Annals ofTourism Research,Vol. 24, No. 1, pp.

192-213, 1997
Copynght 0 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd

Pergamon

Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved

0160-7383/96 $17.00+0.00

PII:SOlSO-7383(96)00054-O

REMAKING LOCAL HERITAGE

FOR TOURISM
Peggy Teo
Brenda S. A. Yeoh
National

University

of Singapore,

Singapore

Abstract: The paper outlines the development

of Haw Par Villa as a philanthropic
gift for
leisure among locals to its revisioning by private enterprise and by the national tourism board
as a commercial
venture. Against this background,
a survey was conducted
among the local
population to ascertain their reactions to the remaking of local heritage and among tourists to
determine
their perceptions
of the new attraction.
While locals cling to the personal and
valued memories of the old villa, tourists consume the theme park in terms of a commodity
package. The dichotomous
reaction underscores
the importance
that must be given to local
landscapes in the planning of cultural and/or historical attractions.
Keywords: commodification,
theme park, authenticity,
global-local
nexus. Copyright 0 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd
R&urn& La reconversion du patrimoine local pour le tourisme. Larticle trace le dtveloppement
de la Villa Haw Par en tant que cadeau philanthropique
pour les loisirs des habitants locaux g sa
reconception
par une entreprise privCe et par le conseil national du tourisme comme entreprise
commerciale.
Dans ce contexte, on a ment une enqu&te parmi la population
locale afin de
constater
leurs rEactions B la reconversion
du patrimoine
local et parmi les touristes pour
dtterminer
leurs perceptions
de la nouvelle attraction.
Pendant que les habitants
locaux
saccrochent
au prCcieux souvenirs personnels de la vieille villa, les touristes consomment
le
part h thPme comme produit ou marchandise.
La rtaction dichotomique
souligne Iimportance
qui se doit aux paysages

locaux dans la planification

Mots-cl&: marchandisage,
part
0 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd

B th?me,

authenticite,

des attractions

connection

cultwelles

et historiques.

locale-globale.

Copyright

INTRODUCTION
The importance
of tourism as an industry in Singapore cannot be
overemphasized.
Annual visitor arrivals passed the 6 million mark in
1993, a growth of 7.3% over the previous year. Asian tourists accounted
for most of this growth (70%), coming mainly from Japan, Taiwan,
Republic of Korea, and China. Tourism receipts also increased
by
9.4% to US$6.24 billion (S$9.36 billion). This represented
19.3% of
Singapores total service exports (STPB 1993/94:3).
This strong performance,
however, has not been a consistent
phenomenon.
During the worldwide economic recession in the early
8Os, the tourism industry was punctuated with uncertainty.
Singapore
witnessed a drop in tourism receipts between 1982 and 1986 (STPB
1989:33) which triggered off considerable
panic in the industry. To

Peggy Teo and Brenda Yeoh are senior lecturers in the Department
of Geography, National
University of Singapore (Kent Ridge Cresent, Singapore 119260. Email geoteop@leonis.nus.sg).
Besides tourism, their research interests include issues concerning aging populations, historical
geography, and the geography of gender.
192

TEO AND YEOH

193

redress
this problem,
Singapore
responded
by embarking
on an
ambitious
plan to improve
and create tourism
attractions
beginning
in 1984. The Tourism
Product
Development
Plan spelled
out five
major themes on which to weave the islands isolated pockets of places
of interest
into a critical
mass of attractions:
Exotic East, Colonial
Heritage,
Clean and Green Garden
City, Tropical
Island Resorts, and
International
Sports Events
(MT1 1986; Teo and Huang
1995). The
Colonial
Heritage
theme highlights
Singapores
nostalgic
past in old
buildings
and places associated
with colonial rule. It is complemented
by Clean and Green City, which oversees the redevelopment
of existing parks such as Fort Canning
Park and the creation
of green lungs
in the city area. The Tropical
Island
Resorts
theme
involves
the
development
of the outer islands of Singapore
(e.g., Sentosa
Island)
into beach resorts
and theme
parks, while marinas
built on these
islands will serve international
sports events such as the Singapore
Inshore
Powerboat
Grand Prix. Of particular
interest
to this paper is
the Exotic East theme, which seeks to preserve
Singapores
unique
cultures
by conserving
and revitalizing
historical
areas
such as
Chinatown
and Little India.
What is being done to revive or create new historical
and cultural
attractions
in Singapore
is reminiscent
of place marketing
strategies
employed
in the European
as well as North American
continents.
These
strategies
are the outcome
of the interplay
between
global
economic
forces on the one hand and local level planning
on the
other. At the global scale, economic
restructuring
has meant
the deindustrialization
of the city and the emergence
of the service sector
as the main employer
and income generator
(Harvey
1990). As multinational
companies
move their operations
from their homebases
to
various
corners
of the world, the decline
in manufacturing
jobs in
many European
and North American
cities positions
tourism,
among
other services, as a vital business
strategy
for economic
regeneration
in these cities. The selling
of local places to tourists
is now big
business
(Sharpley
1994:156).
T 0 a very large extent,
time-space
compression
facilitated
by improved
communications
has further
strengthened
globalization
forces and raised fears that places which
are sold as tourism
products
may lose their place particularity
to
cornmodification
(Bianchini
and Schwengel
1991; Frieden
and Sagalyn
1989; Lowe 1993; Massey 1993; Robins 199 1; Squire 1993; Urry 1990).
For instance,
commentators
such as Cohen (1988) and MacCannell
(1976) have raised concern about the replacement
of real authenticity
by staged
authenticity
in the manufacture
of cultural
and historical
attractions.
MacCannell
suggested
that sites can be made sacred
by tourists-rather
than appreciating
the intrinsic
qualities
of a place
such as beauty, antiquity,
or associations
arising out of the people and
cultures
living in the place, tourists
can deliberately
select qualities
which they deem of value. In such sacralization
of space, tourists
expectations
act as market
forces
shaping
the landscape.
Commodification
becomes
the inevitable
outcome
as culture
and history
become produced
or staged for touristic
consumption.
In Lowenthals
words, If the past is a foreign
country,
nostalgia
has made it the
foreign country with the healthiest
tourist trade of all (1985:4). The

