Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Author(s): D. W. S. Hunt
Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 67 (1947), pp. 68-76
Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/626782 .
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[-
-pyo[-
- ----]
avapXa (T>E)o(c)<>Ep)a
"Ap(>)tpi[]cov, TOOBljpcvos rnvpyou,AUK1Ki5rnI
There are thirty-fivelines more or less preserved,five of which have the entry 6avapxovor &vcapXcx
followed by a number; from the remainder we have the names of twenty-seven vrxipyol
and twenty-five family names. The family names often, but not always (in the certain cases the
proportion is ten to thirteen), represent the same name as that of the -rr'ipyos,e.g.,
TOO
1. 32, K<o)>Aco-rTov,
"'AKifpouTvrpyou, 'A2Klpi5rls. Ruge
T
KupEivj ocrEaT[E]s
I-oOOtha~iou
rvpyou
o
[. ..]copp6Touuv6s I
[TiP3p]ios
~ 'Eppo0crTou
KAac'5ios,
[cP]cEt
[K]upEivq,Z1rv6o'ros T6
[T]o00ctAiov -rrpyou IKu&oMvirjls,
Ouj[ydtrT]p- - [KAc]uc5iaTtEpiou
It will be noted that these two men, Tiberius Claudius Philisteus and Tiberius Claudius
Zenodotus, are brothers,being both sons of the same man but adopted by differentpersons,and
that they belong to the same
that ' of Philaeus ' which is one of those already known from
TrrxVpyoS,
1.9 of the first-citedinscription.4
A peculiarity of both inscriptionsis the insertion of r6
O after
(2)
1 SGDI 5635 and Michel 666 (in part). The copies both
adds a query; since it is no longer extant and the only
of Pococke and of Gu6rin are extremely faulty, but between copies are so bad, I cannot see how we are to arrive at a date
them a reasonable text can be established as far as that is except on internal evidence, which will not allow even such
ever possible with a list of proper names. Collitz and modified precision.
Bechtel make three alterations: 1. 1 ()E(v)I(pVco for
2 Article ' Teos'
in PW V, 539 ff. This is the most
Pococke, EIAHF,Guerin. recent and best work on the subject.
i8lpnpc4[s],Boeckh; IEIAHPEQ2,
'
1. 5
Der
Name
ist fair
for roIKEco:
hergestellte
3 The same man occurs in CIG 3082 and 3083, cf. Le
r6(p)KE
zu belegen
und lisst sich aus griechischem Bas-Wadd. io8 and Rogers, AJA IX, 422 sqq.
Maroneia
4
in
Sprachmaterial deuten; vgl. "AvTru Mylasa (BCH XII,
Ti. Claudius
APTE'rP<c), TOO
00iAaiovu rvpyou,
cV;tarilS.
but Ku8vcvi8Is,
33, no. 14 (2)).' But IoiKrlscan be established for Teos, Zenodotus is not >xhai8rTS
and his brother
Strabo xiv 633 where F reads roiKfSl,x ?FKvrlSalii roiKvfls; Philisteus has apparently no family name after the -rrpyoSTzschucke, followed by most modern texts, alters, surely name as we should expect, though it is possible that the
to agree with Paus. VII, iii, 6. Trol{KS stone is broken at this point. These two
wrongly, to "ATrO1KOs
inscriptions
will be a hypocoristic form of "ATOlKos. L. 28 E(1)Kxa8ou
for show that what I have called the 'family names ' in these
after
1.
6.
The
and
first
last
of
CIG
these
not
do
the
name
of
the
man's
actual
'EKaGiou
inscriptions
3o89
give
father,
corrections seem unnecessary, the second clearly wrong. but that of the yivos.
Michel dates the inscription to the second century B.c., but
68
69
the cognomen, which on the face of it cannot be construed with any of the words either
preceding or following it. Boeckh, commenting on no. I, suggests that the inscription came
from a statue base, that Philisteus had more than one statue erected in his honour, and that he
had the methodical, if rather ostentatious, habit of numbering his statues with his own hand.
