Rock sanctuaries:

the construction of a sacred landscape in Western Iberian Peninsula

Maria João Correia Santos

Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Madrid
santos@madrid.dainst.org

Abstract

Regarding a research project voted to the study of the so-called rock sanctuaries in Western
Iberian Peninsula, related with the project Romanization of Indigenous Sanctuaries undertaken by the
German Archaeological Institute, this work aims to discuss the main problems presented to the study
of these places and in which way can its typological analysis be useful.
Based on some specific examples, we will explore the special features that this kind of
structures may present, which criteria should be considered to classify a place as a rock sanctuary and
which typological groups can be distinguished according to this methodology.

Keywords
Rock sanctuaries – Indigenous cults - Typology

Introductory remarks

Si tibi occurrerit vetustis arboribus et solitam altitudinem

egressis frequens lucus et conspectum caeli [densitate] ramorum
aliorum alios protegentium summovens, illa proceritas silvae et
secretum loci et admiratio umbrae in aperto tam densae atque
continuae fidem tibi numinis faciet.
Seneca, Epistulae Morales, 4, 41, 3-4

1
 A sacred place or a sanctuary is, by definition, a place of communion between gods and man,
a place where re-ligio is possible. This idea, as the inscription of Verceil eloquently shows 1 , is deeply
related with the place itself, either if it has constructed buildings or any kind of structures, either if it
did not. A sacred place reveals itself, more than the physical characteristics it might present – its
topography, the presence of eminent rock outcrops or streams, the vegetal species it may well
include, for instance – by the impressions and emotions that those characteristics can arouse in the
individual and be interpreted according to his cultural background. A sacred place, therefore, is never
chosen: it reveals itself, through one or another hierophanic form (Eliade, 1994 : 457-458), like
Seneca fluently describes to his friend Lucilius Junior, governor of Sicily.
In the Celtic world, the generic term to refer to a sanctuary appears to have been nemeton,
etymologically related with nemos, “clarity, sky, celestial curve” (Marco Simón, 1993: 318-320),
and so, with the notion of a particular delimited place, an omphalos where the communion between
gods and man was possible. Apart from the sacred precincts like the so-called Viereckschanzen or of
plan carré (Schwarz, 1959; Buchsenschutz & Olivier, 1989), of which Gournay-sur-Aronde
(Brunaux et alii, 1980: 1-25; Rapin, 1982: 39-60) or Ribemont-sur-Ancre (Brunaux, 1997: 567-598;
Méniel, 1992: 63-80) are good examples, this term may well concern also to water sources or
springs 2 as well as to open clears in sacred grooves, eventually like the one from Emain Macha
(Armagh, Ireland) or another one, in Castelbiague, where were found three votive inscriptions
dedicated to Sexs Arbori Deo (Marco Simón, 2007-2008: 1024-1025).
In the Iberian Peninsula, however, apart from the linguistic and archaeological difficulties in
assigning celticity to several of the Hispanic ethnic groups 3 we do find some references to this
nemeton term, but the reality we have is quite a different one, in what appears to be exclusive to this
territory: the so-called rock-sanctuaries. It is, therefore, interesting that although it looks like a
phenomenon characteristic of the Iberian Peninsula, quite different from what we know in the Gaul
and Germania, for instance, these places are mainly concentrated precisely in the region where the
linguistic indicates a solid indo-European tradition. Also, its high number and its morphological
resemblances draw attention to something still unexplored and that definitely needs to be explained.
Briefly, these places, always carved on the bare rock, are remarking by the repetition and
association of several elements, like steps, generally in odd number, and pits or cavities, often
connected by draining channels and, sometimes, associated to rock engravings, rock inscriptions or
roman votive altars. The fact that a number of these monuments were undoubtedly used in roman
times, induced some scholars (Silva, 1986: 300; Rodríguez Colmenero, 1993: 61; Fabião, 1993: 253)

1
Finis/ campo. Quem/ dedit. Acisius/ Argantocomater/ ecus. Comunem/ deis. Et. Hominib/us. ita uti lapides/ IIII.
Statuti sunt (Lejeune 1977: 591 ; Peyre, 2000: 186).
2
Like the example of the sanctuary of Laneana (Fuente de la Higuera, Torreorgaz).
3
Regarding the linguistic classification : Schmidt, 1985: 320-332; Gorrochategui, 1985-1986: 79-80; 1994: 320-328;
Untermann, 1987: 57-76; 1999: 509-510 ; Búa Carballo, 1997: 51-99. In what concerns ethnic topics: Pérez Vilatela,
1991: 462-465; Rodríguez Díaz, 1993: 245-260; Velázquez Jiménez & Enriquez Navascués, 1995.

