A Dance with the Devil:

Divergences in the Nordic Witch-hunt

by Ryan Freligh

Magic and the control of the world through supernatural means are common concepts
throughout world history. By the Early Middle Ages in Europe, pagan civilizations had
developed various ideologies regarding the way the world functioned through the idea of magic
as a substitute for that which they had yet no way of explaining through science: weather
phenomena, birth, death, etc. In Nordic Europe, a wealth of mythology develops by means of
polytheistic religion, a mythology that fosters this magical view of thinking, with examples of
supernatural power and magical creatures referenced in the earliest texts of the civilization.
From the 8th century forward, these beliefs and practices received higher levels of
criticism, due to the Christianization of the region. Once Christianity moves to Scandinavia, the
views on magic, witchcraft in specificity, gradually being to change; deities become saints, spells
turn to prayer, and the norms of the previous pagan culture becomes stigmatized, by the churchs
attempts to replace them with their ideologies. With this conversion came not only a change in
the view of magic but also in the view of its practitioners: Witches, healers, etc. Attitudes to these
members of the community are seen in a negative light by the Church throughout all of Europe, a
view that would only get worse later with the Protestant Reformation.
Through the following centuries, the commonalities between the Nordic region and the
rest of Europe regarding the view of witchcraft grow in number however, the evolution of
witchcraft in the Sweden, Iceland, Denmark, Norway, and Finland, remains in many ways
divergent from the other regions. Prime examples of this divergence are in the gender of the
accused as well as the Courts response to witchcraft in trials and in law. My goals in this
investigation are twofold; the first is to summarize the overall witchcraft climate in the Nordic
region from the middle ages until the Enlightenment and the second being to compare and

contrast the persecution process there with that of other Western European areas with prominent
witch-related activity, namely France and German-Speaking Areas.
Starting with witchcraft in medieval society, Mitchell's research in his book: Witchcraft
and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages, explains the importance of not only laws and official
documents when looking at views of witchcraft, but also literature, and poetry. One specific
example of this is the Sagas of Iceland, which provide a wealth of information regarding charm
magic and enchantments. Despite these texts not being historically accurate, Mitchell explains
that they depict the way of life and thinking at the time in regards to views on witchcraft, perhaps
more so than official court or church documents (Mitchell 20). These types of texts describe
magic in a much richer way in comparison to official documents, in which the subject comes up
typically in terms of its illegality or the practitioner's limitations as opposed to an atmosphere of
belief.
Early Nordic laws can however provide insight into views of magic and witchcraft thus
making them essential sources when investigating early negative views regarding the practice of
magic before Christian influences even entered the region. According to early law, witchcraft, or
forduskapr, is defined as an active tradition of manipulating the universe through charms and
ritual. Using laws such as the Law of Gulaing from 9th century Norway as example: One
shall not believe in Soothsaying, witchcraft, or maleficence. The penalties for supernatural
practices such as rousing trolls or seeking soothsayers in Finnmark were more severe than
inflicting physical harm to others through natural means such as neglecting a child (Mitchell 21).
At the time, these beings were not only thought to have existed but were clearly seen as
dangerous. It is also interesting that they were believed to have live in a specific area

geographically; Finnmark, in the case of soothsayers and it is indicated later that witches were
thought to also congregate at specific locations throughout the region.
Earlier research on witchcraft saw those who believed in magic at this time in an Elite
Vs. Non Elite model. However, through evidence found in laws along with literature, it is more
likely that all levels of society believed in these supernatural forces. This Magical World View
would have been the most plausible for explaining the unexplained and thus would be the view
used by both the nobility and by lower members of society such as peasants or prostitutes
(Mitchell, 19). This world view falls into the Old Witch Concept which is explained in
Gullveigs work: Heksetro Og Trolddom. This view of witchcraft would last up until the
Reformation and could be considered as a more accepting or at least more neutral view. As
magic in the Nordic middles ages was not yet directly associated with the devil, even the clergy
themselves would go to healers or wise-men/women from time to time (Gullveig, 20). Therefore,
in the Medieval and Pre-Reformation periods, witchcraft or magic laid in the grey area between
tolerance and intolerance.
In the 12th century, persecutions do occur however not as frequently as in the centuries to
follow. At this time, accusations of sodomy and homosexuality were more frequent than actual
witchcraft however, once Europe traverses into the New Witch Concept, accusations of having
sex with the devil or demons becomes a more popular accusation (Gullveig 22). Although
resistance to practicing witchcraft exists being before the Reformation, it is after this time where
the larger witch-crazes in Europe, resulting in thousands of executions, would take place. It is
also in this period where the Nordic countries begin to split in terms of how they deal with
witchcraft. In Gullveigs terminology, this time marks the switch from the Old Witch Concept to
the new one.