He supports this by the fact that in the transcript of no. 308I there is a gap before Trbg which
'
makes it look like an addition; but this is not the case with no. 2 which shows -rO following
immediately upon Zrv6o'0ros. We must then reject, regretfully, Boeckh's picturesque
hypothesis, but I am unable to suggest any other explanation.5 These are all the references to
Trrxpyotat Teos to be found in inscriptions; but for the sake of completeness I may refer to
Michel 807 (cited by Ruge, op. cit., p. 554), which contains the family name 1-ohM5i8sknown
from 1. 20 of the list from which I started.
Boeckh considered the list to be one of annual eponymous archons: ' Catalogum habes
virorum, quos fuisse archontes eponymos annuos, patet inde quod vs. i i est avcpXov (sc. iTos).
Archon quis fuerit nisi Timuchorum princeps s. prytanis? Et habes prytanem eponymum
n. 3065.' This is the natural first impression and 'Tros is the natural word to supply with
avapXov. TTVpyoshe then regarded as equivalent to the Attic deme, which, as he points out,
was frequently called after persons or families; and the family name at the end of each entry
will be the name of one of the ovYupopial,into which the citizen body was divided and which
are usually compared to the Attic yivE.6 This interpretation was rejected by Scheffler De
Rebus Teiorump. 35; he held that the -rnipyotwere quarters of the town called after the actual
towers of the circumvallation (compare the use of the word 'ward' in London) and, attention
once directed to towers in the sense of military positions, subsequent explanations have seen
increasingly a military significance in the -rripyos-organisation. So Francotte,7 quoting
Aristotle, Pol. VII, p. 1331, a 19, considers that the citizens, both of the town and of the country,
were divided into groups or vuci-rTia,as Aristotle there recommends, to which were entrusted
the defence of the several towers of the city; though he supposes that at the time when the
inscription was cut these groups would have lost their military character and become diningclubs or associations for various religious cults and festivals. As for the nature of the list, he
also considers it to be a list of archons. B6quignon s develops this idea of Francotte, which he
supports by two inscriptions, from Smyrna (SIG 3 no. 961) and Stratonicea (Le Bas-Wadd.
no. 527; f. Wilhelm, Beitr. zu gr. Inschriftenkunde,p. 187; Robert, Etudes Anatoliennes,
pp. 529 sqq.) and by a passage of Aeneas Tacticus (III I-5 Hunter). Aeneas recommends that
the walls of a city should be divided into sectors corresponding to the division of the citizen
body into tribes, that the sectors should be allotted in time of peace, one to each tribe, and that
over each one should be appointed a commander or pvpdpX~rs.9 B6quignon therefore thinks
that this system was in force at Teos, and that in addition there was a supreme commander to
whom the captains of the -rrpyot were subordinate and that in CIG 3064 we have a list of these
annually succeeding commanders-in-chief.
This interpretation is open to several serious objections. The first, which is a point also
against Boeckh and all previous writers on the subject, is that this does not look like a list of
eponymous or important magistrates at all because of the frequent occurrence and (as noted
above) symmetrical distribution of the entry &vcapXovor &vcapXa
c5 0io or T-Erapca. Even if we
set aside the point about the symmetrical arrangement, a strange phenomenon surely in a list
ordered chronologically, we must find it very hard to believe that in a period of only forty years
the eponymous archonship or, on the other theory, the office of commander-in-chief was vacant
5 It might, however, be worth consideration whether,
since the expression occurs on inscriptions referring to two
brothers and on no other known Teian inscription, it may
not have some connexion with the relationship rather than
with the individual position of the two men.
6 For the
symmories of Teos cf. BCH IV, I75, no. 35,
CIG 3065; references in PYWIVa, I 165-6.
La Polis Grecque,137-8.
