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Religion and Politics: Role of Islam in Modern India Author(s): Moin Shakir Source: Economic and

Religion and Politics: Role of Islam in Modern India Author(s): Moin Shakir Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 14, No. 7/8, Annual Number: Class and Caste in India (Feb., 1979), pp. 469-471+473-474 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4367365 Accessed: 08-04-2015 14:21 UTC

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Religion

and

Politics

Role of islam in Modern India

Moin Shakir

religiouis or sectarian

grouping of a people for political purposes. The AMuslimelite in India has been indulging in this practice for articulating its grievances, for commuinicating with the Muslim masses, for framing its political strate-

gies and for mnaintaininga separate political statuis for the community.

dimensions of Muslim communalism in India.

While actual voting behaviour of the MAuslimmasses brings hope to those sections of the Muslim elite who1, however faintly, are striving to secularise Muslim politics, the obstacles in the path of such seculari-

sation are many. lectutals to present and mystification.

of the Muslim situation in India without recourse to myths

Communalism may be defined as that tendency

which

seeks

to promote

This article examines the political and sociological

The article briefly touched upon these obstacles, as also on the failure of Muslim intel-

a comprehensive

analysis

THE connection between religion and politics runs very deep. Religion, both

in the

West

and in

the

East,

influences

political and non-political processes and affects the operation of the institutional framework of the State. Even in the developed countries where secularism has been accepted as an operative prin- ciple and where it is strengthened by the progress in the field of science and technology, religion continues to be more than a matter of personal and so- cial significance. The reason seems to be, as pointed out by Grace Jones, that "basic religious beliefs survive in dis- guised forms in moral assumptions and cultural norms and they continue to mould the attitudes of many people to such institutions as the family, marriage, and the education system. This influ- ence is exerted in a concealed way, either at the individual sub-conscious level or through the medium of indirect pressure politics, and it is, therefore, impossible to assess with any precision. It is none the less real for that".' Religion is more pervasive in India than in the West. Probably this promp- ted Whyte to conclude that India is a

"religious and not a political continent".2

Besides

the idea of secular civic society did not

India and conise-

in

till the advent of the British

in one way

or the

come into being quently religion,

other, dominated State and society. The advent of the British power constituted a break from the ancient traditions and became, to borrow the apt phase of Marx, "the unccnscious tool of history" in bringing about a fundamental revolu-

tion in the social State of the country.

Idealists as well

Marxists agree that

thie rejection of religion as the opiuim

of the people amounts not only

to ignor-

ing facts but the historical process it- self by which these facts have assumed attached values.3 Gramsci's observation

is quite pertinent:

- religion (or 'active' conception of the world), State, Party - are indissoluble, and in the real process of historico-

political development there is a neces- sary passage from one to the other it cannot be disputed that religion has been a part and parcel of cultural and civilisational development of any com- munity. It is a dominant theoretical pattern which filters into the major activities of the various religious com-

munities.

Islam has been one of the most powerful religions of the world. Arising at the time of new class formations in Arab society, it consolidated the powei of the State. The role of the Prophet ns a ruler of the State distinguishes Islam from other religions like Chris- tianity or Buddhism. The latter could turn hostile to the acquisition of greater power. In terms of doctrines, Islam is not much different but the latter phase of the Prophet's life in Medina furni- shes ample evidence of Islam's poten- tialities for managing a State. The sub- sequent Caliph's rule bear-s witness to many modifications, deviations and even contradictions in the political practices. These can be explained away by the fact that there is no definite political theory or practice which has the sanc- tion of the Quran. It inevitably resulted in confusion. The benefit, of course, h1as been taken by the Ulema who by mystifying and obscuring the realities justified the powers that be. By citing certain verses of the sacred book,S quite out of context, the Islamic fundamen- talists all over the world argue that the concept of democracy and socia- lism are thoroughly un-Islamic. One

"the three elements

"1

4

fails to understand as to how Saudi Kingship or Pakistan's military dicta- torship or Afghanistan'ssocialist govern- ment is Islamic. If the institution of Kingship is Islamic how is Ayatollah

Khomeini's claim that Iranian autocracy is

justifiable? It is also significant that in

professedly Islamic republics or in the Muslim majority countries no mention

is

justice or equitable distribution ol wealth, but( undue emphasis is placed on such petty points like cutting off of the hand for theft, prohibiting wine (drinking,st.oning to death for adultery,

etc.7

Against this backgroundclthe role of Islam in Indian politics should be ex- amined. Islam has always been the re-

legion of a minority

in this country.

