Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Terrorism Disadvantage
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Bioterrorism......................................................................................................... 252
Bioterror Risks.................................................................................................. 253
Billions Die....................................................................................................... 254
Bioterrorism Causes Human Extinction............................................................256
at generic defense........................................................................................... 261
at no availability............................................................................................... 263
at no dispersal.................................................................................................. 265
motive generic............................................................................................... 266
motive al qaeda............................................................................................. 267
xt yes motive.......................................................................................................... 269
xt only aq specific evidence................................................................................... 271
xt soviet anthrax.................................................................................................... 272
A2: No Capability.................................................................................................... 273
A2: Islamic Law Prevents it..................................................................................... 276
A2: Authors.......................................................................................................... 277
A2: Frost (Generic)........................................................................................... 278
A2: Frost (Russia Nukes)...................................................................................279
A2: Frost (Tech Barriers)................................................................................... 281
A2: Frost (No Motive)........................................................................................ 283
A2: Levi (Murpheys Law)................................................................................. 284
A2: Mueller (Generic)....................................................................................... 286
A2: Mueller (20 things)..................................................................................... 287
A2: Mueller (threat con)................................................................................... 288
A2: Mueller (Low Casualties)............................................................................289
Nuke Power Impact.............................................................................................. 291
xt solves warming.................................................................................................. 294
xt solves nuke war.................................................................................................. 297
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Terrorism defined
The New Nation (Bangladesh), January 27, 2014
Terrorism affects socio-economic stability
In such a context it would be natural to expect that the fear and threat of terrorism would have a
crippling psychological effect on society. Yet is this the case?Terrorism is the systematic use of
violence as a means of coercion for political, religious and ethnical purposes. Common
definitions of terrorism refer only to those violent acts, which are intended to create fear
(terror); are perpetrated for a religious, political, or ideological goal; and deliberately
target or disregard the safety of the non-combatant civilians. Some definitions now include
acts of unlawful violence and war. The use of similar tactics by criminal organizations for
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projection rackets or to enforce a code of silence is usually not labeled terrorism, though
these same actions may be labeled terrorism when done by a politically motivated group.
Usage of the term has also been criticized for its frequent undue equating with religion.
Terrorism has been practiced by a broad array of political organizations to further their
objectives. It has been practiced by both right-wing and left-wing political parties,
nationalist forces, religious groups, revolutionaries and ruling governments. An abiding
characteristic is the indiscriminate use of violence against non-combatants for the purpose
of gaining publicity for a group, cause, or individual.
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Shell
A. The terror threat is increasing, domestic surveillance critical to avoid nuclear, biological,
and chemical attacks
Yohn Yoo, Summer 2014, Emanuel S. Heller Professor of Law, University of California, Berkeley Law
School; Visiting Scholar, American Enterprise Institute, Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy, THE
LEGALITY OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY'S BULK DATA SURVEILLANCE
PROGRAMS, http://moritzlaw.osu.edu/students/groups/is/files/2013/11/Yoo1.pdf, DOA: 1-1-15, p.
929-30
The real problem with FISA, and even the Patriot Act, as they existed before the 2008 Amendments,
is that they remained rooted in a law enforcement approach to electronic surveillance. They tied the
government's counterterrorism efforts to individualized suspicion. Searches and wiretaps had to target
a specific individual already believed to be involved in harmful activity. But detecting al Qaeda
members who have no previous criminal record in the United States, and who are undeterred by the
possibility of criminal sanctions, requires the use of more sweeping methods. To prevent attacks
successfully, the government has to devote surveillance resources where there is a reasonable
chance that terrorists will appear or communicate, even if their specific identities remain unknown.
What if the government knew that there was a fifty percent chance that terrorists would use a certain
communications pipeline, such as e-mail provided by a popular Pakistani ISP, but that most of the
communications on that channel would not be linked to terrorism? An approach based on
individualized suspicion would prevent computers from searching through that channel for the
keywords or names that might suggest terrorist communications because there are no specific al
Qaeda suspects and thus no probable cause. Searching for terrorists depends on playing the
probabilities rather than individualized suspicion, just as roadblocks or airport screenings do. The
private owner of any website has detailed access to information about the individuals who visit the site
that he can exploit for his own commercial purposes, such as selling lists of names to spammers or
gathering market data on individuals or groups. Is the government's effort to find violent terrorists a less
legitimate use of such data? Individualized suspicion dictates the focus of law enforcement, but war
demands that our armed forces defend the country with a broader perspective. Armies do not meet a
"probable cause" requirement when they attack a position, fire on enemy troops, or intercept
enemy communications. The purpose of the criminal justice system is to hold a specific person
responsible for a discrete crime that has already happened. But focusing on individualized suspicion does
not make sense when the purpose of intelligence is to take action, such as killing or capturing members
of an enemy group, to prevent future harm to the nation from a foreign threat. FISA should be regarded as
a safe harbor that allows the fruits of an authorized search to be used for prosecution. Using FISA
sacrifices speed and breadth of information in favor of individualized suspicion, but it provides a path for
using evidence in a civilian criminal prosecution. If the President chooses to rely on his constitutional
authority alone to conduct warrantless searches, then he should generally use the information only for
military purposes. The primary objective of the NSA program is to "detect and prevent" possible al
Qaeda attacks on the United States, whether another attack like September 11; a bomb in apartment
buildings, bridges, or transportation hubs such as airports; or a nuclear, biological, or chemical
attack. These are not hypotheticals; they are all al Qaeda plots, some of which U.S. intelligence and
law enforcement agencies have already stopped. A President will want to use information gathered
by the NSA to deploy military, intelligence, and law enforcement personnel to stop the next attack.
The price to pay for speed, however, is foregoing any future criminal prosecution. If the President wants
to use the NSA to engage in warrantless searches, he cannot use its fruits in an ordinary criminal
prosecution. Al Qaeda has launched a variety of efforts to attack the United States, and it intends to
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continue them. The primary way to stop those attacks is to find and stop al Qaeda operatives, and
the best way to find them is to intercept their electronic communications. Properly understood, the
Constitution does not subject the government to unreasonable burdens in carrying out its highest duty of
protecting the nation from attack.
In this context, todays and tomorrows terrorist groups might assume the place allotted during the early Cold War
years to new state possessors of small nuclear arsenals who were seen as raising the risks of a catalytic nuclear
war between the superpowers started by third parties. These risks were considered in the late 1950s and early
1960s as concerns grew about nuclear proliferation, the so-called n+1 problem. It may require a considerable
amount of imagination to depict an especially plausible situation where an act of nuclear terrorism could lead to
such a massive inter-state nuclear war. For example, in the event of a terrorist nuclear attack on the United States,
it might well be wondered just how Russia and/or China could plausibly be brought into the picture, not least
because they seem unlikely to be fingered as the most obvious state sponsors or encouragers of terrorist groups.
They would seem far too responsible to be involved in supporting that sort of terrorist behavior that could just as
how
might the United States react if it was thought or discovered that the fissile material
used in the act of nuclear terrorism had come from Russian stocks ,40 and if for some
reason Moscow denied any responsibility for nuclear laxity? The correct attribution of that nuclear
easily threaten them as well. Some possibilities, however remote, do suggest themselves. For example,
material to a particular country might not be a case of science fiction given the observation by Michael May et al.
debris resulting from a nuclear explosion would be spread over a wide area in tiny fragments, its
radioactivity makes it detectable, identifiable and collectable , and a wealth of information
that while the
can be obtained from its analysis: the efficiency of the explosion, the materials used and, most important . . . some
the United States was already involved in some sort of limited armed conflict with Russia and/or China, or if they
were confronting each other from a distance in a proxy war, as unlikely as these developments may seem at the
present time. The reverse might well apply too: should a nuclear terrorist attack occur in Russia or China during a
period of heightened tension or even limited conflict with the United States, could Moscow and Beijing resist the
pressures that might rise domestically to consider the United States as a possible perpetrator or encourager of the
Washingtons early response to a terrorist nuclear attack on its own soil might
raise the possibility of an unwanted (and nuclear aided) confrontation with Russia
and/or China. For example, in the noise and confusion during the immediate aftermath
of the terrorist nuclear attack, the U.S. president might be expected to place the
countrys armed forces, including its nuclear arsenal, on a higher stage of alert. In
such a tense environment, when careful planning runs up against the friction of reality, it is just possible
attack?
also
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Moscow and/or China might mistakenly read this as a sign of U.S. intentions to
use force (and possibly nuclear force) against them. In that situation, the temptations to
preempt such actions might grow, although it must be admitted that any preemption would
probably still meet with a devastating response . As part of its initial response to the act
of nuclear terrorism (as discussed earlier) Washington might decide to order a significant
conventional (or nuclear) retaliatory or disarming attack against the leadership of the terrorist
group and/or states seen to support that group . Depending on the identity and especially the
location of these targets, Russia and/or China might interpret such action as being far too
close for their comfort, and potentially as an infringement on their spheres of
influence and even on their sovereignty. One far-fetched but perhaps not impossible scenario might
that
stem from a judgment in Washington that some of the main aiders and abetters of the terrorist action resided
somewhere such as Chechnya, perhaps in connection with what Allison claims is the Chechen insurgents . . . longstanding interest in all things nuclear.42 American pressure on that part of the world would almost certainly raise
alarms in Moscow that might require a degree of advanced consultation from Washington that the latter found itself
unable or unwilling to provide.
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Links
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As our debate continues, the terrorist threat is not receding but transforming. The core leadership
of al-Qaeda has been degraded and remains under pressure, but robust al-Qaeda affiliates have
multiplied. With the decline of central government authority in the Middle East and North Africa
in the wake of the Arab Spring and the war in Syria, terrorists have the largest havens and areas
for operational planning in a decade. If anything, the atomization of the movement has made the
job of intelligence more labor-intensive, more detail-oriented and more demanding. Now is not
the time to give up any tool in the counterterrorism arsenal.