87 '
Les " Pyrgoi " de T6os,' Rev. Arch. XXVIII (1928),
70
D. W. S. HUNT
no less than ten times and on one occasion for four consecutive years. In the former case the
argument seems to me conclusive: to B6quignon'stheory it is perhapsnot entirelyfatal, though,
if we are to suppose a commander-in-chief elected annually 10 in time of peace, these gaps, so
elegantly and mathematically arranged, demand some explanation. But there is another
objection to B6quignon'sview, urged strongly by Ruge (op.cit., p. 555): presumably this was
an important office, and yet no two holders of it come from the same 'rrn'pyos,
a result which
cannot be attributed to coincidence, but could only be brought about by a specific provision of
the law. Is it in any degree likely that the commander-in-chiefshould be chosen not on merit,
but on a system of rotation? 11 There are some further small points which could be urged
against the view under discussion: the first is that thirty towers seems a large number for a
town like Teos in the Hellenistic period,2 and, secondly, that we have a fragmentary
inscription 13 which refers to the towers of the city without attaching any names to them. A
final point made by Ruge is that it would be strange to find an organisationfor defence against
external enemies apparently lasting into the first century A.D., as would seem to be indicated by
the two inscriptionsof the sons of Hermothestuscited above.
If we reject, as I think on these considerations we must reject, the solution proposed by
Biquignon, it will be natural to return to the view put forwardvery briefly and incidentally by
Eduard Meyer and by Wilamowitz.14 According to this the nvipyoiwere the estatesor fiefs of a
landed aristocracywho had divided between them the territoryof Teos, which we know to have
been both extensive and fertile.15 This division will have taken place presumably at the
foundation of the city, and the names of the -ripyot will represent,in a majority of cases at any
rate, the names of the original owners. A mixed multitude they were according to tradition:
Minyans, Athenians, Boeotians, and ' Ionians,' the last of whom will stand for an element so
mixed that the first framersof Teian history, or ratherperhaps the firstprofessionalgenealogists,
could not decide from what region of old Greece these wanderers had come. No doubt they
were broken men from all parts, who joined in the confused exodus of refugeesand adventurers
which we call the Ionian migration. The names of the v-rpyoi 16 give a picture of the confusion
of the Heroic age with their mixture of races, both Greek and barbarian; for there were chaos
and extensive migration in the barbarian world as well.17 For instance, in Erythrae to the
north and Samos to the south of Teos we have Carians mentioned as among the oldest
immigrants, and in Erythrae 18 again we have Pamphylians,a name which implies an even more
10 B6quignon does not actually use the word annual, but
since he thinks that T-ro is to be supplied with &vapXovI
suppose he must assume that the periods of service were of a
year each.
TOI [rrpo]aEXtos
-ToiKO8oilo(-V)
rrpoaaoplo~vcxVt
8~ k&yEIV
S6pot
TEiXOJVS
T6lS
I<I> I[TOO]
accfiTl
d'ypotKia5, E'rrayyEeIav[Ta-r
r-pyovKal
po0AT)raiKai -r&rIJA
Tdirr
vrIpyov6polK,I
~[],
0TpooeXEos
dyopav6pCol
810lopCo&PEvov
ixoPEVou
Ea&ysliv.
T[O-ro]
I
16
do
not
see
the
--EiXos
ai-rat,
remark
For full list, with parallels, see Appendix A.
86pot I
point of Ruge's
TC01
71
complicated and extensive mixture of races. It is, of course, possible that the Asiatic names
represent not strangers who had thrown in their lot with the Greeks but the original inhabitants
of the Teian hinterland, who were accepted on equal terms by the colonists as citizens, just as in
later and more ' race-conscious ' times the Greek settlers in Cyrene admitted to their community
a still more alien people, the Libyans.'9 Whatever may have been the racial origin of the
colonists of Teos, their descendants whom we see here were soon and thoroughly Hellenised, and
in the inscription they all have Greek personal names. For instance, a man who calls himself
An6SEloS and
T-roOi
Aw60ovuTrpyov, almost certainly an Asiatic family name,20 and, if I am
an
of
old-established
family, bears the personal name Apollonius.
right,
The theory, then, which I am putting forward is that this inscription gives the names of the
present holders of these estates or fiefs, together with the names of their families.21 It is, in fact,
a kind of Debrett or at least Burke's Landed Gentry. Some of the estates have passed out of the
hands of the original owners, but ten 22 certainly, and possibly others, are still in the possession of
families descended from the founding fathers of Teos. Ten out of the forty estates are
&vapxa,23
which presumably means vacant, and we should assume either that they had gone out of
cultivation, perhaps on the extinction of the family, or possibly were merely in dispute or owned
by a minor. Whether the purpose of this record was purely commemorative and ostentatious,
or whether it had some political reference, as in the case, for instance, of the Domesday Book, is
a point on which we can hardly be certain; but since I have been drawing parallels with
European feudalism, I would point out that that system had political as well as social
implications and that this Teian 'Peerage' may have political and military significance. I
shall deal with this point later in considering the general significance for Ionian history of the
institution which I am endeavouring to substantiate.