The New Witch Concept, created by the church in the 14th century, categorizes all
witchcraft to have demonic involvement. Heksen fik sine supranormale evner gennem pagten
med djvelen (Gullveig 20). This idea is spread initially through order of the Catholic Church,
considering all witches to be heretics, with the main heretic being Satan himself. From this point
forward, the view of the witch as a troublesome hag transforms into a heretic in league with the
devil (Mitchell 206). This focus on the abolishment of witchcraft was caused by the waning
power of the Catholic Church at the time. By accusing its enemies of heresy and witchcraft, the
Church could reclaim its influence in continental Europe. Therefore, It is also in this period that
the notorious text, Malleus Maleficarum is published, with the Churchs endorsement.
The Witches Hammer was indeed a contributing factor to the witch-craze to come as well
as most of Central and Western Europe. Despite the text not actually presenting very much new
material, it solidified ideas on witchcraft and the dangers that came therewith. The academic
style of the text along with its categorical organization of the types of witchcraft and demonology
(maleficium, veneficium, necromantia, etc) made its influence even stronger. The text states that
for witchcraft to exist, both a witch and a pact with the devil are required which would eliminate
the grey-area regarding the practice of magic that is found in previous centuries. Therefore the
healers and white witches of the middle ages are just as guilty as those who commune with
demons.
As the laws and attitudes concerning witchcraft changed from the middle ages to the
14th/15th centuries, the depiction of the witch changed as well. In terms of the middle ages,
women are seen early on as seers and sorceresses. They were the original practitioners of
divinatory arts and healing. This is especially true before the conversion to Christianity in the
Nordic countries, at which point men became more associated with these practices, fulfilling

roles in the church and so forth (Mitchell 175). Moreover, Per-Anders stling states in an article
on the Great Swedish Witch-Craze that In Icelandic saga literature from the 13th century, it was
considered unmanly to perform witchcraft (stling 84). Men were associated with hunting and
weapons while women were through to protect the home, prey, etc. Therefore, they made better
witches or at least were deemed more appropriate to be seen as such.
Turning to Nordic mythology, the role of an evil woman is frequently present; beings
such as Valkyries and mara (female succubus-like creatures) are frequently depicted as predators
of men, thus fulfilling the same evil woman role that the witch will do later. A subcategory of
this archetype is the troublesome old woman (Mitchell 178) which reflects in the stereotypical
connotation of a witch as an old hag. It is therefore not shocking that in most trials in both the
Nordic regions and in the rest of Europe, women over 50 years were most frequently targeted
and accused.
Older women, seen as undesirable and immune to the charms of men, frequently lived
alone and fell into an outcast role in smaller communities. The idea of them making pacts with
the devil to attain various desires or power was not difficult for neighbors to believe. When crops
failed, children died, or ships sank, it was common from these women to be blamed. The
scapegoat role is frequently played by witches as they could take the blame for virtually any
misfortune as anything could be done through magic. Depictions of the devil are not uniform
throughout Europe; however he was typically known to come to women in the guise of a man,
wearing a hat with a feather in it. The colors of his clothing are usually specified and in
woodcuts, a hint is normally revealed to his real identity as well; sometimes being a clawed foot,
other times being a tail. Women were not the only victims of the devil's seduction, however.

A point that should be stressed is that not only women were accused of witchcraft. In fact,
The Nordic countries would end up having one of the highest rates of men accused, resulting in a
distinguishing difference from the witch trials in other parts of Europe. This makes the concept
of the witch in Scandinavia appear more gender-flexible as opposed to other parts of Europe
where women were more frequently targeted. Iceland is the prime example of this; men were
persecuted 90% of the time in the 17th century (Ankarloo 151). This is an interesting contrast to
the typical view of the witch being a woman, especially when this depiction is seen early on in
Icelandic literature no less. One theory for this role reversal is that men had more access to
knowledge, magical knowledge especially in the 17th century. Definitions of witchcraft in
Iceland may have also provoked this as well because men were more commonly associated with
maleficium, and necromancy where women were seen more commonly as healers, a practice that
did not always warrant severe persecution.
Another example of this gender divergence is found in Finland. Here we find once again
the distinction between benevolent and malevolent magic and different penalties for the two.
Once again, Men were typically accused of practicing malevolent magic whereas women were
typically fined for benevolent. Therefore, it is possible that records would reveal more men being
accused of witchcraft where incidences with women were not as thoroughly recorded as they
were not seen as serious. Parts of Scandinavia do not follow this increase of men accused
however; in 17th century Sweden, men only made up 28% of the accused. More specifically,
Sorins research on trials in Gta Hovrtt shows that of the 800 individuals accused, 321 of them
were men on trial for having practiced some type of witchcraft being it Maleficium, Devilworshiping, etc (Sorin 108). This does not necessary mean that the concept of the witch was
more aimed toward women but is likely due to there being fewer men to accuse due to Swedens