In January, President Obama claimed that the N.S.A. bulk-metadata program has disrupted
fifty-four terrorist plots. Senator Patrick Leahy said the real number is zero. Theres a big
difference between fifty-four and zero. Those [fifty-four events] were plots, funding, and
giving moneylike the Basaaly Moalin case, where the guy is giving money to someone to go
and do an attack. [Note: Moalins case is awaiting appeal.] Its fifty-four different events like that,
where two programsthe metadata program and the 702 programhad some play. I was
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trying to think of the best way to illustrate what the intelligence people are trying to do. You
know Wheel of Fortune? Heres the deal: Im going to give you a set of big, long words to put
on there. Then Im going to give you some tools to guess the words. You get to pick a vowel or a
consonantone letter. Theres a hundred letters up there. Youll say, I dont have a clue. O.K., so
youve used your first tool in analysis. What the intelligence analysts are doing is using those
tools to build the letters, to help understand what the plot is. This is one of those tools. Its not
the only tool. And, at times, it may not be the best tool. It evolved from 9/11, when we didnt
have a tool that helped us connect the dots between foreign and domestic. Around 9/11, we
intercepted some of [the hijackers] calls, but we couldnt see where they came from. So
guys like [Khalid al-]Mihdhar, [one of the 9/11 hijackers who was living] in Californiawe
knew he was calling people connected to Al Qaeda in Yemen. But we thought he was in the
Middle East. We had no way to connect the dots. If you rewound 9/11, what you would have
done is tipped the F.B.I. that a guy who is planning a terrorist attack is in San Diego. You
may have found the other three groups that were with him.
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national security threats with a system similar to that used by law enforcement to conduct electronic
surveillance of criminal suspects, but with important differences to protect classified information. FISA
requires the government to show "probable cause" that a target is "an agent of a foreign power," which
includes terrorist groups. A special court of federal district judges, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Court (FISC), examines classified information in a closed, ex parte hearing before issuing the warrant.
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provide an example of the way that the NSA could use business record information to locate an al
Qaeda cell. Links suggested by commercially available data might have turned up ties between
every single one of the al Qaeda plotters and Khalid al Mihdhar and Nawar al Hazmi, the two
hijackers known to the CIA to have been in the country in the summer of 2001. Mihdhar and Hazmi had
rented apartments in their own names and were listed in the San Diego phone book. Both Mohammad
Atta, the leader of the September 11 al Qaeda cell, and Marwan al-Shehi, who piloted one of the planes
into the World Trade Center, had lived there with them. Hijacker Majed Moqed used the same frequent
flier number as Mihdhar; five hijackers used the same phone number as Atta when booking their
flights; the remaining hijackers shared addresses or phone numbers with one of those hijackers, Ahmed
Alghamdi, who was in the United States in violation of his visa at the time. Our intelligence agents, in
fact, had strong leads that could conceivably have led them to all of the hijackers before 9/11. CIA
agents had identified Mihdhar as a likely al Qaeda operative because he was spotted at a meeting in Kuala
Lumpur and mentioned in Middle East intercepts as part of an al Qaeda "cadre." Hazmi too was known as
likely to be al Qaeda. But in neither case was there enough evidence for a criminal arrest because they
had not violated any American laws. If our intelligence services had been able to track immediately
their cell phone calls and e-mail, it is possible that enough of the hijacking team could have been
rounded up to avert 9/11. Our task is much more difficult today, because we might not have even this
slender information in hand when the next al Qaeda plot moves toward execution.
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not have any relationship to the crime. Nonetheless, a grand jury may subpoena all of a suspect's
financial records to find those that pertain to a criminal conspiracy. A different way to view the NSA's
telephone calling record program is that the "relevant" tangible "thing" is the database itself,
rather than any individual calling record.
Of course, the NSA program differs from a subpoena to a financial institution for the records of
a known criminal suspect. The amount of data collected by the NSA program is many orders of
magnitude greater, and hence the percentage of directly involved communications much smaller.
Also, unlike a regular subpoena, it is important to have as large a searchable database as possible
because the breadth will bring into the sharpest contrast the possible patterns of terrorist activity.
On the other hand, the magnitude of harm that the government seeks to prevent exceeds by several orders
that of regular crime. The magnitude of the harm should be taken into account in judging relevance as
well as the unprecedented difficulties of locating al Qaeda operatives disguised within the United States.
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program initially is not as valuable. I say you are right. But what I say is it plays a
crucial role in closing the gaps and seams that we fought hard to gain after the 9/11
attacks.
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American, the tip is passed to the FBI and requires a court order before additional
action can be taken. This is a critical tool for connecting the dots between
foreign terrorists plotting attacks in the U.S. The second program allows the
NSA to target foreigners overseas to collect certain foreign intelligence with court
approval. It doesn't create a "back door" to any company's server, and doesn't
authorize monitoring of U.S. citizens. No U.S. person anywhere in the world can be
intentionally monitored without a specific order. Any comparison to government
abuses in decades past is highly misleading. Today's programs are authorized in
law, with a thorough system of oversight and checks and balances in place, and a
court review not present in the past. Now each of the agencies has an inspector
general and general counsels who ensure that these authorities are exercised in
accordance with the law. The House and Senate each have Intelligence Committees
charged with overseeing these authorities. Additionally, electronic surveillance for
foreign intelligence purposes occurs with approval of the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Court. None of these structures and protections was in place in the
1950s, '60s or '70s. These narrowly targeted programs are legal, do not invade
Americans' privacy, and are essential to detecting and disrupting future terrorist
attacks.
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those seams. So I respectfully say to the chairman that the utility of that specific
program initially is not as valuable. I say you are right. But what I say is it plays a
crucial role in closing the gaps and seams that we fought hard to gain after the 9/11
attacks.
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the nation safe. Now, our president sends underlings to make the case. In distancing
himself from the debate over PRISM (the foreign intelligence surveillance program
made famous by the world- travelling leaker , Edward Snowden), , President Obama
followed the precedent he established in May at the National Defense University.
There, he spoke disdainfully of drone strikes, the authorization to use military force
against terrorists, and the detention facilities at Guantanamo Bay. All three are
essential components of his counterterrorism strategy. In distancing himself from his
own strategy, , Obama hoped to leave the impression that he is somehow above it
all. He has dealt with the Snowden case the same way. When asked while traveling
in Africa if he would take a role in going after the leaker, the president replied "I
shouldn't have to." The White House's above-it-all attitude sends seriously mixed
messages to the American people, who are trying to figure if the government's
surveillance programs are legal and appropriate. Congress has not been much
better. The authority for PRISM is in FISA Section 702. Congress debated
these authorities in 2007 and again when the program was reauthorized in 2008.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., surely remembers the controversy. He
wrote President Bush: "There is no crisis that should lead you to cancel your trip to
Africa. But whether or not you cancel your trip, Democrats stand ready to negotiate
a final bill, and we remain willing to extend existing law for as short a time or as
long a time as is needed to complete work on such a bill." Evidently, Reid must have
felt the authorities granted under Section 702 received a full and sufficient hearing.
Most current members of Congress were seated under the dome during the 2008
debates. They had every opportunity not just to read the law, but to be briefed on
the program by intelligence officials before voting on the bill. For them to act
shocked at the scope of the program today rings about as hollow as , Obama's
expressed disdain for the operations he oversees. The reality is that Congress and
the administration share responsibility for these programs. If they want to change or
modify them, who's stopping them? If changes are made, however, they should to
be made for the right reason. Leaders must never compromise our security for
political expediency. At least 60 Islamist-inspired terrorist plots have been
aimed at the U.S. since the 9/11 attacks. The overwhelming majority have
been thwarted thanks to timely, operational intelligence about the
threats. Congress should not go back to a pre-/11 set of rules just to appeal to
populist sentiment. Congress and the White House have an obligation to protect our
liberties and to safeguard our security -- in equal measure. Meeting that mission is
more important than winning popularity polls.
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Yet theres no denying that PRISMs mining of emails and other Internet
messages has produced a mother lode of useful information. An internal
NSA document leaked by Snowden described the program as the most
prolific contributor to the Presidents Daily Brief and the NSAs leading
source of raw material, accounting for nearly one in seven [of all the
intelligence communitys secret] reports. More to the point, PRISM has
often contributed to the collection of actionable intelligence used in the
fight against terrorism. Even Wyden, the NSAs strongest congressional critic,
acknowledges as much. He and his ally on the surveillance issue, Senator Mark
Udall (D-Colo.), said in a joint statement last summer that multiple terrorist plots
have been disrupted at least in part because of information obtained under Section
702.
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Former defence secretary says first duty of state is to protect citizens and public will
accept greater monitoring powers
Britain's security services may need to be given greater powers of
surveillance to monitor extremists from Isis when they return home to Britain
from Iraq and Syria, the former defence secretary Liam Fox has said. A majority of
people will accept that an "ideological battle" means that the authorities will
need greater powers to intercept the communications of extremists, Fox
said. The former defence secretary, who was speaking on the Andrew Marr Show on
BBC1, said that Britain should offer to put its airbases at the disposal of the US to
avoid "horrendous" situation in Iraq as Isis forces pose a threat to Baghdad. Fox
said: "There are those who say if we don't get involved, if we hunker down then we
will be fine. There will be no backlash. That is utterly, utterly wrong because the
jihadists don't hate us because of what we do. They hate us because of who we are.
