group of pollution control board members have been asked
to finalise a report on the matter by this month. The group will come up with norms through which
inspection activities of state authorities will be replaced by third-party audits and inspections. It
will also review the frequency with which these inspections are carried out. It has been asked to
consider higher penalties against industries providing wrong information through the selfcertification regime.
The group will also look at the categorisation of industries, based on their pollution loads.
Under the United Progressive Alliance government, a working group was formed to look into the
revision of pollution categories, along with other issues. However, it had failed to give a report on
the matter on time. Now, the government has altered its mandate, asking it to finalise its report by
this month.
The office memorandum on the matter says the ministry has been reviewing the issues relating to

granting of various clearances to industries and developmental projects with the purpose for
improving ease of doing business.
Many of these changes were recommended by the T S R Subramanian committee, which had
recently reviewed six environmental laws. The panel had sought state controls based on
environmental regulations be done away with, adding this be done through a new law. As the new
orders show, the Centre has decided to do so through executive orders that help it bypass legislative
amendments, or the passage of a new law.

9) Twelfth five year plan envisaged that nearly half of infrastructure projects in India would be
funded in PPP mode. However recent evidence suggests falling interests of private players in many
sectors. Comment. Also Suggest alternative mechanisms to fund infrastructure till the interest in
PPP is revived. (200 Words)
Business Standard
Business Standard
General Studies 4
Topic: Public/Civil service values and Ethics in Public administration

Vinayak Chatterjee: Getting infrastructure

moving again
Two short-term strategies and one medium-term should get the sector buzzing
The simple economic construct is that a 9 per cent growth aspiration consists of 4.5 per cent
consumption-driven growth and 4.5 per cent investment-led growth. Of the investment
portion, about 60 per cent consists of infrastructure. Turbocharging infrastructure investments
would thus impact gross domestic product by about 3 per cent.
How is this to be done?
Three strategies are in order - two short-term, and one medium-term. The short-term ones are
"public expenditure-led infra investments" and "revival of stalled projects." The medium-term
is "restoring PPPs" (public-private partnerships).
Public expenditure-led infrastructure investments
In the current situation, it is virtually a Hobson's choice; or what political pundits like to call
the TINA factor - "there is no alternative". Chief Economic Advisor Arvind Subramanian
rightfully advocates this in the Mid-Year Economic Analysis 2014-15, where on page 15 it
states: "In this context, it seems imperative to consider the case for reviving public investment
as one of the key engines of growth going forward, not to replace private investment, but to

revive and complement it."

The fly in the ointment here is the concern that this strategy would negatively impact the
fiscal deficit. With the finance minister struggling valiantly to contain it, and attempting to
strike a middle path between the fiscal conservatives and the expansionists, the real challenge
is to look for sources of funding beyond the Consolidated Fund of India to drive this strategy.
This is where India's public finance specialists should come forward and draw up a practical
action-agenda for tapping "off-budget" funding options. Surprisingly, the choices are many bilateral and multilateral funding, state governments' own fiscal space, tax-free infrastructure
bonds from the market, dedicated funds with the support of sovereign wealth funds, cash-rich
public sector undertakings (PSUs) et al. Incidentally, central PSUs are reportedly sitting on a
cash pile of Rs 2 lakh crore, which with a 3:1 debt-equity ratio can fund Rs 8 lakh crore worth
of projects.
Many of the choices are amenable to monetising the tsunami of goodwill created by Prime
Minister Narendra Modi with his personal rapport with world leaders in east and west. One of
the first tasks for the fledgling National Institution for Transforming India (NITI) Aayog
could be to draw up a creative resource-raising plan that does not strain the fiscal deficit. Such
a strategy, to be effective, also requires identifying iconic, dynamic and empowered PSU
chiefs to drive it. Many names from the '60s to the '80s era come to mind, of top-notch
bureaucrats, who gave the nation the Navaratna PSUs we are proud of today.
Revival of stalled projects
The second short-term strategy is a no-brainer. It is about aggressively resurrecting the
phalanx of "stalled projects". The broad take here is that out of the initial stock of Rs 25 lakh
crore of stalled projects, apparently projects worth Rs 7 lakh crore have revived, leaving now
a stock of Rs 18 lakh crore still log-jammed. Of this, Rs 11 lakh crore is infrastructure
projects. Having gasped at the enormity of the problem rather late in the day, the United
Progressive Alliance did indeed pump in a dose of political and bureaucratic adrenaline by
activating the Cabinet Committee on Investments, supported by the Project Management
Group (PMG). Somehow, that specific level of energy and activity is not publicly discernible
now.
Three suggestions are in order here; first, it may be a good idea to anchor the PMG in the
Prime Minister's Office; second, staff it with cutting-edge leadership; third, present a
fortnightly report card on the projects that have been revived.
Restoring PPPs
Finally, the medium-term strategy is unquestionably to get PPPs sizzling again. To achieve
this, it is important to pause after the decade-and-a-half experience with PPPs and craft a far
more robust model based on all we have learned - encapsulated in this "5R" checklist:
Risk allocation (has to be more equitable between sovereign and private sector);

 Renegotiation (has to be accepted as a part and parcel of the long PPP journey - handled
transparently);
Regulation (has to create level-playing field conditions with independent sector regulators);
Resourcing (has to reduce dependence on commercial banks by creating non-bank long-term
alternatives);
Rapid-ising (has to enable quicker implementation by removing hurdles such as land
acquisition/environment, and fostering seamless inter-ministerial, and Centre-state coordination).
These are a formidable array of tasks, which is the reason it is a "medium-term strategy". The
importance of doing this has been well recognised by the finance minister. In his maiden Budget, he
allocated Rs 500 crore for an institution called "3P India", whose mandate should be to address
these issues.
Now, with all the political, bureaucratic and intellectual capital under the government's command,
could we get along with implementing these three strategies vigorously and enthusiastically?

Is the govt's mega-power plant dream over?

Lack of enthusiasm from private players is prompting a rethink on the part of the
government that may change the bidding regulations altogether
Related News
Power ministry cancels UMPP bidding; new bid document soon
Rural India to get a taste of Gujarat model of power reforms
SC ruling may force power firms to rebid for mines
Select finance stocks fall after new RBI guidelines on infra lending
Power Ministry rules out direct regulation of tariff
The government envisioned the generation of adequate power needed by the burgeoning economy
when it planned ambitious coal-fired ultra mega power projects (UMPPs), each with a capacity of
4,000 Mw. A beginning was made with the identification of 16 such projects in the mid-2000s.
Now, several years later, the story is not so electrifying. The four projects that were awarded to
private players find themselves embroiled in problems, while the bidding for two others have been
scrapped by the government.
Just before the bids for the Cheyyur project in Tamil Nadu and the Bedabahal project in Odisha
were to be opened, the private players withdrew. In a communication to the Union ministry of
power through the Association of Power Producers, they expressed concern over the Design, Build,
Finance, Operate, and Transfer (DBFOT) model of the UMPPs. They pointed out that the DBFOT
model did not apportion risks equitably. All losses go to the power generator and gains to the

procurer, leaving the power producer as a contractor, the letter said.

A BUMPY RIDE
16 UMPPs planned by the UPA government
Four projects awarded so far three to Anil Ambani-promoted Reliance Power, one to Tata
Power
Bidding for two projects in Tamil Nadu and Odisha scrapped by NDA government
Tata Powers UMPP is embroiled in a legal battle over tariff
R-Powers Sasan UMPP is operational; Tilayiya & Krishnapatnam projects are embroiled in
legal issues
Expert committee to prepare new standard bid documents

Given the lack of enthusiasm of private players, the government has now decided to draft a new
standard bid document. All fresh bidding will take place under its provisions. In a letter to the
Power Finance Corporation, the convenor for the bidding, the power ministry has said that fresh
bidding would now be held according to the new regulations, likely to be drafted within a couple of
months. Ministry officials also privately say that Piyush Goyal, minister of state for coal, power and
renewable energy, was eager to have the bidding regulations amended to enable bigger investments
in power generation.
This is a correct step, says A K Khurana, director general of the Association of Power Producers,
a grouping of private players in the power sector. All of us want competitive and sustainable price
discovery. This was not possible under the proposed documents. We are looking forward to the new
bid document.
Rupesh Agarwal, vice-president,
Ernst & Young, however, adds a
cautionary note. Any fresh round
of bidding would require to be
prepared and agreed upon upfront
not interim, he says. There needs
to be clarity on coal price passthrough and power-purchase agreements. The sector cannot afford a bid document that is
standardised every now and then.
The earlier bidders in UMPPs are anxiously waiting for the government to signal a reform in the
UMPP model. There should be an umbrella policy covering both public sector companies and the
private sector that allows any delay and change in regulation leading to increased or decreased cost
of power production to be passed on, says an executive of one of the UMPP potential bidders.
Beset with problems
However, it is not solely the bid provisions that have the power producers worried. Underpreparedness in the case of Tamil Nadu and Odisha UMPPs also led to several issues. Apart from
the bid document, there were issues regarding land in Tamil Nadu and coal reserve assessment in
Odisha, says a power sector expert.

Of the 16 UMPPs that the earlier government had planned to set up, four were awarded. The
projects at Sasan in Madhya Pradesh, Tilaiya in Jharkhand and Krishnapatnam in Andhra Pradesh
are operated by Reliance Power. The Mundra UMPP in Gujarat is run by Tata Power. These projects
were awarded on competitive tariff-based bidding and executed through special purpose vehicles.
The project at Mundra is engaged in legal battles regarding compensatory tariff from its buyers in
five states. The plant uses imported coal and because the price of coal has gone up, the plant has
moved the sector watchdog, Central Electricity Regulatory Commission, for permission to revise its
power rate from the contracted Rs 2.26 per unit to Rs 3. At the current power price, the project
would face losses of around Rs 1,800 crore per year. The projects at Tilaiya and Krishnapatnam are
embroiled in issues of land and other clearances from the respective state governments.
The private players complain that while the public sector companies enjoy good returns and tariff
changes when a project is delayed, the private companies dont get the same benefits. On the one
hand, the government wants investment from the private sector but provides no level playing field,
says an executive of a power company. Hopefully, the revised bid document will take into
consideration the interests of not just public sector or private players, but also of the entire power
sector, which awaits fresh capital investment.
For the Cheyyur UMPP, the private players in the fray had been Adani Power, CLP India, Jindal
Steel & power, JSW Energy, Sterlite Energy and Tata Power. Of these, only four bought the
request for proposal document but none decided to go further in the bidding process. State-owned
NTPC submitted a bid, which, however, wasnt opened on December 26, the last day of submission
as the regulations required at least three quotations for completing the process to choose the final
winner.
Similarly for Bedabahal, there were nine interested bidders initially, with Adani Power, CLP India,
GMR Energy, Jindal Steel & Power, JSW Energy and Sterlite Energy among the private companies.
When they pulled out, only NTPC and NHPC were left in the fray. The bidding thus had to be
terminated. In the process, the countrys largest power generator, NTPC, lost its chance to build its
first UMPP.
10) As an IAS officer, you are posted as CEO of Zilla Panchayat. Its just been two years since you
completed your probationary period. As CEO you are in constant touch with senior bureaucrats in
the Panchayat Raj and Rural Development department. The secretary of the department is known
for his honesty and uprightness. However, the director of the department who is also a senior IAS
officer is known for inefficiency and corruption. In one of your meetings with the director, he
advises you to receive the bribe whenever it is offered to you. He tells you that saying no to bribe is
akin to inviting trouble from some vested interests. He tries to convince you by saying that it is not
morally wrong to receive when bribe is offered with good faith from satisfied businessmen or a
politician. However, in his opinion, it is morally wrong to demand bribe from someone whether rich
or poor. He tells you that he and his wife, who is also an IAS officer have received so much in gifts

and bribes that they and their grandchildren can lead a luxury life for generations. He says that they
have never been caught by Lokayukta because they have never demanded bribe from anyone in
their career, hence they have kept everyone happy.
Critically analyse ethicality of statements made by the director of your department and explain what
advice you would have given to an young IAS officer if you were in the directors position. (250
Words)
The Hindu
Topic: Ethics in Human Actions; Strengthening of ethical & moral values in
governance; Ethical Issues in international relations & funding

Sacked IAS officer surrenders, sent to jail

After evading arrest for over four months, dismissed Madhya Pradesh cadre IAS officer Tinoo
Joshi surrendered before the District Magistrate here on Tuesday.
Arriving on a wheelchair at the court of Additional District and Sessions Judge D.P. Mishra, Ms.
Joshi applied for regular bail citing medical reasons. But, Mr. Mishra rejected the plea and sent her
to judicial custody.
Ms. Joshis counsel, Pratul Shandilya, sought bail on the ground that she was scheduled to undergo
hysterectomy and was in need of medical attention. He stated that the condition of his client was
serious and she suffered from heart ailment as well.
Opposing the bail plea, counsel for the Lokayukta police, [the prosecuting agency], L.S. Kadam,
said if the court gave her relief, it would send a wrong signal to the public. The next date of hearing
is January 17.
Dismissed last year
Ms. Joshi and her husband Arvind Joshi are wanted in connection with a disproportionate assets
case. The two are accused of amassing wealth worth over Rs. 350 crore.
Mr. Joshi was also an IAS officer of the MP cadre. The couple were dismissed from service in
August last year, nearly four years after Income-Tax officials searched their house here and found
cash and documents relating to property.
Soon after, a special court issued arrest warrants against them as they failed to turn up even for a
single hearing.
The Lokayukta police had filed charge sheet against the couple and 18 others on February 22 last
under various sections of the Prevention of Corruption Act.
Bought 25 flats
The couple reportedly bought agricultural and non-agricultural land at several places, including near
Kanha and Bandhavgarh national parks, Raisen, Balaghat, Sehore and Bhopal in Madhya Pradesh,
according to an appraisal report by the Income-Tax department.

They had purchased 25 flats -- 18 in Guwahati, six in Bhopal and one in New Delhi -- and papers of
seven plots at Patel Nagar in central Delhi had been recovered from their possession. The I-T
officials recovered jewellery worth Rs. 67 lakh and foreign currency worth Rs. 7 lakh in their
search, the report said

11) a) One mans terrorist is another mans freedom fighter. Do you agree with this view ?
Justify. (150 Words)
b) If it is unethical to sponsor terrorism in an enemy country, can outright war with a weaker enemy
be considered as ethical ? Critically comment. (150 Words)
The Hindu

Terrorism is a common challenge for

humanity: Ban Ki-moon
This is the complete transcript of an interview of United
Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to The Hindu and
CNN-IBN in New Delhi on January 13, 2014.
Hello and welcome to this special interview as UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, who is visiting
India, speaks to CNN-IBN and The Hindu. I am Suhasini Haidar.
Q. Secretary General, you are here even as the world is mourning the victims of the attack in
Paris. You and PM Modi (Prime Minister Narendra Modi) spoke at the Vibrant Gujarat
conference about global terrorism. How do you think the world can cooperate better, or has
the world failed?
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon: We are deeply concerned about the increasing trend of
growing terrorism, extremism and radicalisation. To address all these we have to be united, to show
that nations are united and solid in addressing all this. At the same time, we have to mobilise all
possible resources and strength to deter.
Unfortunately with all the technological development and communication, these terrorists are using
internet and social media to propagate their hate. This is very dangerous. The United Nations has
adopted a resolution on global counter-terrorism and we have set up a counter-terrorism centre on
training and assistance, and the Security Council has taken a leadership role in the case of ISIL
(Islamic State of Iraq and Levent) or Daesh, in Iraq and Syria, the UNSC has urged the world,
whoever has the capacity and resources to provide their support. If we dont address ISIL, Daesh
and Boko Haram, and all these terror groups, we will not be able to provide sustainable
development, or protect human rights and human dignity. Terrorism is a common challenge for
humanity.
Q: But is there a global double standard? Because its not just ISIL or Boko Haram, or the

attacks in France or Australia or Canada, but also the terrorist attacks in the subcontinent.
India has sponsored an international convention of terror is that something you would
recommend?
UNSG: Member states are discussing the matter of just who are the terrorists and other issues, but
at this time rather than spending time and energy on definitions, these ISIL and other groups have
been doing unspeakable acts of brutality against parts of humanity. It is important that government
authorities take a firm position, show solidarity domestically and regionally, and in terms of their
justice system, they have to ensure that all these perpetrators should be brought to justice. At the
same time it is important to have good governance and inclusive dialogue with the people so
terrorists and extremist elements may not find any breeding ground on the basis of peoples
grievances.
Q. The problem is that in India as I said, there is a perception of a double standard. For
example, a UN designated global terrorist like the Lashkar-e-Taiba founder and Jamat-udDawa chief Hafiz Saeed, wanted for the Mumbai attacks, was in Lahore addressing a public
rally last month. He is a globally designated terrorist, and was re-designated by the UN just a
few weeks agohow is it possible without any comment from the UN?
UNSG: Well I was shocked when the Mumbai terror
attacks took place and we all expected that all these
If we dont address ISIL, Daesh
terrorists would be put to justice. I sincerely hope that the
and Boko Haram, and all these
Indian and Pakistani government authorities discuss this
terror groups, we will not be able to matter that all the perpetrators should be punished as
provide sustainable development, or terrorists, brought to trial. It is important not to allow
room for terrorist groups, radical groups, armed groups to
protect human rights and human
take such chances with the lapse of the justice system.

"

"

Q: But its not just a lapse of the justice system,

simply because this is a UN designated global
dignity.
terrorist, under UNSC resolution 1267, addressing a
public rally. Is the UN mandate being flouted, not just
by the terrorist himself, but by the government?
UNSG: Yes, it is very important that the Pakistan government take necessary and corrective
measures in accordance with the UNSCs designated terrorist counter-terrorism policies.
Q: Because if the UN allows its mandate to be flouted in this manner, the UN loses its teeth
when it comes to tackling terror would you agree?
UNSG: It is important that all these resolutions and counter-terrorism measures be fully
implemented by national government and government leaders must ensure they are engaged with
their people so that their aspirations and grievances are addressed before this kind of radicalisation
is allowed to take place.
Q: Will the UN then take note of this specific example of a designated global terrorist being
allowed by the government to openly flout the UN resolution?
UNSG: Yes I have already taken note of it.