2
 to consider them strictly as a product of Romanisation. Others, nevertheless, think these structures
must have an indigenous, pre-roman origin (Posac Mon, 1953: 67; Soutou, 1963 : 191-205; Alvaréz-
Sanchís, 1999; Alvaréz-Sanchís & Ruiz Zapatero, 1999; Bonnaud, 2006: 197; Garcia Quintela &
Santos Estévez,, 2008; Fabián Garcia, forthcoming). The fact is that, in the absence of any
archaeological remains associated, assigning a chronology to these places is, not only a major
challenge, but also the principal difficulty of its study, specially, when some of them are confused
with other kind of rock structures like wine mills (Martín de Cáceres, 1996: 74) or even natural
geological formations.
This situation created a halo of natural suspicion and disbelief regarding these places in
general, isolating them as a marginal subject, somehow in the frontier of serious scientific research,
which explains that from the 80 sites identified so far, very few were seriously studied an only four
excavated 4 . But, if at the first glimpse we can know very little, when putting all the data in context,
within a typological and comparative perspective, it emerges certain aspects that can help us going a
little further.

1. The rock sanctuaries after the example of Panóias

Although not excavated yet, the site of Panóias (Vale de Nogueira, Vila Real), is still the best
studied example from which other places can be classified as sanctuaries. Morphologically, this site is
composed by several granite outcrops, in which were carved stairs, cavities, an several other structures,
that define, altogether, a ritual pathway, but far more important is the existence of five rock inscriptions,
describing a sequence of liturgical procedures, through which we know exactly to what purpose were
meant the different type of cavities associated (Alföldy, 1995: 252-258; 1997: 176-246).
This site first became known after the royal historical enquiry ordained by the portuguese
king John, the fifth, in 1721. It is when Antonio Rodrigues de Aguiar, priest of the village of Vale de
Nogueira, collects all the available information and makes, for the first time, the drawing of the
carved rocks and inscriptions that existed in Panóias, an all amount of data which later would be
published by Contador de Argote, in 1732, and from then on, had aroused the interest of scholars.
From the seven rocks originally described by Rodrigues de Aguiar and Argote, only three are
now left. The first one, located at the beginning of the slope along which are distributed all the
carved outcrops, assembles all the remaining inscriptions and presents two different areas: a first one,
where several cavities are associated with the inscriptions, and a second one, concerning the carved
foundations of a small temple or aedes.

4
Cadeirão da Quinta do Pé do Coelho and Penedo dos Mouros (Tente & Lourenço, 2000: 775-792), Monreal de
Ariza (Alfayé Villa et alii, 2001-2002: 251-259) and Mogueira (Correia Santos: forthcoming c).

