Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
78
Departure
In the last analysis, every man is the product of
his time. To understand Lukacs' itinerary we must
at least sketch out the historical conditions in
which he began his career and which have left
their stamp all along his path. These conditions
were determ ined by the defeat of the 1848-1849
revolution, a defeat in Germany and all the coun
tries of the Hapsburg empire. If we seek to under
stand the reason for the ease with which the Holy
Alliance, th at feudal enemy hated by all, won
through against the immense movement of the
springtime of the peoples, we find in the back
ground the complicity of the European bourgeoisie.
The English bourgeoisie, basing itself on a favour
able balance of forces, and inflicting a defeat on
the C hartist movement, was the powerful organizer
of the i victory of the Holy Alliance. As to the
German bourgeoisie, it had abandoned its own
revolution and throw n itself into the arms of
Prussian absolutism, frightened as it was by the
barricades of the Parisian proletariat. The power
ful revolutionary wave of 1848-1849 was in fact
the unmasking of the counter-revolutionary nature
of the bourgeoisie. The German revolution con
firmed this m uch more, since of all the bour
geoisies which had not yet made their revolution,
it was by far the m ost powerful. Even before 1848.
this bourgeoisie was brutal against the proletari;i(
and petty-bourgeoisie, cunning tow ards absolutism
and feudalism, as Mehring noted. From the first
days of the revolution, it was more frightened of
the tiniest popular movement than of the toUil of
Fourth International
Winter 197 1 / / ?
resolute f r a c tf o i^ o F ^ ^ ^ r S
^as^ec^^F ^?1
the activity and uprising of the poor population of
the capital. A nd this nobility remained revolu;
tionary to the extent to which is was to act under
the pressure of these masses.
In seeking the reasons for such an attitude,
which distinguishes a Kossuth so favourably from
the F rankfurt Assembly chatterboxes, we must, in
addition to more backward class conditions, raise
the question of nationalism. The middle nobility in
Hungary was a victim of the crisis of feudalism, a
crisis exacerbated by the subjection of the country
to the House of A ustria. The illegal attack of the
latter aggravated the nationalism of this nobility,
rich in the traditions of secular independence
struggles,
nourished
by
nascent
bourgeois
nationalism.
It is on the decades which follow, particularly
on the atm osphere at the time of Lukacs youth,
that the characterization of this nobility and its
nationalism throw s indispensable light. Engels saw
the significance and im portance of revolutionary
Hungarys war of independence in its immediately
European character. But if the revolutionary war
of independence objectively had this European
character, its leading class was above all charac
terized by its national narrowness combined with a
stupid sense of legality. It was a nationalism fed on
glorious traditions, with more nostalgia than
dynamism, drawing from the past rather than
turned towards the future. As the nobility was
historically condemned, its nationalism looked on
the past with a pride and melancholy full of
irritation and impatience for the present. Such a
nationalism could play a certain progressive role
in 1848-1849, despite its strong, reactionary stench.
But what about its future?
The combined strength of the Holy Alliance
crushed the revolution. This defeat became in turn
the source of a new delay in the countrys evolu
tion. The re-established order in Central and
Eastern Europe was based on the powerfully
79
)lute ffraction
r a c t? o r w
iT ^ ^ ^ S ^ ^ ^ w ! s decided hi
resolute
oT>Tinr"not>nnv~was
Dy
the activity and uprising of the poor population of
the capital. And this nobility remained revolu;
tionary to the extent to which is was to act under
the pressure of these masses.
In seeking the reasons for such an attitude,
which distinguishes a Kossuth so favourably from
the Frankfurt Assembly chatterboxes, we must, in
addition to more backward class conditions, raise
the question of nationalism. The middle nobility in
Hungary was a victim of the crisis of feudalism, a
crisis exacerbated by the subjection of the country
to the House of Austria. The illegal attack of the
latter aggravated the nationalism of this nobility,
rich in the traditions of secular independence
struggles,
nourished
by
nascent
bourgeois
nationalism.