Q: The UN will celebrate its 70th year under you, its a big thing. At the same time, there are
concerns about the efficacy of the UN, that it is too large and cant respond to problems
swiftly. Will this also be a year of stocktaking and reform?
This is a very significant anniversary member states have worked hard for seven decades to
provide peace and security, to bring people out of poverty, and also protect human rights and
dignity. We do understand that we have not fully met the expectations. We are committed to shape
the post-2015 millennium agenda with a set of sustainable development goals, covering economic
and the whole spectrum of human life. At the same time we should do more especially on human
rights so that nobody will be left behind.
Q: What about Indias own role at the UN. India has
long demanded a seat at the Security Council, along
It is important that the Indian
with other countries. Do you think that is a possibility,
government should promote the
and could ever be a reality?
UNSG: I am aware of the aspirations of many member human rights of those people with

"

states including India who really want to see the UNSC

reformed in a much more democratic and representative
different sexual orientation.
way. I think it needs the consensus view of member
states. If we consider the drastic changes that have taken
place in the last 70 years, it is necessary for the Security Council to adapt. The question is, the
member states should be able to find the modalities to meet the aspirations of states like India.

"

Its a very important issue. The general assembly has taken this up informally and I have urged
them to accelerate the process, so that the Security Council can be better equipped to address all the
changing peace and security issues.
Q: Many here feel that given the contribution of India to the UN, if you look at peacekeeping
alone, India has contributed to 44 (out) of the 69 UN peacekeeping missions so far, yet it has
been denied the stature at the Security Council high table, that it would deserve.
UNSG: India has been serving as a non-permanent member of the Security Council frequently,
most recently three years ago, and India has contributed a lot. By any standard, India is a critically
important member state, in terms of peace and security, we appreciate more than 8,000
peacekeepers working in many dangerous and difficult circumstances and we also appreciate the
strong contribution for the democracy fund. India is the second largest contributor in the world to
that. We also expect India, one of the fastest growing economies, to lead our sustainable
development process and our climate change negotiation process.
Q: When you speak of the expectations from India, you have made strong statements over the
past few months on issues in India, for example violence against women, and here in Delhi
have opposed Indias law criminalising homosexuality in strong terms. Have you taken up
these concerns with Indias leadership?
UNSG: Its a matter of human rights. Human rights is one of the fundamental principles of the UN
Charter, a pillar along with peace and security, and development. But human rights is the foremost
pillar. In that regard, human rights and dignity should be respected for all the people, regardless of

religion or ethnicity or gender or sexual orientation. It is important that the Indian government
should promote the human rights of those people with different sexual orientation. The Indian penal
code should decriminalise homosexuality.
As the Secretary General of the UN I have been speaking out to promote the human dignity of gay,
lesbian, bisexual and transgenders.
Q: Is that something you have taken up with PM Modi and External Affairs Minister Sushma
Swaraj?
UNSG: Yes, it is something we are continuously discussing.
Q: You were at the Vibrant Gujarat delivering an unusual message to speak about climate
change at an investment conference. Are you hopeful of a world climate change agreement at
the conference in Paris this year, as U.S. Secretary of State Kerry indicated?

"

Remember India is no

exception you are on the

frontlines of the climate change

UNSG: Yes, I would like to emphasise again that

sustainable development and climate change are two
sides of the same coin. If you adequately address climate
change, you will help green growth, and make planet
earth more sustainable.

That is why the UN has for 2015 made its two top
priorities sustainable development and the adoption of a
phenomena.
climate change agreement in December this year. All this
must be done in 2015, it is the most important priority for
humanity. We are targeting that by 2030 we should realise a world where nobody is left behind and
with this climate change agreement we can work towards it. Remember India is no exception you
are on the frontlines of the climate change phenomena.

"

Q: The resistance in India to a deal on climate change is that its all very well for developed
countries to lecture India on climate change, but India still needs energy, needs to develop.
India is targeting renewable energy of 100,000MW now. How do you explain it to them?
UNSG: India has a lot of challenges. First they have several hundred million in poverty. In Gujarat,
I was encouraged that the way PM Modi is leading in enhancing renewable energy and 100 smart
cities, these are very good policies in line with addressing climate change. I hope with these
initiatives India will join the international community in moving to achieve a climate change deal.
Q: Finally, if I may ask, this is your fourth visit to India as UNSG, but you have a deeper
Indian connection your son was born here, your daughter-in-law is Indian is that the
reason you were happy to facilitate Indias long pending request for International Yoga Day?
UNSG: I am looking forward to June 21st International Yoga Day, approved by the UNGA. There
are two days in a year, which are designated by an Indian initiative, one is the International Day of
Non-Violence on Mahatma Gandhis birthday and the other is bringing health through Yoga, which
is part of a sustainable world.
When your body is healthy, and your family is healthy, then the world will be healthy and
prosperous.

Q: Do you practice Yoga yourself?

UNSG: It's one of my big regrets, even when I lived in India I did not learn Yoga, but this will be a
good occasion to make up for that.

15 January 2015
General Studies 1
Topic: Salient features of Worlds Physical Geography
1) Weathering is a complex phenomenon involving a number of processes and is influenced by
various factors Elaborate ? (200 Words)
Unit 2 Chapter 6

Topic: Salient features of Worlds Physical Geography

pdf3--------2) Discuss, with examples, the influence of volcanism and diastrophism on the evolution of
landscape. (200 Words)
Unit 2 Chapter 6

Topic: Salient features of Worlds Physical Geography

pdf 3------3) What is a Karst topology? What are the essential conditions for its formation ? (200 Words)
Unit 2 Chapter 6

Topic: Important geophysical phenomena like Earthquakes

pdf 3------------4) Bring out the relevance of seismic study in determining the structure of the interior of the earth.
(150 Words)
Unit 2 Chapter 3
pdf 3-----General Studies 2
Topic: Salient Features of Representation of People Act; Constitutional Bodies ;
Important aspects of Governance; Indian Diaspora

5) Write a note on recent efforts by the government to bring NRIs into the electoral process. Does
this move deepen democracy in our country in any way ? (150 Words)
The Hindu
Topic: Effect of policies and politics of developed and developing countries on Indias
interests

Voting from abroad

Comment (32) print T T
Tweet
TOPICS

election
national elections
voting

Given the large NRI community dispersed globally, this move

will undoubtedly have an impact on the countrys electoral
politics in significant ways.
The Union government has agreed, in letter and spirit, to implement the Supreme Court direction
and the Election Commissions recommendation to allow Non-Resident Indians to vote from
overseas through postal ballots. Given the large NRI community dispersed globally, this move will
undoubtedly have an impact on the countrys electoral politics in significant ways. Parliament
passed the Representation of the People (Amendment) Act in 2010 to introduce Section 20A that
enables a person who is a citizen of India, and is away from her ordinary residence in India for
employment, education or other reasons, to be eligible to be registered as a voter in the constituency
mentioned in her Indian passport: before that amendment, only ordinary residents could cast their
vote. Although the 2010 amendment intended to include NRI participation in national politics,
Section 20A had required NRIs to be physically present in their respective constituencies at the time
of elections. Making it impractical for voters, this requirement defeated the intention of the
legislature. A petition was filed in the Supreme Court praying that Section 20A of the Act be read
down so as to allow NRIs to vote from abroad without having to be present in India. The petition
argued that the provision was in violation of Article 14 of the Constitution to the extent that it
impliedly treated persons on a different footing based on economic classifications. The Supreme
Court and the government agreed with this contention without hesitation.
The traditional argument against such external voting has been that only citizens who are present in
the territory and affected by the consequences of their vote should be entitled to vote. As per this
argument, since NRIs lacked sound knowledge about domestic conditions, they would be
irresponsible in their electoral choices. But this argument is fast being disproved by empirical

evidence. With the rapid increase in cross-border migrations, the concept of nationhood and
political membership is increasingly being decoupled from territorial locations. Indias move
towards enabling voting from overseas is an instance of a larger global trend towards increased
citizen participation. The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, an intergovernmental organisation, lists different voting methods that can be employed, such as personal
voting, where voters can cast their vote at diplomatic missions abroad; postal ballot method,
where votes are sent by regular post; proxy vote and electronic voting. From amongst these
alternatives, the government has decided to employ the postal ballot route that the electoral system
already uses for absentee-voters on official duty.

6) Not withstanding recent economic crisis, Russia under Putin has witnessed resurgence in both
the economic and geo-political front. Assess the factors that were responsible for this resurgence.
(200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: Important International institutions, agencies and fora- their structure, mandate.

Geopolitics of the New Tsarism

Pranay Kotasthane
January 14, 2015 Last Updated at 21:25 IST
Add to My Page

Related News

Gorbachev warns world 'on brink of new Cold War'

History out of a hat
A long face-off
Golden opportunities for war
China's empire state-building

THE NEW COLD WAR: PUTIN'S THREAT TO RUSSIA AND THE WEST
Edward Lucas
Bloomsbury
Oxford University Press
282 pages; Rs 399
Russia is at the forefront of geostrategic power shifts again. After witnessing impressive economic
growth over the past 15 years, the Russian rouble has seen a dramatic fall, fuelling fears of a deep
recession. This decline can be attributed to falling global oil prices and the European Union/United
States sanctions in the wake of Russian aggression in Ukraine. The falling oil price has hit oil and
gas export economies, like Russia, Iran and Venezuela, far worse than it has affected the nascent

shale gas economy in the United States. On another front, Russia has also adopted a revised military
doctrine that labels the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (Nato) build-up in East Europe as a
"violation of international law".
At such a precarious juncture, The New Cold War gives an insight about the ideology, domestic
political situation and foreign policy of Vladimir Putin's Russia. The author, Edward Lucas, is a
senior editor at The Economist who has covered Central and Eastern Europe for more than 25 years.
The book, originally written in 2008, has been republished in 2014 with an updated preface that
covers the Crimean crisis. What adds value to the new edition is that although the author's
predictions in 2008 have largely been upheld, the prospects of rapprochement with Russia remain
just as bleak as the author had portrayed six years ago.
In the first two chapters, Mr Lucas traces the rise and rise of Mr Putin through the Yeltsin years. He
begins by dividing the post-World War II Russia into three eras: the Soviet Russia, where political
loyalty was at a premium; the Gorbachev/Yeltsin era, where talent and adaptability were rewarded;
and the Putin era, which punishes only dissent. The communist ideology of Soviet Russia has very
few buyers in Russia today, but it remains a powerful symbol of Russian domination. The Yeltsin
era is seen as a painful period of transformation when the Kremlin sought to normalise relations
with the West and transitioned to a free economy. The delay in realising the benefits of this churn
combined with the subsequent oil price rise made it easier for Mr Putin, the successor, to stake
claim to a stable, growing economy. This growth was a big deal for Russia, which faced a crippling
financial crisis in 1998. Consequently, the Putin era emerged as a bullish and revisionist state that,
in Mr Putin's own words, sees the collapse of the Soviet Union as a humiliating geopolitical setback
the reversal of which was only a matter of time.
Domestically, the author equates Mr Putin's rise with the growing control of the KGB (or the FSB,
to give it its new name) over all organs of the Russian state and economy. Mr Lucas mentions
detailed instances that befit a Hollywood action thriller: murder in London with radioactive
polonium, whistle-blowers going missing, orchestrated bomb blasts and so on. The author
consistently reminds readers that dissent in any form is unacceptable to the Kremlin. An indicator of
this phenomenon is the shrinking space for independent media houses. However, many Russians are
extremely proud of their new found prosperity in the Putin era. This, combined with the growth of
the projected personality cult of Mr Putin makes him the most popular figure in the country.
It is believed that unlike Soviet Russia, the New Russia has no ideology. The author disagrees. He
refers to the governing ideology under Mr Putin's rule as "New Tsarism". This ideology has three
main pillars. One, the growth of ethnic Russian nationalism, which finds its inspiration from the
strength of the Soviet Union as a geopolitical giant. Second, religion and orthodoxy are very
important to this ideology. Mr Lucas details the symbiotic relationship of the Russian Orthodox
Church (ROC) and the KGB. The ROC's fear of Roman Catholicism nicely fits into the "belligerent
West" conception of the KGB. Third, autocracy-sovereignty characterised by terms such as
"derzhavnost" (meaning a strong centralised state) and "vlastnaya vertikal" (indicating Kremlin's
omnipresent control) forms another important pillar of this ideology. As the Westphalian world view
is assumed by default, The New Cold War fails to consider that this New Tsarism ideology might be

a new civilisational world view altogether, akin to the Chinese or the Islamic worldview. Ideologues
like Alexander Dugin have, in their writings, referred to the Russian conception of the world as the
Eurasian world view.
The author sees Russian actions in Eastern Europe as a direct corollary to the New Tsarist ideology.
It is here that the new cold war will be fought, he says. These countries, because of their Soviet
Union history, have a large number of ethnic Russians. Here, the modern Russian state is at odds
with the concept of the Russian nation. Russia's military doctrine explicitly warns against
discrimination against its citizens in these countries. In 2001, this idea of a nation was further
expanded to include all "compatriots" - meaning any Russian speaker in the former Soviet
republics. Such a stance is bound to lead to conflicts. Estonia and Georgia are the hotspots of this
conflict because it is here that "Russia's geopolitical ambitions, economical muscle and historical
amnesia overlap". The sections on Ukraine, Belarus and the Central Asian "-stans" are a compelling
read. The author believes that the best hope for a moth-eaten Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova is to
make their remaining parts successful - economically, socially and politically.
Russia's growing strength in the neighbourhood is partly attributed to its status as the provider of
natural gas and oil to energy-starved European nation-states of all hues. By acquiring private
companies, the Russian state finds it easy to wield energy as a political weapon rather than a means
of doing business. The details in the book on "pipeline geopolitics" should serve as a reminder of
the threats to India if it is dependent on pipelines passing through hostile countries.
For ending this new cold war, Mr Lucas suggests that rules of finance, business and energy be
rewritten so that countries can pose a joint opposition to Russia. The author is in favour of removing
Russia from groups like the G8. Since the enemy is irreconcilable, he suggests an increase in Nato
deterrence in Poland and the Baltic states. What needs to be noted, however, is that the foundation
of Mr Putin's success over the last decade has been that only a few individuals and nations have lost
but many others have gained. How this will change in the face of a looming deep recession might
well determine the fate of Mr Putin's Russia.

7) To what extent do you blame NATO and EU expansionism vis-a-vis Russian resurgence for the
eruption of Cold war 2.0 ? (200 Words)
The Hindu
General Studies 3
Topic: Land Reforms in India; Inclusive growth and issues arising from it

Expansion and crisis

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TOPICS

World
Lithuania

diplomacy
European Union

The move completes the accession of the three Baltic

constituents of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
(USSR) Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to the three main
western institutions.
To see Lithuanias euro adoption this month as an entry into a losers club is to miss the geopolitical
picture wherein several of the ex-Warsaw Pact states have staked their future on forging a European
identity to the consternation of Russia. The admission of Vilnius into the single currency bloc
represents a landmark of sorts. The move completes the accession of the three Baltic constituents of
the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to the
three main western institutions. These are the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the
European Union (EU) and now the eurozone. The European ambitions of another erstwhile Soviet
state, Ukraine, as demonstrated by its Parliaments vote in December to join NATO, underpins in no
small measure the ongoing separatist conflict in Kiev. Slovenia and Slovakia are the only other
former Eastern bloc regions that have similarly acceded to all the three institutions. Against this
backdrop, the flow of western investment, greater export potential and low borrowing cost resulting
from integration into the eurozone would seem far more attractive to the Lithuanian population of a
few million.
The country has long felt the lock-in effects of a fixed exchange rate as the litas, the national
currency until 2014, was pegged to the euro some years ago. Lithuanias entry was not without its
share of controversy when some legislators expressed scepticism about the countrys preparedness
to sacrifice the flexibility of a national currency. But the continuing crisis in the eurozone would
have deterred Vilnius. With the exception of the United Kingdom and Denmark, accession to the
EU implies a commitment to eventual adoption of the common currency by member-states once
they have complied with the economic convergence criteria. Lithuania has so far been the lone euro
aspirant whose 2006 bid was put on hold as Vilnius narrowly overshot the inflation limit for
eligibility. But the expanded euro area comprising 19 countries is not expected to witness further
enlargement in the foreseeable future. Except Romania, which has set itself a 2019 target, none of
the other states has even given itself a euro-entry deadline. Realising the eurozone targets on fiscal
deficits has been among the more ticklish issues within the bloc, with major economies and the
architects of the rules themselves found to be in violation. Greater macroeconomic policy coherence
is an admirable objective and an imperative for countries that use a common currency. But such an

ideal must be balanced with political pragmatism as long as national capitals remain in charge of
policy-formulation. That is the lesson from the euros 15-year history so far.