The whole value of my argument depends on whether Trr0pyoSdoes, in fact, bear the
meaning given it by Eduard Meyer and Wilamowitz and on whether I can show that such an
institution is likely at Teos. It seems proper to begin with etymology,24 and before diving into
the remote beginnings of the Greek language it may be relevant to mention that at the present
day in Chios the word is used for a country seat, in particular for the residences erected in the
'
Kampos ' by the half-Genoese aristocracy of the island. The latest article on the subject is by
Kretschmer in Glotta XXII, pp. Ioo ff., 'Nordische Lehnw6rter im Altgriechischen,' the
greater part of which is taken up by a discussion of the etymology of wrripyos. Kretschmer
believes that TrrvpyoSis directly related to the OHG and modern German word burg, Gothic
bairgs; but he can hardly be said to prove it or even attempt to prove it. He begins with the
disarming statement that it has long been supposed that there is some connexion between the
two words and then proceeds to show that there are parallels for this consonantal dissimilation
in Macedonian, and finally, if the word did enter Greek through Macedonian, that this could
only have taken it from a Germanic language. This point, which is the vital one, he tries to
prove (at least he arranges his argument in the form of a proof) from the following facts: that
burg in this sense only occurs in Germanic languages and, secondly, that the vocalism -ur- for
Indogermanic er is characteristic of Germanic languages, whereas Illyrian and Albanian have
the 'front' vowel. The first point is, of course, a pure petitio principii, the second he himself
Hdt IV, 159, I6I, I86.
the names of the Tmi'pyos
and of the yivos.
Cf. (i) Ad'Sas, founder of Themissos in Caria, Steph.
22 L. 21 is a doubtful case.
r
23 Since it is agreed that this list records a series not in
Byz. s.v. Cpicaa6s,
(ii) T Ad~acaa,a fortress in Cappadocia,
near Comana, Dio Cass. XXXVI, xii, 2, (iii) -r AaS&crrava, time but in space, we want a spatial expression rather than a
in
town
Amm.
Marc.
where
a
XXV, x, 12, (iv) AaS6KEpTa,temporal one to restore with avapXov and
Bithynia,
a fortress in Greater Armenia, Steph. Byz. s.v. (comparison they occur: the obvious word on any view is &vapX
xcopiov. This
AaSoshows
that
is
a
with, e.g., TIypav6KEp-ra
personal pre- is the ordinary word for a plot of land, for instance in
fix). For the form and its Asiatic connexions cf. Kretschmer, cadastration; cf. InschriftenvonMagnesia, no. 122 passim. In
in
die
Gesch.
der
no. 18, 1. 6) it
gr. Sprache,p. 337.
Einleitung
OGIS 225 1. I (- Welles, Royal Correspondence,
21 The omission of the father's name is strange and means an estate or fief in the sense in which I
interpret
it
thinks
an
these
used
for
Ruge, op. cit., p. 555,
argument against
interchangeably
pdpts, on which I
Twipyos,being
which
seems
to
be
On
shall
In
later.
Modern
Greek
a
people being high officials,
justified.
speak
Xcopiovmeans village.
24 I must express my gratitude to Dr. Onions and Mr.
my view they will be fairly important people and would be
expected to have a father's name, but if I am right this is a C. E. Bazell for assistance on the philological side of this
strange inscription in any case and the important things are paper.