It is on the decades which follow, particularly
on the atmosphere at the time of Lukacs youth,
that the characterization of this nobility and its
nationalism throws indispensable light. Engels saw
the significance and importance of revolutionary
Hungarys war of independence in its immediately
European character. But if the revolutionary war
of independence objectively had this European
character, its leading class was above all charac
terized by its national narrowness combined with a
stupid sense of legality. It was a nationalism fed on
glorious traditions, with more nostalgia than
dynamism, drawing from th t past rather than
turned tow ards the future. As the nobility was
historically condemned, its nationalism looked on
the past with a pride and melancholy full of
irritation and impatience for the present. Such a
nationalism could play a certain progressive role
in 1848-1849, despite its strong, reactionary stench.
But what about its future?
The combined strength of the Holy Alliance
crushed the revolution. This defeat became in turn
the source of a new delay in the countrys evolu
tion. The re-established order in Central and
Eastern Europe was based on the powerfully
79
K o M U th
Winter 1971/72
Kossuth
favourably distinguished from Frankfurt chatterboxes
t nomas
nnn
Winter 1971/72
'life1
LaM k
Influenced first class organization In 1868
Ffw tal
Hungarian Communard
founded first workers party
s t a r t i n g - D o i n t w ill m a r k
s e q u e n t itin e ra ry .
h im
th r o u g h o u t h is s u b
Winter 1971/72
Hungarian Communard
founded first workers party
Fourth International
Winter 1971/72
/ / / //?it // eVC
Kant
an early influence
Simmel
Winter 1971/72
Kant
an early Influence
Winter 1971/72
At Heidelberg.
__________
__________
Baden School of Nm
________ _____
...... .........
Winter 1971/72
88
Fourth International
Winter 1971/72
89
90
Fourth International
Winter 1971/72
20
22
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In the Hungarian
revolution o f 19184919
This revolution im printed a new orientation on
the life and thought of Lukacs, although beneath
his new com m unist skin he retained the main
characteristics form ed previously in the school of
posthum ous abortions of classical German philo
sophy.
A t the end of O ctober 1918, revoution broke out
in Hungary. But, because it had only a socialdem ocratic party which joined the governm ent led
by the liberal bourgeoisie, the working class was
unable to take power. Lukacs, rejecting Bolshevism
for reasons of bourgeois morality, rem ained at
first in the ranks of the so-called progressive
intellectuals. W ith his friend Karl M annheim, he
joined the N ational Council, supreme organ of
bourgeois power, on O ctober 29. This intelligent
sias position on a whole series of political prob
lems still churned along in the wake of the bour
geoisie. Thus, for example, on the national question
it stood on the bourgeoisies defencist policy in
the name of the territorial integrity of the old
Hungary.
But before the revolution, particularly since
October 1917, a m ore and more intense struggle
had developed for the founding of a revolutionary
party, against reform ist social-democracy. It grew
enormously from the first days of the revolution,
uniting those left-wing socialists breaking from
Social-Democracy. The m ost im portant anti
m ilitarist youth and the group th a t had joined the
Bolshevik Party in the 1917 Revolution came back
in November. A fter several more or less isolated
attem pts, the founding of the H ungarian Com
m unist Party was proclaim ed on November 23,
1918.
I t was this struggle for the building of an
organized vanguard of the proletariat th a t deter
mined the process of political differentiation within
the progressive intellectuals. This powerful current
tow ards a revolutionary party, expressing the revo
lutionary shift in the working class, also swept
Lukacs into the new party. Just a few weeks after
condemning Bolshevism, Lukacs joined that party
130
In the Hungarian
revolution o f 19183919
This revolution im printed a new orientation on
the life and thought of Lukacs, although beneath
his new com m unist skin he retained the main
characteristics formed previously in the school of
posthum ous abortions of classical German philo
sophy.
A t the end of O ctober 1918, revoution broke out
in Hungary. But, because it had only a socialdem ocratic party which joined the governm ent led
by the liberal bourgeoisie, the working class was
unable to take power. Lukacs, rejecting Bolshevism
for reasons of bourgeois morality, rem ained at
first in the ranks of the so-called progressive
intellectuals. W ith his friend Karl M annheim, he
joined the National Council, supreme organ of
bourgeois power, on October 29. This intelligent
sia's position on a whole series of political prob
lems still churned along in the wake of the bour
geoisie. Thus, for example, on the national question
it stood on the bourgeoisie's defencist policy in
the name of the territorial integrity of the old
Hungary.