8) The amendments introduced through ordinance in LARR act, 2013 have resulted in the making
the law spineless and purely of ornamental value. Critically Analyse. (200 Words)
The Hindu
Topic: Conservation, environmental pollution and degradation

When amendment amounts to nullification

Ramaswamy R. Iyer
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TOPICS

crime, law and justice

laws

parties and movements

political parties

social issue
ordnance clearance

Given industry concerns and the desire to accelerate

industrialisation, the government could have reopened the
debate on the land act. Instead, it has wholly accepted one
perception of the conflict, and sought to undo the compromise
embodied in the 2013 Act without a review
This article will not go into the question of the propriety of the ordinance route to legislation in this
case, but will try to present a broad-brush picture of what the ordinance does to The Right to Fair
Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013,
hereafter LARR Act 2013.
The general industry view, accepted by the present government, is that the LARR Act 2013 was a

radical and draconian law which will bring industrial development to a halt. That view led to the
conclusion that the Act needed to be urgently amended drastically. It is therefore necessary to take a
brief look at the history of the Act.
Attempt at fair resolution
The inter-ministerial debate on a national displacement/rehabilitation policy and on the related issue
of a need to overhaul the colonial Land Acquisition Act 1894 began in the 1980s and continued over
nearly three decades under successive governments. In parallel, there were conferences and debates
in civil society too. The attempt to find a generally acceptable compromise which would reconcile
the conflicting interests of industry and farmers/landowners continued intermittently. Eventually
this resulted in the LARR Act 2013. This was generally considered a well-meant attempt at a fair
resolution of a difficult and almost intractable conflict, though it continued to be criticised by both
sides to the conflict. The point to note is that the LARR Act 2013 was not a hasty doctrinaire, illconsidered piece of legislation, but the final outcome of almost three decades of debate and
consultation within government, among political parties and between state and civil society. The
Bharatiya Janata Party (National Democratic Alliance) was a party to the passing of the 2013 Act.
Barely a year later, with little experience of its working, that Act is now regarded as wholly
retrograde, unacceptable and in need of root-and-branch reform. This arises out of industrys
impatient desire for the easy acquisition of land for its projects, and the centrality of industry in the
present governments view of development.
It is not being argued that the concerns expressed by industry and by commentators sympathetic to
it should not be considered, or that the governments desire to accelerate industrial projects is
illegitimate. However, given those concerns, the government could have reopened the debate, held
wide-ranging consultations all over the country, and tried to arrive at a fresh compromise between
conflicting interests. Instead, it has wholly accepted one perception of the conflict, and sought to
undo the compromise embodied in the 2013 Act without a review. Apart from the merits of the
ordinance, this is an authoritarian, partisan and undemocratic procedure.
Losing a way of life
It has been argued that development necessarily entails the transfer of land from agriculture to
industry, but this is something that happens over a period of time. It does not follow that this must
be actively facilitated, supported and actually brought about by the state using its sovereign powers.
It is curious that those who argue for reducing the role of the state and deregulating industry want
the state to take land away from farmers and give it to industry.
Should the process of diversion of land from agricultural use to industrial use be in fact easy?
Should there not be some salutary difficulty here? First, there is the question of food security. The
transfer of land from agriculture to other use cannot and should not be prevented, but some
consideration of what the unregulated transfer of land away from agriculture implies for the food
security of the country seems necessary. LARR 2013 ruled out the acquisition of multi-cropped
agricultural land. That provision has been criticised, but it showed a certain concern that was
legitimate. That concern has disappeared in the present ordinance.
A second justification for a degree of difficulty in land acquisition is the protection of the interests
of the landowner. No doubt the ordinance retains the generous compensation provisions of the 2013

Act, but is it solely a question of money? The acquisition of land means not merely loss of land and
homestead, but also loss of livelihoods, loss of a community and cultural continuities, loss of a way
of life. This is bound to be a traumatic experience. The Social Impact Assessment (SIA) provisions
of the 2013 Act would have brought to notice the wider social and cultural implications of the
acquisition of land, but that Act itself had exempted irrigation projects from this requirement, and
now SIA has been virtually dropped in the amendment ordinance, considering the very large
number of cases to which it will not apply.
The role of the state should surely be not merely to facilitate the availability of land for industry but
also to minimise pain to the landowners (who are also citizens), protect their fundamental and
human rights and ensure justice to them. Should the state use its sovereign powers only to make
things easy for industry? Any such impression, if it gains ground, would unwittingly lend weight to
criticisms (doubtless wrong) of the present government as pro-industry and anti-farmer, and as
holding development to be synonymous with industrial projects.
Acquisition by the state
Let us turn to eminent domain, which means the sovereign right of the state to override private
property. In the intermittent debate during the years from the 1980s to 2013, this was a prominent
issue. It was felt by many that the continued use of the old colonial Act of 1894 for the acquisition
of land was unfortunate, and that there was no case at all for the state to exercise its sovereign
power to take over private property and give it to companies in the private sector for projects
regarded by the state as serving a public purpose. While this was not the universal view, there was
a strong body of opinion in favour of limiting acquisition by the state for private entities. The 2013
Act met this partially by limiting the acquisition by the state to 20 per cent in the case of a private
company and 30 per cent in that of a public-private partnership (PPP) project, if the owners consent
for the transfer of 80 per cent in the case of the former and 70 per cent in that of the latter had been
obtained. This meant that the view of the community as a whole on the transfer of land had a certain
weight. This safeguard virtually disappears in the ordinance because it will not apply in most cases.
Apart from the virtual dropping of community consent, this change also means the return of the
eminent domain of the state in full strength. This again is a non-democratic, authoritarian stance.
By way of a digression it may be added that property rights are presumably sacrosanct in
capitalism, but evidently this does not apply to a farmers right to his or her land. The property of an
industrialist is inviolable, and nationalisation is socialism and therefore anathema; but the
acquisition of land from a farmer which corresponds to nationalisation in the industrial sector
is evidently good capitalism!
One has to ask: after the amendment what is left of the Act? If we consider the huge exemption list
(Section 10A introduced by the ordinance), and the concomitant disappearance of the SIA and the
80 per cent/70 per cent consent provision in most cases, it becomes clear that the Act has become
purely ornamental. What the ordinance does is not to amend the 2013 Act, but virtually repeal it.
Having done so, the ordinance sanctimoniously brings acquisitions under a number of other Acts
within the purview of the amended Act and claims much credit for this. The Congress Party says
that the coverage of those Acts was already foreseen in the 2013 Act. That response misses the
point, which is that there is not much virtue in first rendering the Act toothless and then bringing
other Acts within its purview. This is disingenuous, to say the least. One can only hope that the

ordinance will be withdrawn or lapse for want of parliamentary support to the needed legislation.
Alas, the hope is not very robust.

9) Global warming is causing flora and fauna to migrate. Account for the reasons behind the
phenomenon and its likely impact on humans. (200 Words)
The Hindu
General Studies 4
Topic:- Social influence and persuation; Ethical Governance ; Ethics in private &
public relationships

Polar bears migrate to Northwest Passages

for longer lasting ice
Some polar bear clusters have slowly moved to islands situated in north of Canada's mainland
that are retaining the Arctic ice for longer says a new scientific study. According to the study
the migration is linked to climate change and would continue.
The study published earlier this month in the journal PLOS ONE was based on DNA taken from
nearly 2,800 polar bears in countries where the animals live - the United States, Russia, Canada,
Greenland and Norway.
Researchers tracked the shift through genetic similarity in bears among four regions.
Bear clusters from Canada's eastern Arctic area and a marine area off eastern Greenland and Siberia
are journeying to the Canadian Archipelago, also known as the Arctic Archipelago, where ice is
more abundant, the study found.
The channels through the islands, known as the Northwest Passages, have come to be seen as a
potentially valuable shipping route as Arctic ice melts.
The region that has attracted a larger number of polar bears sits north of the Canadian mainland,
close to Nunavut and the Northwest Territories. It is comprised of more than 36,000 islands and
covers more than 550,000 square miles (1.4 million square km).
The migration has occurred during the last one to three generations of the predators, or between 15
and 45 years, U.S. Geological Survey researcher Elizabeth Peacock, the study's lead author, said in
a statement.
The bears choose this area because that is "where the sea is more resilient to summer melt due to
circulation patterns, complex geography and cooler northern latitudes," Peacock said.
The Canadian Archipelago could serve as a future refuge for polar bears, who rely on Arctic ice to
cross between land masses, to forage and to mate, according to the researchers.
Since 1979, the spatial extent of Arctic sea-ice in autumn has declined by over 9 per cent per decade
through 2010, the researchers said, adding that the recent study predicts that nearly ice-free

summers will characterize the Arctic before mid-century.

10 ) Can sentiments of a particular community be ever allowed to be hurt under the guise of
freedom of speech and expression ? How to maintain the delicate balance between the two ? Give
real life examples to support your case. (200 Words)
The Hindu

'Charlie Hebdo cartoons are bigoted'

Blasphemy involves critiquing a tradition from within, of
which Islam has had a long and honourable history (Ijtihad),
says renowned academic Mahmood Mamdani.
Back with a Prophet Mohammed cartoon on its cover, Charlie Hebdo, the French satirical
magazine, has resolved to take on Islamic fundamentalists, after a terror attack on its office
premises in Paris last Wednesday claimed the lives of 10 staff members including that of its editor,
Stephane Charbonnier. In an email interview to Vidya Venkat, Professor Mahmood Mamdani,
Herbert Lehman Professor of Government and Professor of Anthropology at Columbia University,
author of 'Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror', explained
the difference between critiquing a religion and ridiculing it, and why it is one thing to oppose
censorship and quite another thing to reprint Charlie Hebdo cartoons in solidarity. Edited
excerpts:
In the wake of the Charlie Hebdo terror attacks, there is widespread condemnation of Islam
itself. George Packer, in his New Yorker article, for example, had held Islam and its tenets and
those believing in them responsible for the attacks. Are we misdiagnosing the problem here?
In my view, George Packers is a knee-jerk response. It fails to recognise what is new about the
Charlie Hebdo killings. The information we have so far suggests that it was a paramilitary
operation. Though carried out by a local unit, decentralised in both planning and execution, the
attack was strategised and sanctioned from headquarters. The killings need to be seen as a strategic
and organised military attack. As such, it is different from the kind of grassroots demonstrations we
have seen in the past, such as in responses to the Danish Cartoons.
Proponents of the Charlie Hebdo brand of humour and satire see the need to share and
endorse the culture of free speech. Your view?
I support the right of free speech as part of a right of dissent. But that does not mean that I support
every particular exercise of free speech or dissent. It is well known that the history of free speech is
contradictory. We recognise it by distinguishing hate speech from other forms of free speech.
Some states ban hate speech legally, other states refrain from a legal ban and leave it to society to
discourage it politically and morally.
When asked to comment on the Danish Cartoons on Prophet Mohamed, the German novelist Gnter

Grass said they reminded him of anti- Semitic cartoons in a German magazine, Der Strmer. The
New York Times piece that carried the interview with Gunter Grass added that the publisher of Der
Strmer was tried at Nuremberg and executed. Among those tried in Arusha following the Rwanda
genocide was a radio journalist. Following mass violence in the Rift Valley in Kenya, the ICC
issued a list of those charged with crimes against humanity; one of these was a radio journalist. In
all three cases, the journalists were accused of spreading hate speech.
My own preference is for the political and the intellectual over the legal. I am against all forms of
censorship. While I think you have a right to say what you think, I will not support anything you
say or write. I also reserve the right to disagree with you, vehemently if necessary. It is one thing to
support the right of Charlie Hebdo journalists to print the cartoons they did, and quite another to
reprint them as an expression of support.
Blasphemous cartoons with a sexual theme, as some of Charlie Hebdos cartoons were, are not
new in Europe. But in places such as Britain such cartoons, for example, that of Sin
published by Penguin books, have been removed having internalised legal restraint as civility.
Is that kind of compromise of power even possible now with voices in the West strongly
condemning the terror attacks and using it to channelise their collective anger against Islamic
fundamentalism?
Western societies have worked out internal compromises over time in an endeavour to build durable
political societies. The scope and nature of these compromises are politically defined. Their thrust is
to call a ceasefire in struggles of great historical significance in the name of civility. In many
Western countries, there are laws against blasphemy. But they are restricted to official Christian
denominations. For example, Britain has laws criminalising blasphemy, as do several other
European countries, but they do not apply to Islam.
Before the Second World War, Jews were the customary target of satirists of a particular type.
Voltaire, popularly considered the founding father and grand defender of the freedom to satire, was
an ardent anti-Semite, and a number of his satires targeted Jews and Judaism. After the Holocaust,
Jews were brought into the Western political fold. It became conventional to speak of a JudeoChristian heritage in the West, when it had been customary to speak of a longstanding conflict
between Judaism and Christianity before. So, today the law in many European countries, including
France, criminalises Holocaust denial. But no law criminalises the denial of colonial genocide,
including widespread colonial massacres in Algeria, the country of origin of the largest number of
French Muslims.
The political and social compact in Europe has been evolving historically. The state stepped in to
moderate the conflict between ardent Christians and secular Christians. Jews were included in this
compact after the Holocaust. Muslims have never been part of this compact. The Muslim minority
in Europe is the largest in France, around 10 per cent. In the Mediterranean city of Marseille, it is
roughly 30 per cent. It represents the weakest and the most disenfranchised section of French
society. There are more Muslims in the French police and security services than there are in alQaeda or other terrorist cells. But you would not know it. At the same time, the representation of
Muslims in the French elite, whether political, economic or cultural, is nominal, the exception being
the French football team, once led by the legendary Zinnedine Zidane.

Of course, it is possible to include Muslims in the social and political compact in France. But that
will take a major political, intellectual and cultural struggle. Centers of power and people in
France will have to accept that it is possible to be French and Muslim, that it is OK for a pious
Muslim woman to wear a hijab, as it is for a Catholic nun so long as this act of piety does not
banish either from participation in the public sphere. In other words, we are talking of a political
struggle for meaningful citizenship.
You have referred to the case of Sin published by Penguin Books. I wrote about it when discussing
the Danish Cartoon controversy. The example goes back to 1967 when Britains leading publishing
house, Penguin, published an English addition of a book of cartoons by France's most acclaimed
cartoonist, Sin. The Penguin edition of Massacre was introduced by Malcolm Muggeridge, and
carried a number of anticlerical and blasphemous cartoons, some of them with a sexual theme. In
the wake of complaints by a number of his bookshop friends that the cartoons were likely to offend
practicing Christians, Allen Lane took precipitate action: He went to Penguins Harmondsworth
warehouse with four accomplices, filled a trailer with all the remaining copies of the book, drove
away and burnt them. The next day the Penguin trade department reported the book out of print.
In that same piece, I cited an additional case which is also relevant to this discussion. This concerns
the Amos and Andy show in the U.S. It began as a radio program in 1928 and graduated to prime
time television in 1951 and then a syndicated show in 1953. Every year, the NAACP would protest
that the show was a racist caricature of black people, implying that Negroes are inferior, lazy,
dumb and dishonest, that every character in the all-Black show is either a clown or a crook. The
CBS turned a deaf year to this, every year, until the Watts riots in 1965. CBS withdrew the show in
the aftermath of the Watts riots. Even then, CBS official Amos n Andy website said it hoped that
Black people will learn to laugh at themselves: Perhaps we will collectively learn to lighten up, not
get so bent out of shape, and learn to laugh at ourselves a little more.
That people need to learn to laugh at themselves is often a point made by publishers of
provocative cartoons. You could place those same words in the mouth of the publishers of the
Danish Cartoons or Charlie Hebdo, and it would reflect their views accurately, that the problem
with Muslims is that they lack a sense of humor, and that the solution is for Muslims to learn to
laugh at themselves. But laughing at oneself is not quite the same as being laughed at, especially as
a group. Let me return to the question of what you call the blasphemous cartoons. I think they
should be called bigoted cartoons.
The problem with the ongoing discussion of Charlie Hebdo is that it tends to confuse bigotry with
blasphemy. I am personally more favorable to blasphemy, but have no time for bigots or bigotry.
Blasphemy is part of an important historical practice that involves critiquing a tradition from within.
That kind of capacity for self-critique, for laughing at oneself, is absolutely necessary for the
ongoing reform of traditions and cultures in the face of changing realities, changing mores and
changing intellectual constructs. In Islam, the right to critique tradition from within is known as
Ijtihad. It has a long and honourable history.
It is generally assumed that with the emergence of modernity, religion as a social institution
loses its hold over peoples lives and over society in general. But given the emergence of
fundamentalist forces, in renewed forms like IS, do we have to rethink the role of religion in

shaping social phenomena?

You will excuse me if I disagree with the premise of your question. Durkheim defined religion as a
mode of thought and practice that defines objects and actions as either sacred or profane. In this
sense, the secular world can be equally religious: the state takes the place of an official religion, the
flag or the national anthem becomes sacred objects, and so on.
Second, the notion that modernity will civilize the world by doing away with barbarism and
superstition (pre-modernity) has turned out to be a superstition itself. The tendency of modernity
has been to harness pre-modern practices and institutions to modern political projects, thereby
politicizing (and thus modernizing) them. Both religion and tradition (in a secular sense) have
become politicized. Just think of how the CIA militarised madressas in Pakistan to wage the Afghan
jihad during the Soviet occupation.
We are going through a resurgence of politicized religion and politicized tradition. Think of the
parties in Europe that now organize in defense of Europe and against immigrants (really Muslims).
Think of born-again Christianity and its remarkable political influence in the U.S. Think of political
Zionism, both in Israel and the U.S. Think of the BJP and the myriad Sangh Sabha organisations in
India who want a Hindu state as the surest guarantee for the defense of Hindu tradition. And think
of radical Islamist groups that want an Islamic state as a guarantee of a return to Islam.
My point is that we are seeing a resurgence of movements around the world that speak the language
of nativism, tradition and religion. Not all of them are reactionary. We should be careful not judge
the contents largely by the packaging. In my view, the debate inside tradition and religion is as
important the debate between secular and religious traditions.
Soon after 9/11 happened, you wrote: Ascribing the violence of one's adversaries to their
culture is self-serving: it goes a long way toward absolving oneself of any responsibility. Do
you see European policies on immigration and assimilation of minorities at home (or the
failure to do that very well) as contributing to terrorism?
The French like to think of themselves as the custodians of the tradition of liberty, equality and
fraternity. That is true but it is not the whole truth. The French also need to think of the dark side of
their tradition: the colonial tradition, both in Indo-China and Africa. The French need to recognise
that the Algerians, the North Africans and the West Africans from the former colonies are in France
as immigrants, because the French were in their countries in the first place. These immigrants have
run away from the consequences of colonialism. If the solution France - has turned sour, where do
these immigrants run to now? To an imaginary Islamic state? If a second or third generation North
African is still considered an immigrant in France, should that not provide us a clue as to the nature
of the problem? Where lies the problem, the promise of the Islamist state, or the reality of
immigrant lives in contemporary France, or both?
Do you see an intensification of the post-9/11 type of Islamophobia emerging in these countries
now that the murders have provided further justification?
9/11 was centrally planned, organised and executed. In contrast, Charlie Hebdo was locally planned
and executed, even if the strategy and the sanction was central. This is one difference we need to
appreciate. The response to the Danish Cartoons was in the main a street-level response of ordinary

Muslims who saw themselves as being framed and set up by forces of bigotry. The Charlie Hebdo
killings were done by a military cell, coordinated and guided from a centre. This was a strategic
strike, not a spontaneous demonstration. This is a second difference we need to appreciate.
The tragedy is that neither the left nor the centre seem to take these differences as the starting point
for their response. So long as a knee-jerk response is the order of the day, I am afraid we will
concede both intellectual and political leadership to the right. If this trend continues, Islamophobia
is likely to grow from an intellectual tendency to a hate movement in France and other sections of
Europe.