3
 Precisely in front of this rock, at about 5 meters, it was situated the first inscription, destroyed by
the end of the XIX century, but from which we know the exact location and text. According to this
inscription, the victims should be immolated there, its bowels should be burned in the square cavities in
front – in which we can see clearly the holes for a grill - and the blood should be poured into the small
holes by the side 5 .
So, as prescribed in the first text, after immolating the victims before the rock, the bowels should
be, nevertheless, burned in the other rock in front, to which one should climb a small stair, and face the
second inscription, where he was assured that the aedes was dedicated to the infernal gods, Pluton and
Proserpina 6 . After burning the bowels in the square pits, one could descend to the platform that lies in
front of the rock, passing through the third inscription, dedicated to the gods and goddesses and to all the
deities, to whom Calpurnius Rufinus consecrated that sacred ground and a pit where the victims should be
burned according to the rite 7 . Next to it, the forth inscription, both in Greek and Latin, reveals that the
senator dedicated the precinct also to the great Serapis 8 and finally, the fifth inscription, somewhat of an
ambiguous interpretation, seems to refers to some sort of libation according to the rite 9
The indigenous origin of this sacred place is defended by some scholars (Rodríguez Colmenero,
2000: 12-38; Tranoy, 2004: 90-94) based on the apparent invocation of the numina of the Lapitae in the
third inscription – numinibus et lapitearum -, generally considered as an indigenous populus (Guerra,
2002: 148). Nevertheless, Gil (1985: 364-369) remarks the strange good preservation of this particular
text, when compared to the others, which could be explained by its possible revival during the XVIII or
the XIX century, creating the error et lapitearum, instead of the original text that Gil thinks it was, most
likely, ex lapide aram, interpretation to which we fully agree, being the referred altar the rock itself.
However, and apart from these considerations, it is the rock itself who better indicates a previous
use of the place. The northern area of the precinct, located at the summit of the slope, is dominated by a
huge granite outcrop with 4 meters high and 20 x 8 meters of dimension. A stairway of 9 steps gives
access to its top, where are three big rectangular cavities enclosed by the carved foundations of a square
structure similar to the aedes of the first rock, associated to the inscriptions. It is interesting, though, that
another kind of carvings share this same rock, to which Rodríguez Colmenero (1999: 48) was the only one
to pay attention. On the upper part of the rock surface, there are three round basins with draining channels,
one of which was clearly cut in half by the remaining orthogonal carvings described above, typologically

5
Diis [deabusque templi]/huius. Hostiae, quae ca/ dunt, hic immolatur . /Exta intra quadrata/ contra crematur .
Sanguis/ laciculis iuxta/ superfunditur ./ [G(aius) C(.) Calp(urnius) Rufinus v(ir) c(larissimus)] (CIL II 2395,
Alföldy, 1995: 253).
6
Diis Seve[r]is in hoc/ templo lo[ca]t[i]s/ aedem G(aius) [C (?) C]alp[urnius] Ru/finus v(ir) [c(larissimus)] (CIL II
2395a; Alföldy, 1995: 255).
7
Diis deabusque ae/ternum lacum omni/busque numinibus/ et Lapitearum cum/ hoc templo sacravit/ G(aius) C(?)
Calp(urnius) Rufinus v(ir) C(larissimus/ In quo hostiae voto cremantur (CIL II 2395b; Alföldy, 1995: 256).
8
Υψιστω Σϕα Πιδι συν γαστ ϕαχαι μυσταριοιζ G(aius) C(?) Calp(urnius) Rufinus v(ir) C(larissimus ((CIL II
2395c; Alföldy, 1995: 256).
9
Diis cum hoc/ et lacum qui/ voto misce/tur / G(aius) C(?) Calp(urnius) Rufinus v(ir) C(larissimus (CIL II 2395 d;
idem: 256).

4
associated to the inscriptions. These basins clearly testify, therefore, a previous use of this rock. A similar
situation seems to be documented by the difference between the several stairs, like the 9 steps that lead to
the top of this rock, definitely more roughly and irregularly made than those associated to the inscriptions.
Regarding the possible chronology for this place, the inscriptions indicated a date between the end
of the II century and the beginning of the III century, characterised both by the popularity of the cult of
Serapis and the formula diis deabusque (Raepset-Charlier, 1993). From a number of findings in the
proximity of the site (Rodríguez Colmenero, 1999: 23-24), it appears that this place had had some
importante and, likewise, indicates the referente to Pannonias as the center of one of the Braga’s pagi,
according to the Parochiale Suevicum (I, 1, 19). The previous occupation of the site, testified namely by
the round basins, it is, however, impossible to date, in the absence of other data.
But things are far more complicated: speaking now generally, if on one hand, several aspects
might suggest a pre-roman origin of these structures, either if it is by its association to indigenous
settlements or with typical indigenous personal names or theonyms; on the other hand, in places attested
as sanctuaries by the presence of votive inscriptions, written in indigenous languages and dedicated to
indigenous gods, such as Cabeço das Fráguas (Guarda), we don’t find any structures of this kind. How,
than, could we explain this situation? To better understand these places, therefore, first one has to look
around them.