But before the revolution, particularly since
October 1917, a more and more intense struggle
had developed for the founding of a revolutionary
party, against reform ist social-democracy. It grew
enormously from the first days of the revolution,
uniting those left-wing socialists breaking from
Social-Democracy. The most im portant anti
m ilitarist youth and the group th at had joined the
Bolshevik Party in the 1917 Revolution came back
in November. A fter several more or less isolated
attem pts, the founding of the Hungarian Com
m unist Party was proclaimed on November 23,
1918.
It was this struggle for the building of an
organized vanguard of the proletariat th at deter
mined the process of political differentiation within
the progressive intellectuals. This powerful current
tow ards a revolutionary party, expressing the revo
lutionary shift in the working class, also swept
Lukacs into the new party. Just a few weeks after
condemning Bolshevism, Lukacs joined that party
130
Spring 1B7S
Lenins
telegram of
congratulation
to the
Revolutionary
Governing
Council of the
Hungarian
Council
Republic on
March 21, 1919
78
t$ *r
bU d3Pebt
3H d*i e
G |"
re ta jru q jL d e r
" jii^ n s c h G O
^ r a e t e r e p u b i i k stop
BUDAPEST 4 2 . | ~
s budapest de i r o s n ^ ' j
' - r
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<*er-acfcte
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t 1
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v *r *
tC
i i i
*o n e r e b S *der
komnr.un i s t e n p a r t e
r u s ^ ta n n s t e g r u e s s t reft e n t-u b ia st r u s die
i'fiiiarsche T o f e i e r e p j b i i k s t r;F c - r kcrgre
>ii>t u e b e r z e u g t c ^s s d i e z e n n r . - t i t r n s t i
L d e r kocic-ufr^m^ in dcr ^ n z e n e i t s i e * e n
sto p
die
jr-,e jte r
i-ia o s e
iS T n e i t e r e r t e i t f i e
3 3 2 a 2 E J? i i1 ifipgr i "ii. i t r r. : o r *, i **
m
apparently, the aim is achieved. But only in appear
ance, for a few short minutes. Because truth cannot
be driven from the world . . . What human strength
can accomplish in history is no more than the
attainment of consciousness of the necessity of
world history. It is that necessity that we have
recognized . . . Against that, everything is futile;
truth is on the march, and witch-hunts against
those who announce it will only accelerate its
arrival. [Quoted by Tibor Madju: The Bourgeois
Democratic Revolution in Hungary, 1918, Budapest
1968, p. 317. I must stress that the translation of
this pamphlet is exact!B.N.l
And so on in this mumbo-jumbo. The revolu
tion is in danger; Lukacs, whose elastic conscience
will later lead him to support and justify Stalin's
crimes, has only one thought; to assert his pettybourgeois, intellectual state of mind in a hopeless
search for norms of an abstract morality. From
this example, m ilitants can draw up an exact idea
of the abyss which was always to separate Lukacs
from the labour movement. Thus, it is easily
understandable that the growth of the party in
the revolution and the assertion of its influence
were not due to the work of such a leader, but to
that of the members and other leaders of the party,
who led the struggle, at that time, along the line
of Bolshevism.
As for the leader Lukacs, he was obsessed with
moral problems. But with this difference; as a
member of the party, he poses his ethical problems
from the standpoint of pure communism, but at
the same time as problems of the individual.
During the revolution, his main preoccupation
consisted of publishing a pamphlet, Tactics and
Ethics in which, among other things, he w rites:
Political Itinerary ol Gaorg Lukaca
:nr3
#ird
zu - i t 6 ko^nien si
l t .vtrden fcebpanft
und
werdeiT
en-
an ^e
Lenin's
telegram ol
congratulation
to the
Revolutionary
Governing
Council ol the
Hungarian
Council
Republic on
March 21, 191B
Spring 1972
Spring 1972
Spring 1972
137
Spring 1972
y Balazs Nagy
his a rtic le is tra n s la te d from the F ie n c b Jo urna!
Winter 1972/73
Winter 1972/73
Winter 1972/73
directed
than at
to Marx
(p. 34.)
Winter 1972/73
Winter 1972/73
Winter 1972/73
Winter 1972/73