We can't change that. It is our values and our history that they detest more than
anything else." Fox said that the authorities could deprive British citizens returning
from Syria and Iraq of their passports. But he said that the greatest effort should
go towards increasing the power of the state to monitor the
communications of extremists. He said: "We have the security services to
ensure that they [extremists] are watched and that they don't pose a greater
threat." Asked whether the powers of the security services were insufficient, the
former defence secretary said: "That is a real question that we are going to have to
ask - whether the security services have adequate resources for an increased
threat. "That is a question politicians will have to take into account in judgments on
spending allocations but also do the powers they have reflect the increasing
[threat]? You've got people in the light of Snowden saying that the state has too
many powers and we have to restrict the powers of the state." Asked which powers
the state should be given, Fox said: "The whole areas of intercept that need to be
looked at. We have got a real debate, and it is a genuine debate in a democracy,
between the libertarians who say the state must not get too powerful and pretty
much the rest of us who say the state must protect itself." Asked whether this
meant more surveillance and increasing the manpower of the security services, he
said: "If required is the first duty of the state to protect its citizens ... it is a
real worry and it is a problem that is going to be with us for a very long time. At
heart it is an ideological battle and we have to realise that we have to win the
ideological battle as well." The remarks by Fox suggests that some figures,
particularly on the right, will use the success of extremists in Iraq to challenge the
claim by Edward Snowden that the state has amassed too many powers of
surveillance. Snowden leaked a series of NSA files to the former Guardian journalist
Glenn Greenwald last year.
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invisible. So are the playershe doesnt know how many there are, or where they
are, or what they look like. Indeed, the invisible players might shoot the ball from
the front of the goal, or from the back, or from some other directionthe goalie just
doesnt know.Although the analogy might be overstated, it is no surprise that
after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks the government turned to a much
more aggressive form of surveillance in an effort to locate and identify potential
terrorists and prevent future attacks before they could occur. One thing seemed
clear: If the government was overly cautious in its efforts to detect and prevent
terrorist attacks, the consequences for the nation could be disastrous.
In the American tradition, the word security has had multiple meanings. In
contemporary parlance, it often refers to nationalsecurityor homelandsecurity. Thus
understood, it signals the immense importance of counteracting threats that come
from those who seek to do the nation and its citizens harm. One of the
governments most fundamental responsibilities is to protect this form of
security, broadly understood. Appropriately conducted and properly disciplined,
surveillance can help to eliminate important national security risks. It has
helped to save lives in the past. It will help to do so in the future.In the
aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, it should not be necessary
to belabor this point. By their very nature, terrorist attacks tend to involve
covert, decentralized actors who participate in plots that may not be easy
to identify or disrupt. Surveillance can protect, and has protected, against
such plots.
When public officials acquire information, they seek to reduce risks, above
all risks to national security. If the government is able to obtain access to a
great deal of information, it should be in a better position to mitigate
serious threats of violence. And if the goal is to reduce such threats, a
wide net seems far better than a narrow one, even if the government ends
up acquiring a great deal of information that it does not need or want. As
technologies evolve, it is becoming increasingly feasible to cast that wide net. In the
future, the feasibility of pervasive surveillance will increase dramatically. From the
standpoint of risk reduction, that prospect has real advantages.
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comes to enforcing criminal law, American society, in effect, prefers to have many more Type II errors (false negatives) than it does Type I errors (false
positives). That preference arises from two interrelated grounds. One is the historical distrust of government that, as already noted, animates many critics
of the Patriot Act. But the other is, at least implicitly, a comparative valuation of the social costs attending the two types of error. We value liberty
sufficiently highly that we see a great cost in any Type I error. And though we realize that Type II errors free the guilty to return to the general population,
thereby imposing additional social costs on society, we have a common-sense understanding that those costs, while significant, are not so substantial that
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Asdetailedabove,alQaedahasweakenedconsiderablyoverthepastfewyears,whileU.S.defenseshavebeen
strengthened.Justconsiderthefollowingchangessincethe9/11attacks:
On9/11,therewere16peopleonthenoflylist.Nowtherearemorethan20,000.
In2001,therewere32JointTerrorismTaskForcefusioncenterswheremultiplelawenforcementagencieswork
togethertochasedownleadstobuildterrorismcases. Nowthereare103.
Adecadeago,theDepartmentofHomelandSecurity,NationalCounterterrorismCenter,TransportationSecurity
Administration,U.S.NorthernCommand,andU.S.CyberCommanddidntexist.Allofthesenewinstitutionscurrently
makeitmuchharderforterroriststooperateintheUnitedStates.
Before9/11,SpecialOperationsForceswererarelydeployedagainstalQaedaandalliedgroups.Nowtheyperform
nearlyadozenoperationseverydayinAfghanistan,aswellasmissionsinothercountriessuchasYemenandSomalia.
Atthebeginningofthe21stcentury,theAmericanpublicdidntcomprehendthethreatposedbyjihadistterrorists,butthat
changeddramaticallyafter9/11.InDecember2001,itwaspassengerswhodisabledRichardReid,theshoebomber. Similarly,
itwasfellowpassengerswhotackledUmarFaroukAbdulmutallab,theunderwearbomber,eightyearslater. Andthefollowing
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year,itwasastreetvendorwhospottedthebombladenSUVFaisalShahzadhadparkedinTimesSquare.
Before9/11,theCIAandtheFBIbarelycommunicatedabouttheirrespectiveinvestigationsofterroristgroups.Nowthey
worktogetherquiteclosely.
TheU.S.intelligencebudgetgrewdramaticallyafter9/11,givingthegovernmentlargeresourceswithwhichtoimproveits
counterterrorismcapabilities.In2010,theUnitedStatesspentmorethan$80billiononintelligencecollectionandothercovert
activities,atotalmorethanthreetimeswhatitspentin1998.
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The national security threats facing the United States and our allies are
numerous and significant, and they will remain so well into the future.
These threats include international terrorism, the proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction, and cyber espionage and warfare. A robust foreign
intelligence collection capability is essential if we are to protect ourselves
against such threats. Because our adversaries operate through the use of
complex communications technologies, the National Security Agency, with
its impressive capabilities and talented officers, is indispensable to
keeping our country and our allies safe and secure.
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insurgent violence. In 1976, for reasons that have never been sufficiently clarified,
the Italian Government decided to dismantle the special anti-terrorist units it had
created only a few years earlier and ordered far-reaching reorganization of its secret
services. Terrorist attacks, which until then had been diminishing in frequency,
immediately began to pick up and did not ease again until the early 1980s. Not
coincidentally, by that time, revamped intelligence services put under greater
supervisory control of the legislative and executive branches, had begun to produce
results.
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Intelligence is designed not only to protect against threats but also to safeguard a
wide range of national security and foreign policy interests, including
counterintelligence, counteracting the international elements oforganized crime,
and preventing drug trafficking, human trafficking, and mass atrocities.
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"The top spy in the US - the director of National Intelligence James Clapper - stated
in a private meeting that was later reported in the press, that regardless of their
fears, terrorists and criminals have to communicate. And when they do,
they will always make mistakes and give us ways to find them," he said.
"For example, we've all known about telephone wire taps for years now,
but criminals still use them. We know about internet surveillance, but we still
use email because it's critical to our lives. We have ways to monitor them."
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It has been over a year and a half since Osama bin Laden was killed in Abbottabad,
Pakistan, but now it seems like al Qaeda is everywhere : from Algeria to
Somalia , from Mali to Yemen , from Pakistan to Iraq . In July 2011, arriving in
Afghanistan on his first trip as U.S. defense secretary, Leon Panetta said, "We're within reach of
strategically defeating al Qaeda." But on Wednesday, Jan. 16, Panetta seemed
to express a good deal less optimism, making clear that the Algerian
hostage crisis currently unfolding was "an al Qaeda operation." So has al Qaeda really
become this web of linked groups around the world pursuing a common jihad against the West? And what is the
relationship between the al Qaeda core and its affiliate organizations? These are important questions; the debate
about whether the United States should join the French and step up involvement against jihadi groups in Mali
(AQAP), and al-Shabab in Somalia, which is also linked to al Qaeda. In 2012, the
United States conducted more drone strikes on AQAP targets than it did
against al Qaeda core targets in Pakistan. In Mali, U.S. concern is
heightened by reports that some among the wide range of local jihadi groups like Ansar Dine
have ties to al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). If groups in Mali and other local
fighters are best thought of as part of al Qaeda, then an aggressive effort is warranted. But if
Arabian Peninsula
these groups, however brutal -- and despite the allegiances to the mother ship they claim -- are really only fighting
to advance local or regional ambitions, then the case for direct U.S. involvement is weak. The reality is that
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affiliation does advance al Qaeda's agenda, but the relationship is often frayed and the whole is frequently far less
than the sum of its parts. Al Qaeda has always sought to be a vanguard that would lead the jihadi struggle against
the United States. Abdullah Azzam, one of the most influential jihadi thinkers and a companion of bin Laden, wrote,
"Every principle needs a vanguard to carry it forward" and that this vanguard is a "solid base" -- a phrase from
which al Qaeda draws its very name. At the same time, al Qaeda sought to support and unify local Muslim groups as
they warred against apostate governments such as the House of Saud in Saudi Arabia and Hosni Mubarak's Egypt.
Convincing local groups to fight under the al Qaeda banner seems to neatly
combine these goals, demonstrating that the mother organization -- now under
Zawahiri -- remains in charge, while advancing the local and regional agendas that the core
supports. More practically, in the past, the al Qaeda core has offered affiliates money and
safe haven. In Afghanistan, and to a lesser degree in Pakistan, jihadists from affiliated
groups came to train and learn and proved far more formidable when they returned to their home war
zones. They also returned with a more global agenda, advancing the core's mission of
shaping the jihadi movement. It also gave the core a new zone of operational access to conduct terrorist attacks in
experiment by al-Shabab, al Qaeda's Somali affiliate, of attempting to govern a broad area in Somalia's south
officially came to a close this weekend when its fighters fled from their final stronghold, the port city of Kismayo.