Although it has been the

of the rulers yet

ensure equality nor emancipation from the feudal system. It remained funda- mental to the system as it could call forth emotional allegiance of its adherents. The so-called custodians of

religion wholeheartedly justified the in- stitution of monarchy, slavery and ex-

ploitation. The dissent, if

the issues of fundamentalism or over socially irrelevant matters. Tolerance and broad mindedness, if any, was the result of pragmatism and expediency rather than religious, (i e, Islamic)

conviction. Consequently the Muslim

government was

(holy law) but on the laws and regu-

lations of the king. What Allauddin Khilji told Qazi Mughisuddin seems to

Muslim

have been the

rulers: "Although

science

I have not studied

the fight against

based on

Islam

principle of social

made of Islam's

religion

did

it

neither

any, was on

founded not on Shariat

policy of the

or book, I am a Musalman of

a Musalman stock. To prevent rebellion in which thousands perish I issue such

469

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Annual Number

February 1979

orders as I conceive to be for the good

of the State and benefits of the people. If men are heedless, disrespectful and

then com-

pelled to be severe to bring them into obedience. I do not know whether this is lawful or unlawful. Whatever I think to be for the good of the State or suit-

dis,obey my commands, I am

able for the emergency that I decree".8

Under British rule the position of the

Muslim community underwent a change. The rulers were the bearers of a modem culture and civilisation superior to that of the native subjects. The first re- action was antagonism which took a religious form. It was destined to col-

fervour

and the support of the common masses, being merely a regional and emotional outburst rather than an all-India move-

ment. It was, according to M Mujeeb,

unifying

influence".9When a section of the Mus- lim leadership decided to co-operate with the British and accept the modern system of education it felt the necessity

of change in socio-political and religious outlook, for other religious communi- ties had already started thinking along

those lines.

ments in the Hindu community consti- tuted a significant development as far as the religious outlook was concemed.

Muslim community

was different. The nature and ethos of Islam is different from that 0ofHinduism. Ilinduism has been flexible and tole- rant, at least in the field of metaphysics.

It has also been characterised by the absence of rigidity in matters of belief. In the process of interpretation and adaptation, Hinduism has been con- stantly reviewed and its base broadened. The basic tenets of Islam have on the

contrary a rigidity which

brook any such liberties of interpreta-

tion as Hinduism allowed. The Hindus could reject any scripture or doctrine which no Muslim could ever do because

of the powerful orthodox divines. The Muslim intellectual also faced the diffi- culty of defining his attitude even to the Hadith literature. The Hindu in- tellectual had the freedom in matters of faith and belief which enabled him to launch movements for religious

reforms and start various

organisa-

tions for the purpose while the efforts in the Muslim community centred on individuals who were careful while working on the secular plane not to disturb religious belief and there was. no possibility also of creating organisa-

lapse as

it lacked ideological

"a disintegrating rather than a

The social reform move-

The case of the

would not

470

ECONOMIC AND

POLITICAL WEEKLY

tions like the religio-social organisations of the Hindus. Syed Ahmed Khan's Aligarh Movement had little to dowith religious reform. It was mainly an educational and political movement. Mention of another point of difference will not be out of place here. Even after the decline of the Mughal Empire, the religion-oriented leaders continued to believe and hope that Muslim power could be restored in India by the or- ganised effort of Muslims, with the help of the Hindus, if necessary. When' the Hindus were making efforts for educa- tional advancement and social uplift the Muslims thought that political power would solve all their problems. What is clear is that the Hindu elite was getting depoliticised while the Muslim elite's obsession with political power was complete. The defeat of the Mutiny in 1857 threw the Muslinmcom- munity into a state of frustration. Syed Ahmed Khan and his movement failed to undertake the task of the modernisa- tion of the religious and economic life of the Muslim community. T'he separa- tist political stance of the Aligarh move-