16 January 2015
General Studies 1
Topic: Salient features of worlds physical geography.
1) Describe the nature and mode of origin of the chief types of rock at the earths crust. How will
you distinguish them?(150 Words)
NCERT
Topic: Salient features of worlds physical geography.
Pdf 3----2) Are physical and chemical weathering processes independent of each other? If not, why? Explain
with examples. (150 Words)
NCERT
Topic: geographical features and their location- changes in critical geographical
features
pdf 3------3) Running water is by far the most dominating geomorphic agent in shaping the earths surface in
humid as well as in arid climates. Explain. (150 Words)
NCERT
Topic: Urbanization and problems; Changes in critical geographical features; Also
Paper 3 Environmental Pollution
pdf 3--4) What do you understand by urban heat island effect? Discuss its causes and consequences. (200
Words)
The Hindu
Reference
General Studies 2

Topic: Issues relating to development and management of Social Sector/Services

relating to Education, Human Resources.

State shivering, but city warmer

Even as the rest of the State buckles under record low temperatures, Bengaluru was shielded due to
the adverse affects of urbanisation.
Minimum temperatures dipped by over five degree Celsius since January 10, when northerly
winds blew across the State. While the mercury in north Karnataka dipped to around seven degree
Celsius, the temperatures in the city hovered around 14 degrees.
Apart from clouds over the city, temperatures have not dipped to the levels expected of a hill
station (based on the altitude of Bengaluru) because of pollution and the proliferation of concrete
structures. While the minimum recorded a century ago was seven degree Celsius, now the mercury
doesnt dip below 12 degree Celsius, said B. Puttanna, Director, Indian Meteorological Department
(IMD)-Bengaluru.
With the cold wave relenting, IMD expects the minimum temperature in the city to rise by over five
degrees by the weekend.
Over the past week, temperatures dipped to 6.4 degree Celsius (on Tuesday) at Vijayapura, which is
the lowest recorded in January in 123 years. Similarly, Chitradurga town had seen its lowest
temperature in over a century when the mercury dipped to 8.5 degree Celsius on January 12. Over
the past few days, Dharwad and Haveri saw 11-year lows. With temperatures still at six degree
Celsius, which was the lowest in the State on Wednesday, Agumbe is seeing a seven-year record
low.
The conditions have started to change now. The cold wave is coming to an end. Over the next few
days, minimum temperatures will increase by around one degree Celsius daily, said Mr. Puttanna.
Though temperatures had gone up marginally, north Karnataka continued to shiver on Wednesday
under temperatures that were a few degrees below normal. Open fires were a common sight in the
evenings and nights as travellers and late-night workers sought refuge form the teeth-chattering
cold. However, by noon, the temperatures rose dramatically to touch 30 degree Celsius in some
places.
Pdf 4--------------5) The latest ASER report has revealed that the proportion of children in Class III who can read at
least words is just over half in government schools but nearly 80 per cent in private schools. Why
do you think government schools perform poorly compared to private schools? Critically examine.
(200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: Issues relating to development and management of Social Sector/Services
relating to Health,
Education, Human Resources.

Learn to count
Government should work on school quality now
Business Standard Editorial Comment |
January 15, 2015 Last Updated at 21:38 IST
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Shreekant Sambrani: Modi's true Gujarat Model in practice
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Prime Minister Narendra Modi has often, and correctly, stressed the fact that laws can be made, but
it is the government's implementation - its delivery of services - that is important. Under the last
government, the United Progressive Alliance, the limits of the reverse approach had become all too

6) In India, property rights are presumably sacrosanct in capitalism, but evidently this does not
apply to a farmers right to his or her land. In the light of recent events related to land rights,
critically comment on the statement. (200 Words)
The Hindu
Topic: Bilateral, regional and global groupings and agreements

When amendment amounts to nullification

Ramaswamy R. Iyer
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This article will not go into the question of the propriety of the ordinance route to legislation in this
case, but will try to present a broad-brush picture of what the ordinance does to The Right to Fair
Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013,
hereafter LARR Act 2013.
The general industry view, accepted by the present government, is that the LARR Act 2013 was a
radical and draconian law which will bring industrial development to a halt. That view led to the
conclusion that the Act needed to be urgently amended drastically. It is therefore necessary to take a
brief look at the history of the Act.
Attempt at fair resolution

The inter-ministerial debate on a national displacement/rehabilitation policy and on the related issue
of a need to overhaul the colonial Land Acquisition Act 1894 began in the 1980s and continued over
nearly three decades under successive governments. In parallel, there were conferences and debates
in civil society too. The attempt to find a generally acceptable compromise which would reconcile
the conflicting interests of industry and farmers/landowners continued intermittently. Eventually
this resulted in the LARR Act 2013. This was generally considered a well-meant attempt at a fair
resolution of a difficult and almost intractable conflict, though it continued to be criticised by both
sides to the conflict. The point to note is that the LARR Act 2013 was not a hasty doctrinaire, illconsidered piece of legislation, but the final outcome of almost three decades of debate and
consultation within government, among political parties and between state and civil society. The
Bharatiya Janata Party (National Democratic Alliance) was a party to the passing of the 2013 Act.
Barely a year later, with little experience of its working, that Act is now regarded as wholly
retrograde, unacceptable and in need of root-and-branch reform. This arises out of industrys
impatient desire for the easy acquisition of land for its projects, and the centrality of industry in the
present governments view of development.
It is not being argued that the concerns expressed by industry and by commentators sympathetic to
it should not be considered, or that the governments desire to accelerate industrial projects is
illegitimate. However, given those concerns, the government could have reopened the debate, held
wide-ranging consultations all over the country, and tried to arrive at a fresh compromise between
conflicting interests. Instead, it has wholly accepted one perception of the conflict, and sought to
undo the compromise embodied in the 2013 Act without a review. Apart from the merits of the
ordinance, this is an authoritarian, partisan and undemocratic procedure.
Losing a way of life
It has been argued that development necessarily entails the transfer of land from agriculture to
industry, but this is something that happens over a period of time. It does not follow that this must
be actively facilitated, supported and actually brought about by the state using its sovereign powers.
It is curious that those who argue for reducing the role of the state and deregulating industry want
the state to take land away from farmers and give it to industry.
Should the process of diversion of land from agricultural use to industrial use be in fact easy?
Should there not be some salutary difficulty here? First, there is the question of food security. The
transfer of land from agriculture to other use cannot and should not be prevented, but some
consideration of what the unregulated transfer of land away from agriculture implies for the food
security of the country seems necessary. LARR 2013 ruled out the acquisition of multi-cropped
agricultural land. That provision has been criticised, but it showed a certain concern that was
legitimate. That concern has disappeared in the present ordinance.
A second justification for a degree of difficulty in land acquisition is the protection of the interests
of the landowner. No doubt the ordinance retains the generous compensation provisions of the 2013
Act, but is it solely a question of money? The acquisition of land means not merely loss of land and
homestead, but also loss of livelihoods, loss of a community and cultural continuities, loss of a way
of life. This is bound to be a traumatic experience. The Social Impact Assessment (SIA) provisions
of the 2013 Act would have brought to notice the wider social and cultural implications of the
acquisition of land, but that Act itself had exempted irrigation projects from this requirement, and

now SIA has been virtually dropped in the amendment ordinance, considering the very large
number of cases to which it will not apply.
The role of the state should surely be not merely to facilitate the availability of land for industry but
also to minimise pain to the landowners (who are also citizens), protect their fundamental and
human rights and ensure justice to them. Should the state use its sovereign powers only to make
things easy for industry? Any such impression, if it gains ground, would unwittingly lend weight to
criticisms (doubtless wrong) of the present government as pro-industry and anti-farmer, and as
holding development to be synonymous with industrial projects.
Acquisition by the state
Let us turn to eminent domain, which means the sovereign right of the state to override private
property. In the intermittent debate during the years from the 1980s to 2013, this was a prominent
issue. It was felt by many that the continued use of the old colonial Act of 1894 for the acquisition
of land was unfortunate, and that there was no case at all for the state to exercise its sovereign
power to take over private property and give it to companies in the private sector for projects
regarded by the state as serving a public purpose. While this was not the universal view, there was
a strong body of opinion in favour of limiting acquisition by the state for private entities. The 2013
Act met this partially by limiting the acquisition by the state to 20 per cent in the case of a private
company and 30 per cent in that of a public-private partnership (PPP) project, if the owners consent
for the transfer of 80 per cent in the case of the former and 70 per cent in that of the latter had been
obtained. This meant that the view of the community as a whole on the transfer of land had a certain
weight. This safeguard virtually disappears in the ordinance because it will not apply in most cases.
Apart from the virtual dropping of community consent, this change also means the return of the
eminent domain of the state in full strength. This again is a non-democratic, authoritarian stance.
By way of a digression it may be added that property rights are presumably sacrosanct in
capitalism, but evidently this does not apply to a farmers right to his or her land. The property of an
industrialist is inviolable, and nationalisation is socialism and therefore anathema; but the
acquisition of land from a farmer which corresponds to nationalisation in the industrial sector
is evidently good capitalism!
One has to ask: after the amendment what is left of the Act? If we consider the huge exemption list
(Section 10A introduced by the ordinance), and the concomitant disappearance of the SIA and the
80 per cent/70 per cent consent provision in most cases, it becomes clear that the Act has become
purely ornamental. What the ordinance does is not to amend the 2013 Act, but virtually repeal it.
Having done so, the ordinance sanctimoniously brings acquisitions under a number of other Acts
within the purview of the amended Act and claims much credit for this. The Congress Party says
that the coverage of those Acts was already foreseen in the 2013 Act. That response misses the
point, which is that there is not much virtue in first rendering the Act toothless and then bringing
other Acts within its purview. This is disingenuous, to say the least. One can only hope that the
ordinance will be withdrawn or lapse for want of parliamentary support to the needed legislation.
Alas, the hope is not very robust.

7) The admission of Lithuania into the single currency bloc of Euro represents a landmark of

sorts. Critically analyse the geopolitical significance of this event. (200 Words)
The Hindu
Topic: Salient features of the Representation of Peoples Act

Expansion and crisis

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To see Lithuanias euro adoption this month as an entry into a losers club is to miss the geopolitical
picture wherein several of the ex-Warsaw Pact states have staked their future on forging a European
identity to the consternation of Russia. The admission of Vilnius into the single currency bloc
represents a landmark of sorts. The move completes the accession of the three Baltic constituents of
the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to the
three main western institutions. These are the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the
European Union (EU) and now the eurozone. The European ambitions of another erstwhile Soviet
state, Ukraine, as demonstrated by its Parliaments vote in December to join NATO, underpins in no
small measure the ongoing separatist conflict in Kiev. Slovenia and Slovakia are the only other
former Eastern bloc regions that have similarly acceded to all the three institutions. Against this
backdrop, the flow of western investment, greater export potential and low borrowing cost resulting
from integration into the eurozone would seem far more attractive to the Lithuanian population of a
few million.
The country has long felt the lock-in effects of a fixed exchange rate as the litas, the national
currency until 2014, was pegged to the euro some years ago. Lithuanias entry was not without its
share of controversy when some legislators expressed scepticism about the countrys preparedness
to sacrifice the flexibility of a national currency. But the continuing crisis in the eurozone would
have deterred Vilnius. With the exception of the United Kingdom and Denmark, accession to the
EU implies a commitment to eventual adoption of the common currency by member-states once
they have complied with the economic convergence criteria. Lithuania has so far been the lone euro
aspirant whose 2006 bid was put on hold as Vilnius narrowly overshot the inflation limit for
eligibility. But the expanded euro area comprising 19 countries is not expected to witness further
enlargement in the foreseeable future. Except Romania, which has set itself a 2019 target, none of
the other states has even given itself a euro-entry deadline. Realising the eurozone targets on fiscal
deficits has been among the more ticklish issues within the bloc, with major economies and the
architects of the rules themselves found to be in violation. Greater macroeconomic policy coherence
is an admirable objective and an imperative for countries that use a common currency. But such an
ideal must be balanced with political pragmatism as long as national capitals remain in charge of
policy-formulation. That is the lesson from the euros 15-year history so far.

8) Critically analyse the amendments made to the Representation of the People Act in recent years
and their significance to Indias polity. (200 Words)

The Hindu
General Studies 3
Topic: Agriculture (related to many subtopics in the syllabus)

Voting from abroad

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The Union government has agreed, in letter and spirit, to implement the Supreme Court direction
and the Election Commissions recommendation to allow Non-Resident Indians to vote from
overseas through postal ballots. Given the large NRI community dispersed globally, this move will
undoubtedly have an impact on the countrys electoral politics in significant ways. Parliament
passed the Representation of the People (Amendment) Act in 2010 to introduce Section 20A that
enables a person who is a citizen of India, and is away from her ordinary residence in India for
employment, education or other reasons, to be eligible to be registered as a voter in the constituency
mentioned in her Indian passport: before that amendment, only ordinary residents could cast their
vote. Although the 2010 amendment intended to include NRI participation in national politics,
Section 20A had required NRIs to be physically present in their respective constituencies at the time
of elections. Making it impractical for voters, this requirement defeated the intention of the
legislature. A petition was filed in the Supreme Court praying that Section 20A of the Act be read
down so as to allow NRIs to vote from abroad without having to be present in India. The petition
argued that the provision was in violation of Article 14 of the Constitution to the extent that it
impliedly treated persons on a different footing based on economic classifications. The Supreme
Court and the government agreed with this contention without hesitation.
The traditional argument against such external voting has been that only citizens who are present in
the territory and affected by the consequences of their vote should be entitled to vote. As per this
argument, since NRIs lacked sound knowledge about domestic conditions, they would be
irresponsible in their electoral choices. But this argument is fast being disproved by empirical
evidence. With the rapid increase in cross-border migrations, the concept of nationhood and
political membership is increasingly being decoupled from territorial locations. Indias move
towards enabling voting from overseas is an instance of a larger global trend towards increased
citizen participation. The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, an intergovernmental organisation, lists different voting methods that can be employed, such as personal
voting, where voters can cast their vote at diplomatic missions abroad; postal ballot method,
where votes are sent by regular post; proxy vote and electronic voting. From amongst these
alternatives, the government has decided to employ the postal ballot route that the electoral system
already uses for absentee-voters on official duty.

9) Indias farm sector has had good run in the last 10 years in terms of increased crop production.
Examine the reasons and also discuss the future prospects of Indias agriculture sector. (200 Words)

The Indian Express

Topic: Indian economy employment

The next farm downtrend

Its likely that Indias crop production this year will be lower compared to 2013-14, given deficient
rains both in the southwest (June-September) and northeast (October-December) monsoons
impacting kharif as well as rabi plantings. But that by itself neednt be cause for concern. We have
seen one-off farm output declines even in 2009-10, 2004-05 and 2002-03, which were also drought
years. What should worry us more, instead, is the prospect of agriculture entering a renewed phase
of stagnation or low growth.

Before considering that possibility, one must first acknowledge the relatively good run the countrys
farm sector has had in the last 10 years. Between 2004-05 and 2013-14, agricultural GDP grew by
an average 3.7 per cent a year, as against 2.9 per cent over the preceding 10-year period. The
accompanying table gives a more detailed crop-level picture by taking the average production for

three five-year periods ending 1993-94, 2003-04 and 2013-14. Doing so minimises the effects of
extreme year-to-year fluctuations induced by the vagaries of weather, thereby capturing the
underlying output trend better. ((image 4)

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The numbers are revealing. During the five years ended 2013-14, Indias foodgrain production
averaged 249 million tonnes (mt), roughly 47 mt more than that for the earlier period. The latter
period, by contrast, recorded only a 26 mt increase over the average for the five years ended 199394. The same trend of higher output increases in the recent period is noticeable for oilseeds,
cotton, sugarcane, milk and even staple vegetables like onion and potato. In pulses and oilseeds, the
observed acceleration actually reversed the decline/ stagnation seen over the previous period.
What explains the above turnaround, perceptible across crops? In some cases Bt transgenics in
cotton and single-cross hybrids for maize technology played a part. But the real across-the-board
driver was higher prices and improved terms of trade, inducing farmers to produce more.
While overall inflation based on the GDP deflator averaged 6.8 per cent a year during 2004-05 to
2013-14, the corresponding increase for agricultural produce was higher at 9.7 per cent. It was the
other way round from 1994-95 to 2003-04: general inflation was lower at 5.9 per cent per year,
while farm inflation averaged still lower at 5.8 per cent. The question, then, is: What drove
domestic farm produce prices higher in the last 10 years relative to the previous period and also vis-vis other goods and services, making it that much more attractive to ramp up production?
One reason, of course, was rising incomes from general growth, which averaged 7.6 per cent
annually over this period. These, at low levels of per capita income, would obviously have boosted
demand for farm commodities. A more important factor, however, was global prices. Between 2003
and 2011, the Food and Agriculture Organisations (FAO) food price index went up from 97.7 to
229.9, the effects of which were twofold.
First, it made the countrys farm exports globally price-competitive, resulting in their surge from a
mere $7.5 billion in 2003-04 to $43 billion in 2013-14. Export-fuelled demand, in turn, helped
improve domestic price realisations. Second, it forced the government to raise minimum support
prices (MSP) to align them closer with global prices. Contrary to what some economists believe, the
compulsion here was more economic than political. Globalisation, in other words, wasnt a bad deal

at all for Indian farmers over much of the last decade. Unfortunately for them, though, that situation
has changed radically recently.
From its 2011 peaks, the FAOs food price index has since dropped to 188.6 in December. Between
December 2011 and December 2014, international prices of soybean have fallen by a tenth. They
have slid even sharper by 28-36 per cent in cotton, rice, maize, palm oil and sugar, and 53 per cent
for rubber.
These declines are an outcome of both the lagged supply response to the high prices prevailing till
2011-12, and also agri-commodities ceasing to be an appealing asset class for global fund
managers. Moreover, this bearish sentiment exacerbated by collapsing crude prices, rendering
diversion of sugarcane, corn or palm oil for biofuel production uneconomical doesnt appear
reversible any time soon. The implications of this will not be small. To start with, agri-exports could
take a hit; they have already fallen 1.6 per cent year-on-year during April-November. Further, it
reduces the scope for MSP hikes. In the past, the government did no favour to farmers by raising
MSPs. But the same today would be motivated more by political rather than economic
considerations.
For Indian farmers, the end of an extended global commodity price boom may well reveal the flip
side of globalisation. While the World Trade Organisation (WTO) might have mattered little during
the last decade, this isnt going to be the case now. We are already seeing all sorts of disputes being
raised at the WTO: from Indias restrictions on imported American chicken legs and raw sugar
export subsidies to its public grain stockholding for food security purposes. These will only
intensify in the days ahead.
The point is, we ought to be prepared for the next agricultural downtrend. The government should,
first of all, recognise that the time has come to think equally or more about producers, rather than
consumers. There is a problem when crude palm oil and sugar are trading at $650 per tonne and 15
cents per pound respectively, as opposed to their levels of $1,300 and 30 cents four years ago. If
cars can attract up to 100 per cent import duty, why not extend the same protection to farm products
in the light of the changed reality?
No less urgent is the need to address issues of farm-level productivity that were ignored while the
commodity price boom party lasted. The Indian Council of Agricultural Researchs (Icar) budget
must be significantly increased, along with greater accountability to its primary clientele, farmers,
who are desperate for technologies to raise crop yields, pare production costs, save on labour and
reduce drudgery in agricultural operations.
For the moment, whether we like it or not, the only ones seemingly catering to this demand are the
likes of Monsanto, DuPont, Bayer CropScience and Syngenta. It is a sad truth that nothing
substantial has come out of our public farm research system in recent times, except for the odd
Pusa-1121 or 1509 Basmati rice varieties. Going forward, Icars model could perhaps be Brazils
Embrapa or the Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences.
The renewed emphasis on farm research needs to be combined with stepped-up investments in rural
roads, 247 power and broadband connectivity. These are key to improved agricultural productivity
and lowering of costs the only sustainable solutions to weather crop price down-cycles.