Its fate in this regard mirrors that of the jihadi group's Yemeni affiliate, al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP),
which also saw its more limited experiment in governance draw to a close in the middle of the year. In contrast,
the Sept. 11 attack on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi, Libya, that killed U.S. Ambassador Christopher Stevens
suggests the group's North African affiliate, al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), is taking advantage of the
chaos in Libya to hone its capabilities. This isn't just a tale of three different organizations moving in different
directions. Rather, al-Shabab and AQAP's failures, along with AQIM's apparent success, are related to the unique
weaknesses and strengths of global jihadi efforts: Al Qaeda and its affiliates have been able to control territory at
times but have not found much success in doing so. Their rigidity makes them ineffective governors, unable to
Al
Qaeda's retreat from governance, however, does not render it irrelevant. The jihadi organization remains
comfortable as an insurgent actor, adept at moving in the shadows and carrying
out occasional, devastating strikes. AQIM currently represents the success story in
this jihadi triumvirate. After some embarrassing vacillations on the part of President Barack Obama's
administration, U.S. government analysts seem to be converging on the idea that al Qaeda's affiliate in
North Africa was involved in the Benghazi attack. Although it is unclear whether AQIM was the
truly win the sympathies of populations forced to endure their harsh, dystopian brand of Islamic law.
primary perpetrator, U.S. officials have homed in on the group in recent days, exploring ways to counter its
growth, most likely through stepped-up training efforts for local partners in counterterrorism efforts, but perhaps
including a direct U.S. military response. A recent Wall Street Journal article provided the most extensive account
of why analysts are coming to associate al Qaeda with the attack. Importantly, the article highlights how
various al Qaeda franchises and local actors were able to come together and play
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majority of analysts writing in the public sphere probably would have disagreed with the report's conclusion.
Many thought that al Qaeda had been marginalized, even within the jihadi
movement. Today that assessment may be different -- not just because of the
Benghazi attack, but also because of additional information that has emerged
about the dynamics of jihadism in Libya. Nobody should be surprised, however, that al
Qaeda would attempt to keep its growth (or regrowth) hidden from view. Its use of
different labels as it established a network in Libya is instructive. It wanted to be
off its adversaries' radar during this network's growth phase. Likewise, in both
Somalia and Yemen, where al Qaeda's affiliates have recently taken a beating, the terrorist
network is going to try to regain strength out of plain sight . On Oct. 2, African Union
peacekeepers were greeted with a bomb blast as they entered Kismayo to take control of the former alShabab stronghold. Although there were no casualties, this was al-Shabab's way of saying that, though
it no longer controls territory, it is still a force in the country. "This is only an introduction
to the forthcoming explosions," the group's spokesman , Sheikh Abdiasis Abu Musab, said.
<Card Continues> But the country's transitional government, on the other hand, does not inspire
much hope. It has never been able to govern effectively, and just like in 2007, it is being
protected by a foreign army. These two deficits may be sufficient to allow an insurgency
to gain strength in Somalia. If one does, its early growth will largely be out of sight -- the
occasional bombing or attack on African Union or transitional government forces the only sign that
al-Shabab remains a force to be reckoned with. AQAP did not manage to control and govern
territory in Yemen for nearly as long as al-Shabab did in Somalia, nor did it preside over as large a region. As
noted Yemen specialist Gregory Johnsen has written, the United States increased its airstrikes in Yemen following
Abd al-Rab Mansur al-Hadi's ascension as president in February, and a major offensive from May to June "forced
AQAP to abandon overt control of the towns it had captured." Hadi has proved very willing to accept
counterterrorism assistance from the United States, including publicly praising drone strikes. Johnsen notes that
AQAP seems to be at a crossroads, faced with the choice of returning to what it had been -- a militant group that
moved in the shadows -- or trying to reclaim its lost territory and "once again position itself as a governing
authority." It is not yet clear which of these routes
AQAP
that it is experiencing
To that extent, if AQAP did play a role in the Benghazi attack -- even one limited to financing a key perpetrator -- it
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After fleeing the American assault on its Afghan havens, al Qaeda fighters and senior leaders fled east to Pakistan.
Many of al Qaedas rank-and-file took shelter with friendly tribes in Pakistans Federally Administered Tribal Areas
(FATA), while some of its senior leadership hid in Pakistans large cities. Many of those sheltering in urban centers
were later captured with the assistance of Pakistani authorities, including 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh
war-scare between India and Pakistan in December 2001 resulting from an attack on Indias parliament building
by Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) led to Pakistan announcing a ban on extremist groups,
including JeM and LeT. A Pakistani crackdown helped reduce cross-border militant infiltration, at least for a time
(there is no evidence, however, that Pakistan has severed its ties to, or significantly restricted the activities of LeT,
groups banned by General Pervez Musharrafs government in 2002 re-established themselves under new
sense of collective
victimization, and anger at Pakistans cooperation with the U.S., would soon bring
organizations like JeM and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ) in line with al Qaeda, which had already
pseudonyms and with a greater sense of bitterness towards the Pakistani state. This
declared war against the Pakistani state. In addition, al Qaeda fighters in the FATA, particularly in Waziristan,
partnered with Afghan insurgents and Pakistans nascent Taliban movement and played a role in the Taliban
resurgence inside Afghanistan, which started in 2003-04 and gathered momentum in 2006. Al Qaeda fighters
cooperated with, trained, and fought alongside Taliban militants launching cross-border attacks into Afghanistan.
Al Qaeda assisted and encouraged the Afghan Taliban in the adoption of suicide bombing and the Taliban made
apart from being ideologically aligned with al Qaeda, craved the importance and recognition afforded by their
affiliation and thrived on the technical skills and training that al Qaeda operatives possessed. The
result was
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and fabrications at worst. Once local groups, following al Qaedas lead, now aspire to act globally and against a
broader target set. The TTP, which previously never showed an inclination for attacking targets outside of the
region, carried out the Times Square bombing attempt in 2010. In concert with the Haqqani Network and al
Qaeda, the TTP also launched a suicide attack on a CIA base in Khost, Afghanistan, in 2009, killing several top
agents. While the network has surely suffered heavy blows with the deaths of Osama bin Laden and dozens of
Although personally
diminished, al Qaedas core group has found new ways of expanding its lethality: it
has succeeded in innervating other groups with the means to conduct violence in
its name, causing the brand to supersede individual membership in importance. While al Qaedas traditional
structure has deteriorated over the years, the threat emanating from Pakistan to the
region, and the world, is diversified rather than diminished . Ten years on, the time
other top leaders over the years, it has retained its vitality and survivability.
Group said.
Risk is high.
Neely 3/21/13 (Meggaen, research intern for the Project on Nuclear Issues,
Doubting Deterrence of Nuclear Terrorism, http://csis.org/blog/doubtingdeterrence-nuclear-terrorism)
The 2010 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) cites nuclear terrorism as todays most
immediate and extreme danger. To counter this danger, the NPR lists research initiatives, securing
nuclear materials, and a commitment to hold fully accountable any who help terrorists obtain nuclear weapons.
Matthew Kroenig and Barry Pavel, the self-described authors of U.S. strategy for deterring terrorist networks,
explain further how the United States can discourage terrorists from detonating a nuclear weapon. They make
useful distinctions between actors in terrorist organizations, which can have implications for U.S. policies.
However, the United States should not rely exclusively on deterrence that is, those policies that attempt to
discourage terrorists from detonating a nuclear weapon. Complementary policies that may be more effective will
focus on securing nuclear materials and implementing defensive measures, in addition to conventional
counterterrorism strategies. Although this shift will not make the task of preventing nuclear terrorism easier,
recognizing the limits of deterrence policies will allow the United States to make smarter choices in defending
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damage and cleanup, according to a 2006 Rand study commissioned by the U.S Department of Homeland Security.
Decommissioned Material.
Even
a low-level radiological or
dirty-bomb attack
on Washington, while
causing a limited number of deaths, would lead to damages of $100 billion , according to Igor
Khripunov, the former Soviet arms-control envoy to the U.S, whos now at the Athens, Georgia-based Center for
Materials, a nonprofit Princeton, New Jersey, research institute that tracks nuclear material. Thats enough to
make at least 100,000 new nuclear weapons on top of the 20,000 bombs already in state stockpiles.
The
threat of nuclear terrorism is real and serious, and it will endure for the
foreseeable future, U.S. Secretary of Energy Moniz Ernest said today in prepared remarks.
Bloomberg 7/3/13 (Fukushima Shows Nuclear-Terrorism Risks at UN Meeting,
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-07-01/fukushima-shows-nuclear-terrorismrisks-at-un-meeting.html)
Japans Fukushima Dai-Ichi nuclear plant, whose 2011 meltdowns dislocated 160,000 people, may
provide a new blueprint for terrorists seeking to inflict mass disruption, security analysts said at a
United Nations meeting. The UNs International Atomic Energy Agency convened a weeklong meeting of 1,300
diplomats, scientists and security analysts today in Vienna to examine ways to boost protection against nuclear
sent a message to
terrorists that if you manage to cause a nuclear power plant to melt down, that really
causes major panic and disruption in a society, Matthew Bunn, a Harvard University professor and
former White House adviser, said at a briefing. All you need to do to do that is cut off the power
for an extended period of time.
terrorism. It is the IAEAs first ministerial conference on nuclear security. Fukushima
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crowed, "GM is alive and OBL is dead." Well, the threat of terrorism is alive and growing
more dangerous. That's what the Army general who directed the National Security Agency
for eight years until March warns in a new New Yorker interview. "The number of attacks
that are coming, the probability, it's growing," Gen. Keith Alexander told the magazine's
Mattathias Schwartz. "What I saw at NSA is that there is a lot more coming our way."