194

REMAKING LOCAL HERITAGE

past is transformed
from being the intrinsic local roots of a place to a
palatable slice of nostalgia which fuels a robust heritage
and culture industry in capitalist economies (Britton 1991; Hewison 1987).
Insofar as these are flourishing industries, cultural and recreational
pursuits and places will be packaged to appeal to the tourists way of
seeing (Relph 1976:85). I n many cases, heritage is said to be interpreted
for a consumer (usually by corporate power) to the extent that there is no
direct focus on the artifact or area for itself (Ashworth and Tunbridge
1990:25). Within this evolving culture of consumption,
authenticity,
defined as the accurate
presentation
of the past through the conservation of its relict features, becomes no more than an academic
definition since relics and events of the past [are] as a raw material
which can be selectively quarried and use[d] in accordance with contemporary attitudes
(Ashworth and Tunbridge
1990:29). The touristization
of places for urban heritage
tourism has ranged from
waterfronts,
festival marketplaces,
downtown malls to tourist-historic
districts (Chang, Mime, Fallon and Pohlmann 1996). It has pervaded
cities of the United States, such as San Francisco, Philadelphia,
Baltimore, and Boston (Date1 and Dingemans
1988; Law 1993), and
across the Atlantic in Bradford, Liverpool, London, Leeds, and Paris
(Townsend 1992; Urry 1990; Yale 199 1).
Recently, selective screening and cornmodification
of landscapes for
tourism have come under attack (Boniface and Fowler 1993; Bramham, Henry, Mommaas and van der Poe1 1989; Crick 1994; Goodwin
1993; Urry 1990) accompanied by a call for greater weight being given
to local mediating forces so that native needs to assert identity and
to accentuate
differences
can be expressed (Ashworth 1993; Kearns
1993; Ley 1989; Tunbridge
1984). According to Chang, Milne, Fallon
and Pohlmann, although heritage tourism may be the chosen strategy, different
destinations
tend to accentuate
themes peculiar to
their culture and location as a way to differentiate
themselves
from
competitors
(1996:287).
B ecause local particularity
cannot be completely transcended,
global processes
must engage with resident
factors. Conflict and negotiation
between residents and community
groups who express local concerns, on the one hand, and the state
and entrepreneurs
who often harken to global forces, on the other,
characterize
major items on the research agenda of urban heritage
tourism today.
A product par excellence of this global-local
nexus is the cultural
theme park. It is at once a product of global trends (of American
origin) to manufacture
leisure sites using a themed approach and
borrows a technological
strategy which has been implemented
successfully elsewhere, while at the same time drawing on some aspect
of local culture and history as its distinguishing
feature or selling
point (Sorkin 1992; Zukin 199 1). Using a specific theme park as
an example, this paper evaluates the extent to which tourism as a
homogenizing
force has influenced and impacted heritage and authenticity in the Singapore landscape. To show how landscapes can be
manipulated
to cater to tourism demand, it focuses on the transformation of Haw Par Villa, once the artfully decorated home of a
flamboyant businessmans
brother which was open to the public as a

TEO AND YEOH

195

pleasure gardens and is now a theme park characterized

by thrill
rides and technological
wizardry. First, Singapores Tourism Product
Development
Plan will be examined in greater detail to uncover how
the state and corporate
bodies intended to shape and change the
landscape according to what they believed tourists desire to see and
The mutual supportiveness
of state and enterprise
is
experience.
highlighted
to show how heritage is used as an enabling
concept
[for]...national...(re)development
(Corner and Harvey 1991:53). In
particular, how heritage and culture are used to create a more lively
representation
that will cater to an almost always
and engaging
cornmodified leisure culture (Corner and Harvey 1991:72) is illuminated. Second, the paper will compare state and corporate views on
this particular
landscape with those of locals and tourists. A comparison of the different ways in which these groups consume Haw
Par Villa as a leisure product is of particular salience because it allows
the juxtaposition
of two perspectives:
on the one hand, the views of
those who can lay claims to various degrees of insideness
(Rowles
1978, 1983) as locals who have enjoyed the villa as a leisure spot before
its refurbishment
in 1990 as a tourism attraction;
and, on the other,
the views of tourists, outsiders whose encounters
with the villa are
brief and devoid of personal memory of the place. By bringing the two
together, the paper will argue that both global and local forces should
play their parts in shaping heritage tourism sites in Singapore.
THE MARKETING

OF A CULTURAL

THEME

PARR

Tourism and leisure environments

incorporating
theme parks often
falsify time and place (Shaw and Williams
1994: 168). Place marketeers
repackage
historical
events and geographical
areas in a
fashion that aims primarily to enhance attractiveness
to the leisure
public and tourists. Locally-rooted
traditions, lifestyles, and the arts
are often compressed into a space and presented in a legible fashion
for leisure consumption.
The loose use of culture for the purpose of
selling places can give rise to tension and conflict especially if the
people within that place feel that the cultural and historical materials
portrayed by place marketeers
are inappropriate
(Shaw 1992; Zukin
1991).
A number of key players are involved in the relationship
between
local areas and tourism development:
the local people who are concerned with conserving their heritage and features in the environment
which signify the locality in which they live; private sector owners and
potential owners of tourism-related
services and attractions;
and the
state or local authorities
(Urry 1990:112). In particular, the latter two
are powerful forces. Selling places often does not only involve the
local planning authority but also local and multinational
resources of
capital and enterprise. Bianchini and Schwengel(1991),
Cloke (1992),
and Duncan and Goodwin (1985, 1988) have elucidated this concept
of Thatcherism
or the New Right, whereby local authorities such
as urban development
authorities
or tourism boards have internalized the idea that the interests of a place are best served by lifting
the dead hand of regulation and by opening it to the sway of market