10) Trade unions are required to prevent exploitation of workers, ensure better working conditions
and increase collective bargaining for wages. Do you think the Indian Information Technology
industry needs trade unions? Critically discuss. (200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: Infrastructure Housing (etc)

Shyamal Majumdar: Keep unions out of IT

Being leaders in compensation and benefits, collective bargaining for wages is a non-issue in
the industry
You can't blame trade unions for their desperation to gain a foothold in a sector that employs over
five and a half million people. That explains why every single trade union grabbed the opportunity
to be a part of the lay-off drama involving Tata Consultancy Services (TCS), India's largest
information technology (IT) company.
It was a well-orchestrated drama, no doubt, as the lay-off figures that were being talked about in
social media were in the range of 25,000-30,000 (about 10 per cent of TCS employees). In a belated
move, TCS called the bluff by saying that the actual number of "involuntary attrition" would be
around 1 per cent, which is marginally more than similar exercises in the past couple of years.
TCS could have avoided much of this mud-slinging by taking such proactive action in the form of a
definitive statement much earlier. Job losses are a highly emotive issue in a country where the
safety net amounts to zilch, and should have been handled more carefully. The company did make a
mistake by treating it as an emotional outburst of a few employees.
While that is something the TCS brass should figure out, the question is: does the Indian IT industry
need trade unions? The answer should be in the negative and here's why.
Trade unions are required to prevent exploitation of workers, ensure better working conditions and
increase collective bargaining for wages. But IT firms are leaders in compensation and benefits.
According to figures provided by payscale.com, the median salary of software engineers is Rs 4
lakh per annum and of senior software engineers Rs 6 lakh. The same for IT consultants is Rs 7 lakh
and project managers Rs 12 lakh.
In comparison, the median salaries for civil engineers is Rs 3.5 lakh, electrical engineers Rs 3.34
lakh, finance analysts Rs 3.26 lakh, sales and marketing managers Rs 5.34 lakh and general
physicians Rs 5 lakh.
In addition, India's IT firms do make consistent efforts in keeping the workforce employable. For
example, large Indian IT firms spent Rs 4,000 crore on training last year and there are continuous
learning programmes through the online medium.

It's also a reality that tech firms are in the business of innovation and hence the need for new skills
keeps changing. While Oracle/SAP/mobile tech remain popular, the industry now needs user
experience or UX engineers, big data, cloud engineers, process engineers, Python/Ruby
programming and proficiency in HTML5.
According to Tech Pro Research, "Working in IT today the pressure is on to have a diverse
knowledge set. This spells promise for IT pros who can leverage a broad skill set and move among
groups or companies to exercise their talents." But a study by the firm says 59 per cent of the
surveyed candidates felt their skills were not current.
This demand for new skills from employers is something that IT sector employees have to be alert
about. If after a few years of experience, you can't be inducted into leadership or project
management roles, you add no better value than a new entrant, even though your salary is many
times higher. For example, many "senior developers" now do the work of a junior consultant. But
that's when the problem starts, as companies, in their bid for cost efficiency, will look for a fresh
recruit who can come up to speed with a little bit of training.
It's a fact that most industries that failed to keep up with modem technology declined and ultimately
failed; whereas industries that kept up with modem technology survived and many of them
expanded. In the former, workers lost their jobs; whereas in the latter, some lost their jobs, some lost
their skills, some lost both their jobs and their skills, but many were retrained and most retained
their employment. Moreover, as the industries expanded, and new industries emerged from the new
technology, new skills were created and employment expanded.
However, for the IT industry as a whole, the TCS saga is a wake-up call. As the scale of employee
lay-offs becomes bigger, the ramifications will become bigger as well. The industry thus has no
option but to reorient its HR strategies (counselling of consistent under-performers, for example) to
counter such mass resentment. Keeping quiet till it's too late can't be a permanent solution.
11) Real estate, more than one study has found, is perceived as the most corrupt sector of the
economy. Examine why and suggest ideas that can make this sector more transparent. (200 Words)
Business Standard
General Studies 4
Topic: laws, rules, regulations and conscience as sources of ethical guidance

Bhupesh Bhandari: Real estate makeover

Land aggregators now want to sell to large corporations because their payment is guaranteed.
Buyers, too, are more comfortable dealing with these corporations than run-of-the-mill
builders
The unthinkable has happened. During Google's Great Online Shopping Festival last month, Tata

Housing sold 200 houses across its various projects in the country. In the 2013 edition of the shopfest, it had sold 50 houses. Most Indians buy one home during their lifetime. Luckier ones might
buy two. Every purchase is preceded by several visits to the site and a thousand enquiries about the
builder. Any broker will tell you that it takes at least three months for a home buyer to make up his
mind. That's because mistrust in builders is high. Will he run away with my life's savings? Will he
deliver on time? Will he keep all the promises he made? Is the land title above board? Has he got all
the clearances?
The buyer cannot be accused of being unnecessarily paranoid: errant builders have over the years
committed every misdemeanor possible, which has shaken the buyer's confidence. Several have
vanished with the money collected from buyers. Most have delayed projects extensively. Almost all
play around with the carpet area, the floor area and the super area to dupe buyers. This way, they
have steadily destroyed trust. Online property buying shows that some trust has started to take
shape. Of course, the "Tata" in the company's name has helped. Still, this is a sign that things could
be changing for the better in real estate.
The conventional real estate business model is pretty straightforward. A builder pools resources
from several brokers to acquire the land and do the construction. In return, the brokers get a certain
number of flats at a deep discount. The brokers then pre-sell these flats - even before the builder
could get all the clearances - and book their profits. Thus, it doesn't take deep pockets to get started
in real estate. The rule of thumb in the Delhi market is that for an investment of Rs 100 crore all you
need in your bank account is Rs 10 crore. The slowdown of the last two years has put a spanner in
the works. Brokers are reluctant to invest because buyers have decided to stay away. This has
choked the cash flows of the builders. Those who had taken debt for their projects have no money
for the quarterly interest payments. Many builders have raised debt from private sources, at interest
rates of up to 30 per cent, to repay the banks. Their projects are sure to become unviable.
Real estate has, thus, become highly capital intensive - only those with financial muscle will be left
standing. A lot of the smaller builders could soon be driven out of business. Some will get acquired
by the larger ones. This is how large corporations are getting into the picture. Apart from Tata
Housing, groups like Godrej, Mahindra and Bharti are preparing for a big play in real estate. In a
few years' time, there is the possibility that real estate may become like any other business. The
returns may fall from 100 per cent now to 18-20 per cent, but the business will be predictable and
transparent. Land aggregators now want to sell to large corporations because their payment is
guaranteed. Buyers, too, are more comfortable dealing with these corporations than run-of-the-mill
builders.
These corporations had in the past stayed away from real estate because of the inadequate
regulatory ecosystem. Speed money had to be paid at every stage. A lot of the transactions happened
in cash. Many found it hard to do business that way. But the sector may soon have a regulator. The
United Progressive Alliance had introduced a Bill in Parliament to this effect, and now the Narendra
Modi government wants to take it forward. Builders had objected to the Bill on the grounds that the
onus for all delays was put on them, while these are caused by the long time taken in obtaining the
various permissions and clearances. There is substance in their argument. It can take two to four

years just to get the permission to develop barren land. Speed money can inflate costs by up to six
or seven per cent.
Builders would recover these "investments" either by cutting corners or over-constructing. Incidents
have come to light where builders added extra floors, although with permission from the authorities.
Not only was this unfair to the buyers who would now have to share the common infrastructure
with more people than initially promised but also a security hazard because the foundation would
now have to bear the extra load. The acquiescence of the bureaucrats in these malpractices has been
noticed even by the courts.
There has been a visible lack of enthusiasm on the part of the states to make the various processes
in real estate transparent and introduce time-bound clearances. That's because there is so much
money at stake. It will take a bold man to clear the Augean stables. Real estate, more than one study
has found, is perceived as the most corrupt sector of the economy. However, one state is known to
be seriously looking at how to make processes transparent: Haryana. Other states could follow its
example. There might be some gentle prodding from the Centre because of real estate's potential as
a catalyst for economic growth. One estimate suggests that it has a positive rub-off on as many as
290 other industries. It is also a large employer of unskilled and semi-skilled workers. All this could
change real estate forever.
12) Live one day at a time emphasizing ethics rather than rules. What do you understand by this
statement? Explain with suitable examples. (200 Words)
General

17 January 2015
General Studies 1
Topic: changes in critical geographical features (including waterbodies and ice-caps)
and in flora and fauna and the effects of such changes.
1) In the annals of climatology, 2014 now surpasses 2010 as the warmest year in a global
temperature record that stretches back to 1880. Critically comment on the causes and significance
of this event. (200 Words)
The New York Times
Topic: Distribution of key natural resources across the world

2014 Breaks Heat Record, Challenging Global Warming Skeptics

Last year was the hottest on earth since record-keeping began in 1880, scientists reported on Friday,
underscoring warnings about the risks of runaway greenhouse gas emissions and undermining
claims by climate change contrarians that global warming had somehow stopped.

Extreme heat blanketed Alaska and much of the western United States last year. Records were set
across large areas of every inhabited continent. And the ocean surface was unusually warm virtually
everywhere except near Antarctica, the scientists said, providing the energy that fueled damaging
Pacific storms.

In the annals of climatology, 2014 surpassed 2010 as the warmest year. The 10 warmest years have
all occurred since 1997, a reflection of the relentless planetary warming that scientists say is a
consequence of human activity and poses profound long-term risks to civilization and nature.

Climate change is perhaps the major challenge of our generation, said Michael H. Freilich,
director of earth sciences at NASA, one of the agencies that track global temperatures.

Of the large land areas where many people live, only the eastern portion of the United States
recorded below-average temperatures in 2014, in sharp contrast to the unusual heat in the West.
Some experts think the weather pattern that produced those American extremes is an indirect
consequence of the release of greenhouse gases, though that is not proven.

Several scientists said the most remarkable thing about the 2014 record was that it had occurred in a
year that did not feature a strong El Nio, a large-scale weather pattern in which the Pacific Ocean
pumps an enormous amount of heat into the atmosphere.

Skeptics of climate change have long argued that global warming stopped around 1998, when an
unusually powerful El Nio produced the hottest year of the 20th century. Some politicians in
Washington have seized on that claim to justify inaction on emissions.

But the temperature of 1998 is now being surpassed every four or five years, and 2014 was the first
time that happened without a significant El Nio. Gavin A. Schmidt, head of NASAs Goddard
Institute for Space Studies in Manhattan, said the next strong El Nio would probably rout all
temperature records.
Continue reading the main story
Continue reading the main story
The Warmest Year on Record

Parts of the eastern United States were cooler than average last year, but globally 2014 was the
warmest year in recorded history.
Sources: NASA; National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration

By The New York Times

Continue reading the main story
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Obviously, a single year, even if it is a record, cannot tell us much about climate trends, said
Stefan Rahmstorf, head of earth system analysis at the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact
Research in Germany. However, the fact that the warmest years on record are 2014, 2010 and 2005
clearly indicates that global warming has not stopped in 1998, as some like to falsely claim.

Such claims are unlikely to go away, though. John R. Christy, an atmospheric scientist at the
University of Alabama in Huntsville who is known for his skepticism about the seriousness of
global warming, pointed out in an interview that 2014 had surpassed the other record-warm years
by only a few hundredths of a degree, well within the error margin of global temperature
measurements. Since the end of the 20th century, the temperature hasnt done much, Dr. Christy
said. Its on this kind of warmish plateau.
Continue reading the main story
Continue reading the main story

Despite such arguments from a handful of scientists, the vast majority of those who study the
climate say the earth is in a long-term warming trend that is profoundly threatening and caused
almost entirely by human activity.
Continue reading the main story

Related in Opinion

After the Warmest Year on Record, West Virginia Feels the HeatJAN. 16, 2015
Calculating the running mean temperature -- over periods of 12, 60 and 132 months -- provides a
way to see long-term trends behind variability. Warming has continued, but slowed.
A Closer Look at the Global Warming Trend, Record Hot 2014 and Whats AheadJAN. 16, 2015

They expect the heat to get much worse over coming decades, but already it is killing forests around
the world, driving plants and animals to extinction, melting land ice and causing the seas to rise at
an accelerating pace.

It is exceptionally unlikely that we would be witnessing a record year of warmth, during a recordwarm decade, during a several decades-long period of warmth that appears to be unrivaled for more
than a thousand years, were it not for the rising levels of planet-warming gases produced by the
burning of fossil fuels, Michael E. Mann, a climate scientist at the Pennsylvania State University,
said in an email.

NASA and the other American agency that maintains long-term temperature records, the National
Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, issued separate data compilations on Friday that
confirmed the 2014 record. A Japanese agency had released preliminary information in early
January showing 2014 as the warmest year.

One more scientific group, in Britain, that curates the worlds temperature record is scheduled to
report in the coming weeks.

Separate temperature measurements taken from satellites do not show 2014 as a record year,
although it is close. Several scientists said the satellite readings reflected temperatures in the
atmosphere, not at the earths surface, so it was not surprising that they would differ slightly from
the ground and ocean-surface measurements that showed record warmth.
Photo
A competitor mushed across an oddly snowless section of land in Alaska during the Iditarod Trail
Sled Dog Race in March. Credit Bob Hallinen/The Anchorage Daily News, via Associated Press

Why do we keep getting so many record-warm years? Dr. Schmidt asked in an interview. Its
because the planet is warming. The basic issue is the long-term trend, and it is not going away.

February 1985 was the last time global surface temperatures fell below the 20th-century average for
a given month, meaning that no one younger than 30 has ever lived through a below-average month.
The last full year that was colder than the 20th-century average was 1976.

The contiguous United States set a temperature record in 2012, a year of scorching heat waves and
drought. But, mostly because of the unusual chill in the East, 2014 was only the 34th warmest year
on record for the lower 48 states.

That cold was drawn into the interior of the country by a loop in a current called the jet stream that
allowed Arctic air to spill southward. But an offsetting kink allowed unusually warm tropical air to
settle over the West, large parts of Alaska and much of the Arctic.

A few recent scientific papers say that such long-lasting kinks in the jet stream have become more
likely because global warming is rapidly melting the sea ice in the Arctic, but many leading
scientists are not convinced on that point.

Whatever the underlying cause, last years extreme warmth in the West meant that Alaska, Arizona,
California and Nevada all set temperature records. Some parts of California essentially had no
winter last year, with temperatures sometimes running 10 to 15 degrees above normal for the
season. The temperature in Anchorage, Alaskas largest city, never fell below zero in 2014, the first
time that has happened in 101 years of record-keeping for the city.

Twenty years of global negotiations aimed at slowing the growth of heat-trapping emissions have
yielded little progress. However, 2014 saw signs of large-scale political mobilization on the issue,
as more than 300,000 people marched in New York City in September, and tens of thousands more
took to the streets in other cities around the world.

The next big attempt at a global climate agreement will come when negotiators from around the
world gather in Paris in December. Political activists on climate change wasted no time Friday in
citing the 2014 heat record as proof that strong action was needed.

The steady and now record-breaking rise in average global temperatures is not an issue for another
day, Michael R. Bloomberg, the former New York mayor who is spending tens of millions of
dollars of his personal fortune to battle climate change, said in a statement. Its a clear and present
danger that poses major economic, health, environmental and geopolitical risks.
2) India is set to become the worlds largest producer of cotton in 2014-15, yet India faces
numerous problems thanks to local and global factors. Critically examine. (200 Words)

Down to Earth
Cotton quandary
As China, the world's biggest cotton buyer, restricts imports, the US aggressively competes with
India for global market. Can India stay in the race and rescue its struggling cotton industry?
The cotton market in India is in a flux. The country is set to become the worlds largest producer of
cotton in 2014-15. Indias cotton production was estimated to touch 6.8 million tonnes between
September and December 2014, says a press release of the Cotton Advisory Board (CAB) under the
textiles ministry. But there is uncertainty about the bumper stock. With global stockpiles of cotton
rising and prices falling in both the domestic and international markets, exports are likely to
plummet. The fears are confirmed by Chinathe biggest importer of cotton from India and the US.

China has been cutting back on cotton imports since September last year. In 2013-14, the country
allowed imports of 1.5-1.7 million tonnes. This year, it will reduce this to about 0.9 million tonnes.
Such a measure is aimed at offloading its stockpile to an optimum level and boosting domestic
demand in the long run. The Chinese government will also provide direct subsidies to cotton
producers, announed an official of the National Development and Reform Commission in China in
September 2014.

Struggling to find a market

Chinas drastic measure is likely to impact the cotton markets both in the US and India, but the
latter will struggle a lot more to compensate for the loss. This is evident from the latest report of the
United States Department of Agriculture (USDA).

According to the report, during 2013-14, 26 per cent of the US cotton export went to China, while
for India it was almost 55 per cent of its cotton exports. This also indicates that the US has a wider
reach in the international market for cotton. Its share of global cotton exports during 2014-15 is
estimated to be around 2.2 million tonnes as opposed to Indias 1.1 million tonnes.

This is despite the fact that India produced almost double the amount of cotton than the US during
2013-14, claims USDA.