Alexander has also served as U.S. Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM) commander and chief
of the Pentagon's Central Security Service. "We're at greater risk," he says, despite high-tech
surveillance foiling numerous plots. "Look at the way al-Qaida networks. From al-Qaida in
the Arabian Peninsula, al-Qaida in the Islamic Magreb, and now in Syria, the al-Nusra
front." Explicitly contradicting the White House line that a more diffuse al-Qaida is good news,
Alexander cautioned, "you can say those are distant countries, but a lot of these groups are
looking to attack the United States." What a comparison to the happy talk of "Mission
Accomplished" that we hear from Obama. In September, he bragged to the United Nations that
"an international coalition will end its war in Afghanistan, having achieved its mission of
dismantling the core of al-Qaida that attacked us on 9/11." Maybe it was in one of the many daily
intel briefings that the president chose to skip, but someone should inform him that the Taliban -which we ran out of town in a few weeks 12 years ago -- is now poised to return to at least partial
power in Afghanistan. Obama also boasted to the General Assembly that "al-Qaida has splintered
into regional networks and militias, which has not carried out an attack like 9/11," downplaying
current threats as being "to governments, diplomats, businesses and civilians across the globe."
The new, less centralized al-Qaida grows in the vacuum of U.S. global power that Obama
has given us. Premature pullouts from Iraq and Afghanistan, and so-called "soft power" have
encouraged what he obliviously describes as "the convulsions in the Middle East and North
Africa" that "have laid bare deep divisions within societies, as an old order is upended, and
people grapple with what comes next." Coming next could well be waves of American blood.
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Islamist extremism-is neither defeated nor exhausted. For these reasons, our safety as a nation is
inseparable from our own ability to adapt to meet an evolving threat. It also requires that we stay
engaged in the world beyond our borders. Yet increasingly we hear voices-on both sides of the
political spectrum-who say that the threat from terrorism is receding, or that it was
overblown in the first place, and that the end of this conflict is near. With respect, I believe
these arguments are badly mistaken. There is no question, the United States-beginning under
President Bush and accelerating under President Obama-has inflicted severe damage to 'core' al
Qaeda, the senior leadership that reconstituted itself in the mid-2000s in the tribal areas of
northwestern Pakistan, after being driven from neighboring Afghanistan. To borrow a
phrase used by David Petraeus, the progress we have achieved against core al Qaeda is real and
significant. But it is also fragile and reversible. What has degraded core al Qaeda in the tribal
areas of Pakistan has been the persistent, targeted application of military force against these
individuals and networks. The precondition for these operations, and the intelligence that enables
them, has been our presence in Afghanistan. If the United States withdraws all of our military
forces from Afghanistan at the end of this year-the so-called "zero option," as some now
advocate-you can be assured that al Qaeda will regenerate, eventually on both sides of the
Afghan-Pakistan border. If you doubt this, I urge you to look at what is happening in western
Iraq, where just a few years ago, during the U.S.-led surge, al Qaeda was dealt an even more
crippling blow than core al Qaeda has suffered in Pakistan today. Yet al Qaeda is surging back in
Iraq, hoisting its black flag over cities like Fallujah, murdering hundreds of innocent Iraqis this
year, pushing violence back to 2007 levels. This leads to my next point. While space for core al
Qaeda in tribal Pakistan has been reduced thanks to persistent U.S. pressure in recent
years, territory where al Qaeda affiliates can find sanctuary has grown elsewhere during
this same period, including in the Middle East, North Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa. AI
Qaeda and other Islamist extremist groups have long exploited Muslim-majority countries
weakened or fragmented by conflict, and neglected by the international community. They take
advantage of these places to recruit, radicalize, and train the next generation of extremist foot
soldiers. They use them to plot and plan attacks.
That is why al Qaeda and its affiliates first went to Afghanistan in the 1990s. That is why they
later turned to Yemen and Somalia in the 2000s. And it is why they are fighting to build
sanctuaries in Syria, Libya, and Iraq today. Several factors make the prospect of al Qaeda
sanctuaries in these three countries especially dangerous. The first is their respective locations.
Syria and Iraq are the heart of the Arab Middle East, bordering key American allies like Israel,
Jordan, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia. Libya and Syria are Mediterranean states-comparatively easy
to reach from the West, in contrast to remote Afghanistan and Pakistan. And Libya is also
adjacent to the vast Sahel, with its weak and poorly governed states. Equally worrisome, these
are all places where u.s. policymakers have signaled that involvement of the U.S. military is
for all intents and purposes off the table, or at least severely constrained. This means that the
United States is not able to combat the rise of al Qaeda in these countries effectively. Of the
three countries, the situation in Syria is by far the most alarming; the failure of U.S. policy
by far the most profound; and its implications for our national security by far the most severe.
According to one estimate, there are today more foreign fighters in Syria than in Iraq and
Afghanistan combined over the past ten years. The Director of National Intelligence recently
described Syria as-and I quote-"an apocalyptic disaster." And the Secretary of Homeland
Security recently warned that Syria has become-and again I quote-"a matter of homeland
security," as extremists there "are actively trying to recruit Westerners, indoctrinate them, and see
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them return to their home countries with an extremist mission." Put very bluntly, Syria has
become the most dangerous terrorist sanctuary in the world today-and the United States has no
coherent or credible policy for dealing with it. Nor is there any apparent strategy in place to
address al Qaeda's growth in Iraq or Libya. Let me be very clear. No one is advocating sending
tens of thousands of troops to these countries. Nor is it within our power, or our responsibility, to
solve every problem these countries face. But there is much we could be doing that we are not. In
Afghanistan, we can choose not to squander the gains of the past decade and instead keep a
sufficient follow-on military presence to sustain the increasingly capable Afghan National
Security Forces in our shared fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban.
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12,000 Sunni and a comparable number of Shia foreign fighters in Syria the threat to the West
and the rest of the world will grow. Stemming from the developments in Syria, the Shia-Sunni
conflict is threatening to break out into a regional conflict, involving Bahrain and Lebanon.
Further afield in the Caucasus, terrorists mounted year-end attacks in Volgograd, southern
Russia, hitting a railway station and a trolley bus. Shumukh al-Islam, the top forum for alQaeda-affiliated propaganda, praised the timing of the attacks. From the Caucasus the terrorists
are travelling through Turkey to Syria to fight against the Bashar al-Assad regime. The South
Asian sub-continent has been most violent in the past decade. In India ethno-political
insurgencies and Muslim terrorists kill both Indians and foreigners. Although Sri Lanka
experienced no revival of terrorism since the Tamil Tigers were dismantled in May 2009, the
terrorists are reorganising in Tamil Nadu in South India. In Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh
and the Maldives a wave of communal or religious extremism affected Muslim and non-Muslim
communities. Afghanistan has suffered increased insurgent attacks, mostly in the south and east,
where US and ISAF forces have withdrawn from many bases, remaining in only a few cities. Of
the 7,141 attacks in Afghanistan last year, 63 were suicide attacks and 27 were insider
attacks. While 2,730 Afghan security personnel were killed and 5,169 injured, 2,168 guerillas
and terrorists were killed, according to the Afghan ministry of interior. In Southeast Asia,
southern Thailand remains the cockpit of conflict. The threat in Indonesia remains
significant with about a dozen threat groups operationally or ideologically affiliated with
Jemaah Islamiyah (JI). Although the peace process in the Philippines has stabilised the south,
the threat from the Abu Sayyaf Group and the New People's Army, a leftist terrorist group, is still
significant. The developments in Afghanistan also spilled over to Northeast Asia. The most
violent group in China, the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) is collaborating with
the al-Qaeda family of threat groups such as the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban, Islamic Jihad
Union, Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, Islamic Emirate of the Caucasus and more recently the
Al Nusra Front in Syria.
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to find other conflicts to fight once the conflicts in their own region are exhausted," Dr Bubalo
said.
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Afghanistan and four in Libya). Within the US, nine people died in terrorist attacks in 2012, six
of them in a shooting at a Sikh temple in Oak Creek, Wisconsin. The top 10 countries in terms of
numbers of deaths in 2012 were Afghanistan (2632), Iraq (2436), Pakistan (1848), Nigeria
(1386) , Syria (657), Yemen (365), Somalia (323), Thailand (174) and the Philippines (109). The
Caucasus should probably be up there, but Russia has been reluctant to release details of killings
related to the Caucasus, not wanting to scare off Sochi Olympics tourists. In the past 12 months
there has also been a surge in deaths in Syria, Iraq and Somalia, often under-reported. The
reasons behind the rise in terrorism violence are complex, but include weak and unstable
states with corrupt or ineffective governments; poverty and high unemployment,
particularly among young men; access to more lethal weaponry and explosives; increasing
use of targeted suicide attacks; heightened sectarian tensions between Sunni and Shiite
Muslims; and the increasing use of terrorism as a tactic in insurgency conflicts.
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look -- just a couple of days ago, the Interior Minister survived as serious
assassination attempt.
You -- I think we are likely to see people who are more inclined to engage in
conventional politics take up arms, and this is a big problem in Egypt and
perhaps elsewhere.
Another factor -- a small one, perhaps, but not insignificant -- is prison breaks.
We've seen huge prison breaks in places like Iraq in the last year where
senior members of al-Qaeda in Iraq are -- are getting out, and hundreds of,
rather (ph), other (ph), are their colleagues. We also saw a similar one in -- with the
Pakistani Taliban, just in July. Another big sort of factor is the Sunni Shia divide. As
you've seen -- as we've seen in Syria, but also in Iraq, and (inaudible) in the account
of sectarian tensions in the Middle East are being amplified.
And if you look at what's happening today in Syria, who is lining up behind the
United States in a war against Assad? It is important Sunni states -- Saudi Arabia,
Qatar, UAE, Turkey -- so, if there is a war of some form, and there obviously is a war
going on already -- but if the war is amplified, it will look a lot like Sunni -- Sunni
states lining up essentially against the de facto Shia alliance of Iraq, Syria,
Lebanese, Hezbollah and Syria. And this -- this conflict could spread.
