he word Morlach is derived from Italian: Morlacco, Latin: Morlachus, Murlachus, being cognate

to Greek: (Mauroblakhoi), meaning "Black Vlachs" (from Greek mauro, "dark, black").
The Serbo-Croatian term in singular is Morlak and plural Morlaci [mor-latsi]. In some 16th-century
redactions of the Doclean Chronicle, they are referred to as "Morlachs orNigri Latini" (Black Latins).
[1]

Petar Skok derived it from Latin maurus and Greek maurs ("dark"), the

diphthongs au and av indicating a Dalmato-Romanian lexical remnant.[2]

There are several interpretations of the ethnonym and phrase "moro/mavro/mauro vlasi". The direct
translation of the name Morovlasi in Serbo-Croatian would mean Black Vlachs. It was considered
that "black" referred to their clothes of brown cloth; The 17th-century historian from
Dalmatia Johannes Lucius gave the thesis that it actually meant "Black Latins", compared to "White
Romans" in coastal areas; The 18th-century writer Alberto Fortis in his book Travels in
Dalmatia (1774), where he extensively wrote about the Morlachs, thought that it came from
Slavic more ("sea") morski Vlasi meaning "Sea Vlachs"; 18th-century writer Ivan Lovri, observing
Fortis work, thought that it came from "more" (sea) and "(v)lac(s)i" (strong) ("strongmen by the sea"),
[3]

and mentioned how the Greeks called Upper Vlachia Maurovlachia and that the Morlachs would

have brought that name with them;[4][5] there's a similar interpretation, by Cicerone Poghirc, that it
meant "Northern Latins" (Cicerone Poghirc), derived from the Indo-European practice of
indicating cardinal directions by colors;[6] another theory is that it refers to their camps and pastures
which were built in "dark" places;[7][who?] or that it was a demonym derived from the Morava river
region;[7] or from the Morea peninsula;[8] or, according to Dominik Mandi, from African Maurs.[9]

Origin and culture[edit]

Morlachian musicians from Salona, Thodore Valerio, 1864

The etymology of the exonym points to a connection with Vlachs, but as stated in Fortis'
work Travels in Dalmatia, they were at that time Slavic-speaking. Due to migrations from various
parts of the Balkans, the name had passed to later communities. The Morlach people were both of
theEastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic faith.
Fortis spotted the physical difference between Morlachs; those from
around Kotor, Sinj and Knin generally were blond-haired, with blue eyes, and broad faces, while
those around Zadvarje and Vrgorac generally were brown-haired and with narrow faces. They also
differed in nature. Although by the urban strangers were often seen as "those people" from the
periphery,[10][11] provveditore Zorzi Grimani in 1730 described them by nature "ferocious, but not
indomitable" and Edward Gibbon called them "barbarians",[12][13] Fortis praised their "noble savagery",
moral, family, and friendship virtues, but also complained about their persistence in keeping to old
traditions. He found that they sang melancholic verses of epic poetry related to the Ottoman
occupation,[14] accompanied with the traditional single stringed instrument called gusle.[14] During his
travels, he discovered what he believed to be a "Morlachian ballad", the Hasanaginica.[14] Manfred
Beller and Joep Leerssen identified the cultural traits of the Morlachs as being part of the South
Slavic and Serb ethnotype.[14]
They made their living as shepherds and merchants, as well as soldiers.[15][16] They neglected
agricultural work, usually didn't have gardens and orchards besides those growing naturally, and had
for the time old farming tools, Lovri explaining it as: "what our ancestors did not do, neither will we".
[17][16]

Morlach families had herds numbering from 200 to 600, while the poorer families around 40 to