2. Essay of typology

Considering the cult places of indigenous tradition, so to speak, we can distinguish five large
typological groups: A, rock structures with steps and basins; B, rock outcrops with basins or cavities,
without steps, often associated to rock engravings; C, places documented as sanctuaries by rock
inscriptions in situ but without any rock structures at all; D, cave-places; and E, built structures, often
within settlements.
It is the group A, corresponding to the so-called rock sanctuaries, that will retain our attention
here. This group is far the most interesting, as it assembles not only the majority of the cases, but also
seems to reflect a certain morphological evolution, with three types or, if we prefer, three stages: 1.
Steps and natural basins with artificial draining channels; 2. Steps, natural and/or artificial cavities,
associated to carved structures in form of a seat, sometimes associated with footprints or hand marks,
but that always imply assuming a specific position; 3. Steps, orthogonal cavities, sometimes
associated to rock inscriptions or roman votive altars.
A first good example of the type A1 is Ulaca (Solosancho, Ávila), included in some sort of a
rectangular themenos shaped on the granite outcrop (Posac Mon, 1953: 67), within an Iron Age hill
fort settlement, with no trace of Romanization (Ruiz Zapatero & Álvarez-Sanchís, 1999: 39). The
excavation of this precise area was unfortunately too superficial as if to say anything further. The

5
structure is formed by a double sequence of 9 and 7 steps, associated to three natural basins,
connected by a large artificial draining channel that leads whatever liquids were poured into it, to the
ground.
Also of this type, is the site of Quinta do Boco (Lagos da Beira, Oliveira do Hospital), located
at the ridge of a mountain plateau and including a set of three large granite outcrops, in which were
carved steps, in the number of 3, 5 and 11, that lead to natural and artificial basins with draining
channels. The place was so far only notified by Hall and Lourenço, with no further study or
evaluation.
Another example, of type A1 is Rocha da Mina (Alandroal), placed precisely on the top of a
curious triple rock formation, over viewing all around. Here, it was carved a sequence of 5 steps, by
the side of a natural pit, artificially shaped in which walls can be seen artificial symmetric holes,
indicating some sort of a structure. Its location, at no more that 3 km from the roman sanctuary
dedicated to Endovélico (Guerra et alii, 2003: 415-474; Schattner et alii, 2005: 893-908), that
delivered almost a hundred votive altars, lead Calado (1996: 101) to suppose its relation with a
previous, fully “indigenous” stage of the cult to this divinity, although there is nothing that indicates
such a thing, specially in the absence of any excavation.
From the type A2, which is, places where are associated steps, cavities and carved structures
in form of a seat, we can name Cadeirão da Quinta do Pé do Coelho (Vila Nova de Tazém, Gouveia),
on a plateau, over viewing the valley of Ribeira de Girabolhos. This structure, entirely shaped on a
single granite block, presents a triangular basin with a small draining hole at its base, to which
follows three steps that lead to a large structure in form of a seat. Next to it, at about 25 meters, there
is another one, quite similar although isolated, with no steps, and showing the intentional and careful
smoothing of the surface at the necks high, that implies to whoever sits there and fully lie back, to
expose entirely the throat. Considering that this second structure is an isolate block, we have to bear
in mind that it could have been moved from its original position, which, nevertheless, should not be
so different, attaining to the size and weight of the structure. Unfortunately, the small excavation led
by Tente and Lourenço (2000: 777), at the base of the first block was fully inconclusive, with no data
that could indicate a possible chronology.
Another example is the site of Cadeiras dos Mouros (Junceira, Tomar), placed beside a
stream, and within a recently dense forested area. In this case, an entire compound was carved in the
rock outcrop, giving access to the stream through a straight passageway cut on the rock, that
ultimately lead to a small square platform, having on one side, a structure shaped in the form of a seat
and, on the other side, precisely facing this “seat”, two square cavities, identical in form and
dimensions. At the right side of the “seat”, there is also a small rounded basin with a draining channel
that leads any liquid poured into it, directly upon the head of whoever is seated there, implying once
again, like in Cadeirão da Quinta do Pé do Coelho, a specific position that has to be assumed.