19
20
D. W. S. HUNT
72
shows to be not binding by pointing out that the same vocalisation occurs in Thracian. The
historical implications of Kretschmer's theory are obviously very startling by reason of the
remoteness of the epoch (the second millennium B.c.) at which all these borrowings and
juxtapositions of races must have taken place, but we are fortunately not obliged to consider
them, for the philological arguments which give them birth are not accepted by any other
philologist.25 A more useful parallel 26 is that with Pergamos or Pergamon, the citadel of Troy
and the name of a city and district of Asia Minor.27 It has long been recognised that this word
is connected with wrrpyosand is probably identical in meaning with it; in Greek poetry 28 the
neuter plural -rrEpyapais used as a common noun in the sense of 'citadel.' This parallel
supportsBoisacq'ssuggested etymology: that the word is borrowedfrom some Asiatic language
in which perhaps the form was more like poipKioS.The latter is given in Hesychius without
indication of origin and glossed TrEXoS,
which is to be taken as meaning 'fort' rather
than ' wall.'
Together with the word -ripyos we should also consider other cognate words which appear
to be used in the same sense. To begin with there is the word rE-rpc-rrvpyia
or
TETrpawrpylov.
This occurs in the well-known passage in Plutarch'sLife of Eumenes,Chapter 8, where
Eumenes,
E
in order to pay his troops, ETriTrpatKEV
Asti
Kc
Kxai
cOXUOTiS
Trd Tx-rarjv Xcopacv w
TETrpaTrvpyias
yEPovjc(as.29 That these were fortified places is shown by the fact that
coc(arcovKCXi
POC(K&Tprcov
he lent his men
his siege-train to reduce them. This was in Phrygia near Celaenae, and the
same word, and institution, turns up also in Syria, where we have mention of a TrE-rpa-Trrpyt6v
Ti
near Antioch in which Demetrius I of Syria took refuge (Jos. Ant.Jud. XII, ii, I) and
p3caiEov
where
the name seems to have lingered.30 It also occurs in Cappadocia 31 (doubtfully) and in
Cyrenaica.32 The word implies a square building with four towers at the corners, as it is
described by Procopius, Aed. IV, i, p. 266: -rOXcOpiov v ppaXEiTE11Xiad1Evos
KaT(Tro TrETpaycovov
)X(i1a][KCJU
yGcVi(g
vsiEvos,
TlrpyOV V
TETpcXTraupyiXav
EiXvatTEKCx1
K(chEiTOa(lTEwroilKE.
EKcOUT1I
In Egypt the word T-rrpyos
alone seems to be used for a square house built round a central
court.33
Before leaving vrrpyos and its cognates, I should mention the Hesychius gloss
-rrEpy'ptov"
8,inpov. It seems clear that these are two common nouns, diminutives, and the meaning is that
somewhere (probably Asia Minor) the word -rrepy&apov
was used as meaning a small estate or
a
small
'Manor'
is
the
best
translation.
perhaps
township.
probably
In Xenophon, AnabasisVII, viii, 8 sqq., we have rrivpyosused alternatively with the word
T-rpos3 to describe the fortified house in which lived a rich Persian of Mysia surroundedby
his retainers.35 T'poi is used frequently by Xenophon in this sense, for instance of the
'
25 Schuchardt, Sitzber.,Berlin 1935, p. i86 calls it
gewiss
eine erstaunliche Sache,' but claims to have known it all
or at least suspected it.
along
26 Cf.
Kretschmer, op. cit., I 13 and Boisacq s.v.
27 It also occurs as the name of a fort in Pieria, on
Pangaeum, Hdt. VII, 112, and as a place-name in Crete,
Plin. N.H. IV 59, cf. Plut. Lyc.
3'I.
28 Stesichorus fr. 28
iCrpyapaTpoias; Aesch., PV 956
v?ot
viot
Eur.,
KpaCtTEiTKaI iOKETTE B8I1VaiEIV &dTrEVfiTripyapa;
Phoen. I098, I 176, where it refers to the citadel of Thebes.
29 On this see Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, 286,
Cities and Bishoprics, I, part ii, p. 419; Rostowzew,
Romisches Kolonat, 253 sq., Anatolian Studies presented to
Sir William Ramsay,374 n. i. These comments of Ramsay
and Rostowzew were the starting point for this paper,
but I think they give too great a political importance
to Eumenes' action. Ramsay (Cities and Bishoprics,420)
says: ' Eumenes regarded the territorial aristocracy as the
supporters of King Antigonus, and tried to strengthen his
cause by enlisting the sympathy of the lower classes . . .