50, from which they received milk and made various dairy products. [18][16] The "Vlach" or "Romanian"
traditional system of counting sheep in pairs do (two), pato (four), asto (six), opi (eight),zei (ten)
has been preserved in some mountainous regions of Dalmatian Zagora, Bukovica, Velebit,
and iarija.[16][19][20]
Contemporary I. Lovri said that the Morlachs were Slavs who spoke better Slavic language than the
Ragusans (owing to the growing Italianization of the Dalmatian coast). [21] Boko Desnica (1886
1945), after analysing Venetian papers, concluded that the Venetians undifferentiated the Slavic
people in Dalmatia, and that the language and script of the region was labeled as "Illirico" or
"Servian".[22] Lovri made no distinction between the Vlachs/Morlachs and the Dalmatians and
Montenegrins, whom he considered Slavs, and was not at all bothered by the fact that the Morlachs
were predominantly Orthodox Christian.[23]

History[edit]
Early history[edit]
The first mention of the term Morlachs is simultaneous with the appearance of Vlachs in the
documents of Croatia in the early 14th century; in 1321, a local priest on the island of Krkgranted

land to the church ("to the lands of Knee, which are called Vlach"), while in 1322 Vlachs were allied
to Mladen ubi at the battle in the hinterland of Trogir.[24]
In those early documents there is no identifiable differentiation between the terms Vlach and
Morlach.[25] The use of Morlachs is first attested in 1344, when Morolacorum are mentioned in lands
around Knin and Krbava during the conflict between the counts of the Kurjakovi
and Nelipi families.[26] In 1352, in the agreement in which Zadar sold salt to the Republic of Venice,
Zadar retained part of the salt that Morlachi and others exported by land.[27][28] In 1362,
the Morlachorum, unauthorized, settled on lands of Trogir and used it for pasture for a few months.
[29]

In the Statute of Senj dating to 1388, the Frankopans mentioned Morowlachi and defined the

amount of time they had for pasture when they descended from the mountains. [30]In 1412,
the Murlachos captured the Ostrovica Fortress from Venice.[31] In August 1417, Venetian authorities
were concerned with the "Morlachs and other Slavs" from the hinterland, that were a threat to
security in ibenik.[32]
Early Vlachs probably lived on Croatian territory even before the 14th century, being the progeny of
romanized Illyrians and pre-Slavic Romance-speaking people. [33] During the 14th century, Morlach
settlements already existed throughout much of today's Croatia, from the northern island Krk, around
the Velebit and Dinara mountains, and along the southern riversKrka and Cetina. Those Vlachs, had
by the end of the 14th and 15th century lost, if they ever spoke, their Romance language, or were at
least bilingual.[34][nb 1] As they adopted Slavic language, the only characteristic "Vlach" element was
their pastoralism.[38][nb 2] The so-called Istro-Romanians continued to speak their Romance language
on the island of Krk and villages around the epi lake in Istria,[34] while other communities in the
mountains above the lake preserved the Shtokavian-Chakavian dialect with Ikavian accent from the
southern Velebit and area of Zadar.[40][41]
The Istro-Romanians, and other Vlachs (or Morlachs), had settled Istria (and mountain iarija) after
the various devastating outbreaks of the plague and wars between 1400 and 1600, [42]reaching the
island of Krk. In 1465 and 1468, there are mentions of "Morlach" judge Gerg Bodoli and "Vlach"
peasant Mikul, in Krk and Crikvenica, respectively.[43] The Venetian colonization of Istria (and iarija)
occurred not later than the early 1520s,[42] and there were several cases when "Vlachs" returned to
Dalmatia.[44]

16th century[edit]
As many former inhabitants of the Croatian-Ottoman borderland fled northwards or were captured by
the Ottoman invaders, they left unpopulated areas. The Austrian Empire established the Military
Frontiers in 1522, which served as a buffer against Ottoman incursions.[45] At the time, "Vlachs",[nb
3]

served both in the conquesting Ottoman armies, and Austria and Venice, and were settled by both

sides.[49]