ment

Muslim politics and thought in modern India. It may appear strange but it is true that the Hindu community practically remained indifferent and aloof towards the efforts of the Muslim revivalists. Similarly the Muslim community was not stirred by the efforts made by the Hindu reformers. Thus mutual apathy may be viewed as the perpetuation of the medieval legacy. People lived to-

gether for centuries but did not consti- tute a society. In the words of Louis Dumount their "co-existence was empi-

rically accepted

mised".10In modern India every leader stuck to his own community or caste even in initiating social reforms; Ram- mohan Roy neglected the need of reli- gious and social reform in the Muslim community, just as Syed Ahmed Khan failed to take note of the problems of the Hindu community. In a similar way, when the extremists advocated Hin- duism as the basis of nationalism, they never tried to anticipate the reactions of other communities. Similarly, when Mohammed Ali and other Muslim leaders expressed their support to Pan- Islamism as a worthwhile goal, they likewise ignored its meaning for the Hindu community. nTe British government released quite contradictory forces in Indian polity. The secular and liberal system of educa-

provided an unhealthy

bias to

without

being legiti-

tion, industrialisation, urbanisation, limi- ted democratic experiment, new value pattern, growth of the spirit of rationa- lism, weakening of family ties, under- standing of politics in new perspectives, did undermine the political potentia- lities of religion. But modernisationin a democratic framework never frees man from religion. Religion is not abolished but its role changes. There is freedom of religion and not freedom from reli-

gion.

has not been conducive to the abolition of the institution of religion.

The prevailing situation in India

The British attitude provided a new

lease of life to religion in politics. The

British viewed the

terms of their religion. To them hori- zontal divisions among the Indian people were not relevant; they delibe- rately emphasisedvertical considerations.

The vital realities of culture, language, religion and economic interests were thoroughly ignored. Conscious efforts were made to artificially divide the communities. Francis Robinson is quite right when he says that Syed Ahmed

Khan was closer to

opponent, than to the Muslim weaver,

as both belonged to what is called Urdu

speaking elite

Indian people

in

Siva Prasad,

fact

his

was

group.11 The

that the division between the elite cul- ture and mass culture was complete. The British also introduced the poli- tics of 'weightage' and 'counterpoise' which, directly and indirectly, compell- ed the religious communities to streng- then their communal identities. Reli- gion was one of the strongest factors wbich could sustain and promote com- munal identity and differentiation. Re- ligion reinforced political demands and furthered political ambitions. It supp- lied the wished for ideology necessary for backward classes as theoretical ex- pression of their interests.12 The intro- duction of separate electorates widen-

ed the gulf between the religious com- munities and permanently closed the possibility of a secular outlook on the problems of the community. The com- munities participated in politics as re- ligious entities. The result was, as Harold Could says, that "Muslims came to re- gard their religious identity more and more as demarcator of the different life stages, power needs and economic inte- rests which they felt set them, apart from Hindus. The manoeuvres which followed the advent of separate Muslim electorates in 1916 symbolised the po- liticisation of the religiously demarcated ethnic identity".1" Communalisationof

politics

aggravated social tensions ari&

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ECONOMIC

AND

POLITICAL

WEEKLY

Annual

Number

February

1979

perpetuated "the struggle between those demanding a greater role for religion in the State and other demanding a secu- lar polity".'4 In such a situation poli-

Moplah rebellion or the Pakistan move- ment, Islam has been a constant. It has been the unbroken thread of Mus- lim politics. The leaders wanted the

Pradesh in the Muslim League camp. They were just not the type of persons who would undertake the intellectual task of analysing the concept of an Isla-

tical organisations based on

religion are

members of the community believe that

mic State. Their allegiance to it was

bound to arise. Religionity is used "to

they

were fighting for the cause of

rhetorical; they did not care to be in-

create a system, of instrumental means

Islam.