6
 Regarding this aspect, another place that can be considered within this type is La Peña de
Santa María (Iruelos del Mesón Nuevo, Salamanca), placed in the proximity of two springs and
presenting, shaped on the granite outcrop, a small flat seat in front of which are engraved two
footprints and, at the right, an open hand (Benito del Rey & Grande del Brío, 2000: 125-126), clearly
indicating that a special position should be held in that specific place. Once again, though, the
absence of excavations forbidden us to go further.
Finally, the type A3, which is, places with steps and orthogonal cavities, sometimes
associated to epigraphic elements, can be represented by Panóias, as we have seen, and also by the
site of Pena Escrita (Vilar de Perdizes, Montalegre), often referred due to the finding of two votive
altars in its vicinity, but usually ignored in what regards the place itself 10 . Located in a well irrigated
plane, surrounded by farming fields 11 and at the base of the Larouco mountain, the structure is shaped
in a granite outcrop near the ground, barely noted within the landscape, formed by three narrow steps
and showing on the top a rectangular cavity, surrounded by a triple frame. Morphologically, it clear
resembles a votive altar with its foculus, being that the steps are particularly narrow, for what they
seem to correspond mainly to a symbolic need than a functional one. Immediately after the last step,
there are two square carvings with identical dimensions and clearly placed in a symmetrical axis
respecting the rectangular cavity.
This reminds the finding of two votive altars nearby, whose dimensions are equally
correspondent. The first of these monuments is dedicated to the indigenous deity Larauco, which
name prevailed in the mountain Larouco 12 , while the second one is consecrated to Jupiter 13 .
However, there is not a direct relation between the place of the finding, in Portelo (Fontes, 1980: 11)
and Pena Escrita, even if it is quite tempting to relate them with this structure. In fact, the name itself
of “pena escrita”, “written stone”, is, in this way, very interesting, since, in the absence of any rock
inscription or rock engravings as it was confirmed, it could be related to other “written stones”,
originally associated to the structure, specially if we consider he two square carvings described, that
could be meant, eventually, to place two votive altars.
Still another good example is Pias dos Mouros (Argeriz, Valpaços), corresponding to a
granite outcrop unnoticed within the landscape, but from which is possible to see all the valley of

10
Rodríguez Colmenero, 1979: lam. 12; Fontes, 1978; 1980: 21; Tranoy, 1981: 281; Blázquez, 1983: 230-231;
Rodríguez Colmenero, 1987: 21; Vaz, 2002: 41
11
To further information and exact location of both this site and Pias dos Mouros (Valpaços), vide Correia Santos,
forthcoming a.
12
The reading of the text is not, however, fully agreed: Rodríguez Colmenero (1997: 148) suggests LARAVC/O.
D(eo). MAX(imo)/ PED(ronio) MAX/VMO. V(otum)/ [L(ibens)] A(nimo). S(olvit), while Búa Carballo (2000: 406)
proposes LARAVC/O . D(.) . MAX(uminus)/ P(ro) F(ílio) D(.) MAX/VMO. Vide AE, 1980: 0579; Fontes (1980:
11); HE 1994, 1094.
13
IOVI/ O(ptimo) MAX(imo)/ CAPITO/CARAI/ V(otum) L(ibens) A(nimo) S(olvit). Vide also Tranoy (1981: 281);
Garcia (1991: 409); Rodríguez Colmenero (1997: 64-65); Búa Carballo (2000: 65).