In 1579, several groups of Morlachs, understood as Serb tribes in Dalmatia,[verification needed] immigrated
and requested to be employed as military colonists.[50] Initially, there were some tensions between
these and the established Uskoks.[50] In 1593, provveditore generale Cristoforo Valier mentioned
three nations constituting the Uskoks, the "natives of Senj, Croatians, and Morlachs from the Turkish
parts".[51]
The name "Morlach" expanded into toponyms; the Velebit mountain was called Montagne della
Morlacca ("mountain of the Morlachs"), while the Velebit canal was called Canale della Morlacca.
From the 16th century onwards, the historical term changes meaning, as in most Venetian
documents, Morlachs are now usually called immigrants, both Orthodox and Catholic, from the
Ottoman-conquered territories in the Western Balkans (chiefly Bosnia and Serbia). These settled in
the Venetian-Ottoman frontier, in the hinterlands of coastal cities, and entered Venetian military
service by the early 17th century.

17th century[edit]
See also: Morlachs (Venetian irregulars)

"Morlachia" in the 17th century, map by T. Jefferys (1785).

At the time of the Cretan War (164569) and Morean War (1684-99), a large number
of Morlachs settled inland of the Dalmatian towns, and Ravni Kotari of Zadar. They were skilled in
warfare and familiar with local territory, and served as paid soldiers in both Venetian and Ottoman
armies.[52]Their activity was simultaneous with those of Uskoks. Their military service granted them
lands, and freed them from usual trials, and gave them rights which freed from full debt law (only
1/10 yield), thus many joined the so-called "Morlach" or "Vlach" armies. [53] At the time, some notable
military leaders of Morlachs,[nb 4] who were also sung in epic poetry, are Janko Mitrovi, Ilija
and Stojan Jankovi, Petar, Ilija and Franjo Smiljani, Stjepan and Marko Sori, Vuk Mandui, Ilija
Peraica, imun Bortulai, Boo Milkovi, Stanislav Soivica, and counts Franjo and Juraj
Posedarski.[54][55][56] As Morlachs were of both Orthodox and Catholic faith, roughly, the MitroviJankovi family were the leaders of Orthodox Morlachs, while the Smiljani family were leaders of
Catholic Morlachs.[54]

After the dissolution of Republic of Venice in 1797, and loss of power in Dalmatia, the term Morlach
would steadily disappear from use. Although in some historical documents were referred as a nation,
it can't be told it was, or that the name belonged to only one ethnic group, i.e. Vlachs who didn't
manage to make a national identity, or later Croatian or Serbian, yet according to the religious
affiliation, they assimilated to these two ethnic groups.

Legacy[edit]
During the time of Enlightenment and Romanticism, Morlachs were seen as the "model of primitive
Slavdom",[57] the "spirits of pastoral Arcadia Morlacchia.[58] They attracted attention of travel writers
like 17th-century Jacob Spon and Sir George Wheler,[59][60] and 18th-century writers Johann Gottfried
Herder and Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, who labeled their poems as "Morlackisch".[61][62] In 1793 at
the carnival in Venice a play about Morlacchi, Gli Antichi Slavi, was performed, and in 1802 it was
reconceived as a ballet Le Nozze dei Morlacchi.[62] At the beginning of the 19th century, still seen as
relics from primitive past and a byword for barbarous people, they inspired science fiction novelist H.
G. Wells,[13] while the female embroidered leggings reminded Thomas Graham Jackson of the
appearance of American Indian squaws.[63] In the 20th century, Alice Moque, as many other women
travelers, in her 1914 travelogueDelightful Dalmatia emphasized the picturesqueness of the sight of
Morlach women and men in their folk costumes, which "made Zara's Plazza look like a stage
setting", and regretted the coming of new civilization. [63]
The term became derogatory, indicating people from the mountains backward people, and was
disliked by the Morlachs (Croats and Serbs).[64][65] There have been no individuals declaring as
Morlachs in the Croatian censuses.[66]

See also[edit]

Morlachs (Venetian irregulars)

Vlachs of Croatia

Statuta Valachorum

Annotations[edit]
1.

Jump up^ The linguistic assimilation didn't entirely erased Romanian words, the evidence are
toponims, and anthroponyms (personal names) with specific Romanian or Slavic words roots and
surname ending suffixes "-ul", "-ol", "-or", "-at", "-ar", "-as", "-an", "-man", "-er", "-et", "-ez", after
Slavicization often accompanied with ending suffixes "-i", "-vi", "-ovi". [35][36][37]

2.