This has raised concerns in India about finding new markets for its cotton produce. Sidhartha
Rajagopal, executive director of the autonomous Cotton Textile and Export Promotion Council,
reassures that measures have been thought of to deal with this volatility. We are looking at other
emerging markets like Vietnam, Bangladesh and Myanmar to make up for the deficit. While cotton
might have taken a hit, export of value-added products like yarn and fabrics will see a rise, he says.

However, it is unlikely that new markets will be able to make up for the deficit created by Chinas
lack of demand.

P T Pillevar, chief general manager of the Cotton Corporation of India (CCI), responsible for price
support operations of cotton under the Ministry of Textiles, says, We already procured 0.3 million
tonnes of cotton from farmers between October and December 2014 at a minimum support price
(MSP) of Rs 4,050 for the long, staple variety. This is just the beginning. USDA estimates suggest
that this year CCI might procure close to 0.8 million tonnes of cotton to support farmers in
Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra, where market prices are below MSP. The fact that
CCI hasstepped in to purchase cotton from farmers shows that cotton producers are already going
into losses in the open market.

Kavitha Kuruganti, convenor of Association for Sustainable and Holistic Agriculture, says, My
conversations with farmers indicate that MSP for cotton will be Rs 500-1,000 less than last year. It
was predictable that this situation would arise because China had been stockpiling. But we made no
provisions to safeguard our farmers. The ultimate burden of this market fluctuation will be borne by
the small farmers. Under such circumstances, the push to increase cotton production in the country
makes little sense. Kuruganti adds that the government must stop making decisions solely in favour
of industry without protecting the producers.

While farmers are bearing the brunt of falling prices, the fate of textile mills and affiliated industries
does not look promising either. We had been exporting a large portion of our cotton produce to
China, but since it is not buying, there will be a surplus and prices are bound to fall, says R K
Dalmiya, president of Century Textiles, a cotton mill in Gujarat.

Textile owners do not prefer buying cotton from CCI as they cannot be sure of quality at CCI
auctions. Contamination with coloured threads or materials like polypropylene is already a major
concern, Dalmiya adds.

Another problem is the plummeting cost of artificial fibres like polyester due to the fall in global
petroleum prices. Cotton is not the only thing we should look at. We are trying to promote and
market more blended fabrics and polyester-cotton mix exports. This will ease the pressure on the
textile industry, Rajagopal says (see Pure cotton v cotton blends).
Pure cotton v cotton blends

Despite THE turmoil in the international and domestic markets, the word on the street is that cotton
is still doing very well. Three store owners in Pune, who deal in pure cotton, blended fabrics and
synthetic materials, claim that close to 50 per cent of their sales still come from cotton. Bharat
Banthia, owner of Deepak Readymade Stores in the city, says, "There are customers for both cotton
and synthetic materials, but people often prefer cotton because it is a comfortable fabric, looks good
and has a rich feel to it.

However, cotton blended with small amounts of synthetic fibre is almost 40 per cent cheaper than
pure cotton and lasts about three years, so it is in demand as well."

Shashi Chabria, owner of Sharmilee Store in Pune, reiterates that the sale of cotton items has not
gone down because of blended fabrics. Cotton will always remain a staple in our wardrobe, even
when fashion and fabrics change, he adds.

While most people prefer to wear pure cotton, it may not be the best option for Indian weather. In
India, the best mix is a cotton-polyester blend in the ratio of 70:30. This mix has the best of both
materialscotton's comfort and polyester's durability, says Seema Patel, technical manager in the
textile testing laboratory at the Ahmedabad Textile Industry's Research Association.

America's covert agenda

The US, however, is manipulating India to opt for pure cotton, not blends. An ad campaign by the
Cotton Council International urges consumers to check the label on apparel to ensure they buy
100 per cent cotton. The ad tells Indians to go back to the basics, because we have been spinning,
weaving and dying it since ancient times.

What is hidden is that the Council is the export promotion arm of the National Cotton Council of
America dedicated to increasing US exports of cotton, cottonseed and their products. An expert
on textiles, who does not wish to be named, reveals this is part of the US strategy to ensure that
cotton produced in India is consumed here itself, leaving other markets to the US. Cotton Council
International did not respond to repeated queries from Down To Earth about its campaign.

The Indian government has been aggressively pushing cotton production in the past two decades.
Given the current vagaries of the market, it is time to re-think this strategy, focusing instead on
protecting farmers and reducing the acreage under cotton to more sustainable and remunerative
farming. India must ensure that it is not given the short end of the stick in the international market.
General Studies 2

Topic: Issues relating to poverty

3) Discuss how the poverty line computed by the Rangarajan group is different from that of earlier
groups formulae. (200 Words)
EPW
Topic: Bilateral, regional and global groupings and agreements; Important
International institutions
Counting the Poor
Measurement and Other Issues
Since the submission of the report of the 2012 expert group on poverty measurement, there have
been a few comments on it. The purpose of this note is to clarify some of the issues raised by
researchers and others on this report. The clarifi cations discussed here are (1) what is new in the
approach defining the poverty line; (2) the use of calories; (3) multidimensional poverty; (4) high
urban poverty in many states; (5) NAS-NSS consumption differences; (6) poverty measures in other
countries; (7) public expenditure and poverty; and (8) poverty ratio eligibility for access to
programmes. As most of the researchers have commented on multidimensional poverty, this note
also elaborates on the reasons for not considering this measure in the report.

Subscribers please login to access full text of the article.

4) The US shale oil and gas production is likely to play a greater role in keeping Russia at bay
rather than Nato troops on Europes borders. Examine. (200 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: Welfare schemes for vulnerable sections of the population by the Centre and
States and the performance of these schemes

Daniel Gros: The Russian threat runs out of fuel

The US shale oil and gas production is likely to play a greater role in keeping Russia at bay rather
than Nato troops on Europe's borders

Daniel Gros: The Russian threat runs out of fuel

The US shale oil and gas production is likely to play a greater role in keeping Russia at bay rather

than Nato troops on Europe's borders.

5) It is now argued by some economists that the forced lending to agriculture has not only resulted
in a sharp expansion of credit to the farm sector, but also in indebtedness of a kind that demands
periodic debt waiver and relief schemes at the expense of bank balance sheets and productive
investment. Do you agree with this perception? Critically comment. (200 Words)
Frontline
Topic: Effect of policies and politics of developed and developing countries
Revisiting rural indebtedness
The problem in rural India is not one of too much credit to poor households that leads to debt
waivers that damage bank balance sheets, but one of inadequate access to credit from formal
sources.

IF Reserve Bank of India Governor Raghuram Rajan is to be believed, efforts to help Indian
farmers by providing them with cheap(er) credit and relieving them of an unsustainable debt burden
only harms them in the long run. In his speech delivered at the annual conference of the Indian
Economic Association, Rajan is reported to have advanced a number of counterintuitive arguments
and raised a number of unusual questions on farm debt.

The first was that when governments in the States or at the Centre intervene in periods of distress
(resulting from damage due to floods, cyclones or drought, for example) by requiring banks to
waive farm debt with promise of official support, they end up restricting credit flow to agriculture.
Banks become reluctant to lend to farmers because they fear that those new loans too would be
written off. Moreover, as happened with loans that were written off when governments in Telangana
and Andhra Pradesh declared loan waivers when cyclone Phailin ravaged the region last year, the
promise of official support may not be kept. While the Telangana government did deliver the
mandated 25 per cent of the loan amount written off by the banks, Andhra Pradesh has thus far not
done so. This, in the governors view, would only increase the reticence of the banks to lend.
Clearly in his view, the government cannot influence the behaviour of even banks that are publicly
owned, even though it seems to be able to force them to lend huge amounts to privately operated
infrastructure projects in areas varying from power to civil aviation.

Second, there is, according to the governor, reason to believe that when debt waiver schemes are
implemented they are afflicted by significant errors of inclusion and exclusion, providing benefits to
those who are not eligible and bypassing some who should be benefited. To illustrate this view, he
refers to the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report that found that in 2008 when the
United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government implemented an Agricultural Debt Waiver and Debt
Relief Scheme, which provided debt relief to the tune of Rs.52,516 crore, there were several
instances when ineligible farmers were given the benefit and eligible ones were ignored. Suggesting
that this evidence pointed to the possibility of fraud, the governor has argued against such schemes.

The strategy seems to be one of avoiding the possibility of fraud rather than one of detecting and
penalising fraud.

Finally, the governor argued that cheap and subsidised credit to the farm sector in the form of shortterm crop loans rather than long-term loans for investment may be diverting credit away from
capital formation with attendant adverse consequences for productivity, even while the indebtedness
of farmers increases.

The thrust of these arguments seems to be that the policy adopted after bank nationalisation, of
directing credit to the priority sectors at reasonable interest rates, with 18 per cent of total advances
mandated to be provided to the agricultural sector, should be revisited. It may be better to leave it to
banks to decide whether credit should be provided to the agricultural sector, and if so to which
activities and at what interest rate. Implicit in that view is the perception that forced lending to
agriculture has not only resulted in a sharp expansion of credit to the farm sector, but also in
indebtedness of a kind that demands periodic debt waiver and relief schemes at the expense of bank
balance sheets and productive investment.

This amounts to turning hitherto received wisdom on its head. The policy of directing credit to
agriculture was adopted because evidence on the eve of bank nationalisation pointed to the nearcomplete exclusion of agriculture from bank credit. Despite accounting for as much as a third of the
gross domestic product (GDP) and more than two-thirds of total employment in the mid-1960s,
agriculture received around 2 per cent of total bank credit advanced. Nationalisation was seen as
breaking the control of the business groups over much of the banking system which was seen as
explaining this exclusion of agriculture from bank credit flows, which went largely to the corporate
sector. It was also seen as creating conditions that ensured that it was not just profit but the
development objectives of the government that were served by the banking system.

The evidence shows that with public ownership, the target of directing 40 per cent of total credit to
the priority sectors and the sub-target of channelling 18 per cent of total credit to agriculture were
soon achieved. The change in ownership had clearly transformed bank behaviour to yield the
intended result. Yet, in 1991, the first Narasimham Committee on the Financial System
recommended that the directed credit programme should be phased out, the priority sector
redefined and its share in total credit reduced from 40 to not more than 10 per cent. The justification
provided was largely that the directed credited programme was adversely affecting profitability and
contributing disproportionately to the non-performing assets of the banking sector.

Even though this recommendation of the Narasimham Committee was not accepted by the Reserve
Bank of India and the government, liberalisation of the bank licensing policy after 1991 saw a
reduction in the number of rural branches and a decline in the share of commercial banks in

outstanding agricultural credit from about 61 per cent of total agricultural credit in 1990-91 to
around 26 per cent in 1999-2000. Reform seemed to have encouraged banks to withdraw from the
direction pursued until then.

Interestingly, after 2004 the trend changed sharply with the share of commercial banks in
agricultural credit rising once again to reach 58 per cent by 2010-11. However, as Pallavi Chavan
has underlined, there was one major difference in the trends in bank credit to agriculture in the years
prior to and after 2004. In the period between 1973-74 and 1997-98, while the ratio of agricultural
credit to agricultural GDP rose from around 10 to around 25 per cent, the ratio of capital formation
in agriculture to agricultural GDP also rose from around 6.5 per cent to 8 per cent of GDP. While
the divergence between the two ratios had increased, the increase in credit was also supporting
increased investments in agriculture. However, starting from the end of the 1990s, while the ratio of
agricultural credit to agricultural GDP shot up from around 25 per cent to about 73 per cent by
2010-11, the ratio of capital formation in agriculture to agricultural GDP rose only from around 8 to
17 per cent. This huge increase in divergence implied that far more money was going to nonproductive purposes. This was also a period when agricultural GDP was rising at a slow 2.8 per cent
per annum. The boom in bank credit to agriculture was contributing only marginally to capital
formation and growth.

One reason is because, as suggested by the Narasimham Committee, the notion of priority sector
credit was redefined, with new areas such as lending to input providers (such as seed suppliers),
warehouses and microfinance institutions being treated as indirect finance to agriculture. Even
though indirect finance to agriculture could only amount to 25 per cent of the agricultural lending
sub-target of 18 per cent (or 4.5 per cent of total advances), any such lending in excess of 4.5 per
cent could be included when computing achievement of the 40 per cent aggregate priority sector
requirement. This opened a set of relatively lucrative lending avenues that could serve to meet the
priority sector lending target. According to Pallavi Chavan, the share of indirect credit in total
agricultural credit more than doubled from 21.5 per cent in 1991-92 to 48.1 per cent by 2007-08.
Thus, if there is any distortion in the distribution of agricultural credit, it seems to result from the
liberalisation of policy rather than from excessive intervention.

What is also remarkable is that despite the boom in bank credit to agriculture, the access to credit in
the rural areas still remains limited. According to the recently released results of the All India Debt
and Investment Survey conducted by the National Sample Survey Organisation, as on June 30,
2012, there were only 31.4 per cent of households in rural India that were exposed to debt. That was
not very much higher than the 26.5 per cent recorded in the previous survey relating to 2002.
Moreover, 19 per cent of the rural households obtained credit from non-institutional sources and
only 17 per cent from institutional sources (including banks). Clearly, the perception that rural
households have been forced into excess indebtedness because of availability of cheap bank credit
seems to be overstated.

What is more, an analysis of the class-wise distribution of the incidence of indebtedness shows that
while the incidence varied between 19.7 and 27.5 per cent in the lowest four deciles classified in
terms of the size of asset holding, the average debt of each of the households in these deciles varied
from just Rs.40,000 to Rs.50,000. On the other hand, the incidence of debt in households in the
richest decile in terms of assets was 41.3 per cent, with the average debt of indebted households
placed at Rs.2.7 lakh. Not surprisingly, while the percentage of households indebted to institutional
sources was placed at 7.9 and 7.4 per cent respectively in the poorest asset classes, the figure stood
at 32.6 for the richest asset class. On the other hand, in terms of exposure to non-institutional debt,
the figures were 14 and 17 per cent in the poorest asset classes and 15.3 per cent in the richest.
Poorer households were being forced to rely disproportionately on non-institutional sources for
credit.

In sum, what the evidence seems to suggest is that the problem in rural India is not one of too much
credit to poor households that leads to debt waiver schemes that damage bank balance sheets, but
that of inadequate access to credit from formal sources. If rural credit needs to be revisited, it must
be to expand credit access rather than to restrict it because of excessive indebtedness. Moreover, it
appears that when banks are given greater freedom, they lend far less for capital formation rather
than much more. And the size of the loans involved is clearly small change when compared with the
loans handed out to those in the corporate sector who are increasingly being seen as wilful
defaulters. As the governor has flagged on another occasion, those large wilful defaulters see the
restructuring of debt which they have stopped servicing as their right rather than (as ostensibly in
the case of debt waiver schemes) a favour from the government or the Reserve Bank of India.
6) The United States offer to normalise relations and lift the economic embargo imposed in 1960 is
perceived as a victory for Cuba. Critically examine why. (200 Words)
Frontline
Topic: Indian diaspora.
Cuban triumph
The United States offer to normalise relations and lift the economic embargo imposed in 1960 has
come as a victory for Cuba, which is firm that the rapprochement will not make it renounce
socialism. By JOHN CHERIAN

THE SIMULTANEOUS ANNOUNCEMENTS by United States President Barack Obama and his
Cuban counterpart Raul Castro on December 17 that relations between the two countries would be
normalised have come in for widespread praise internationally. Even within the U.S., only a
minority of right-wing politicians have criticised the Obama administrations move to restore
diplomatic relations with Cuba after more than 50 years. The Cuban-American community in the
U.S. has welcomed the move. Obama has indicated that within a month he will take steps to steadily
dismantle the trade embargo that the U.S. imposed on the island nation in 1960.

Critics of the President in the Republican-dominated Senate and Congress have vowed to stall the
lifting of the economic blockade. Right-wing critics are accusing the President of giving too many
concessions to Cuba.

The blockade on Cuba started in 1960, in the last year of the Dwight Eisenhower administration.
President Eisenhower acceded to the wishes of the State Department, which had proposed a line of
action that makes the greatest inroads in denying money and supplies to Cuba, to decrease
monetary and real wages, to bring about desperation, hunger and the overthrow of the [Fidel Castro]
government. The policy was revised in the 1980s and 1990s to make the sanctions more draconian.
All the same, the U.S. blockade did not achieve its stated goal but it did cause a lot of suffering to
the Cuban people and had an impact on the countrys economy. Cuba estimates that its economy has
lost more than $1 trillion as a result of the blockade.

Obama administration officials have said that the President will immediately use his executive
powers to lift the sanctions on travel and business activities. In his statement on Cuba policy
changes, Obama said that with the U.S. having established diplomatic relations with other
communist countries such as China and Vietnam, it made no sense to continue with the policy on
Cuba, another communist country. The decision to ease restrictions on Cuba was influenced to an
extent by the Summit of the Americas scheduled to be held in Panama in April. Panama had invited
the U.S. to the summit along with Cuba. Many countries in the region threatened to boycott the
summit if the U.S. insisted on excluding Cuba from it. With the statement on easing of relations,
Obama and Raul Castro can sit across the table at the summit, in what will be the first such meeting
between the Presidents of the two countries since the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Obama and Raul
Castro did briefly shake hands and greet each other during the funeral of South African leader
Nelson Mandela in December 2013.

It has been evident for some months that the relations between the two countries were improving.
Many U.S. Senators and Congressmen were calling on the Obama administration to ease the
sanctions on Cuba. The New York Times, the voice of the U.S. East Coast Establishment, has been
carrying on a campaign for the speedy normalisation of relations between the two countries. Obama
had won votes from the Cuban community in Florida during his first campaign for the presidency
by promising to improve relations with Havana. He did, in fact, make some changes in
Washingtons Cuba policy by allowing Cuban Americans to visit their homeland more frequently
and to send increased amounts of dollar remittances to relatives on the island. But he also continued
with many of the hostile policies of the past, including subversion of the Cuban political system.
U.S. government agencies such as USAID were used for the purpose. The U.S. spy Alan Gross was
caught distributing money and computers to the minuscule minority of dissident activists on the
island. The Zunzuneo project was another plan hatched by the agency aimed at subverting the
socialist system through the auspices of social media.