196

REMAKING

LOCAL HERITAGE

forces (Philo and Kearns 1993: 19). In the course of events, landscapes
come to reflect the ideas of elite groups. Quite often, state and private
enterprise
stand in agreement
about their goals. For example, there
is often a commitment
to achieving economic goals which, in turn,
strongly influence their objectives and planning. Jackson (1989) suggests that for the sake of achieving these goals, the state may impose
its hegemony on the people, not forcefully but persuasively, using the
argument that the benefits derived are also for them and that their
plans will bring about money and growth, jobs and economic (re)generation.
In the designing of tourism attractions,
Ashworth and Tunbridges
(1990:23-27)
useful distinction between the concepts of authenticity
and heritage ought to be noted. While authenticity
derives from the
intrinsic aesthetic or historic value of an objectlplacefor its sake, heritage
derives its meaning from the user. Heritage contains a past as well as
a legatee for which the past is preserved. In other words, there is a
market value for heritage. Heritage,
therefore,
poses the important
question of whose heritage ? but is also logically defined only in
terms of that market. With the rapid growth of tourism and the
desire to harvest from this growth, planning for and selling tourism
attractions
such as in a theme park may sometimes
result in undesirable and unintended
effects. Placelessness,
which is defined by
Relph as an environment...[in
which the] underlying attitude...does
not acknowledge
significance
in places...cutting
roots, eroding symmust be made
bols (1976: 143), is a warranted concern. Investments
wisely so that possible negative impacts of tourism may be averted.

Haw Par Villa

Haw Par Villa is the legacy of Aw Boon Haw, a millionaire
whose
business empire in Asia included pharmaceutical
companies,
publishing firms, and a bank. Characterized
as a flamboyant personality
with a flair for publicity, he made his early fortunes from Tiger Balm,
an ointment heavy with camphor and menthol which boasts the ability
to cure headaches,
rheumatism,
and stomach discomforts
among
other ailments. Aw Boon Haws empire was shared with his younger
brother, Aw Boon Par (their names when translated
from Chinese
with whom he had a close
mean Tiger and Leopard, respectively)
bond (King 1992). The villa was Boon Haws gift to his brother.
The location at Pasir Panjang Hill (Figure 1) was chosen for its
harmonious geomantic elements. Fronted by sea and backed by a hill,
the mansion was built on a 3 ha site in 1937. A first indication of its
opulence was already apparent at the main entrance. Since Haw Par
Villa means Villa of the Tiger and Leopard,
the entrance
was
adorned by an archway which was guarded by the tiger on the right
and the leopard on the left (Figure 2). In the compound, the public
area of the villa, a large swimming pool (one of the first to be built in
Singapore),
and a signature
pond shaped in the Chinese character
of the family name were found. The grounds also featured several
stone animals such as snakes, rhinoceros,
kangaroos,
gorillas, and

TEO AND YEOH

Figure

1. Location

197

and Layout of Haw Par Villa

deer as a testament
to Aws fetish for wildlife.
These were placed
amid caves and grottos where the tiger and leopard established
their
territoriality
and security.
Aw Boon Haw had not intended
the gardens
to be only a place of
relaxation
but also one in which moral lessons could be learned.
Over
a period of time from 1937 to his death in 1954, he commissioned
over 1,000 statues and 150 brilliantly
colored giant tableaux
centered
around Chinese
folklore, legends,
and history. Many of these depicted
moral lessons in simple terms such as Evil Does Not Pay and Good
Triumphs
Over Evil. A series of tableaux
entitled
Virtues
and
Vices drew on everyday lessons such as the need for thrift, filial piety,
and loyalty. Metaphors
and allegories
were also used. Animals
dressed
up as humans
were depicted
in human
situations
so that visitors may
ponder on the similarities
of what they see with themselves.
Legends
with a moral edge, such as pious Tang Zhens journey
to the West in

198

REMAKING LOCAL HERITAGE

Figure 2. The Main Archway of Haw Par Villa. The Tiger as the Ruling Icon is
Placed in the Center
search
of the Buddhist
Scriptures,
dwelt on the strength
and
righteousness
of their characters
as well as their dedication to their
country. Perhaps the most unforgettable
tableau was the Ten Courts
of Hell, a Taoist version of purgatory where souls were summoned
for judgment
before reincarnation.
In this netherworld,
vivid scenes
of gore such as tongues being cut off for lying and gossiping, hearts
cut out for injustice, bodies being speared (Figure 3), charred or grilled
for disrespect to elders, bodies being disembowelled
for prostitution or
boiled for cheating, arson, or drug trafficking spelled out lurid scenes
of the consequences
of a lack of morality. These were the objects that
made the gardens so unique that they would draw thousands to gape
and marvel (King 1992:322). The gardens themselves became known
as the Tiger Balm Gardens, a name which associated immediately
with a product that had become a household name.
Haw Par Villa was declared a public property after the death of
Boon Haw. Eng Aun Tong, the company which manufactured
Tiger
Balm, was made to donate approximately
US$33,000
(hereafter,
all
dollars are US$) a year to the upkeep of the gardens for the public.
By the 7Os, this amount had increased to about $67,000 (The Straits
Times 1980). It should be noted that the villa and parts of the gardens
were destroyed during the Japanese
Occupation.
After the war, restoration started and some new sculptures, copying well known international icons such as the Statue of Liberty, a set of Sumo wrestlers,
and a garuda were added. Altogether,
there were eight international
corners established in the gardens.
In the Tourism Task Force Report submitted to the state in 1984, it
was suggested that one of the main problems that Singapores tourism