Finally, Syria could be a training ground for -- in the future. It could also turn out to
be a place where a lot of foreign fighters go to die. We were concerned that during
the Iraq war that there would be blowback from the Iraq war. It turned out, many of
the foreign fighters that were -- that went there, went there as suicide bombers, or
were killed in -- in -- in action. And the blowback that we feared coming out of Iraq
didn't happen.
Syria -- the same thing could -- could be true, or -- or it could look again like the
Afghan war. And certainly, for the Arabs in al- Qaeda who lead the group, Syria is a
much more important conflict than the Afghan war, which -- which (ph) was a
sideshow.
Al-Qaedism spreading
Carie Lemack, 9-10, 13, She is the director of the Homeland Security Project at the
Bipartisan Policy Center, Jihadists Terrorism: A Threat Assessment, Political
Transcript Wire
I think what we found enormously worrisome is that the growth of al-Qaedaism (ph)
and the expansion of the movement. Al-Qaeda has a presence in more countries
today that it did on 9/11, and has a presence that's basically doubled from the 2008
figure to some 16 key theaters of operation, and that, I think, is fundamentally
worrisome.
Secondly, and hand-in-glove with that, the al-Qaeda brand, unfortunately, seems
stronger than it's ever been in recent years. In part, that's in large measure a
reaction to events such as the overthrow of the Morsi government in Egypt, which
has added more fuel to al-Qaeda's fire in saying "you cannot trust the Democratic
process; we will always -- Islamists will always be stabbed in the back."
But also, I think it's a reflection of al-Qaeda's own strategy, and somewhat the
success of that strategy, in expanding further afield to new places -- to the Sahel, to
West Africa, to complement its existing presence in North Africa and East Africa.
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We also see how groups like al-Qaeda in Iraq that, similarly, where the victim or the
targets of successive inroads made against its leadership -- the three initial leaders
of the movement were all killed in U.S. operations, whether it was airstrikes or drone
strikes; yet at the same time, al-Qaeda in Iraq is stronger today than it's ever been,
perhaps since 2008, which I think is another warning sign.
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well-esteemed and are members of what was called the management council, and
one that potentially sits in -- or that sits in Yemen. So even with the death of
Zawahiri, I still think you would get a movement that would continue.
The Arab Spring strengthened Al Qaeda three reasons
Gartenstein-Ross 14 (Daveed, Senior Fellow at the Foundation for Defense of
Democracies, adjunct assistant professor in Georgetown Universitys security
studies program, The Arab Spring and Al-Qaedas Resurgence, Congressional
Testimony before the House Armed Services Committee, 2/4/14,
http://docs.house.gov/meetings/AS/AS00/20140204/101698/HHRG-113-AS00Wstate-Gartenstein-RossD-20140204.pdf)
Factors Strengthening al-Qaeda and Jihadism
Three primary factors have strengthened al-Qaeda and jihadism in the
Arab Spring environment, two of which fundamentally relate to the jihadist
strategy previously outlined: prisoner releases, dawa opportunities, and the
resurgence of jihadist-aligned charity networks. Prisoner releases. The Senate
Select Committee on Intelligence report on the notorious September 2012 attack on
the U.S. consulate in Benghazi notes that a number of individuals affiliated with
terrorist groups were involved, including those affiliated with the Muhammad Jamal
Network. Jamal himself is notable as one of many jihadist figures to have been
released from Egyptian prison. This makes Jamal part of the aforementioned trend
that began with the Arab Spring uprisings, in which prisons in affected
countries have been emptied. In many cases, it is a good thing that prisoners
have gone free: the Arab dictatorships were notorious for unjustly incarcerating and
abusing their political prisoners. But jihadists were part of this wave of
releases. Prisoners went free for a variety of reasons. In Libya, Qaddafis
government initially used releases as an offensive tactic early after the uprisings,
setting prisoners free in rebellious areas in order to create strife.28 As the rebellion
continued, some prison governors decided to empty prisons they were charged with
guarding, including as a means of defection.29 Chaos also allowed prison escapes,
and gunmen attacked prisons in order to free inmates. Regimes that experienced
less chaotic transitions, including Tunisia and Egypt, were hesitant to continue
imprisoning virtually anybody jailed by the old regime, including violent Islamists
with blood on their hands. Moving beyond Muhammad Jamal, other prominent
figures from Egypts jihadist movement were also freed from prison. The
most notorious is Muhammad al-Zawahiri, the brother of al-Qaedas emir and a
former member of Egyptian Islamic Jihad. Zawahiri played a prominent role in
encouraging jihadists to join the September 2012 attack on the U.S. embassy in
Cairo, and American officials told The Wall Street Journal that he has also helped
Muhammad Jamal connect with his brother, the al-Qaeda chief. Other released
Egyptian inmates returned to operational and media roles, including Murjan Salim,
who has been directing jihadists to training camps in Libya. Figures like Jalal al-Din
Abu al-Fatuh and Ahmad Ashush, among others, helped loosely reorganize
networks through media outlets al-Bayyan and al-Faruq. Prisoner releases helped
regenerate jihadist networks in the Sinai that have been able to cause a great
deal of bloodshed since the countrys July coup. Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisias
striking growth was also attributable to prisoner releases. AST leader Abu
Iyadh al-Tunisi had been imprisoned since 2003 for involvement in terrorism abroad,
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but was released in the general amnesty of March 2011. In fact, prominent AST
members have claimed that the organization was born during periods of
imprisonment, when communal prayer time served as a forum for discussion and
refining ideas that would be put into practice on release. In Libya, many former
prisoners, including some leaders of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, said they
would forsake armed struggle and join the political process. But other released
prisoners returned to jihadist violence. Mohammed al-Zahawi and Shaykh Nasir alTarshani of Katibat Ansar al-Sharia in Benghazi both spent years in Qaddafis
notorious Abu Salim prison.31 Abu Sufyan bin Qumu, another Ansar al-Sharia leader
based in Derna, was formerly imprisoned in both Guantanamo Bay and Abu Salim.
Dawa opportunities. Newfound opportunities to undertake dawa allowed
the spread of salafi jihadist ideology in places like Egypt and Tunisia. In
Egypt, members of the salafi jihadist current such as Muhammad al-Zawahiri and
Ahmad Ashush were able to personally advocate for the movement on television
for the first time. In Tunisia, AST developed a sophisticated dawa strategy. It
continues to undertake dawa even after the Tunisian government banned it, but AST
youth leader Youssef Mazouz said the group now carries out less than half the work
it used to before August when it could plan events openly and post details on
Facebook.32 Some of ASTs dawa efforts have been rather traditional: holding
dawa events at markets or universities, holding public protests, and dominating
physical spaces, such as cafs, near places of worship. But AST also used innovative
approaches to dawa, including provision of social services (something other militant
Islamic groups like Hizballah and Hamas have also done) and its use of social media.
As noted, ASTs ban now impedes its ability to leverage social media. ASTs social
services activity has included distribution of food, clothing, and basic supplies, as
well as sponsorship of convoys that provide both medical care and medicine. These
efforts concentrated on areas of Tunisia that are typically neglected by the
government, such as rural and impoverished areas, and AST also provided
emergency humanitarian assistance in the wake of such natural disasters as
flooding. ASTs social services are typically accompanied by distribution of literature
designed to propagate its ideology. But even at its height, ASTs distribution of
social services didnt reach the same areas consistently: it isnt clear any
communities saw AST as a services provider week after week. This is where ASTs
savvy use of social media was particularly relevant. Almost immediately after it
undertook humanitarian efforts, AST would post information about its latest venture,
including photographs, to its Facebook page and other websites. Social media
served as a force multiplier: while AST didnt provide consistent services to a single
area, its social media activity illustrated a rapid pace of humanitarian assistance,
and thus helped the group achieve its goal of visibility. The context in which this
dawa work was undertaken is important, as the countrys economy suffered and
much of its revolutionary hopes had faded. AST positioned itself as a critic of the
status quo and a champion of those whom the system neglected. This helped AST
develop into a growing movement by the last time I did field research there, in April
2013. Whether the new Tunisian constitution will rekindle revolutionary hopes
remains to be seen. Resurgence of jihadist-aligned charity networks. Prior to
the 9/11 attacks, al- Qaeda received significant funding from a well-financed
network of Islamist charity organizations. As a monograph produced for the 9/11
Commission noted, prior to those attacks al-Qaeda was funded, to the tune of
approximately $30 million per year, by diversions of money from Islamic charities
and the use of well-placed financial facilitators who gathered money from both
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witting and unwitting donors.33 Despite the efforts made to shut down such
groups, Islamist-leaning international charities and other NGOs have been
reemerging as sponsors of jihadist activity. In Tunisia, the pictures, videos, and
information that AST posted on its Facebook page suggest that AST received
support from jihadist charity networks. In at least one case, it received medical
supplies from the Kuwaiti charity RIHS (the Revival of Islamic Heritage Society). The
fact that RIHS supported a jihadist-oriented group in Tunisia will come as no surprise
to seasoned watchers of terrorist financing. The U.S. Treasury Department
designated RIHS in 2008 for providing financial and material support to al-Qaeda
and al-Qaeda affiliates, including Lashkar e-Tayyiba, Jemaah Islamiyah, and AlItihaad al-Islamiya.34 The Treasury designation also charges that RIHS provided
financial support specifically for terrorist acts. And thats not ASTs only connection
to sympathetic foreign organizations. The literature it passes out at dawa events
can be traced to at least three book publishing houses in Saudi Arabia: Dar alQassem, based in Riyadh; Dar al-Tarafen, based in Taif; and the Cooperative Office
for the Call and Guidance and Education Communities, based in Dammam. Its likely
that AST, which has distributed a significant amount of these publishers literature,
either has a direct relationship with the publishers or else a designated
intermediary. The most significant theater for jihadist charities rebound,
though, will likely be Syria. A recent comprehensive report published by the
Brookings Institution notes the role of individual donors in the Gulf, who
encouraged the founding of armed groups, helped to shape the
ideological and at times extremist agendas of rebel brigades, and
contributed to the fracturing of the military opposition.35 The report singles
out Kuwaiti donors and charities in particularincluding the aforementioned RIHS
in part because Kuwait has had fewer controls than other Gulf countries. Further,
the Syrian Islamic Front (SIF)an umbrella group of six organizations that is
considered one of the key jihadist elements within the Syrian oppositionhas
clearly expressed ties to Turkish and Qatari government-linked NGOs. The video
proclaiming the creation of this new group in December 2012 showed SIF members
providing aid to Syrian civilians with boxes and flags bearing the logos of the Turkish
Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH). In January 2013, SIF posted a video to
YouTube depicting its members picking up aid from IHH in Yayladagi, Turkey, that
was to be distributed in Syria. Other boxes and flags in SIFs December 2012 video
belonged to Qatar Charity, which used to go by the name Qatar Charitable Society.