telligent or serious".21

and secular objectives rather than theo-

A

lucid explanation of

the relation-

cratic ones".1-5

Religion, in the 19th and 20th centu- ry India, has been a motivating factor behind all major political developments. In the birth of the Indian National Congress not only Theosophy but also Vedantic idealism were seen as the gui- ding principles. It was claimed that the revivalist movements were "really so many threads in the strands of Indian nationalism".16The manifestation and expression of Indian nationalism was "predominantlyin a Hindu idiom"; the prestige of Pandit and Pir was a force behind the national political bodies, and the revolutionary nationalist drew inspirationfrom Kali, Vedanta and Gita which was decidedly religious in na-

ture.17 Tilak's view of Indian nationa- lism is quite significant: "The common factor in Indian society is the feeling of Hindutva (Hinduness). I do not speak of Muslims and Christians as present because everywere the majority of our society consists of Hindus. We say that Hindus of the Punjab, Bengal, Maha- rashtra, Telengana (Andhra) and Dra- vid (Madras) are one, and the reason for this is only Hindu Dharma. There may be different doctrines in the Hindu Dharma but certain principles can be found in common, and because of this

alone a sort *of feeling that we

to one religion has remained among people speaking different languages in such a vast country. A-nd this feeling

belong

of

being

one

still

.".18

Tilak

was for "militancy, resurgent Hinduism, regional and commutnalsensitivity, caste- consciousness, and social conserva- tism".19 In the Swadeshi Movement and the Gandhi dominated Congress religious sentiments of the people were constantly exploited. Hindu symbols were used to mobilise the people. The

Muslim community too adopted a simi- lar strategy of using Islam for political purposes. Whether it was Syed Ahmed Khan's Aligarh Movement or Ameer

Ali's

was politics of the 'Old Party' or the

'New Party', or whether it was Mo- hammed Ali's Khilafat movement or the

Muslim Association, whether

it

found

in the writings and speeches 'of the

Muslim League leaders. The following is a classic statement of these attitudes. T'he Muslims cannot divorce their religion from their politics. In Islam, religious and political beliefs are not

other. Religion

and politics are inseparably associa-

ted in the minds and thoughts of all

religion includes

their politics and their politics are a part of their religion. The mosque not

only constitutes a place of their wor- ship but also the Assembly Hall They are born into a system. The syste.m is not thrust on them. Reli- gion and politics are the same to them. Hence Hindu-Muslim unity or nationalism, signifying homogeneity

between

matters, is

non-religious

unimaginable. The Islamic

polity in which religion and politics

are inseparably

fect isolation for its development. The

idea of a common state with hetero- geneous membership is alien to Islam

and can never be fruitful.20 The implications of this approach

are quite clear. It suited both the Bri-

tish rulers and the

former should have been satisfied with the growth of the separatist tendencies and the latter with the tremendous success in establishing a rapport with the illiterate masses. The British suc-

ceeded in trapping the Indian elite

which willingly played right into their hands.

sbip of religion and politics is

separated from each

Muslims

Their

them in

all

united requires per-

Indian elite.

The

It goes without saying that the Bri-

tish had a vested interest in communal polarisation. It cam,e in the way of the unity of the poor of the different com- munities. Religious politics was the enemy of class politics. Religious poli- tics, therefore, was neither genuine religion nor genuine politics. It ensured separate political existence to every re- ligious community and made the con- sciousness of artificial identity a basic factor of political thinking. What M Muieeb said about the Muslim League of the united provinces was true of MuLslimpolitician in general: "I do not remember this belief (i e, of Islamic state as a guide and a corrective to political conduct) was shared by the prominent men and women of TJttar

II

After Independence, secularism has been accepted as one of the bases of Indian polity. The horrid experience of partition riots convinced the Indian elite to minimise the role of religion in politics. But the great stumbling block in the way of such minimising has been the political heritage of the Bri- tish era and the inability to deviate from the British approach to religion and politics. Except for the abolition of the separate electorates, the ruling

elite in India has faithfully followed the

British policy.