Eumenes and the Attalid kings allied themselves with the
people; and apparently the great nobility was weakened or
destroyed by them.' Rostowzew goes so far as to describe
as a ' Kampf der hellenistischen Herrscher gegen die feudale
Struktur Kleinasiens ' what was surely in essence merely the
action of a condottiere temporarily at a loss for funds.
FEUDAL
SURVIVALS
IN IONIA
73
residence of Seuthes (An. VII, ii, 21), and for the fortified villages of the Carduchi (An. IV, iv,
2, and cf. id. V, ii, 5, near Trapezus). Apart from these Anatolian instances the word turns up
in the West, for example in Diodorus XI 384, where Gelon is described as buried KaTX
TOV &ypbv
"rTf yuvalKxb v Tcats KC1xAouivacS
'"Evva TIIOpaEIv. The diminutive -ruppiftov occurs in the
famous Halaesa inscription (SGDI 5200, col. II, 1. 65) following closely on the mention of a
T'r'pyos. The best-known occurrence 36 of the word in literature,37 in Pindar, is of something
far off and magical and is also connected with the West, for Pindar uses it of the 'tower of
Kronos ' in the islands of the blest, 01. II, 77. Now when we have a word at home in Asia
Minor on the one hand and in the West on the other, we cannot fail to think of a people of Italy
who derived their origin from Asia Minor, especially when the word is -rirpats and the people
are called Tupacrqvoi. This had not escaped Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who says (Ant. Rom. I,
TCV ipUpTCOV a
TEWiT
xxvi, 2) KcXi
TlV ETRCvupicv CXO-rTOts
Oi
P1 V CjOlyEVE'g
Tr OVOST[O10V'VTES
Tupprvo1s
C'p'CErol
TCOvT 1E OiKOOjVTCOV
TlpoCElS y&p xcAi-rrcap
KaCTEYKEUaOOVTO,
T'fi VclaiMy0OUO'"
cdtiv-EiXtol KcXicTEycXvcXl
oiiK'EiS 6vo~~30ovrTal
c CrEp arcxp'"EAArciv.38 As a parallel for the
name of a people being derived from their houses Dionysius compares the Mossynoeci of Pontus,
who also lived in towers which they called 16acuvES,39and perhaps we may add the Pergamenes
who have the same Asiatic termination in the ethnic. I am not here concerned with the
question of the origin of the Etruscans 40 but merely with the origin of the word rjp0Pts,and,
whatever its connexion with the Etruscans may be, that connexion, if it exists, speaks for rather
than against its Anatolian origin.41
The third word with the same meaning is PptS.42 On this I need say little, as all the
requisite information is to be found in Welles, Royal Correspondence,
p. 320. The word occurs in
the series of inscriptions relating to the sale of land to Laodice, the divorced wife of Antiochus II
(Welles, nos. 18-20). Welles renders it ' manor-house' and quotes a parallel use of the same
word from Josephus, Ant. Jud. XII, iv, i : 6 86 'YpKcxv6b . .. c Ko86[PrlcrE PptIv icFXupd'v, iK
risc
Xieou AWEKO0
KcrrcTaKEOIacaGS
&wTrcyOV
PXPI Kai
crTEylS.43 The Anatolian origin of this
36 It is also used by Hippocrates, de Articulis XLIII, 27 apparently, there are no morphological objections. The
(= Foesius 808) -rav
KOcraKeUc&aOT-rCoSVKEiv point is clearly a very fine one.
- i -rairac
41 That Latin turris,Oscan tiurri,is a loan word seems to be
TIV& i~rlj2jv i 1Tp65 &'rTCopa O KOlV.