TEO AND YEOH

199

Figure 3. The Eighth Court of Hell, where a Man is Speared for Disrespect to
his Elders and a Womans Guts are Cut Out for Prostitution

industry faced was the loss of the islands oriental mystique. The other
reasons cited for the poor performance
of the industry included high
costs which made Singapore an uncompetitive
destination,
the poor
state of the world economy, and unfavorable foreign exchange rates
(MT1 1984). Th e 1oss of oriental mystique weighed heavily on the
state because of huge investments
in infrastructure-airport,
hotels,
and shopping centers-which
made it necessary to sustain a high
growth rate in tourism in order to reap returns on investment.
To
attract tourists, the Singapore Tourist Promotion Board (STPB) maintained the need to bring back the islands tropical charm and romance;
among the ways identified to do this was Haw Par Villa. Chinatown,
Little India, and Bussorah Street (the heart of Arab-Malay
culture)
were other complementary
attractions
selected for development
and
promotion under the cultural-heritage
theme. As a showcase of Chinese heritage, Haw Par Villa fell under the Exotic East theme. The
recommendation
was to turn the villa into a high-tech
entertainment
center (The Straits Times 1986a), while at the same time
adapting modern technology for Asian culture to create a Chinese
mythology park. The point emphasized
by the STPB was that Haw
Par Villa constituted
a rich heritage of Chinese culture. However, it
had fallen into disuse and required something spectacular
to revive
it. The answer seemed to lie in the Disneyfication
of the park
using technology to add life to the static attractions.
The US-based
Economic Research Associates (ERA), which had done similar studies
for Disneyland in Los Angeles, was commissioned
to do a feasibility
study and eventually the villa was acquired by the government
in
1986.

200

REMAKING LOCAL HERITAGE

After the acquisition, a tender was put out for private enterprise to
design and manage the theme park. Rather than redevelop Tiger
Balm Gardens itself, the STPB preferred to pick the brains of private
enterprise,
especially those who had a good track record and experience in major theme parks [and who are then capable ofl...assess[ing]
the potential of the garden (The Straits Times 1985). Some broad
guidelines were given, namely, that the successful tender was expected
to restore, preserve, and improve the exhibits and provide high-tech
entertainment
(Business Times 1985). The marrying of state support
to private enterprise
capital and ideas as a way to generate income
from tourism in the case of Haw Par Villa serves as yet another
affirmation
of a larger global trend. The experience
in Singapore is
very similar to that in Albert Dock in Liverpool. Liverpools Merseyside
Development
Corporation
followed the successful American formula
of festival markets in the Inner Harbor of Baltimore
and in Quincy
Market in Boston as the model for attracting
private enterprise
into
a public space (Bianchini
and Scwengel
1991:2 16). In Singapore,
a
local consortium comprising Fraser and Neave and Times Publishing
Berhad bid for and won the tender to develop Haw Par Villa as a
tourism attraction
for the STPB. In the hope of attracting
tourists to
Haw Par Villa, Rattaglia Associates Incorporated,
an offshoot of Walt
Disney Productions,
was commissioned
to design the park in such a
and Epcot Center are
way as to draw visitors the way Disneyland
doing in the US (The Straits Times 1986b). As soon as International
Theme Parks (Singapore)
Private Ltd (ITP) was set up as the joint
venture company to operate the park, the cornmodification
of attractions at the park was set into process. From the start, the park was to
be a project of commercial
concern, requiring an injection of $20
million in Phase 1 alone. By the time it opened in 1990, $53 million
had already been spent. The new Haw Par Villa was expected
to
attract 1.25-1.5 million visitors over 3 years after the refurbishment
(The Straits Times 1986c).
The planned attractions
included static as well as moving ones.
Special effects, lasers, animation, and state-of-the-art
technology were
encounters with the
integral to key attractions
such as hair-raising
Chinese spirit world conjured up through laser effects flashed at the
audience. Visitors would also be able to ride through the Ten Courts
of Hell as they wound their way through
the tortures
of the
dammed...earthquakes,
cold winds and unseen hands reaching out
unexpectedly
from the dark. They could also watch mythological
battles [fought out] in a simulated Sensurround
undersea environment. An 8-minute boat ride through two highspeed splashdowns
would be the way to encounter the gods of Water, Wind and Rain in
the Wrath of Water Gods Flume Ride. Alternatively,
visitors could
follow monk Tang Zhens famous journey to the West with his disciples
through a series of audio animation-imagineering
special effects
(Business Times 1986). The exotic value of the park was capitalized
upon through the use of technological
wizardry. It was the opinion of
the STPB that Western visitors [would] find it [the villa] fascinating
and one of a kind in the world, while Asian visitors and Singaporeans
would be able to relate to the stories and morals depicted (MT1