as separation of religion and politics but as giving 'equal status' to all reli-

Secularism is not viewed

gions though in practice the new rulers consider Hinduism as the fundamental

factor in the field of politics. The rena- ming of India as 'Bharat' in tune with old Hindu tradition, the urge to pro- mote Hindi (of a Sanskritised kind) as

the

the adoption of such symbols like Dhar- ma Chakra, popularisation of supersti- tion-ridden festivals as Ramlila, broad- casting of Bhajans aud devotional songs in the early morning programme of All

India Radio, extension of the govern- mental patronage to the Sadhu Samaj,22 etc, betray a strong Hindu bias in the approach of the new rulers. It is also argued that Hinduism not only provides

ideological and cultural content to the Indian State but also prepared the

people to

tical system.23

Islam is also destined to play an im- portant role in the politics of the Mus- lim community. Even after the partition of the country Indian Muslims remain the second largest segment of the total population. They are more prone to accept the authority of religion and the Ulema.24 Notwithstanding the desire of a section of the Muslim elite for sepa- rating religion from politics, the stresses and strains of the situation underline the utility of uniting religious faith with political interests. After all no commu- nity can be oblivious of its milieu and the larger setting of the community

'all-India' language, an emphasis on

accept the social and

poli-

471

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ECONOMIC AND

POLITiCAL WEEKLY

Annual Number

February 1979

within

competitive

the

as

democratic

nation

a

whole.

polity,

the

In

a

prin-

as an instru- dividends; in

ciple

of religious

grouping

mnent of

pressure

pays

the case of Muslims, it ultimately leads to Islamisation and political communa-

lism. Engineered by the religionus groups

elite,

from

the

and

and

Islamisation

and

exploited

cultural

increases

by

the

political

'Muslims

with

separates

ties

existing

identity

Hinduism

consciousness

political mobilisation of the community.25 Even those Muslims who do not accept

the autonomy

of worldly

life

feel

con-

tended with the prevailing notion

of

secularism. In the emergence of

new

political

culture,

"the

contents

religions

are

incorporated

not

of

many

because

of their inherent spirituLal authority, but

an exis-

Thus,

tent national 'cultural' mosaic.

because

they

are high

parts

of

orthodoxy withers, while a kind of re-

Indian de-

vice of cultural pluralism, conceived internally as an egoistic policy and pro- bably secularising in its long term effects, nevertheless preserves for India a dis- tinetly spiritual aura".26

ligious revival blossoms

The

grouping

tendency

of

a

to promote

community

the

for

purpose,

menon

of

in

other

imposing

words,

the

religion

on

religious

political

pheno-

politics

is described as communalism. The Muslim elite has been using it for arti-

culating grievances, in c-,mmunicating with the masses, in framing political strategies and for maintaining a separate political status for the community. It has been a short cut to political power.

It is strengthened

port

so-

lidarity

in

ideological and non-communal polarisa.

cessarily

by invoking the sup-

feelings,

culture

Muslim

which

ne-

from

and

Islamic

Muslim

mean

non-involvement

tion. The Muslim political organisations, like Jamaat-e-Islami, Muslim League, Mailis-e-Mushawarat, etc, fall back on

a romantic view

Islam

a all other religions

Muslims are acclaimed as champions of

the

wardness

absence

Quran

political

lims,

constitute

international commutnity or a party to

enforce

of Islam

implying

that

perfect

religion

while

are

imperfect.