7
Mirandela 14 . This site, clearly parallel to the structures of Panóias, shows an orthogonal disposition,
with two symmetrical and parallel stairs – with 9 and 11 steps - that give access to the top of the
structure, where are located two large rectangular cavities. Like in Panóias, both cavities are enclosed
by a sequence of orthogonal carvings, apparently destined to lay the foundation of a three sided
precinct, opened towards East.
At the left side of the smaller cavity, it is possible to recognise two inscriptions: the first one,
deeply eroded, seems to have been intentionally destroyed, while the other, immediately beneath,
appears to reproduce the former, apparently when its reading should already be difficult 15 , the A and
P being continually revived. In spite of being hard, it is possible to read in the first inscription,
APRO, which appears in the second inscription as APAO 16 . At the right side of the structure, another
type of engravings could be seen, formed by a sequence of linear signs, a particular sort of engraving
that appears to be sometimes associated to the so-called rock sanctuaries (Correia Santos,
forthcoming b), as for instance, El Muro (El Castillo de Vilvestre, Salamanca, Benito del Rey et alii,
2003: 269-311). As for as its possible chronology, it is interesting that, like in Panóias, the surface
findings correspond only to Roman materials.
Regarding now the group B, which is, rock outcrops with basins or cavities, without steps, a
good example is Três Rios (Parada de Gonta, Tondela), literally meaning “three rivers”, as the site is
located on a hill surrounded by three rivers. It correspond to a small fortified settlement that presents
an open area on the summit, where are located several cavities and two rock inscriptions, existing
also a curious rock-engraving in the way that gives access to this platform. The inscriptions, located
in front of the cavities, are dedicated to the indigenous deities Peinticis 17 and, according to
Untermann (1965: 9), the open form of the R and P indicates a late republican chronology.
Finally, the group C, which is, places with inscriptions in situ but without rock structures, is
well represented in Cabeço das Fráguas (Guarda), where the German Archaeological Institute is
leading excavations (Correia Santos, Schattner & Pereira, 2008: 177-198). It is an Iron Age fortified
settlement, impressively demarked within the landscape, which occupation remount to the Late
Bronze Age and extends to the first century AD, when it is definitely abandoned. Located at the
highest precinct on the summit of this impressive hill, enclosed by two walls, is the rock inscription,
written in Lusitanian language. The text, well known today, refers to the offering of several animals
14
Although recently published (Freitas, 2001: 89-94), nothing new is added, only reproducing the drawings first
published by Santos Júnior et alii in 1989, although the author apparently forget to give this reference.
15
That Rodríguez Colmenero (1995: 77-78) proposes to read as APADAV.
16
A possible explanation might be the reuse of this structure as a burial place, when its original function and
meaning were already abandoned, corresponding the inscription to the name of the deceased, “in memory of Aper”,
a frequent cognomen in Late Antiquity Hispania (EE, 9: 26; CIL ÎI, 860; ERPSalamanca, 3; CIL II, 865;
CIRPSalamanca, 46; ILCoria, 10; HEp, 8: 65 ; ERPSalamanca, 51; CIRPSalamanca, 85; CIL II, 491).
17
The first one presents the text L(ucius) Manlius D(ecimi) f(ilius) Tr(ibo) Aemilia / . Almus . Peinticis; and the
second one, immediately at the right, shows only two anthroponyms: C(aius) Plotius and C(aius? vel Gaius?)
Tureius. Other interpretations: L(ucius) MANLIVS D(¿) F(ilius) TR(ibu) AEMILIA/ A(nimo) L(ibens) M(erito)
V(otum) S(olvit) PEINTICIS; C [IR?] O TIVS GI(?)/ TVREIVS (Vaz, 1987: 25); L(ucius) Manlius D(ecimi) f(ilius)
Ti(burnus) Aemilia (tribu) / Almus(?) Peinticis; Gliotius Gi/tureius. HEp 5, 1068

8
to a number of indigenous deities, in which seems to be a sacrificial rite somewhat similar to the
roman suovetaurilia 18 . Nevertheless, apart the two circular structures identified, none of which with
evidence of being domestic structures, this area appears to have been mostly an open space, with no
steps or carved rocks. It draws attention, although, the existence of a rock engraving, again with
linear signs, so far ignored.
Other example, this time strictly bound with water sources, refer both to the sanctuaries
dedicated to Laneana, in Fuente de la Higuera (Torreorgaz, Cáceres), where the sacred precinct is
19
clearly delimited, in circum pedes CL ; and in Fonte da Tijela (Aldeia da Ponte, Sabugal), where a
little basin was opened, to better collect the water 20 , without, nevertheless, any other kind of rock
structures.