Jump up^ That the pastoral way of life was specific for Vlachs is seen in the third chapter of
eight book in Alexiad, 12th-century work by Anna Komnene, where along Bulgars are mentioned
tribes who live a nomadic life usually called Vlachs.[39] The term "Vlach" was found in many medieval

documents, often mentioned alongside other ethnonyms, thus, Zef Mirdita claims that this was more
an ethnic than just a social-professional category.[39] Although the term was used for both an ethnic
group and pastoralists, P. S. Nasturel emphasized that there existed other general expressions for
pastors.[39]
3.

Jump up^ "Vlachs", referring to pastoralists, since the 16th century was a common name for
Serbs in the Ottoman Empire and later.[46] Tihomir orevi points to the already known fact that the
name 'Vlach' didn't only refer to genuine Vlachs or Serbs but also to cattle breeders in general.
[46]
Serbian documents from the 12th to 14th century mention Vlachs separately from Serbs, [39] for
example the prohibition of intermarriage between Serbs and Vlachs by Emperor Duan the Mighty.[39][47]
[48]
A letter of Emperor Ferdinand, sent on November 6, 1538, to Croatian ban Petar Keglevi, in which
he wrote "Captains and dukes of the Rasians, or the Serbs, or the Vlachs, who are commonly called
the Serbs".[46] In the work About the Vlachs from 1806, Metropolitan Stevan Stratimirovi states that
Roman Catholics from Croatia and Slavonia scornfully used the name 'Vlach' for "the Slovenians
(Slavs) and Serbs, who are of our, Eastern confession (Orthodoxy)", and that "the Turks in Bosnia and
Serbia also call every Bosnian or Serbian Christian a Vlach" (T. orevi, 1984:110) However, the
immigrants, irrelevant of religion, and especially of modern nationality which didn't exist until the 19th
century, who took refuge in the Military Frontier and inland of coastal cities, were called "Vlachs" or
"Morlachs".[46]

4.

Jump up^ The head leaders in Venice, Ottoman and local Slavic documents were titled
as capo, capo direttore, capo principale de Morlachi (J. Mitrovi), governatnor delli Morlachi (S.
Sori), governator principale(I. Smiljani), governator (. Bortulai), gospodin serdar s
vojvodami or lo dichiariamo serdar; serdar, and harambaa.[54]

References[edit]
1.

Jump up^ Ivan Mui (2011). Hrvatska kronika u Ljetopisu pop Dukljanina (PDF). Split: Muzej
hrvatski arheolokih spomenika. p. 66 (Crni Latini), 260 (qui illo tempore Romani vocabantur, modo
vero Moroulachi, hoc est Nigri Latini vocantur.). In some Croatian and Latin redactions of theChronicle
of the Priest of Duklja, from 16th century.

2.

Jump up^ P. Skok (1972). Etymological dictionary of Croatian or Serbian language II.
Zagreb: JAZU. pp. 392393.

3.

Jump up^ P. S. Nasturel (1979). Les Valaques balcaniques aux Xe-XIIIe sicles
(Mouvements de population et colonisation dans la Romanie grecque et latine). Byzantinische
Forschungen VII. Amsterdam. p. 97.

4.

Jump up^ Zef Mirdita (2001). Tko su Maurovlasi odnosno Nigri Latini u "Ljetopisu popa
Dukljanina" 47. Zagreb: Croatica Christiana periodica. pp. 1727.

5.

Jump up^ Balzs Trencsnyi; Michal Kopeek (2006). Late Enlightenment: Emergence of
modern national ides. Central European University Press. p. 62. ISBN 9637326529. Jean Franois de
Saint-Lambert (17161803) gave the thesis Greeks used the word Maurovlachia, i.e. Black Wallachia,
for Upper Vallachia.

6.