Evidence submitted by the U.S. government in a criminal trial noted that in 1993
Osama bin Laden named the society as one of several charities that were used to
fund al-Qaedas overseas operations. Other charities that in the past
supported al-Qaeda and jihadist causes may also be on the rebound. For
example, when the U.S. Treasury Department designated the Al Haramain Islamic
Foundation (AHIF), a Saudi charity that provided significant support to al-Qaeda
internationally, it noted that AHIFs leadership has attempted to reconstitute the
operations of the organization, and parts of the organization have continued to
operate.36 Further, the U.N.s Office of the Ombudsperson overseeing sanctions of
al-Qaeda-linked individuals has produced a delisting in 38 different cases as of the
time of this testimony.37 The delisting of al-Qaeda supporters at the United
Nations could further re-energize al-Qaeda charity networks.
Egyptian coup strengthened Al Qaeda
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affiliates, and associated groups. My testimony will focus on how the Arab Spring
environment presented new opportunities for al-Qaeda, altered its focus
in discernible ways, and allowed it to experience significant geographic
expansion. Not only is the expansion of al-Qaedas recognized affiliates
clear, but also a large number of new organizations have cropped up in the
Middle East and North Africa that profess an allegiance to al-Qaedas
ideology, salafi jihadism, yet claim they are organizationally independent from its
network. These claims cannot necessarily be taken at face value. Indeed, two
central questions that analysts of jihadist militancy debate today are: 1) to what
extent are these new jihadist groups connected to the al- Qaeda network, and 2) to
what extent is al-Qaedas senior leadership (AQSL) able to set priorities and
strategy for its affiliates, and thus either control or influence their activities?
Uncertainties surrounding both questions somewhat complicate the U.S.s policy
response. This testimony begins by examining the question of what al-Qaeda is, and
what its goals are. Thereafter, it turns to the perceptions that al-Qaeda and other
salafi jihadists had of the Arab Spring, and their ideas about how the movement
could benefit. The testimony then calls into question the notion that alQaedas senior leadership has been decimatedwhich, if true, means that
intentions aside, the group would be unable to execute strategy in the new
environment. I then turn to factors that did in fact strengthen al-Qaeda and
jihadism during the Arab Spring, before giving an overview of al-Qaedas
current position. I conclude by discussing what kinds of policy responses are
appropriate for the United States to adopt to address this challenge.
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whenever we can in this fight. The problem is that the Yemeni security forces
are not only not being strengthened, not only are they be weakened, but
they are fracturing. And we have seen -- we have counted more than 24
mutinies in brigade-level units in the Yemeni security forces over the past
couple of years. The rate of mutinying has been accelerating. We have
had instances of elite units engaged in the fight with al- Qaida being
effectively dissolved in place by mutinies and the Yemeni government
response. This is a force that is cracking, unfortunately, and as a result of that,
we are seeing AQAP re-attack into Abyan, re- attack into areas that it had
been driven out of, and begin to re- establish itself.
And I raise this specific case because Yemen has been held up as a model, and
there are even some people who ignore the fact that Afghanistan has no coastline
and suggest that we should apply the Yemen model to Afghanistan. And before we
have that conversation, it's incredibly important to understand that the Yemen
model isn't working in Yemen, and if there's any desire on the part of the
committee, I would be happy to talk about similar challenges that our strategy in
Somalia has (facing ?), where our allies there, who are even more limited in
capability, are running into very predictable challenges to their ability to maintain
gains, let alone to expand on them.
So my bottom line is, I think that Seth may have been a little bit too optimistic. I
think that we actually need to consider the possibility that we are starting
to lose the war with al-Qaida, and that we really need to rethink our strategy,
such as it is, very, very fundamentally in light of the fact that we maybe need to
recognize that it actually is failing for all the damage that we've done to the core
group in Pakistan. Thank you for your time.
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war. And candidly, especially after the death of Osama bin Laden, I would have
looked for a major planning effort of that variety to think about what the next stage
was, and I do not believe -- at least if that's happened, then I'm completely unaware
of it.
REP. SHERMAN: Thank you. I don't want the panel to think that the absence of
Democrats here reflects any disinterest, or that my own absence soon will do that.
As it happens, we've scheduled an important caucus meeting at the same time as
this hearing, which -- and of course, this hearing was delayed by votes on the floor.
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judge AQAP remains the node most likely to attempt transnational attacks. His death
probably reduces, at least temporarily, AQAPs ability to plan transnational attacks, but many of those
responsible for implementing plots, including bombmakers, financiers, and facilitators, remain and could advance
plots. We assess that AQI will remain focused on overthrowing the Shia-led government in Baghdad in favor of a
Sunni-led Islamic caliphate. It probably will attempt attacks primarily on local Iraqi targets, including government
institutions, Iraqi Security Forces personnel, Shia civilians, and recalcitrant Sunnis, such as members of the Sons
of Iraq, and will seek to re-build support among the Sunni population. In its public statements, the group also
supports the goals of the global jihad, and
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Threat Africa
Threat of terrorism in Africa increasing
John Manzongo, The Herald (Harare), March 10, 2014, Call for Co-Operation to Fight Terrorism
Defence Minister Dr Sydney Sekeramayi has called for deeper regional co-operation to counter
terrorism threats facing Africa, especially in light of last year's attacks at a popular Kenyan
shopping mall. Addressing delegates at the seventh session of the Zimbabwe-Mozambique Joint
Permanent Commission on Defence and Security in Harare last week, Dr Sekeramayi said
terrorist attacks in Africa had escalated in recent years. "A major threat to the stability and
security of Africa continues to be terrorism," he said. "The period under review has seen an
escalation of terrorist activities on African soil. "The terrorist attack on the Westgate Mall
in Nairobi, Kenya and the attacks by Boko Haram in Nigeria only serve to highlight the
need for us to further enhance counter-terrorism mechanisms in the region." Dr Sekeramayi
said as Zimbabwe prepared to assume the chairmanship of SADC, it was hopeful that the signing
of a peace agreement between the DRC government and M23 rebels would pave way for peace
and stability in that country. He said the recent peaceful presidential elections in Madagascar
were also commendable. Mozambique's Minister of National Defence, Mr Filipe Jacinto Nyusi,
congratulated President Mugabe and Zimbabweans at large for holding peaceful, free, fair and
credible elections on July 31, 2013.
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Threat Africa
Terror threat from Africa increasing
New York Times, September 14, 211, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/09/15/world/africa/threeterrorist-groups-in-africa-pose-threat-to-us-general-ham-says.html?_r=1&pagewanted=print
The senior American military commander for Africa warned Wednesday that
three violent extremist organizations on the continent were trying to forge
an alliance to coordinate attacks on the United States and Western interests.
The commander, Gen. Carter F. Ham, the top officer at Africa Command, said terrorist
organizations in East Africa, in the deserts of northern Africa and in Nigeria
have very explicitly and publicly voiced an intent to target Westerners, and
the U.S. specifically. General Ham made clear that the three militant organizations
the Shabab in Somalia, Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb across the Sahel region of
northern Africa and Boko Haram in northern Nigeria had not yet shown the
capability to mount significant attacks outside their homelands. I have questions
about their capability to do so, General Ham told a group of correspondents, adding
that he was worried about the voiced intent of the three organizations to more closely
collaborate and synchronize their efforts. Each of those three independently
presents a significant threat not only in the nations in which they primarily operate,
but regionally and I think they present a threat to the United States, General Ham
said. Defense Department officials confirmed later on Wednesday that a large car
bomb detonated in August by Boko Haram militants bore signature elements of the
improvised explosives used by the Qaeda offshoot in the Sahel; those forensics are
leading analysts to suggest that the group had shared its tactics and techniques with
the Nigerian terrorist organization. Defense Department officials noted that the three
African terrorist groups had traditionally hit local government targets, and that they
differed in ideology. But one Defense Department official said they were believed to be
working toward an alliance of convenience.
Government experts consider the ascendancy of regional affiliates of Al Qaeda as
especially worrisome. Al Qaedas traditional leadership in Pakistan is deemed
less capable of planning and carrying out significant attacks, especially since
the death of Osama bin Laden in May. But Pentagon and intelligence officials
hold that regional affiliates in particular the Qaeda branch in Yemen
pose increasing threats to American interests today.
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Australians remain concerned about terrorism threats. Lowy Institute Research Director Anthony
Bubalo said a fresh wave of Islamic fundamentalism in Syria and Egypt had incubated a new
generation of jihadists. The number of young men from Sydney's inner-west suburbs travelling to
fight with al-Qaeda linked terror groups was a concern, Mr Bubalo said. "In many respects the
current conditions for the creation of extremist movements and ideas in the Middle East
are worse than those that saw the emergence of al-Qaeda," Mr Bubalo said. Three Sydney
Muslims - former soldier Caner Temel, 22, and couple Yusuf Ali and Amira Karroum, both 22 have died fighting with al-Qaeda in Syria. Mr Bubalo said there could be terror fears about
Australians returning from Syria after gaining military skills and links with extremist terror
groups. A Lowy Institute Poll reveals one-third of Australians regard international terrorism as a
"critical threat to Australia's security". "Australia must not lose sight of developments in the
broader Middle East, even as it focuses more intensely on strategic developments in Asia and the
Indo-Pacific," he said.