ongoing wars. This may also result in more tension between women in rural areas due to stress,
anxiety, and hardship (stling 100).
After the political and theological movements of the 15th and 16th centuries, when the
witch is seen more frequently in league with the devil, the concept of the witch's sabbath is
strengthened in the folklore and becomes a principle element in trials thereafter. Earlier
depictions of witches show them in a more solitary manner, or practicing their magic in secrecy
(Dubois 84). In Scandinavia, various sites were through to be the location of the witchs Sabbath:
Blkulla being one of the most notorious, in northern Sweden. This name marks a real site in
current day Sweden known as Bl Jungfru, however it was earlier named as Blkulla which was
the same name given to a location in folklore known for the meeting of witches. This location
becomes an epicenter of lore related to witchcraft and the supernatural. Various accounts of
supernatural beings (faries, demons) were thought to reside on the island as well as it being
known as a sabbath meeting place since the Middle Ages. It was however not alluded to in the
persecution of witches until centuries later (Wall 206).
The sabbath, with origins coming from southern France, was seen as a meeting place for
witches and the Devil. Another term for this meeting was synogaga which originally signified a
meeting outside of the Church. Other assumed activities at the Sabbath included sexual orgies,
cannibalism, and flying through the air on objects and animals. Frequently in texts and in images
of the Sabbath, witches are seen travelling there in a similar pilgrims travel to a holy site. Being
that witches became more and more associate with the devil, certain Sabbath locations like
Blkulla were through to be an entrance to hell.
References to the Sabbath are not only found in Sweden; in Norway, Anna Pettersdotter
Absalon was accused of witchcraft in 1590 along with killing two men and transforming her

servant into a horse, who she then rode to the sabbath (Levack 209). Similar to this testimony,
many claimed to have witnessed these sinful meetings take place, either having seen it first-hand
or through a dream-like state. Many of these ideas were strengthened in the Early Modern period
due to the reformation and the growing number of witchcraft-related texts. Is for this reason that
these images of the witch and sabbath become more uniform throughout other parts Europe and
the Nordic countries at this time.
Despite the similar view of the witch or the sabbath with that of other areas, differences
arise in the late 16th century in the manner that witchcraft was tried and accused; in some ways,
the process of trying witches was ahead of its time in comparison with other areas in Europe. For
example, 30 percent of legal situations involving witchcraft were the accused requesting trial
themselves in order to clear their name. If successful, the accuser would be fined. Furthermore, it
was common for one to be acquitted after having been examined by a priest, whose testimony
alone was proof that they were not a witch (sting 101). Another factor in Finland, Denmark,
and Sweden was the high level of criticism of using torture in witch trials, thus eliminating false
confessions or forcing blame on others (Levack 206). This refrain from using torture contributes
to trials in the North being milder in comparison to other areas of Europe. In areas of Germany
or France, a potential which was tortured, had no choice but to confess, and then additionally
accused others in order to save her or himself, thus further exacerbating the witch-craze. Aside
from the differences between in this area and the rest of Europe, there are also the distinctions
between the Nordic countries themselves.
In Sweden specifically, laws were strict and designated by the court and trials with a
death sentence had to be brought before the royal court, thus keeping witch-hunting at this time
in-check. Furthermore in 1583, Swedish law stated that six individuals needed to provide

testimony against a witch or the witch had to confess to the crime of witchcraft (Levack 210). In
addition, rumors and slander were highly discouraged and could result in fines in one accused
another without evidence. Such stipulations would further hinder any witch-craze. In Germanspeaking areas, we find this lack of protocol in smaller city-states to cause a more severe witchcraze as witch trials were performed without royal involvement. During the Thirty Years War,
Queen Christina put all witchcraft related trials to an end unless a death was involved. Despite
the waning appearance of witch-hunting in Sweden, the situation takes a turn for the worst under
the reign of Charles XI.
The great Swedish Witch-craze began in Dalarna in the north. At the height of the panic
in 1649, over 100 were executed. Many of the accused were not only women but children as
well. At this time, the legends of witch sabbaths at locations like Blakulla are brought into play,
strengthening the beliefs about witches and their activities throughout Northern Europe. Not only
men and women were affected but also children; many of which would point out others as the
accused, saying they were taken by witches at night. Some of these children were bribed by
others or forced to point out witches- the coercers enemies whom he/she wished to get rid of.
(stling 102). At this point in the second half of the 17th century, more commonalities are found
between the growing witch-craze in Sweden and those in the rest of Western Europe.
Charles XI made the situation worse by establishing commissions to go out and accused
witches. These commissions would go to rural areas and increase witch-hunting by convincing
villagers to accuse others of witchcraft. This panic did not end until the hunt reached Stockholm
and most were being accused on groundless accusations, the witch-craze of Sweden finally came
to an end (Levack 211). This was due to the realization that children could not be seen as reliable