TEO AND YEOH

201

1986). The new leisure product even took on a different

name: Dragon
World. By the time the park opened, some of the attractions
had been
watered
down in scale due to costs. Still intact were the Wrath
of
Gods Flume Ride; the Sensurround
effect of the battles
between
the
Immortals;
the Ride through
the Ten Courts of Hell but minus the
earthquakes,
cold winds, and unseen hands;
other attractions,
such
as Legends
and Heroes,
were put together
as an audio-visual
presentation
in the indoor auditorium.
The new Haw Par Villa of the 90s was written
up by place marketeers
as the only Chinese
mythological
theme park in the world
which presents
a fantastical
place where Gods do battle with spirits
and monsters,
where mischievious
demons
and playful nymphs wreck
havoc on the lives of mere mortals
and where a 60 meter dragon
rules over all (promotion
pamphlet
for Dragon World visitors).
Two
important
issues can be singled
out. First, the harnessing
of the
particularity
of Haw Par Villa, a place that is inherently
Chinese
and
therefore
different
from most Western
theme parks, is emphasized
so as to increase
the competitiveness
of Haw Par Villa in comparison
to other tourism
products
elsewhere.
Haw Par Villa can be said to be
an explicit example
of a global-local
nexus, whereby a private-public
partnership
attempts
to fit a jigsaw puzzle by forcing particularity
or
the multiplicity
of localities
into an overall picture
of a new global
system
(R o b ins 1991:35).
Second,
in exploiting
place history
for
capital, cornmodification
has become the order of the day. The developers of Dragon
World found it expedient
to rewrite
the landscape
according
to its desired theme. Its blueprint
for success harked back
to a canonized
Chinese
culture
and mythology
rather
than Aw Boon
Haws idiosyncratic
amalgam
of Chinese
characters,
religious
and
moral emblems,
bestial
fantasies,
and personal
symbols. Those that
did not fit the theme,
for example,
the Sumo wrestlers,
a Spanish
dancer,
and a Greek discus thrower,
were removed
(Business
Times
1986). The band of freelance
snake-charmers
who had plied their
trade at the entrance
of the villa since the 70s were also asked to leave
(The Straits Times
1986d). Conversely,
the Lady White Snake when
resurrected
acquired
a husband
and a maid to complete
her story
(The Straits
Times
1990a). Besides
changing
symbolism,
the philanthropic
association
of the park has been displaced
by profit, as
reflected
by the hefty $11 admission
charge. The many statues
and
tableaux
which used to be the highlight
of the villa are now only a
backcloth
for the new attractions:
three hi-tech multimedia
theaters,
two rides, two open-air
theaters
for live performances,
and an automated puppet show (Fraser and Neave 1990:2).
What is the reaction
of people to this technological
wizardry?
The
views of 32 tourists
and 32 locals are presented
based on structured
interviews
conducted
in May 1995. As far as possible, the quota sample
reflects Singapores
major demographic
characteristics
and the country composition
of Singapores
visitors
(Table
1). Other than demographic
data,
all the questions
asked
were open-ended
so that
respondents
could express their opinions
in an uninhibited
way. Structured interviews,
each lasting 30-40 minutes,
were preferred
over the
long indepth
qualitative
survey because
the study involved
transient

202

REMAKING

LOCAL

HERITAGE

Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Respondents

Categories

Sample

Singapore

Age of Respondents:
18-24
25-34
35-44
45-54
>55
Total

37.5
21.8
25.0
6.3
9.4
100.0

14.5
32.2
24.0
12.3
17.0
100.0

Ethnicity of Respondents:
Chinese
Malay
Indian
Others
Total

81.3
12.5
6.2
100.0

77.7
14.1
7.1
1.1
100.0

34.4
21.9
9.4
6.3
9.4
15.6
3.0

29.9
16.1
4.4
8.3
5.1
5.4
5.8

Composition
ASEAN

of Visitor Arrivals

to Singapore:b

J,ZZn
Australia
USA
UK
India
Percentage.
bOnly the top 7 countries have been included. The remaining
Korea, New Zealand,
Sources: Department

25% include Hong Kong, Germany,

France, Netherlands,
Scandinavia and others.
of Statistics (1990:5, 21); STFB (1990: 12).

visitors such as tourists. Locals were interviewed on the spot before

their perceptions and opinions were affected by external factors. Interviews were conducted
in English, Malay, Mandarin,
and Chinese
dialect, depending on the respondents
choice. Most of the interviews
with the Japanese
were conducted in English, those with the Taiwanese were in Hokkien, and those with ASEAN visitors in Malay or
English. As the sample size was relatively small, no attempt was made
to test for statistical
significance.
Instead, the authors preferred
to
let the respondents
statements,
simple percentages,
and the raw
numbers speak for themselves.
Unacknowledged
quotations are verbatim quotes of respondents
in the survey. In addition, interviews
were also conducted with the management
and marketing personnel
of ITP; however, the authors were not able to obtain permission
to
quote them. Nevertheless,
the sentiments
they expressed are very
similar to the secondary sources cited in the text.
Local Perception
Haw Par Villa has been around a long time as a popular leisure
spot especially in the 50s and 60s. As many as 85% of the respondents felt that the fact everyone grows up hearing about Tiger Balm
Gardens
makes Haw Par Villa a part of Singapores
heritage.
Of

TEO AND YEOH

203

these 27 respondents,
one-third associated the villa directly with the
Aw brothers whom they described as two brothers who came from
Burma who were founders of Tiger Balm and belonged to a
wealthy and philanthropic
family. Another third felt that the villa
should be preserved as part of Singapores
heritage for future generations since it was Singapores
first public garden, a historical
leisure spot which can be described as a survivor in the rapidly
changing landscape of Singapore.
The fact that many parts of the
original Tiger Balm Gardens are still intact (in particular,
the 18
Luohan, Lady White Snake, the Eight Immortals,
and Bai Zhe Quan
were mentioned) sat well with these respondents, often trigger[ring]
off memories for them. The Aw memorials and the famous archway
which dominated
the main entrance had the effect of evoking nostalgia for 63% ofall locals. The remaining one-third who characterized
the villa as part of Singapores heritage considered it so because the
park tells us about Chinese folkore which belongs to nearly all of
Singapore. Only 15% suggested that Haw Par Villa was only a tourism
attraction.
A strong sense of place can, therefore,
be said to have developed
out of local encounters with the gardens. In this sample, over 90% of
the respondents who visited the villa had come as a child or teenager
(the remaining
10% came as adults). These visits helped shape lasting
values toward family and society. Many remembered
the historical
and moral lessons written into the statues and tableaux (29%). Some
impressions were so strong they even instilled fear of hell (20%). The
moral virtues of filial piety and thrift were also well remembered
(IS.%). Others who spent good times with family and friends held
fond memories of the place as one which helped to strengthen
family
and friendship
bonds (20%).
There
were also some scattered
impressions
about the archway (3%), the various animal tableaux
(6%), and the association of the gardens with Tiger Balm products or
with the Aw brothers philanthrophy
(6%). When the respondents
were asked to recall the main attractions in the villa before its refurbishment, the answers again suggest strong impressions of this memorable landscape. In particular, the Ten Courts of Hell, especially that
which told of the consequences
of lying (55% of the respondents)
constituted
the most significant
impression
retained by locals who
had visited the original villa. Others described
the landscapes
of
folklore and mythology imbued with moral lessons to be learned
(22%). Some remembered
the open garden (4%) as the main attraction, it being a good place for photographs
(4%) in which fond
memories of good times were captured on celluloid for posterity. The
remaining
15% did not say what the main attractions
were to them.
The answers reflect the significance of the old Haw Par Villa/Tiger
Balm Gardens as a part of personal memory and Singapores heritage.
To some Singaporeans,
Tiger Balm Gardens was definitely a legacy of
their past, a heritage
left to them by two wealthy and generous
brothers with eccentric
taste. To others, the Chinese theme superceded the brothers contribution
and signifies the heritage value of
the gardens. In either case, to most Singaporeans,
the villa is part of
Singapores
history and culture and should be preserved
for that