Jump up^ Cicerone Poghirc (1989). Romanisation linguis tique et culturelle dans les
Balkans. Survivance et volution, u: Les Aroumains... Paris: INALCO. p. 23.

7.

^ Jump up to:a b "I Vlasi o Morlacchi, i latini delle alpi dinariche" (in Italian). ilbenandante.
Retrieved2 September 2012.

8.

Jump up^ Vladimir Maurani (19081922). Prinosi za hrvatski pravno-povjestni rjenik.

Zagreb: JAZU. p. 682.

9.

Jump up^ Dominik Mandi (1956). Postanak Vlaha prema novim poviestnim istraivanjima.
18-19. Buenos Aires: Hrvatska misao. p. 35.

10.
11.

Jump up^ Wolff 2002, p. 126.

Jump up^ Brookes, Richard (1812). The general gazetteer or compendious geographical
dictionary (Morlachia). F.C. and J. Rivington. p. 501.

12.

Jump up^ Naimark&Case 2003, p. 40.

13.

^ Jump up to:a b Wolff 2002, p. 348.

14.

^ Jump up to:a b c d Beller 2007, p. 235.

15.

Jump up^ Lovri 1776, p. 170181.

16.

^ Jump up to:a b c d Jelka Vince-Pallua (1992). Tragom vlakih elemenata kod Morlaka
srednjodalmatinskog zalea (in Croatian). Volume 1, No. 1 April. Zagreb: Ethnologica Dalmatica:
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Center for Ethnological Cartography, University of Zagreb.
pp. 137145.

17.

Jump up^ Lovri 1776, p. 174: Ci, che non nno fatto i nostri maggiori, neppur noi vogliam
fare.

18.

Jump up^ Lovri 1776, p. 170-181.

19.

Jump up^ Mirjana Troelj (2011). Mitske predaje i legende junovelebitskog Podgorja
(Mythical Traditions and Legends from Podgorje in southern Velebit) (in Croatian). Studia Mythologica
Slavica 14. Zagreb: Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Ljubljana. p. 346.

20.

Jump up^ Tono Vinak (1989). Kuda idu "horvatski nomadi" (in Croatian). Volume 1, No. 1
June. Zagreb: Studia ethnologica Croatica: Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Center for
Ethnological and Cultural Anthropology, University of Zagreb. p. 9.

21.

Jump up^ Fine 2006, p. 360.

22.

Jump up^ Fine 2006, p. 356.

23.

Jump up^ Fine 2006, p. 361.

24.

Jump up^ Mui (Vjekoslav Klai) 2010, p. 10.

25.

Jump up^ Mui (Vjekoslav Klai) 2010, p. 14-17.

26.

Jump up^ Mui (Vjekoslav Klai) 2010, p. 10, 11: Et insuper mittemus specialem nuntium.
Gregorio condam Curiaci Corbavie,. pro bono et conservatione dicte domine (Vedislave) et comitis
Johannis,.; nec non pro restitutione Morolacorum, qui sibi dicuntur detineri per comitem
Gregorium; Exponat quoque idem noster nuncius Gregorio comiti predicto quod intelleximus, quod
contra voluntatem ipsius comitis Johannis nepotis sui detinet catunos duos Morolacorum. Quare
dilectionem suam reget, quatenus si quos Morolacos ipsius habet, placeat illos sibi plenarie restitui
facere

27.

Jump up^ Listine o odnoajih Junoga Slavenstva i Mletake Republike III. Zagreb: JAZU.
1872. p. 237.Prvi se put spominje ime Morlak (Morlachi) 1352 godine, 24. lipnja, u pogodbi po kojoj

zadarsko vijee prodaje sol Veneciji, gdje Zadar zadrava dio soli koju Morlaci i drugi izvoze,
kopnenim putem.
28.

Jump up^ Mui (Vjekoslav Klai) 2010, p. 11: Detractis modiis XII. milie salis predicti
quolibet anno que remaneant in Jadra pro usu Jadre et districtu, et pro exportatione solita eri per
Morlachos et alios per terram tantum

29.