It was painstaking behind-the-scenes negotiations that finally brought about a diplomatic

breakthrough. Now it turns out that even the Vatican had a role to play in the final outcome. The
Vatican hosted secret talks between U.S. and Cuban officials in Rome. The talks were held for 18
months in utmost secrecy. The negotiations finally revolved around the fate of the three Cubans
who remained incarcerated in the U.S. and Alan Gross, serving a 12-year prison term in Cuba.
When Pope Benedict, before his surprise retirement, visited Cuba in 2012, he called for the
resumption of dialogue between Havana and Washington. The Pope made it a point not to meet
Cuban dissidents backed by the U.S. during his visit. Pope Francis visited Cuba before he was
anointed as the head of the Church in 2013. Being from Argentina, he is more conversant with the
contemporary politics of the region. Both Obama and Raul Castro thanked the Pope for helping in
finalising the historic deal.

For Cuba, the issue of the Cuban Five was the most important aspect of the negotiations. Two of
the five Cuban patriots were released in 2013 and early 2014 after they had served lengthy prison
terms. The release of the remaining three from U.S. prisons was the number one priority for the
Cuban government. Without their freedom, Cuba would not have handed Alan Gross over to the
U.S. authorities. The only crime of the Cuban Five was to expose the activities of Cuban American
terrorist groups operating from American soil. Gerardo Hernandez, Ramon Labanino, Antonio
Guerrero, Fernando Gonzalez and Rene Gonzalez had infiltrated these terrorist groups, which had
been targeting Cuban cities and violating Cuban airspace with impunity. Terrorist organisations such
as Alpha 66, Commandos F4 and Brothers to the Rescue operated from Florida. They were allowed
a free run by U.S. security agencies. They would routinely target Cuban Americans in Florida who
called for normalisation of relations. Among the notorious anti-Castro Cuban terrorists operating in
Florida were Orlando Bosch and Luis Possada Carriles. They were the brains behind the bombing
of a Cuban commercial airliner in 1976 that killed all 76 passengers on board.

The deal came in for effusive praise from leaders in Latin America and the Caribbean region,
cutting across political lines. Pro-American leaders in the region, such as the Presidents of Mexico
and Colombia, were among the first to express their happiness with the diplomatic rapprochement.
Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos expressed the hope that the deal would pave the way to
the dream of having a continent where there will be total peace. The Revolutionary Armed Forces
of Colombia (FARC), which is currently engaged in peace talks with the Colombian government,
announced that it was declaring a unilateral and indefinite ceasefire. The civil war in Colombia has
been going on almost uninterrupted since the early 1950s.

President Nicolas Maduro of Venezuela hailed the agreement as a historic victory for the Cuban
people. A day after his statement announcing the normalisation of relations with Cuba, Obama
gave his approval for sanctions against Venezuela. Strained relations with the U.S. did not stop
Maduro from congratulating Obama on his initiative to normalise relations with Cuba. We have to
recognise the gesture from Obama. A necessary and courageous gesture, Maduro said. Venezuelan
Foreign Minister Rafael Ramirez, however, highlighted the U.S. double standards. He pointed out

the contradiction of Obama imposing sanctions on Venezuela when he had admitted that the U.S.
prolonged sanctions against Cuba had failed to advance its interests.

They want to sanction us because we carry the banner of socialism, he said. Brazilian President
Dilma Roussef, a guerilla fighter against the military regime of the 1970s, described the
normalisation of relations between Havana and Washington as a historic development. For us,
social fighters, today is a historic day. We imagined we would never see such a moment, she said.

The U.S. economic blockade of Cuba was deeply unpopular all over the region. The Obama
administration was alarmed by the diplomatic and economic inroads made by China and Russia in a
region that the U.S. once considered its backyard. Many U.S. policymakers and analysts blamed the
diminishing influence on the countrys failed Cuba policy. In the last Summit of the Americas, most
of the time was wasted on talking about the U.S. economic blockade on Cuba. Chinese President
Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin made extensive visits to the region in 2014. When
Obama stated that the U.S. policy towards Cuba had failed to advance our interests he was not
talking only about its political interests.

Economic benefit

In fact, many U.S. commentators say that it is the powerful commercial lobby in the U.S. that has
prompted Obama to speedily loosen the restrictions on trade with Cuba. Although the U.S. trade
embargo has not ended officially, the White House has said that it will authorise expanded sales
and export of certain goods and services from the U.S. to Cuba. Tom Vilsack, Agriculture
Secretary, has said that the easing of restrictions expands opportunities for U.S. farmers and
ranchers to do business in Cuba. American economists estimated that the U.S. would be able to sell
$500 million worth of agricultural products to Cuba. The U.S. Wheat Associates (USW) said that
American exports would grow from the current level of zero to around 80-90 per cent in Cuba, as
it is in other Caribbean nations. The multinational corporation Cargill hailed Obamas initiative by
saying that there are clear economic and social benefits and the potential for a new market for
U.S. farmers, ranchers and food companies.

But before relations between the two countries can truly normalise, the U.S. has to first remove
Cuba from the State Departments list of states sponsoring terrorism. Cuba was unilaterally placed
on the list in 1982. Cubas crucial military support for the liberation movements in southern Africa
had prompted that move. Because of the sanctions and counterterrorism laws, Cuba finds it difficult
to access cheap credit from international financial institutions. U.S. companies will also find it
difficult to do business with Cuba because of the restrictions that are still in force. Obama
administration officials have said that Cuba will be out of the terror list within months.

The other issues that need to be settled quickly are those connected to migration, narcotics and the
return of Guantanamo Bay. The U.S. has to scrap the wet foot, dry foot policy which encourages
Cubans to emigrate illegally. Cubans rescued in the sea (wet foot) are allowed to take up residence
in third countries while those successful in reaching U.S. shores (dry foot) are automatically given
residency permits. This privilege is given only to illegal immigrants from Cuba. There is no dispute
over the sovereignty over Guantanamo Bay. The 1903 treaty under which the U.S. signed a lease
agreement with Cuba recognises this fact. Communist Cuba, however, does not recognise this
agreement, which was signed when the island was virtually run like a colony by the U.S.
Washington must also stop its openly subversive activities such as the daily propaganda broadcasts
from Radio Marti and Television Marti.

Raul Castro has emphasised that the detente with the U.S. will not make Cuba waver from
socialism. We shouldnt expect that in order for relations to improve with the United States, Cuba
is renouncing the ideas for which weve fought for more than a century and for which our people
have spilled so much blood and run such great risks, he told Cubas National Assembly in the last
week of December. He said Cuba was always ready to engage in a respectful dialogue on equal
terms to address any issues without a shadow over our independence and without renouncing a
single one of our principles. Raul Castro reminded the Cuban people that many of the odious
aspects of the blockade still remained. An important step has been taken, but the essential thing
remains, the end of the economic, commercial and financial blockade against Cuba, which has
grown in recent years, particularly in financial transactions, he said.

After delivering his speech, he invited the Cuban Five and Elian Gonzalez to share the podium with
him. In 1999, Elian, who was aged five then, was rescued from the sea and was at the centre of a
bitter custody battle between his father in Cuba and relatives in Florida. His return to Cuba in 2000
was another big victory for Cuban persistence and diplomacy.
7) There is no logic to the way in which the Indian government grants Persons of Indian Origin
(PIO) cards to citizens of certain countries and not to others. Critically examine why the latest
move by the government is viewed as discriminatory. (200 Words)
Frontline
General Studies 3
Topic: issues of buffer stocks and food security
Double standards
There is no logic to the way in which the Indian government grants Persons of Indian Origin (PIO)
cards to citizens of certain countries and not to others. By DIVYA TRIVEDI

PRIME MINISTER Narendra Modis announcement from the parapet of Madison Square Garden in
New York City apropos the grant of lifetime visas to Persons of Indian Origin (PIO) card holders

was greeted with jubilation by Indian Americans. But it also brought to the fore prejudices
embedded in the treatment of people settled in Indias immediate neighbourhood. While welcoming
PIOs from First World nations such as the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, people
from Bhutan, Afghanistan, Nepal, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Iran (excluding Iranian
nationals of Indian origin) and China have been at the receiving end of systematic discrimination
for years.

For passport holders of other countries who wished to enjoy benefits akin to that of an Indian
citizen or an NRI (non-resident Indian), a scheme was launched in 1999, called Person of Indian
Origin (PIO) Card Scheme, and it was further revised in 2002. Those who could benefit from it
were: persons who, at any point in time, had held an Indian passport; persons whose parents,
grandparents or great-grandparents were born in and were permanent residents of India; or persons
who were foreign spouses of an Indian citizen or a PIO holder. Any foreign national who was
eligible to become a citizen of India on or after January 26, 1950, (commencement of the Indian
Constitution) is eligible to benefit from an Overseas Citizenship of India (OCI) Scheme.

The deadline for the merger of the PIO and OCI cards, as announced by Narendra Modi, has been
set for January 2015. If it goes through, it will drastically ease visa norms for PIOs and enable
frequent and hassle-free travel for them. In making this announcement, Modi carried forward the
hackneyed agenda of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to reach out to the Indian Diaspora. This
endorsement of a certain class of people (predominantly the business community) has opened a
Pandoras box and brought into sharp focus a policy of the Indian government that seeks to exclude
a lot of people from enjoying citizenship rights.

Naina Khurshid, born and brought up in New York, is the daughter of parents who migrated to the
United States from Karachi in Pakistan. Her family had gone to Karachi from Patna after Partition.
Of all the countries she has lived in, she feels most at home in India but this is one country where
she will never become eligible for citizenship. Having lived in many countries in the four decades
of my youth, I feel completely at ease in Delhi and would love nothing more than to spend more
time here. But I have come to understand and accept that as a person whose folks are perceived to
be from Pakistan, I will never be able to make India a home, she says.

Every time she has to visit, the establishment gives her a hard time through bureaucratic rigmarole,
and long-term work visas are hard to come by. All this on the grounds that her grandparents chose
to become citizens of Pakistan post-Partition many decades before she was born. This might be her
last visit in a long time to come, she adds.

People who hold citizenships of Pakistan or Bangladesh have longer waiting periods, sometimes
many years, compared with citizens of other countries, and have to complete piles of paperwork

before they are able to visit family or friends in India.

A circular from the Ministry of Home Affairs signed by Undersecretary to the Government of India,
M.K. Khanna, with a copy to Secretaries of Ministries of Tourism, Human Resource Development,
and Information & Broadcasting, officials of the Ministry of External Affairs and the Foreigner
Regional Registration Offices of Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata and Amritsar and the Chief Immigration
Officer, Chennai, specifies who is ineligible for availing himself/herself of the PIO status:

Besides the nationals of Pakistan and Bangladesh, the nationals of Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Bhutan,
Nepal, Iran, China and any other country that may be specified by the Central Government shall
also not be eligible for issue of PIO card. Further if the applicant himself or either of his parents,
grandparents or great grandparents held the nationality of these specified countries at any time, he
will not be granted PIO card. It goes on to add that, stateless persons holding identity/ travel
documents shall not be eligible for grant of PIO card.

These policies bust the myth that India is a melting pot of different cultures that assimilates refugees
from all over, especially neighbouring countries, with ease. It may still be easy for people to get
inside the country illegally due to its lax control but the officialdom makes it hard for people who
want to do things legally. In short, it excludes genuine requests for citizenship by people who have
been residing and working in the country for years, condemning them to depend on applying for
short-term visas with no guarantee of extensions. While the notification states that all spouses of
Indian citizens are eligible to apply for a PIO card, in practice, spouses from South Asian
backgrounds are excluded without being given any reasons. It especially hurts spouses of Indian
citizens from South Asian countries who have been residing here for decades.

The governments reasons for implementing such a policy could not be verified as attempts to
contact the Joint Secretary (Foreigners) and the Minister of State for Home Affairs were
unsuccessful. Email queries went unanswered.
Discrimination in practice

Ruling out citizens of Pakistan and Bangladesh on grounds of ancestry could be because their
ancestors were all citizens of British India. Likewise, there are about a million Sri Lankan Tamils of
recent Indian origin. (Whether they would be able to produce the required documentation is of
course very doubtful.) But, this does not apply to spouses of Indian citizens, and I think the PIO
Notification has not excluded them precisely because that would constitute racial discrimination.
Yet, in practice, that is what is being done, says Sanchari Nag who lives in a South Asian country
and has been married to an Indian citizen for close to four decades. She has been continuing in
domicile by applying for short-term visas almost annually.

Contrast this with the situation of Alec Martin, a British national, with no Indian ancestry but
married to an Indian citizen, who got his PIO within three weeks of applying for it on the strength
of his marriage to an Indian citizen and one wonders if there is an exclusion policy practised by the
state but not spelt out as it would directly incriminate it for practising racism. If this is indeed the
case, the Ministry of Home Affairs practice is in blatant violation of the United Nations convention
against all forms of racial discrimination, including discrimination on the basis of nationality. It
would also seem to be a violation of the terms of the PIO Notification, besides being a clear case of
discrimination on the basis of nationality, which is counted as racial discrimination in the
International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.

Officials in bureaucratic and foreign affairs circles will tell you that most countries have certain
necessary protocols that need to be followed where citizenship is concerned and that India is no
different. But beyond the questions of necessary safeguards for a nation state, there are questions
of whether, within the privileged concept of citizenship, the establishment exhibits a trace of
prejudice in the way it denies citizenship to people from specific nationalities in a systematic
manner and whether some rethinking is not required about the way in which this has become the
norm.

A long-standing demand of the Hindu minority community in Pakistan has been for citizenship.
Treated as a minority community in Pakistan and as refugees in India, they are a people without a
nation. Mostly poor and homeless, hundreds of them have been arriving on trains from Pakistan and
camping in the towns of Rajasthan for decades now. In an election speech given in the area, the BJP,
specifically Narendra Modi, promised to help their cause. But after the Lok Sabha victory, the party
has forgotten them and is instead busy wooing the richer diaspora elsewhere. Hindu Singh Sodha,
president of the Seemant Lok Sangathan, which has been actively campaigning for their rights, gave
a call for a dharna at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi, earlier this year, along with 350 Hindu migrants.
They are asking for the inclusion of persecuted Hindu and Sikh minorities of Pakistan and
Bangladesh in the PIO scheme. They say that if a person or either of his parents were earlier
citizens of independent India and have been residing in India for one year immediately before
making an application for registration, then the person should be considered for citizenship. Under
this provision, the majority of Hindu migrants from Pakistan staying in India on long-term visas
will be eligible to apply for citizenship.
8) Recently the government approved raising the quarterly buffer stock and strategic reserve limits
of Food Corporation of India (FCI) for both wheat and rice, for the first time since 2005. Examine
the reasons and its implications. (150 Words)
Business Standard
Topic: Achievements of Indians in science & technology; Awareness in the fields of
Space

Govt okays change in buffer limit for foodgrain

Related News

Govt okays change in buffer limit for foodgrain

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The government on Friday approved raising the quarterly buffer stock and strategic reserve limits of
Food Corporation of India (FCI) for both wheat and rice, for the first time since 2005.

FCI must compulsorily now hold 29 per cent more foodgrain in the central pool than the current
requirement as on each July 1, and around 45 per cent more as on October 1 every year.

On every April 1 and January 1, it will have to hold around one per cent and 14.4 per cent less grain
than the existing stipulation.

The buffer stocks and strategic reserve norms stipulate the amount to be held at the start of each
quarter in a financial year, to efficiently run social welfare programmes like the Public Distribution
System (PDS).However, due to bumper foodgrain harvest and an open-ended purchase system, it
usually stores much more than stipulated by the buffer norms.

Some experts said Friday's move is also aimed at meeting World Trade Organization obligations
that governments must not store foodgrain much in excess of requirement.

The Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs also cleared the constitution of an inter-ministerial
group to offload excess foodgrain stock, if any, in the domestic market through open sale or export.
The group will have the secretaries of the food, expenditure and consumer affairs departments.

In 2014-15, the government had approved sale of around 10 million tonnes (mt) of foodgrain in the
open market.

The previous government had also tried raising the buffer norm but could not get cabinet approval
because it was already holding much more than needed for the PDS (see chart).

In the revised norms, FCI has to maintain a stock of 41.12 mt in the second quarter as on July 1,
instead of the earlier limit of 31.9 mt. And, 30.77 mt should be kept in the third quarter as on
October 1, against previous norm of 21.2 mt.

A marginally lower 21.04 mt is to be maintained in the first quarter as on April 1, as against 21.2 mt
now. Similarly, 21.41 mt to be kept in the financial year's last quarter as on January 1, as against 25
mt.

The annual foodgrain requirement under the new food security law is estimated to rise to 61.4 mt,
as against the current 54-56 mt.
9) Discuss why the successful launch of ISROs GSLV-Mark III is seen as a milestone event for
Indias space ambitions. Also highlight the features of GSLV-Mark III. (200 Words)
Frontline
Topic: issues relating to intellectual property rights.
Giant leap for ISRO
GSLV-Mark III puts a 3.75-tonne unmanned crew module into a sub-orbit as per plan, making it the
perfect launch vehicle for Indias human spaceflight. By T.S. SUBRAMANIAN

THE year 2014 was a great year for the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) with a row of
successes that turned the worlds attention on it. On January 5, 2014, its 20-year old tapas to build
an indigenous cryogenic engine ended on a triumphant note when its Geosynchronous Satellite
Launch Vehicle (GSAT-5), powered by an indigenous cryogenic engine, put the communication

satellite GSAT-14 into a precise orbit. On September 24, India became the first country in the world
to put its spacecraft Mangalyan into Mars orbit in its very first attempt.

On December 18, ISROs GSLV-Mark III, the newest, heaviest and the most powerful launch
vehicle it has built so far, put a 3.75-tonne unmanned crew module into a sub-orbit at an altitude of
126 kilometre. As per plan, the crew module started coming down immediately, sliced through the
earths atmosphere at a perfect angle, surviving a fiery re-entry, decelerated and, with its three huge
parachutes opening up, splashed down in the Bay of Bengal, about 700 km from Port Blair,
Andaman and Nicobar Islands. The Coast Guard personnel from the vessel Samudra Pehereden
recovered the module.

The spectacular event signalled that India had taken the first steps towards its ambition to send
Indian astronauts into space. The mission demonstrated ISROs mastery of the re-entry technology
and its ability to develop the braking techniques, deceleration technology and thermal protection
systems for the crew module.

ISRO notched up two more successes in 2014. Its Polar Satellite Launch Vehicles (PSLVs) put into
orbit two navigation satellites, the Indian Regional Navigation Satellite Systems, IRNSS-1B and
1C, on April 5 and October 16.

For ISRO Chairman K. Radhakrishnan, who retired on December 31, it must have been a
professionally satisfying year.