204

REMAKING LOCAL HERITAGE

reason. Tiger Balm Gardens originated

as a symbol of wealth, a
distinctive biographical
landscape created in a previous era of mini
economic empires. But because of Boon Haws charity, the gardens
became for Singaporeans
also a part of their lives. Before television,
the garden was one of the few places for recreation.
In the 50s and
6Os, it continued as a popular spot which the whole family could
enjoy together
(The Straits Times 1990b). It was a place where my
nappies and I used to romp [amid]...the
diabolical demons and garish
gnomes (The Straits Times 199Oc). Out of these moments, Tiger
Balm Gardens became for Singaporeans
a memory of meaningful
times and hence a valued landscape. In the words of Relph, there is
an authenticity
in the direct and genuine experience
of the place
(1976:64).
Because
of the long history of the villa and the many
generations
who had benefitted
from the benevolence
of the Aw
family, Haw Par Villa is also a part of Singapores
heritage, defined
at two levels: to those who used the park as a leisure spot; and to
those who learned from and appreciated
the tableaux on Chinese
history, mythology, and folklore which they took to represent
the
heritage of the majority ethnic group in Singapore.
About 78% of
Singaporeans
are Chinese,
14% Malay, 7% Indian and 1% Others
(Department
of Statistics
1990:5). Chinese Singaporeans
view themselves to be direct beneficiaries
of this collection
to the extent of
excluding the common heritage they share with the rest of Singapores
cosmopolitan
population. Nowhere else in Singapore is there such a
concentration
of cultural artifacts which is not inspired by the state;
many other showcases, such as Little India Arcade or Malay Village,
are privately developed but have the strong backing of the state. Haw
Par Villa, in contrast, was developed by private individuals on their
own. In sum, the local identity and distinctiveness
of Haw Par Villa is
in its Chineseness
and in the fact that it is a landscape belonging
to the people. Unfortunately,
this particularity
or local distinctiveness
has been erased somewhat since the refurbishment
program began.

Dragon World
In a matter of 2 years (1988-90),
Tiger Balm Gardens was transformed into a theme park, Dragon World. Purposely made over as a
new landscape of consumption offering enough to do the whole day
(Business Times 1990), Dragon World was marketed on the combined
strengths of its Chinese cultural theme and technological
wizardry.
To what extent was this commodity package captivating in the eyes
of local and tourism consumers?
In the case of Dragon World, the
tourism experience
clearly reflected this absorption.
Almost threequarters (73%) of the tourists identified the new but imposing mythological Dragon as the key feature of the park (Figure 4). Far less
imposing, but nevertheless
mentioned occasionally, were the statues
and tableaux depicting Chinese culture and mythology (mentioned
by 9% of the tourists) and the gory scenes depicted in the Ten Courts
of Hell boat ride (9%). Also mentioned was the staged authenticity
inherent
in the live performances
in which gods, goddesses, and

TEO

Figure 4. The Dragon

AND

205

YEOH

which has Overtaken

the Tiger as the Ruling Icon

nymphs acted out rewritten clips of Chinese legends and myths (6%).
In contrast,
original parts of the park such as the main archway
(only 3% mentioned this) and the signature pond (nil response from
tourists) were lost on the tourists who only sought to fulfill their
expectations
of the landscape.
Local visitors were also not immune
to the all-invading
pervasiveness of the 60 meter Dragon in popular imaginations.
Almost
two-thirds (59%) of local respondents
also considered the Dragon to
be the key feature of the park and, although a minority mentioned
the original archway (19%), the statues and tableaux (13%), the Aw
signature pond (3%), the live performances
(3%), and the Flume Ride
(3%), none singled out the Tiger, the original symbol of Haw Par
Villa. Not only has Dragon World replaced Tiger Balm Gardens in a
material sense, the Dragon had also replaced the Tiger as the ruling
icon.
While the majority of both tourists and locals alike considered the
new Haw Par Villa to be part of Singapores heritage (63% and 84%,
respectively),
the reasons they gave for this are instructive.
Among
tourists, the majority
(70%) defined this in terms of the Chinese
theme (Table 2). It did not seem to matter to them that the place
smacked of Americana
whereby an American robot, dressed as an
old Chinese man yakk[ed] away about Legends and Heroes [with an]
American
accent...to
the beat of some American-composed
music
(The Straits Times 199Oc). Locals, in contrast, defined the heritage
value of the park in terms of the legacy left by the Aw brothers or
a landscape that has been around a long time (66%) (Table 2).
Tourists, thus, sought authenticity
in the unifying Chinese theme of
the park while local respondents
found it in the lived experiences
of

206

REIEAJSING LOCAL

HERITAGE

Table 4. Number of Respondents and their Reasons for Considering Dragon

World to be Part of Singapores Heritage
Tourists
Number
%

Responses
Is Dragon World part of Singapores
Yes
No
Total

heritage?:

Reasons for Yes, it is Singapores heritage:

Park Informs about Chinese History/Culture
to
which the Majority of Singaporeans
Belong
Historical Legacy Left by the Aw Brothers
The Park has been Around a Long Time
Total
Reasons for No, it is not Singapores heritage:
Dragon World only Conveys Chinese Heritage,
what about the other Ethnic Groups?
Dragon World is just Another Tourism
Attraction
Singaporeans
are not Aware of who the Aw
Brothers are
Total
aPercentages have been rounded

Locals
Number
%

20
12
32

63
37
100

27
5
32

14
3
3
20

70
15
15
100

9
9
27

34
33
33
100

10

84

40

40

8
100

12

84
16
100

20
100

off.

their past. As Britton

observed, having been persuaded
to buy a
particular
commodity package, tourists are conditioned
to look for
qualities associated with a certain cultural model rather than the
places own authenticity
or the reality of the social, cultural,
and
historical life of which it is a part (1991:455).
Dragon Worlds success formula, based on the twin principles of
Chinese culture and high technology, was well received by both tourists and locals. Slightly more than one-third
(35%) of the tourists
singled out the thrills offered by the Flume Ride and the Ten Courts
of Hell boat ride as the best that Dragon World can offer. Other
technological
innovations aimed at adding life to the park were also
well received. Up to 18% of the tourists listed the multimedia
shows
and the live performances
as being the best in Dragon World.
Tourists were also so enamoured by the statues and tableaux depicting
Chinese legends and myths that they described them as unique and
never to be found elsewhere in the world (41%). Among locals, an
even higher proportion (5 1%) enjoyed the thrill rides and substantial
minorities
(10% each) enjoyed the multimedia
and live shows.
However, 22% were attracted
to the unique Chinese theme of the
park and 7% still referred back to the previous Tiger Balm Gardens
landscape in order to appreciate
the value of the park. In general,
apart from a small minority of local respondents
who felt that the
Chitechnological
innovations distracts one from fully appreciating
nese heritage elements of the villa, the majority of both tourists and

TEO

AND

207

YEOH

locals were not disconcerted

by the fact that the selling of culture was
bolstered by technology (and vice versa).
Consumer
disatisfactions
with Dragon World appear to be based
not so much on a sense that the original cultural landscape of Haw
Par Villa had been eroded as on the practical shortcomings
of the
theme park. Negative images were mainly the result of dissatisfaction
with the theme park attractions.
Nearly 14% of tourists and local
respondents
alike complained
that the multimedia
shows were not
rotated or that the attractions were not open at the time of visit (14%
for the tourists and 9% for the locals). Nearly 11% of tourists and 17%
of local respondents
complained
that entrance
fees were too high.
Poor signage, a lack of shelter, poor maintenance,
and level of service
also featured in the complaints of both tourists and locals (Table 3).
The lack of satisfaction
seemed to center on fact that the expectations
of Dragon World were invariably compared
to those of an international theme park of high quality like Disneyland. The need to pay
also raised expectations
about what the park had to offer or, more
aptly, what it seemed not to have delivered, especially in the opinion
of local respondents.
Dragon World was, in the main, a tourism attraction to most visitors
(91% tourists and 88% of locals). The Chinese folklore and legends
which abound in the park were considered particularly
appealing to
the tourist gaze (86%). The remaining
14% suggested that, since
Singapore has so few attractions
to begin with, Dragon World with its
color and technological
wizardry appealed to them. Dragon Worlds
success as a manicured
tourism landscape which caters to tourists
desire to see and experience something different in the east, has to
some extent influenced
local perception
of the villa as well. Some
Table 3. What Respondents Liked Least about Dragon World

Responses
Multimedia
Shows are not Rotated/Always
the
Same Shows
Several Attractions
were Closed
Park Lacks Shelter/Too
Hot
Poor Signage
Admission Fee is too High
Too Few Attractions
to be Called a Theme Park
Place is Poorly Maintained
Boat Ride through Ten Courts of Hell is too Fast
Statues are Artificial
Not Enough Food and Drink Outlets
Poor Service
Too Built-up and Crowded
International
Corners are Out of Place
Statues are too Grotesque
and Ugly
Total
Percentages have been rounded off.
More than 1 answer may be given by each respondent.

Tourists
Number
%
5

14

14

5
4
4
4
3

14
11
11
11
9
9
6
6
6
3

3
4
3
6

9
11
9
17

1
5
--

3
14

4
2
1
1
35b

11
6
3
3
100

3
2

Locals
Number
%

2
2
1

35b

100

208

REMAKING LOCAL HERITAGE

23% of local respondents

described the park as fascinating,
aweinspiring,
and exciting
because
of its many new attractions,
namely, the boat rides and live performances.
The park was also
described as being vibrant in color with a modern and fresh outlook (11%). The dragon captured many an imagination
(6%). The
educational
value for children and adults (10%) is, however, still
present.
Negative
images were also couched in terms of Dragon
Worlds shortcomings
as a theme park. Some described it as too small
and not having enough attractions
compared to other theme parks,
making it a poor cousin or not living up to the promises alluded to
in the promotional
pamphlets
(29%). For a significant
proportion
(21%), however, negative impressions
of the park stem from a comparison of the old Tiger Balm Gardens with the theme park, centering
on the view that the heritage and culture of the old gardens have been
adulterated
for the tourist gaze. For this group, the enchantment
of
the new, its simulations and spectacularity,
has not completely erased
the old, nor has it compensated
for the loss of the original. They felt
that the collaborative
representation
of Haw Par Villa by the state
and private enterprise
was not faithful to the historical value of the
place. The gardens were once free, uncrowded, and uncluttered.
It
was a place to learn moral lessons as well as one which exemplified a
philanthropic
tradition of a rich family. It was enjoyed by all Singaporeans,
regardless of class or ethnicity. Now, its value resides in
being a place where foreigners who would like to see Chinese history,
culture and folklore can come. To those who preferred the old Haw
Par Villa, they would have liked it to be like in the olden days (i.e.,
unchanged, minus interactive
robots and high-speed thrill rides).
The mixed impressions
given by the locals indicate that Dragon
World straddles two sets of experiences:
on the one hand, there are
those who value and cling to the personal memories of the old villa;
on the other, there are those enthralled
by the consumption
culture
engendered
by modern-day capitalism
that can best be described as
the American
pivot of conmass and homogenizing...following
sumption (Thrift and Glennie 1993:48). In contrast, for the tourists,
the park is a one-stop visit for Chinese culture-an
environmental
bubble in which they can also enjoy the thrills and amusement of rides
and shows. To this end, state and private enterprises
were successful
in their deliberate
creation of an oriental version of Disneyland for
tourists. The local distinctiveness
of Haw Par Villa as portrayed by
the Aw brothers
was carefully
distilled
so that only the desired
elements were left. It was this Chinese imagery which was sold and,
judging from the reactions of the respondents, it was happily absorbed
by most.
CONCLUSION
To many Singaporeans,
Tiger Balm Gardens was a landscape of
memories,
one in which the direct experience
of having used the
gardens created a sense of value for them. Dragon World in contrast
is a landscape of consumption. It is a place where entertainment
value
can be derived amid a backdrop which is unique. The value associated