Jump up^ Mui (Vjekoslav Klai) 2010, p. 12: quedam particula gentis Morlachorum ipsius
domini nostri regis... tentoria (tents), animalia seu pecudes (sheep)... ut ipsam particulam gentis
Morlachorum de ipsorum territorio repellere dignaremur (to be repelled from city territory)...
quamplures Morlachos... usque ad festum S. Georgii martiris (was allowed to stay until April 24,
1362).

30.

Jump up^ L. Margeti (2007). Statute of Senj from 1388 (in Latin and Croatian). Volume 34,
No. 1, December. Senj: Senjski Zbornik. pp. 63, 77. 161. Item, quod quando Morowlachi exeunt de
monte et uadunt uersus gaccham, debent stare per dies duos et totidem noctes super pascuis Senie,
et totidem tempore quando reuertuntur ad montem; et si plus stant, incidunt ad penam quingentarum
librarum.

31.

Jump up^ Mui (Vjekoslav Klai) 2010, p. 13: Cum rectores Jadre scripserint nostro
dominio, quod castrum Ostrovich, quod emimusa Sandalo furatum et acceptum sit per certos
Murlachos, quod non est sine infamia nostri dominii...

32.

Jump up^ Fine 2006, p. 115.

33.

Jump up^ Fine 2006, p. 129.

34.

^ Jump up to:a b Mui (Stjepan Pavii) 2010, p. 73: "As evidence Vlachs spoke a variation of
Romanian language, Pavii later in the paragraph referred to the Istro-Romanians, and Dalmatian
language on island Krk."

35.

Jump up^ P. imunovi, F. Maleti (2008). Hrvatski prezimenik (in Croatian) 1. Zagreb:
Golden marketing. pp. 4142, 100101.

36.

Jump up^ P. imunovi (2009). Uvod U Hrvatsko Imenoslovlje (in Croatian). Zagreb: Golden
marketing-Tehnika knjiga. pp. 53, 123, 147, 150, 170, 216, 217.

37.

Jump up^ Boidar Ruevi (2011-02-27). "Vlasi u nama svima" (in Croatian). Rodoslovlje.

38.

Jump up^ Mui (Stjepan Pavii) 2010, p. 80.

39.

40.

^ Jump up to:a b c d e Zef Mirdita (1995). Balkanski Vlasi u svijetlu podataka Bizantskih
autora (in Croatian). Zagreb: Croatian History Institute. pp. 65, 66, 2730.
Jump up^ Mui (Stjepan Pavii) 2010, p. 89.

41.

Jump up^ Josip Ribari (2002). O istarskim dijalektima: razmjetaj junoslavenskih dijalekata
na poluotoku Istri s opisom vodikog govora (in Croatian). Zagreb: Josip Turinovi.

42.

^ Jump up to:a b Carlo de Franceschi (1879). L'Istria: note storiche (in Italian). G. Coana
(Harvard University). pp. 355371.

43.

Jump up^ Mui (Ivan Kukuljevi Sakcinski) 2010, p. 14, 207: Jesu prili tuiti se na Vlahov,
kojih jesmo mi postavili u kon ni od reenoga katel Mua (Omialj) na Kras, kadi se zove v Orlec

imenujui Murlakov sudca Gerga Bodolia i sudca Vida Merkovia (...) Darovasmo crikvi sv. Marije na
Crikvenici Vlaha, po imenu Mikulu, ki Vlah budui va to vrieme na osobojni, koga mi dasmo crikvi sv.
Marije na Crikvenici sa svu ovu slubu, ku je on nam sluil budno na naej slubi.
44.

Jump up^ Mui (Stjepan Pavii) 2010, p. 76-79, 87-88.

45.

Jump up^ Suppan & Graf 2010, p. 55-57.

46.

^ Jump up to:a b c d D. Gavrilovi (2003). "Elements of ethnic identification of the Serbs" (PDF).
Ni.

47.