Weighing 630 tonnes, the GSLV-Mk III is a new-generation launch vehicle. It is 43.43 metres long.
Its core liquid stage, called L110, uses 110 tonnes of liquid propellants. Clinging on to the core
stage are two strap-on, solid propellant booster motors, named S-200, each guzzling up 200 tonnes
of solid propellants. They are the biggest solid motors built by ISRO. Above the core liquid stage is
the indigenous cryogenic engine that will use 25 tonnes of liquid oxygen and liquid hydrogen. On
December 18, ISRO did not fire the cryogenic engine. It was a dummy cryogenic stage that sat on
top of L110. So the mission was an experimental, passive one. As the module was unmanned it
neither had life-support system nor crew escape systems in case of an emergency.

The mission was remarkably smooth for a totally new vehicle. There were no holds in the
countdown that lasted 24 hours and a half. The majestic vehicle, painted in white, stood on the
launch platform of the second launch pad on Sriharikotas beachfront. The legends ISRO, LVM3
X were prominently written on the vehicle. LVM-X stood for Launch Vehicle Mark III,
Experimental Mission. It was titled, LVM3-X/CARE Mission. CARE stands for Crew Module
Atmospheric Re-entry Experiment. On top of the dummy cryogenic stage was mated the unmanned
crew module which, in itself, was sheathed in heat shields. The vehicle vaulted off the launch pad at

the appointed time of 9-30 a.m. Lift-off normal came the announcement from the saucer-shaped
Mission Control Centre, situated about 6 km from the second pad. Then came another
announcement, S-200 performance normal

The L110 engine came to life at 114.71 seconds after the lift-off as planned. A novel aspect of the
mission was that the two S-200 motors continued to fire for about 34 seconds after the L110 had
ignited. So two solid motors and one liquid engine were firing together for about 34 seconds. The
two solid motors fell away 148.98 seconds after the lift-off. About 84 seconds later, the payload
fairing (the heat shield protecting the unmanned crew module from intense heat during the vehicles
ascent into the atmosphere) parted in two and fell into the Bay of Bengal. About 317 seconds after
the lift-off, the L110 engine shut down. It separated from the vehicle three seconds later. At T plus
325 seconds, at an altitude of 126 km, the unmanned crew module separated from the dummy
cryogenic stage and went into a sub-orbit. It started coming down immediately and splashed down
in the Bay of Bengal. The entire mission, from the vehicles lift-off to the modules touchdown in
the waters, lasted 20 minutes.

Radhakrishnan hailed the GSLV-Mk III mission a great event and said this was the largest
launch vehicle programme that ISRO undertook. He promised the country that the first
developmental launch of GSLV-Mk III, with its own cryogenic engine fuelled by 25 tonnes of liquid
oxygen and liquid hydrogen, would take place in two years.

Flourishing a golden-hued replica of the GSLV-Mk III, S. Somanath, Project Director, GSLV-Mk
III, declared: India has a new launch vehicle now. We have done it again.

Both Radhakrishnan and Somanath stressed that the GSLV-Mk IIIs two booster motors, each
powered by 200 tonnes of solid propellants, were the biggest motors built by ISRO. Somanath said
the indigenous cryogenic stage had simulated propellants, which had the same mass, density and
temperature of the liquid oxygen and liquid hydrogen. The simulated propellants, which filled the
liquid oxygen and liquid hydrogen tanks, were liquid nitrogen and gaseous nitrogen respectively. It
was the liquid engine, fired by 110 tonnes of liquid propellants, that catapulted the unmanned crew
module into a sub-orbit at a velocity of 5.4 km a second

S. Unnikrishnan Nair, Project Director, Human Spaceflight Project, ISRO, called the mission a
grand success and a dream come true for us. After the module separated from the vehicle, it
[the module] performed as expected, he said. Its re-entry into the earths atmosphere at an altitude
of 80 km was perfect. Three parachutes opened in sequence and the modules velocity of descent
was reduced. The braking systems and the deceleration technology worked to perfection. The
mission was so precise that the module splashed down just five nautical miles from the expected
area, Unnikrishnan Nair said.

M.C. Dathan, Director, Vikram Sarabhai Space Centre, (VSSC), Thiruvananthapuram, said: Once
GSLV-Mark III is reliably proved, it will be launch vehicle for Indias Human Spaceflight
Programme, he said. Besides, a lot of countries will be in a queue to launch their satellites, using
GSLV-Mk III, he added. Dathan made a pitch for more allotment of funds from the Centre for
ISROs Human Spaceflight Programme. A.S. Kiran Kumar, Director, Space Applications Centre,
Ahmedabad, said: This is the first step for GSLV-Mk III and CARE mission. ISRO is now looking
forward to its manned mission to space, Kiran Kumar added.

In the assessment of M.Y.S. Prasad, Director, Satish Dhawan Space Centre (SDSC), Sriharikota, the
missions primary objective of proving the vehicles flight through the atmospheric phase was fully
met in the mission. He was proud that the 200-tonne solid motors were assembled at Sriharikota. A
massive plant for manufacturing the solid propellants for them had been built at Sriharikota, Prasad
said.

S. Ramakrishnan, former VSSC Director and former Project Director, GSLV-Mk III, was happy that
it was such a trouble-free mission for a newborn vehicle. It was akin to the PSLV missions, which
have had 27 successes in a row from 1993, he said.

ISRO cleverly made use of the current two-year delay in developing the indigenous 25-tonne
cryogenic engine for GSLV-Mark III in sending the unmanned crew module into a sub-orbit. Since
ISRO had not built a satellite weighing four tonnes to put into orbit using this experimental mission
in which the cryogenic engine did not fire, it decided that it would build an unmanned crew module
and put it into a sub-orbit at an altitude of 126 km and recover it when it returned to the earth.
Indeed, the very first forerunner to Indias manned mission to space was when the PSLV put a
satellite called Space Capsule Recovery Experiment (SRE) into orbit on January 10, 2007. The SRE
splashed down in the Bay of Bengal 12 days later and was recovered.

It [GSLV-Mk III experimental mission] was a chance for us to take the unmanned crew module on
it and recover it because its overall shape and mass will be simulated, said Dathan. (The VSSC,
which he leads, was the key agency for building both the vehicle and the module.) The re-entry
technologythe temperature and turbulence that the module will experience when it re-enters the
earths atmospherewill be proved. The thermal protection systems will be proved, he added.

GSLV-Mk III is the third generation launch vehicle of ISRO to use a cryogenic engine. The firstgeneration GSLV rockets used Russian cryogenic engines, which were plagued by failures. GSLVMk II, with its indigenous cryogenic engine, tasted its first success on January 5, 2014, and put into
orbit GSAT-14.

New design

The Union government approved the GSLV-Mk III project in 2002 with an outlay of Rs.2,500 crore.
We were able to complete the project with Rs.2,500 crore. Besides, we reached a stage where we
could have this first flight, said Somanath. GSLV-Mk IIIs design is totally new. It is not like that
of the PSLV or the earlier generation GSLVs, he added. While the PSLVs solid motors have a
diameter of 2.8 metres, GSLV-Mk IIIs S-200 motors have a diameter of 3.2 metres each. Its flight
on December 18, 2014, was to prove the vehicles design and the maturity of the S-200 motors.
The purpose of the flight was to make the launch vehicle experience the rigours of the actual
flight, he added.

The two solid motors, together burning up 400 tonnes of solid propellants, and the liquid engine,
burning 110 tonnes of propellants, fired simultaneously for 34 seconds before the two solid motors
fell away. This has not been done before. It is a complex thing to do, said Somanath. Since the
cryogenic stage was passive, the velocity that was imparted to the module was only half of what a
regular vehicle would give it, he explained.

The velocity of 5.4 km a second imparted to the module was not sufficient for it to stay in orbit
unless the cryogenic stage fired and gave it sufficient velocity. So it started coming down
immediately. As the module de-mated from the dummy cryogenic stage and started coming down, it
experienced severe disturbances. But the control systems, that is, the six thrusters on board the
module, re-oriented the module for a proper re-entry into the earths atmosphere.

The module re-entered the earths atmosphere at an altitude of 80 km at a velocity of 11 Mach,

surviving about 1,000 Celsius of heat generated during the re-entry, said Unnikrishnan Nair. The
angle of attack at the point of re-entry was 0. The ablative carbon-phenolic tiles plastered around
the modules bowl-shaped outer surface enabled the module to survive this agni pariksha [test by
fire]. It was like a shuttle-cock, with the cock facing the floor and coming down. From 80 km down,
it was flying like a ballistic body. This velocity was reduced by aero-braking.

At an altitude of 15 km, the parachutes came into play. The parachutes developed by the Aerial
Delivery Research and Development Establishment (ADRDE) in Agra. The ADRDE is a premier
Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) laboratory and only one of its kind in
the country that specialises in the design, development and production of para-drop systems for a
comprehensive range of military applications. A variety of parachute systems, such as Combat Free
Fall Systems, Free Fall Systems and those that are capable of dropping battle tanks and infantry
combat vehicles weighing between seven tonnes and 16 tonnes from aircraft, have been realised by
the ADRDE. Big aerostats, for surveillance, have been developed by the ADRDE.

In the December 18 mission itself, three parachutes helped to arrest the speed of descent of the
module. One was a drogue parachute while the other two were the main parachutes. The main
parachutes were massive contraptions with a diameter of 31 m each. As a measure of redundancy,
there was another set of these three parachutes in case the first set failed to deploy.

When the parachutes opened up at a height of 15 km, the beacon aboard the unmanned crew module
started beaming data about the modules latitude and longitude to ISTRAC, Bangalore. ISTRAC
sent the data to Sriharikota which, in turn, transmitted the coordinates to the Coast Guard vessel.

Once the parachutes opened up and the velocity of the modules descent came to 7.2 metres a
second, the module splashed down. Sensing the impact, the parachutes disconnected autonomously.
The module hit the waters about 700 km from Port Blair. Soon, dye-markers from the module
sprayed the waters with a fluorescent green-coloured dye, which could be seen from an aircraft. The
Coast Guard vessel, which received the coordinates of the splash-down point, reached the area soon
to recover the module.

ISRO engineers belonging to its Human Spaceflight Programme are happy that the mission supplied
them with enormous data on the modules aerodynamics, the performance of the control thrusters
and the thermal protection systems, and the unfolding of the parachutes, among other things. The
Human Spaceflight Programme team includes P. Sunil, its Deputy Project Director, P. Damodaran,
B. Anzar and S.S. Vinod.

If the space suits the VSSC has developed are any indication, ISROs dream of sending astronauts
into space will be realised sooner than expected.
10) Recently the Indian Patent Controller rejected one of Gileads key patent applications for the
drug Sofosbuvir, used to treat hepatitis C (HCV). This move was welcomed by activists fighting for
access to affordable medicines. Critically examine the issue and its significance to Indias
healthcare sector. (200 Words)
Down to Earth
Topic: Achievements of Indians in science & technology
India denies Gilead patent for hepatitis C drug, sofosbuvir
Companies that have not signed any licence agreement with US pharma giant are now free to
produce generic versions of the drug.
The Indian Patent Controller, on Thursday, rejected one of Gileads key patent applications for the
drug Sofosbuvir, used to treat hepatitis C (HCV). People campaigning for affordable medicine have
welcomed the decision.

The oral drug first received regulatory approval in the US in November 2013, and has been priced
by Gilead at US$84,000 for a treatment course ($1,000 per pill) in the US. It has caused a
worldwide debate on the pricing of patented medicines. Interestingly, a study from Liverpool
University showed that sofosbuvir could be produced for as little as $101 for a three-month
treatment course. Sofosbuvir is a nucleotide analog inhibitor that blocks a specific protein needed
by the hepatitis C virus to replicate itself.

Gilead has signed voluntary licence agreements with multiple generic producers in IndiaCadila
Healthcare Ltd, Cipla Ltd, Hetero Labs Ltd, Mylan Laboratories Ltd., Ranbaxy Laboratories Ltd,
Sequent Scientific Ltd and Strides Arcolab Ltd. But these agreements impose many restrictions,
including which countries can access the drugs produced under these licences, as well as invasive
restriction on medical providers and patients with respect to distribution and use of the drug.

With the patent being denied, other companies that have not signed the licence are now free to
produce the drug. Entry by additional generic manufacturers should increase the open competition
needed to bring prices down dramatically, especially in those countries that have been excluded
from the voluntary licence agreement, and thereby increase access to the medicine.

Health activists said the move will improve access to the drug. Executive director of Medicins Sans
Frontieres (MSF) Access Campaign, Manica Balasegaram, says, Indias status as the pharmacy of
the developing world is once again in the spotlight and this is a good opportunity for generic
producers in India to swiftly ramp up production to levels needed to treat the 185 million people
infected with hepatitis C worldwide.

The move to reject Gileads patent application really opens up the playing field, so we hope to now
see many other generic companies starting to produce more affordable versions of this drug. The
bottom line here is that Indias patent law doesnt give monopolies for old science, for compounds
that are already in the public domain. Gileads strategy of charging as much as US$84,000 per
treatment for a drug that is predicted to be simple and cheap to produce, and is now un-patentable in
India, has been exposed for what it is seeking to squeeze as much profit out of the sick as
possible, said MSF.

Tahir Amin, lawyer and director of the Initiative for Medicines, Access & Knowledge (I-MAK.org)
which opposed the patent application, said, This is a happy day for the millions of people who
urgently need hepatitis C treatment across the globe. People with hepatitis C everywhere should be
able to have access to this treatment, but millions of our friends in middle-income countries have
been left out in the cold by Gilead. This decision provides hope that people in countries that have
been excluded from Gileads licensing deals will be able to access low-cost generic versions of
sofosbuvir.

11) India has not produced any Nobel Prize winner in science in the last 85 years largely
because of the lack of a scientific environment in the country. Do you agree with this assessment?
Justify. (200 Words)
The Hindu
General Studies 4
Topic: Aptitude and foundational values for Civil Service , integrity, impartiality and
non-partisanship,
Scientists without a scientific temper
Jawaharlal Nehru coined the term scientific temper in his book The Discovery of India , which
was published in 1946. He was also the President of the Association of Scientific Workers of India
(ASWI), which was registered as a Trade Union, and with which I was closely associated with in
the 1940s and the early 1950s. (This may be the only example of a Prime Minister of a democracy
being the President of a Trade Union.) One of the objectives of ASWI was to propagate scientific
temper. It was very active in the beginning, but fizzled out by the 1960s as the bulk of scientists in
the country, including many who were occupying high positions, were themselves not committed to
scientific temper which calls for rationality, reason and lack of belief in any dogma, superstition or
manifest falsehood.

The conclusion that our very own scientists who would be expected to be leaders in the
development of scientific temper did not possess scientific temper themselves and were just as
superstitious as any other group was supported by another incident in 1964. Following a statement
by Satish Dhawan (who later became Secretary, Department of Space), Abdur Rahman (a
distinguished historian of science) and I, set up an organisation called The Society for Scientific
Temper, in January 1964, the founding members of which included distinguished scientists like
Francis Crick, a Nobel Prize winner. For membership to the society, the following statement had to
be signed: I believe that knowledge can be acquired only through human endeavour and not
through revelation, and that all problems can and must be faced in terms of mans moral and
intellectual resources without invoking supernatural powers .

We were disillusioned when we approached scientist after scientist and all of them refused to sign
the statement. Clearly they were devoid of scientific temper. Following this disillusionment, I
persuaded Professor Nurul Hasan, then Education Minister, to have the following clause included in
Article 51A in the 42nd Amendment of the Constitution in 1976: It shall be the duty of every
citizen of Indian to develop the scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of enquiry and reform.

This should have woken up our scientists and reminded them of their duty vis--vis scientific
temper, but I do not believe that the situation in this respect is any better, even today, than what it
was 50-60 years ago. Let me cite three examples.

Little improvement

During the previous Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government, then Human Resources
Development Minister Murli Manohar Joshi asked the University Grants Commission to issue a
circular to all universities stating that they should start a degree course in astrology. For this, he
said, a special grant would be given. My colleague Chandana Chakrabarti and I filed a writ petition
in the Supreme Court challenging this dispensation. Our lawyer was Prashant Bhushan. The petition
was admitted but was eventually dismissed (as could be expected), for belief in astrology which
is totally unscientific and irrational and has been repeatedly shown to be a myth is widespread,
with those who dispense justice also not being immune to it. Not one scientist came forward in
support of us; nor did any of the six national science academies we have, on which a substantial
amount of public funds are spent every year. Our supporters, who even sent us unsolicited funds to
fight the case, were all non-scientists. In fact, recognising the above inadequacies of our science
academies and their insensitivity to science-related social problems in general, I resigned from the
fellowship of three of our science academies in 1993.

The second example would be the silence of our scientists and the six science academies when, last
year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, while addressing a group of scientists in Mumbai, claimed
that organ transplantation was known in ancient India he gave Ganesha with his elephant head
and human torso as an example.

The third example would be the much publicised symposium on Ancient Sciences through
Sanskrit at the 102nd Indian Science Congress in Mumbai, which was held earlier this month. At
this meeting, it was said that India had jumbo aircraft (60 x 60 feet; in some cases 200 feet long)
that flew between continents and planets 9,000 years ago (some 4,500 years before Harappa and
Mohenjo-daro). Not only that, it was also claimed that we had a radar system better than the present
one, based on the principle that every animate or inanimate object emits energy all the time. And in
the 21st century, fusion of science and spirituality will happen because of the law of interpenetration, it was said. I doubt if any serious academic would have heard of this law which would
not make any sense. These and many other absurd claims made at the symposium were an insult to
the several real scientific accomplishments of ancient and medieval India.

Winding up academies

None of our so-called scientists of note and scientific academies has raised a voice against these
claims. Surely, the distinguished scientists who organised the Science Congress knew what was
likely to be said at the symposium, but, perhaps, they believed in it all or were pressurised
politically. Therefore, there is a strong case for the annual Indian Science Congress to be banned (as
I also argued in my article in The Hindu, Why the Indian Science Congress meets should be

stopped (Open Page, September 30, 1997), or its name to be changed to Indian Anti-science
Congress.

As regards the science academies, they can easily be wound up without any damage being caused to
Indian science. India has not produced any Nobel Prize winner in science in the last 85 years
largely because of the lack of a scientific environment in the country, of which scientific temper
would be an important component.
12) What do you understand by non-partisanship in public administration? How will you ensure
non-partisanship in administration when you become an IAS officer? Elucidate. (200 Words)
General
18th sunday