TEO AND YEOH

209

with the consumption

of leisure
is so great that Dragon
World is
judged
not so much by comparisons
with Tiger Balm Gardens
but
weighed
against
other theme parks in Singapore
which were created
from scratch
such as Volcano
Land and Fantasy
Island
in Sentosa
Island,
as well as other international
standard
theme parks such as
Disneyland.
This comparison,
however, has unfortunately
become the
parks nemesis.
The adventure,
excitement
and novelty offered by the
park seems to be wearing
off and the park is considered
a losing
venture.
According
to one respondent,
Dragon
World was a mustsee because
we have[sic]
heard so much about it. Now that this
respondent
has seen and experienced
it, he would not come again
because
once is enough...it
is too expensive.
Compared
to other
newer theme parks, Dragon World is old fashioned
in terms of its
technology
and offers too little for the amount
of money paid. It is
precisely
from this experience
that a valuable
lesson is learned.
Allowing Western
ideas to dictate
what a theme park should include
has
permitted
the global forces of capitalism
to sweep over the landscape
of Haw Par Villa. Only those brands of particularity
which the privatepublic partnership
believed would sell were retained.
All other vestiges
of authenticity
were removed
or pushed
into the background.
Yet,
despite
the cornmodification
of Haw Par Villa, the park is falling
behind other attractions
in Singapore
and is not considered
by some
attraction
(The Straits Times 1995).
travel agents to be a must-see
This fact is telling.
Local agencies,
namely
Singaporeans,
have
spurned
Haw Par Villa because
it is too commoditized.
By giving the
villa limited
support,
local agencies
have contested
the image of Haw
Par Villa and negotiated
for a new image. Under
the new General
Manager
of ITP, management
intends
to steer the park away from
the adventure
rides such as they are, towards the creepy wonderland
that Singaporeans
remember
(The Straits Times 1994). The reversal
back to the Tiger Balm Gardens
that Singaporeans
knew and appreciated is indicative
of a rising awareness
among Singaporeans
of their
own heritage
(Yeoh and Kong 1995) which is appreciated
for its own
sake and not necessarily
for commercial
reasons,
least of all for tourism (Teo and Huang
1995). As a first step in this new awakening,
Dragon
World will be dropped
in favor of the original
Tiger Balm
Gardens
or The park that Aw built
(Legends
1995:1-Z).
Also in
the pipeline
is a film on the history of the Aw family. Many of the
more eccentric
animal
tableaux
will similarly
be reinstated
(e.g. the
gorillas,
the kangaroos,
polar bears,
and hippopotamus).
In other
words, the idiosyncratic
landscape
that Aw Boon Haw created
will
come alive again. The Ten Courts of Hell, so well-known
during
the
time of Tiger Balm Gardens,
will be dismantled
for a walk-through
the way most Singaporeans
remember
it (Business
Times
1995;
The Straits Times 1995).
By highlighting
what is perceived
to be the more authentic
aspects
of Haw Par Villa, the park seems to have come a full circle. The need
for tourism
planning
to be sensitive
to place history and culture
is
indicated
by the reversal in Haw Par Villas planning
history. The way
it was remembered
as heritage
and valued by Singaporeans
who lived
through
it in their childhood
could not be totally erased by private

210

REMAKING

LOCAL

HERITAGE

enterprise
or the state in the name of profit. Fortunately,
private
enterprise had the foresight to retain the Chinese focus which Peter
Hulm (ITP General Manager)
says no-one has yet thanked...for
rescuing this part of Singapores history (The Straits Times 1994).
It was the Americanizing/Disneyfication
of the park which failed.
Putting Tiger Balm Gardens back into Haw Par Villa attempts to
remove the spectacle in Dragon World and reinstate the original lived
culture which made the park to begin with. Hulms final statement
on Haw Par Villa is to bring you back to see an old friend (Legends
1995:8). In this instance, tourism is being used to reinforce the heritage of the local landscape while meeting the economic goal of profitmaking, so highly prized by private enterprise and the state.
This paper clearly reveals that the showcasing of culture and history
can create antagonisms,
especially if it is left completely in the hands
of marketeers
to decide what to represent. Local forces are important
and can temper market forces from obliterating
deliberately
or accidentally the heritage and culture of a place. The need to appreciate
the local histories and memories of ordinary people who live, work,
and use a place must become a reality for there to be a workable
global-local
nexus to prevent further insensitive cornmodification
of
places for the sake of tourism. In the light of Urrys claim that
postmodern
tourists prefer to gaze upon the distinct, celebrating
differences of the vernacular
(1990:127) is the best path for urban
and tourism planners who subscribe to using tourism as an income
earner. 0 0
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Submitted 17 November 1995
Resubmitted
19 February 1996
Accepted 6 March 1996
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Coordinating
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