Tiip KxlMtI
i Tp65 TOpaIV
This is the only place in Greek where it is used for some- accepted, but it is almost certain that it was not borrowed from
thing ordinary and not out of the way. The de Articulis Greek, for -rpots is very rare in Greek (outside Xenophon,
whether by Hippocrates or not, is an Ionian work of the who uses it to describe a foreign phenomenon) while rivrpyos
fifth century and so does not upset the contention that Asia is common. It is natural to assume it was borrowed from
Minor is the only place where
could be used of a Etruscan and Dion. Hal. says the Etruscans did have the
"ripoai
common object.
word; Kretschmer, since he rejects this, has to say that it
3 It was popular at Alexandria, where it was seized on by
was part of the language of the primitive inhabitants of both
writers in search of an 'elegant variation' for vrr6Asor Italy and the Greek peninsula. But the connexion with
Asia Minor is much better based. For this see further the
1273; Nicander
Kxp6-rroks,cf. Lycophron 717, 834, 1209,
Alex. 2; Ps. Orpheus Argonautica I53; Anth. Plan. 279 letter of Attalus, brother of Eumenes II of Pergamum, Ath.
1. 2; SEG VIII 497 1. 7 (I am indebted to Mr. M. N. Tod for Mitt. XXIV (1899), 212-14 no. 36= Welles, Royal
the last reference. It comes from a poem on the tomb of a Correspondence,
-to
no. 47 where we have; 1. 2 [6 &pX]tEpEis
native of Apamea, but its occurrence is more likely due to TapoaivoO['Alrrd6?covos] and MOVaEiov Kci Bi to01eK'l T-rj( iV
the love of literary ornament on the part of the writer which Xipvip
EviayyEAuhlKi Xohis III, p. 162, no. 325; 'Arr677covt
is evident throughout the poem than to Anatolian reminis- Tapoica KaiMl-rpi
Apollo Tarsios or Tarseus occurs
cences of the subject of the epitaph).
in Lydian inscriptions (cf. Kruse, PW s.v.
fairly frequently Tapovij.
38 This last statement is denied by Kretschmer, Glotta 'Tarseus') and this may mean 'of Tarsus,' but Taporv6sor
XXII, I I I, n. I ' Im Etruskischen ist -ripois nicht Taparlvil is more probably to be interpreted as meaning
nachgewiesen.' It is doubtful whether our knowledge of Tyrrhenian.
Etruscan is extensive enough for such a negative judge42 The existence of this word
Papts suggests a misreading
ment; and it is in any case likely that Dionysius knew or misunderstanding by Diodorus of his source in the
more about the Etruscan language than we do. It is passage quoted above (XI, xxxviii, 4). Referring to the
perhaps more important that the port of Caere was called by estate given by Gelon to his wife where he was himself later
the Greek name fnIpyot; on the other hand archaeology buried, Diodorus says:
. . v
'Evvia
r9aprl ..
"raT-Kchoutivtai
shows that it was almost a Greek port, cf. Blakeway, BSA TopaEaiv,o0(aaisIt is surely
pEt r6ovEpycovOBaluct-rrai.
to
to
refer
the
of
XXXIII, 170 sqq.; JRS XXV, 129 sqq.
very odd in TC
any language
weight
buildings
3 The word also occurs as a place-name in Thrace,
and it seems likely that Diodorus' source used the word
M6auvvosAthen. VIII 345c, and in Macedonia in Byzantine P3pis to describe them and that this was misunderstood. If
that source was Ephorus, who is Diodorus' main source for
times,
Mouv6rrohXs.
40 Kretschmer,
op. 'cit., I I says that the derivation of Books XI-XV, he may well have been acquainted with the
Tvpoarv6sfrom -rtpoi has long been rejected on morpho- word from the country near his home in Cyme.
43 Cf. also Jos., Ant. Jud. I, iii, 6; X, xi, 7; XI, iv, 6;
logical grounds,' and prefers to derive it from Tyrra, a city
in Lydia. He adds, however, 'm6glich ist aber, dass LXX, 2 Chron. XXVI, ig; Psalms, XLIV, 9; Dan.,
dieser Ortsname zu -rTpais geh6rt' and quotes a form VIII, 2; Inschr.vonMagnesia I22d 4-8, the cadastral survey
reipaos from Hesychius,
Phot., p. 612,
13 to which,
quoted above where there are five P&PEISlisted as Xc)pia.