The

cause

of

their

back-

as

being

dule to

to

draw

upon

the

the

of

day-to-day

The

Mus-

do

not

but

an

mis-

consi-

Is-

to

alone

Truth.

is

of

is

The

seen

training

in

the

and

solution

social

religious

truth

reform

minority

problems.

to

this

according

is

a

the

to

of

view,

minority

of

Islam.

mankind.

are

Their

The

alien

sion

derations

lam. The political ideology of the Mus- lim political organisations is therefore opposed to the ideals of nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialismn. Such cooicepts are viewed as the con- comitants of modern culture, and not in consonance with the spirit of Islam. These principles, according to the Mus- lim leaders, provide for atheistic mate- rialism, Hinduisation of the country and dle-Islamisation of the Muslims.27 The effectiveness of the political ideology of the Muslim organisation should be judged in the context of the political behaviour of the Muslim com- munity. Abid Hussain is not wrong when he says that it is not the religious feeling but extraneous elements asso- ciated with religion and the name of the religion which are used by the elite for achieving certain political objecti- ves.28 The notion of identity conscious- ness or communalism owing to religion can also be questioned. It is not reli-

gion but

mentation of the Muslim electorate holds promise for those committed to secularisation of Indian politics and integration of the Muslims within the

broad framework of a democratic secu- lar political society.30 Nevertheless, one should not carrythe

impression that the goal of secularisation

has been achieved. The obstacles are

many. A comparative perspective re- garding the growth of secularising tendencies in other groups of society and a meticulous analysis of socio-eco- nomic progress in the context of regions and communities is urgently called for.

A probe into the existing gap between

the common man and the elite is

necessary. Sufficient data about the class composition of the Muslim elite and the working of the Muslim organi- sations are not yet available. The pre-

sent Muslim elite still carriesthe burden

of the past on its shoulders. 'Te reac-

tionary heritage and fundamentalist legacy still haunts it. It still looks upon the issue of national integration as one

also

the plural character of society

and the federal nature of the State that produces communalism. It is nur- tured not by religion but by the non. redressal of secular and genuine griev- ances of the Muslim community. It is not Islam but a sense of discrimination which creates a sense of unity. It is the feeling of insecurity which provides the sheet anchor to the notion of soli-

darity. It is politics, not the ideal of Islam or Pan-Islamism, which acts as the leveller of sectarian differences.

of strengthening and uniting religious

communities along sectarian lines and not as one of transcending and reject- ing communal divisions. Its politics is of a compromise with the 'national' elite which is keen to accommodate it. This is how the facade of 'consensus' in the polity is being maintained. Both are inerested in engineering the consent of the masses and legitimisation of elite rule. The simple law of asserting its (Muslim elite's) hold in the community, as described by Marx in a different context, is to adopt a religious attitude to politics and political attitude to re- ligion. Secularism in India, therefore, has amounted to no more than political rhetoric and a compromisewith religion for political purposes.

The indifference on the part of the political parties to mobilising the Mus- lims on secular issues is another ob- stacle. The political and electoral pro- cesses encourage particularism and solidarity consciousness. The party set- up and electoral system have not proved to be effective instruments of seculari- sation. They have failed to overcome the primordial allegiances of the elec- torate. Two trends in the Muslim poli- tical behaviour are quite significant in this context - political fragmentation, and social and religious solidarity. Po- litical parties ought to recognise these two contrary trends in the Muslim com- munity. The force of religious solidarity

Various' studies of the

political and

voting behaviour of the Muslim com-

munity bear this

fact out.29 They also,

bring forth the concept and differ- ence between the Muslim elite's per- ception of the political realities and that

of the masses. The former always per- ceive the secular issues from the stand- point of Islam while the masses do not. The Muslim support to the Congress can be instanced here, even though several leaders of Muslim opinion mounted determined and firm opposi- tion to that party. In the 1971 elections, for instance, the consensus of Muslim community, by and large, had been in favour of committed secular and demo- cratic parties. The principle of en bloc voting on communal ground had been given up. The religion-oriented Muslim leaders who had asked the Muslim vo- ters to boycott the elections proved to be ineffective. According to Gopal Krishna, the heavy penetration of the secular forces in and the political frag-