witnesses in the trials, which was not seen until the craze arrived in the capital. Before this point
however, it had already gone to affect surrounding areas, Finland specifically (stling 103).
The areas of Finland most affected by witch-hunting were the Swedish-speaking areas
and it is for that reason that some consider it to fall into Swedish witch-hunting. The area was
very much influenced by Swedens witch-craze at the same period. In fact, before 1640, Finland
was not very concerned with Witchcraft at all. A Swedish Bishop, Issac Rothovius is responsible
for many of the trials as he strived to eliminate sorcery and soothsaying from Finland. We again
we find mention to soothsaying occurring in Finland, an idea from centuries before that has
solidified in the 17th century and remains related to evil witchcraft and sorcery. Despite
Rothovius attempts, Finland remained mild in terms of witch-hunting: Looking at Finland as a
whole, Witchcraft persecutions never got out of control juries tempered the zeal of witch
hunters and the execution rate was lower than in any other of the Nordic countries (Levack 213).
100 years before the witch-hunting in Sweden and Finland, Denmark began its witch
persecutions, making it the first of the countries during the Early Modern Period and would have
one of the longest legacies of witch-hunting due to incidences of unofficial accusations of
witchcraft going all the way into the 20th century. In 1521 the responsibility of dealing with
witchcraft was put into question: should it be by the hand of the Church of by that of the Crown?
Like in Finland 100 years later, we find a Bishop responsible for the start of persecutions. This
began in Seeland and would lead to 52 deaths in the 1540s (Levack 206). Therefore the Church
once again fueled the persecutions and the court followed with hesitation: all cases where
execution was sought had to be brought before the Royal Court. Furthermore, Denmark was one
of the areas that remained hesitant in the torture of witches.

The earliest research conducted on witchcraft in Denmark was by Gustav Henningsen

who presents a Dynamic Theory of Witchcraft. This theory shows that during a witch-craze,
various aspects of witch-hunting change; the first example of this being that anyone was
susceptible to accusation, not just societys outcasts that make up the majority of the accused
before the panic. In earlier trials, the practice of maleficum, or doing harm to someone else via
magic, was essential in persecution. During the time of the witch-craze, the focus falls on the
relationship with the devil rather than what sort of witchcraft the accused was actually doing, as
at that time, all magic was related to the devil (Johansen 12).
Norway had a slightly more mild history of witch persecutions than Denmark, which
ruled Norway at the time. The population could also attribute to this mildness as it was smaller
than Denmarks. Despite torture being viable in interrogations, law required two witnesses to
have seen the crime in order for a conviction, thus making for a less intense level of
persecutions. Norway would end up bringing for some of the most famous accusations of
witchcraft, one of which being Anna Absalon, who was discussed earlier. Others included the
wife of a high-level cleric. Accusing high-status officials of witchcraft was a practice seen more
frequently in Continental Europe; in Germany, it was common from individuals to be accused of
witchcraft in order of the accused to achieve political desires (Levack 209). This however was
not seen as commonly in the north. Although minor differences exist within Nordic areas,
various commonalities can be found in terms of the judicial process of witches, the height of
witch-hunting in the Post-Reformation Period , and folk-beliefs related to witchcraft that are seen
more specifically in the Nordic region: Soothsayers in Finland, trolls, etc.
Over the centuries, from the magical worldview present in the middle ages, emulated by
Nordic paganism and later stifled by the Christian Church, Nordic witchcraft had its own

evolution in comparison to what is found elsewhere. The imminent witch-craze and views on
witchcraft brought forth by the Reformation and the circulation of texts like Malleus
Maleficarum, do have their effect, as they do in the rest Western Europe. In spite of this,
differences in the gender of the accused, and the way the Nordic royal courts dealt with
witchcraft legislatively and judicially create a modified image of both witchcraft in a criminal
sense as well as the witch, his or herself.

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