Jump up^ Zef Mirdita (2004). Vlasi u historiografiji (in Croatian). Zagreb: Croatian History
Institute. p. 159.

48.

Jump up^ Noel Malcolm (1999). Kosovo, A short History. New York: University Press.[page needed]

49.

Jump up^ Suppan & Graf 2010, p. 52, 59.

50.

51.

^ Jump up to:a b Gunther Erich Rothenberg (1960). The Austrian military border in Croatia,
15221747. University of Illinois Press. p. 50.
Jump up^ Fine 2006, p. 218.

52.

Jump up^ Drago Roksandi (2004). Etnos, konfesija, tolerancija (Prirunik o vojnim
krajinama u Dalmaciji iz 1783. godine) (PDF) (in Croatian). Zagreb: SKD Prosvjeta. pp. 1141.

53.

Jump up^ Milan Ivanievi (2009). Izvori za prva desetljea novoga Vranjica i Solina (in
Croatian). Volume 2, No. 1 September. Solin: Tusculum. p. 98.

54.

^ Jump up to:a b c Boko Desnica (19501951). Istorija Kotarski Uskoka 16461749 (PDF) (in
Serbian) III. Venice: SANU. pp. 140, 141, 142.

55.
56.

Jump up^ Lovri 1776, p. 223.

Jump up^ Drago Roksandi (2003). Triplex Confinium, Ili O Granicama I Regijama Hrvatske
Povijesti 15001800 (PDF) (in Croatian). Zagreb: Barbat. pp. 140, 141, 151, 169.

57.

Jump up^ Wolff 2002, p. 13.

58.

Jump up^ Naimark&Case 2003, p. 41.

59.

Jump up^ Wolff 2002, p. 128.

60.

Jump up^ Wendy Bracewell; Alex Drace-Francis (2008). Under Eastern Eyes: A Comparative
Introduction to East European Travel Writing on Europe. Central European University Press. pp. 154
157.ISBN 9639776114.

61.

Jump up^ Wolff 2002, p. 190.

62.

^ Jump up to:a b Naimark&Case 2003, p. 42.

63.

^ Jump up to:a b Naimark&Case 2003, p. 47.

64.

65.
66.

Jump up^ Henry Baerlein. The Birth of Yugoslavia (Complete). Library of Alexandria.
pp. 20.ISBN 978-1-4655-5007-1.
Jump up^ Naimark&Case 2003, p. 46.
Jump up^ "Stanovnitvo prema narodnosti, popisi 1971. - 2011." (in Croatian). Retrieved 20
December2012.; "Croatian 2001 census, detailed classification by nationality".

Sources[edit]

Ivan Lovri (1776). Osservazioni sopra diversi pezzi del Viaggio in Dalmazia del signor abate
Alberto Fortis coll'aggiunta della Vita di Soiviza (in Italian). Harvard.

Alberto Fortis (1778). Travels Into Dalmatia: Containing General Observations on the Natural
History of that Country and the Neighboring Islands; the Natural Productions, Arts, Manners and
Customs of the Inhabitants. J. Robson.

Larry Wolff (2002). Venice and the Slavs: The Discovery of Dalmatia in the Age of
Enlightenmen. Stanford University Press. ISBN 0804739463.

Norman M. Naimark; Holly Case (2003). Yugoslavia and Its Historians: Understanding the
Balkan Wars of the 1990s. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-4594-9.

John Van Antwerp Fine (2006). When ethnicity did not matter in the Balkans. University of
Michigan Press. ISBN 0472025600.

Manfred Beller; Joseph Theodoor Leerssen (2007). Imagology: The Cultural Construction
and Literary Representation of National Characters. Rodopi. ISBN 9042023171.

Arnold Suppan; Maximilian Graf (2010). From the Austrian Empire to the Communist East
Central Europe. LIT Verlag Mnster. ISBN 978-3-643-50235-3.

Ivan Mui (2010). Vlasi u starijoj hrvatskoj historiografiji (PDF) (in Croatian). Split: Muzej
hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika. ISBN 978-953-6803-25-5.