473

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Annual Number FRebruary1979 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY

is being strengthened by the various culturai movements dominated by the

authentic upholders of the fundamenta- list legacy of Islanm.Here lies the fai- lure of the Muslim intellectuals who are wedded to a non-traditional app- roach. They are not only in India but

in the

isolated and few in number.31 Their critical intellect and independent thought have however not shaken the inertia of the masses and of the administrative and governmental organisations.32 Be- sides, they are keen to take into account the ideological postures of those in power and their directives while offering any new interpretationof socio- political principles of Islam. Consequen- tly the Muslim intellectuals in India have seldom been able to present a comprehensive analysis of the Muslim situation without myths and mystifica- tions. The social and economic composi- tion of 'the Muslim community is also not favourable to the growth of critical

analysis. Consequently the conservative sujcceed in asserting that Islam still -ontinues to be "the essence of the community" and not "the essence of the dlifference".-33

entire Muslim world, though

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

474

Notes

Grace

ture",

1976,

Church

Jones,

Second

p

32.

and

Vol

See

"The

political

struc-

edition,

also

London,

United

1950;

Stokes,

States",

and Leo Pfiffer,

and

F Whyte,

West",

D P Mukherji, "Modern Indian Cul-

tture", Allahahad,

A

New

of East and

State

III,

Anson

in

the

New

York,

Boston,

Future

1932,

1942,

"Prison

"Church, State

1953.

p

37.

p

8.

Notebooks",

Freedom",

"The

London,

Gramsci,

York, 1972, p 266.

"al-Quran", 12:401, 3:154, 6:50.

57:25,

"al-Quran",

3: 110.

For

Islam

Meaning

1977.

Mohammed

tana,

Delhi

p

M Muieeb, 'The Partition of India

a'(d

Parti-

tives,

Sul-

of

Ahmad

the

'fundamentalist'

of

(ed),

"Essays

see

political

Khurshid

Its

viewpoint

in Islam:

nd

H

New

and Message",

Habih

"The

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an(d Afsar

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theory

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Philips

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in

8.

Marry

tion

tiov

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Louis

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Francis

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20 A Punjabi (Pseudo), "Confederacy

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of India", Lahore, 193-2, pp 88-89.

12

K

B

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"The

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21 M

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op

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408.

 

Minorities

or

Communal

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22 A R Desai, "Recent Trends in Indian

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in

India",

 

London, 1939,

Nationalism", Bombay, 1960, pp

p

187.

 

132-4.

13

H

A

Gould,

"The

Emergence

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23 Don Martindate in A Chakravarti

Modern

Indian

 

Politics'

(Part

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(ed), "India since

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Joturnal of Commonwealth and Comparative politics, July, 1974,

1967. pp 44-45. See also, Richard Park, "India's Political System",

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181.

 

New Jersev, 1967, p 741.

14

Almond and Coleman, "Politics of

24 Josenh Elder, 'Fatalism in India',

Developing

 

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1966, pp 227-43.

15

David

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25 Yogendra

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in

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"Old

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26 McKin Marriott, 'Cultural Policy

16

Annie Beasant, "The Birth of New

in

the

New States', in C Geertz,

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1917,

pp

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Sitarammayya,

Indian National Congress".

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p

14.

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L

27 See, Moin

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28 Abid Husain, "The National

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of India",

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17

M

of

N Srinivas, 'The Cohesive Role

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1967, p 81: Anil Seal, "The Emerg- ence of Indian Nationalism". Cam-

30 Gopal

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'Muslim

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hridge,

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A C Under-

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1972,

p

21.

wood: "Con emporary Thought of

31 Mohammed Arkoun, 'Islamic Con-

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sciousness: A Cultural Profile',

Farquhar, "Modern Religious Movements in India", London, 1929,

Cultures, 1977, p 89.

Voluime

IV,

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n

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op

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W

R

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"Nationalism

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32 Ali Merad, 'Reformism in Modern

form in India", New Haven 1938,

Islam',

Cuiltires,

Volume IV, Num-

p

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ber

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pp

120-121.

 

18

Wolnert, "Tilak and Gokhale",

33 Max,

Karl

'On Jewish

 

Question',

California, 1962, pp 135-136.

"Collected

Works",

Volume

 

3,

19

Ibid,

p

325.

 

Moscow,

1975,

p

155.

 

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