D. W. S. HUNT
74
word seems certain; E. H. Sturtevant, quoted by Welles, finds parallels in Hittite, though he
suggests that the word was not borrowed directly from Hittite, but through the medium of some
such related language as Luwian. In this connexion we may refer to building-inscriptions
from Khorsabad and Kujundjik, quoted by Schuchhardt,44in which Sargon or Sennacherib
speaks of building himself a strong house 'after the fashion of the Hittite lands'; and the
remains at both sites do indeed show fortresses built on the lines which Procopius says
distinguished the
TETpc(Trupyica.
The. earliest settlers in Asia Minor continued the same kind of life, a feudal life based on
agriculture, or rather based on the possessionof Asiatic serfsto carry on that agriculture. Even
Miletus 47 once lived by subsistence cultivation of her unfertile peninsula, worked by the
Gergithes, who were liable to sudden outbreaksof revolt-like the Bauernkriegein Germany or
the Peasants' Revolts in England and suppressed with the same or greater brutality.48 But
Miletus soon chose a different way; she broke with the chivalrous ideals of her past and, to use
a phrase which must have carried as great a condemnation then as in England in the last
In LXX, Psalm CXXI, 7 occurs the word wrpy6papis,
AEy. There is a city called Baris in Pisidia,
apparently ax&r.
Plin., NH V 147, and also one near Parium which Jones
the
Eastern Roman Provinces,91) thinks may have
(Cities of
grown out of Laodice's estate.
44 op. cit., 444.
45 But he was forced to mortgage them to the temple of
Artemis in Sardis, to which misfortune we owe the record of
Antigonus' bounty, cf. SardisVII (I), 1-7.
46 II.M 312-14.
47 I cannot refrain, in this connexion, from quoting a
passage from Hasebroek which does not seem to have
75
century, she 'went into trade.' Only a few laudatorestemporisacti like Phocylides 49 could be
found to recommend the old-fashioned agricultural economy, and only after severe political
crisis could the land-owing class become, and then only temporarily, a power in the state once
more.50 But for the true ideal of the feudal state we must look to Colophon, which for so long
was the chief city and glory of Ionia, with the richestland, the finest cavalry, a close oligarchic
constitution, and the best text of Homer. Insolence was another Colophonian characteristic,
the insolence of turbulent barons like Roger Bigod ' in my castle of Bungay on the Waveney ':
as Mimnermus, their own poet, put it:
S 8' paT-rVKohog~pcva
13Pirv
wiTrpo-rrhovXOVTES
51
E36pE0'apyaXrl O3ppios
fIYEp6VE
60
Cf.fr. 7:
S ypo
rrhorroU ~MEX
XPiTf3wv
Trlv EXE
Trrovo
&yp6v
yYp rEMyouvav'Ata60Eifl~ KpaS Elvatl.
Hdt. V, 28, the arbitration of the Parians.
Fr. 12,
51
3-4.
52
dyacX6VIEv' ErrpETECralV,
Xairrilartv
v
oatl-roil' 6pixi Xpipaac BEV6p.EVOt.
76
Names of theJl-opyoi
The following list gives the names preserved in CIG 3064 with such parallels from literature and
epigraphy as I have been able to find. It will be noted that in the case of such names as are definitely
Greek the literary parallels come mainly from the Heroic age and the epigraphic from Arcadia,
Thessaly, and Boeotia. This fact, together with the presence of non-Greek names, supports, as far as
it goes, the main hypothesis.
"AAKIpo&
is a common enough name, but note that it was the name of one of the sons of Nestor,
schol. II. A, 692.
'AA~lvcop,Naxian sculptor at Orchomenos, IG VII, 3225.
K6Oos,a common Heroic name, son of Xuthus and founder of Chalcis, Plut., Q.G., 22 and cf. IG
XII (9), 406 (Eretria). Strabo (VII 321) calls it pre-Greek, like Pelops.
also Heroic, cf. 11. 0, 639 where the scholiasts connect him either with Argos as son of
KoTrpEJS,
Pelops and herald of Eurystheusor with Boeotia as son of Haliartus; IG XII (9), 56, no. 198 (Styra).
IG IX (2), 381 (Pagasae).
MaAiosprobably from the ethnic and cf.
Macx,&
looks a fine Heroic name, but
is only recorded from late writers, Xen. Eph. I. 2 and
MEyacrL5is