3. Towards a temporary conclusion

Generally speaking, we can distinguish, then, different types of cult places, whose different
location on the landscape express the complex territorial conception of the indigenous communities,
in which were included the so-called rock sanctuaries. But, in what regards its supposed indigenous
character, what can we say? Mostly, when several of them clearly show a roman use?
Attempt to establish a chronology for these places is, indeed, a difficult challenge, even when
they are associated to inscriptions, as well as ascertaining the function of the several carvings and
cavities, since, if we have a true epigraphic manual for Panóias, this simply does not happen in the
rest of the cases. Its typological analysis seems, then, the better option to go a lithe further.
If we observe the three sub-types distinguished in group A, they seem to denote a clear
morphological evolution. As a work hypothesis, we could consider, therefore, a first stage when
natural basins were used, and that in same places, like Ulaca, are associated to non-Romanised
contexts; a second stage, when to these natural basins, are added artificial cavities and other new
elements, such as the seat-carvings could have been; and a third stage, characterised only by artificial
cavities, mostly orthogonal and sometimes associated to inscriptions, corresponding the surface
findings above all, to roman materials. And, if this hypothetical evolution emerges from the

18
OILAM . TREBOPALA ./ INDI . PORCOM . LABBO ./ COMMAIAM . ICCONA . LOIM/INNA . OILAM .
VSSEAM ./TREBARVNE . INDI . TAVROM/ IFADEM [.]/ REVE . TRE[…]; “Trebopala (receives) a sheep and
Laebo a pig, Iconna Loiminna (receives) a goat; to Trebarune (is dedicated) a high standard sheep and a sementel
bull for Reve Tre[…]” (Blanco Freijeiro, 1957: 499-516; Gomez Tabanera, 1965: 258-276; Blázquez Martínez,
1970: 73, 75-76; Tovar, 1985: 245-248; Silva, 1986: 294; López Monteagudo, 1987: 250; Curado, 1989: 350;
Untermann, 1997: 757; Cardim Ribeiro, 2002: 369-370; Marco Simón, 2005: 288, 306; Correia Santos, 2007: 179-
191; 2008: 254-263; Marco Simón & Alfayé, 2008: 283).
19
Composed by two inscriptions: Laneane / s(acrum) (HEpoL 15150) and Locus /constus/ in circum/ pedes
CL (HEpoL 20203), vide Callejo Serrano, 1965: 256-157.
20
First published by Curado (FE 1987; HEp 2, 233, n.800), with the reading Laneane/ Tang(inus) F(ecit). Another
interpretation is that of Rodríguez Colmenero (1995: 154): CANT(ius) ET/ TANC(inus) F(cerunt), although, as
confirmed in loco, which is written is indeed LANE(ane) T(?)/ TANG(inus) . F(ecit).

9
comparative study of these places, we can also trace it within the same place, like in Panóias, where
two different stages of occupation are documented: a first one, represented by the use of the round
basins with draining channels, and a second one, related with the inscriptions.
Anyway, we should also ask why only some places present this type of structures. Why, for
instance, in Ulaca (Solosancho, Ávila), instead of las Cogotas (Cardeñosa, Ávila) or Fráguas
(Guarda), that we know, from the archaeological evidence, to be a central place?
In fact, the central character of Fráguas is well documented, not only by the pottery that
seems to gather several traditions from the territories all around, but also by the ritual described in the
inscription, of an assembling nature by itself (Correia Santos, 2007: 176-178). Furthermore, if we
look the distribution of the principal deities mentioned, Reve and Trebarune, we see that their
territories seem to meet in this area. And, although we can trace scarce evidences of occupation till
the end of the first century, it appears to be almost abandoned from the beginning of the first century
BC.
Also, the site of Castrejón de Capote, in which curiously seems to have been celebrated a
ritual with the sacrifice of pigs, sheep, and cattle, and was abandoned at the beginning of the second
century BC (Berrocal-Rangel, 1994: 262), does not have any kind of rock structures like the ones
analised here.
Now, if we may find pre-roman parallels for the use of basins with draining channels, like the
cases of Botelhinha (Alijó, Vila Real) or Laxe das Rodas (Louro, A Coruña), it is difficult to find
such for the steps. Should we, than, consider for these structures what Lambrechts (1954: 28)
mentioned, that the new knowledge brought by Romanisation allowed to develop the indigenous
elements and traditions as never before?
Perhaps this could explain the morphological evolution these places seem to denote, and why
they are absent in other places, more old fashioned way, so to speak, as Fráguas. Anyway, only
compiling all the available data about each of these sites, with scientific excavations and considering
its spatial relation with other cult places of indigenous tradition, with natural passage ways and
settlements, roman roads and roman votive altars, could we hope going a little further.

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