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At the same time, however, al-Qaeda and allied groups today are situated in
more places than on September 11, 2001. They maintain a presence in
some 16 different theatres of operationcompared with half as many as
recently as five years ago. Although some of these operational environments are
less amenable than others (South Asia, Southeast Asia), a few have been the sites
of revival and resuscitation (Iraq and North Africa) or of expansion (Mauritania, Mali,
Niger, Nigeria, and Syria).
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appealing to a young person in a slum with no job and no hope. Once these young idealists join
al-Shabaab, however, they are basically kidnapped, explains Polk. He says, There is no
money, and they are told if they try to escape they will kill them and their family. Says Polk,
The countries really have to work harder at developing education and counter extremist
messages to let their youth know not all that glitters is gold, that al-Shabaab is not camp but they
are trying to kidnap them away from their families. Soft targets, or civilian targets, are
likely to remain a major aim for al-Shabaab and other terrorist groups. Not only do these
targets require the least planning and skill to succeed, but they also inflict the most psychological
damage. Last January, an al-Qaeda affiliate led by Mokhtar Belmokhtar launched another major
attack against a civilian target. The brigade took over an oil field in Amenas, Algeria, and
demanded that France halt its military intervention in northern Mali. The brigade took more than
800 hostages, including 132 foreigners. Algerian forces ultimately freed most of the hostages, but
49 hostages including three Americans were killed in the crisis. Polk warns, I would not
be surprised to see attacks over the next 12 months against schools, churches, nightclubs
and restaurants like we have seen by Islamists in Kenya and Ethiopia. While international
authorities are attempting to thwart al-Shabaab recruiting efforts, and are stepping up drone
strikes and intelligence operations against the terrorist organization, the threat remains
significant. Andy Polk says, I think Syria is creating a blind spot to a growing security threat to
the U.S. The administration does not seem to fully understand the proliferation of al-Qaeda
throughout Africa in the form of various affiliates, as was evident by the response to the
Benghazi tragedy, nor does it have a real, strategic, long term policy to address the problem. A
former CIA officer who worked on the terrorist target says that despite drone attacks, intelligence
efforts and military attention to the terrorist problem, the mall attack shows that United States is
woefully behind in tracking terrorists. We thought al-Qaeda was dead after bin Laden, he
notes, and they were just regrouping. Now we have affiliates and sympathizers and who
knows what else, and we just cant keep up. We plug up one place and another springs a
leak. Who would have thought al-Shabaab would have launched an attack at a major mall, a
few blocks from the embassy in Christian-dominated Kenya? Maybe some intelligence officers,
but obviously they werent screaming loud enough, he says. The real tragedy, he notes, is
that we have no idea what is going on. We dont have enough resources, or the right kinds of
resources, so Shabaab just goes out and takes over a mall frequented by foreigners and kills
anyone who cant recite a Muslim prayer and we have no idea it is coming. The success of the
attack, he says, is likely to spawn similar efforts.
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Qaeda leadership positions. Others are men from Waukesha, Wisconsin, Brooklyn,
New York and Buffalo, New York. For security reasons, the details of those 100 or so
individuals under surveillance inside the U.S. are closely guarded, and both U.S. and
European officials say they're focused on Westerners joining al Qaeda in places such
as Syria, which is relatively easy to enter. Asked via Twitter last March about those
like him, who turn against America by joining al Qaeda affiliates such as al-Shabaab
in Somalia, Hammami did not deny the threat they pose. Somalia has "many
muhajirs from U.S. And dangerous. True," tweeted @abumamerican, an account
believed by U.S. officials to be Hammami's.
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Decades after the end of the Cold War, the U.S. is dealing with a different nuclear threA2: the
security of its own nuclear sites. But the problem is more complicated than you might think. The
University of Texas, Austin Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Project (NPPP) recently
released a report stating that none of the 104 commercial nuclear reactors or three research
reactors in the U.S. is adequately protected against terrorist threats. The report cites two
credible threats: the theft of bomb-grade material to make a nuclear weapon, and
sabotage attacks intended to cause a reactor meltdown.
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that the containment provides to the reactor itself, leaving the spent fuel also more
vulnerable to sabotage by terrorists.43
A 2006 report by the National Academy of Sciences concluded that a successful
terrorist attack on spent fuel pools would be difficult, but possible.44 In the absence
of a centralized national storage facility for spent fuel, nuclear power plants often
maintain their spent fuel pool inventories at amounts beyond the original design
limits of the pool.45 A terrorist with enough technical knowledge and means could
drain a spent fuel pool, triggering a cladding fire that could result in the release of
large amounts of radioactive material.46 This is similar to what occurred in 2011 in
Fukushima, Japan, when an earthquakes effects drained the spent fuel pools.
According to Beyea, Lyman, and von Hippel, a terrorist attack on a spent fuel pool
could cause thousands of deaths from cancer, and economic damages in the
hundreds of billions of dollars.47 In the wake of the NAS report, U.S. utilities
reportedly have taken some measures that may somewhat mitigate this risk, but
not eliminate it.48 An attack on dry cask storage would also result in the release of
radioactive material, although in smaller amounts due to design differences.
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sectarian violence that has already claimed between 1,700-2,500 lives in the first
half of 2013. Available evidence suggests that even the sky is more trafficked by
terrorists than the oceans. Reports dating back to 2008 have already linked alQaeda to large-scale criminal aviation networks. Al-Qaeda-linked terrorist
organizations in Africa have made connections with pirate groups but these
connections have been more financial than operational. Somali pirates ransom
funds often find their way into the coffers of al-Shabaab but al-Shabaab has never
colluded with the pirates to execute a terrorist attack on a maritime target. AlShabaab, like other terrorist organizations, is concerned primarily with land territory.
Although there has been little collusion between groups and comparatively few
attacks, the ideology and methodology supporting terrorist attacks against maritime
targets is already in place. Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, leader of the attacks behind the
deadly bombings of the USS Cole and the Limburg, developed a four-part strategy
for al-Qaedas maritime terrorist attacks. These four parts include suicide attacks on
vessels, the hijacking of ships for use as weapons against port or transportation
infrastructure, attacking supertankers using explosive-filled aircraft, and attacks on
vessels with underwater demolition teams. Spread by al-Qaeda, these
recommendations have a far-reaching effects. Simple bomb placements or flotilla
attacks (explosive-laden craft driven into the target, the maritime equivalent of a
car bomb) do not require anything more than would an inland attack. In 2004, a
simple eight pound bomb brought down the SuperFerry-14 in the Philippines, killing
116 in the worlds deadliest maritime terrorist attack. As the US and other
governments continue to crack down on terror networks, these attack methods
available to individuals and small groups will increase in use as the ideology and
tactics continue to spread and their official strategies adapt. The Threat
Maritime terrorist attacks have the potential to inflict massive casualties
and wreak economic havoc. Passenger vessels, from ferries to cruise
ships, offer opportunities for high death tolls, a key objective for al-Qaeda
and its affiliates. Attacks on container ships, oil tankers, and other cargo
ships could cause significant damage to the global economy. As 80-90% of
global trade travels on such ships, strategic attacks could raise risk levels which
would affect a number of trade factors that would, in turn, result in higher prices for
many commodities. The economic impact would mirror that of piracy, a continuing
economic strain off of the coasts of West Africa, East Africa, and South East Asia.
The threat of terrorism at sea raises new policing and prevention dilemmas for
states accustomed to fighting traditional piracy. Pirates attack maritime targets for
economic gain. A means of escape is essential in achieving the purpose of their
attacks. As policing turns piracy within certain areas into suicide missions, pirates
will cease to attack those areas. The nearly eradicated piracy off of the Somali coast
is a prime example. Unfortunately the calculus for terrorist attacks, particularly
suicide attacks, is fundamentally different. Terrorists on suicide missions with
the goal of mass casualty or economic destruction cannot be effectively
policed using tactics and strategies designed for pirates. Whereas pirates
can be deterred by ensuring that they cannot escape following an attack,
maritime terrorists must be deterred before an attack even takes place.
This is exceedingly difficult on the expansive seas and among thousands of ships of
different builds and function. Recommendation According to an anti-terror director
at the Pentagon, Indications point to an acceleration of the pace of maritime
terrorism, heralding a coming campaign. The propensity of al-Qaeda for patient and
intricate preparation augurs a future sustained maritime terrorism campaign, rather
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than a continued irregular pattern of attacks. To counter this campaign, the US and
other governments must continue seeking out terrorist networks and frustrating
coordinated attacks. It must simultaneously develop and implement the means to
prevent isolated attacks on important infrastructure and vessels. With proactive
measures within these general policies, governments and maritime corporations
can help limit the scope and intensity of maritime terrorism.
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the grim lexicon of modern terrorism. From Kabul to Moscow, and Columbus,
Ohio, to Nairobi, terrorists have targeted crowds of shoppers, including
women and children, in almost-impossible-to-protect shopping malls. The
weeks still-unfolding carnage inside Nairobis Westgate mall is the kind of event
that has been long feared as extremists evolve new tactics, cross-pollinating from
viciously successful strikes in other places by other groups. At Westgate, despite the
horror, neither the targeting nor the strike force of attackers is especially new or
came as a surprise. Terrorism experts have been warning for years that
malls are vulnerable, as harder targets embassies, aircraft, military
bases and government buildings become ever more heavily protected
behind security cordons. Some malls, as well as prominent hotels or wellknown resorts, are in high-profile locations, full of constantly changing
clientele and thus exceeding difficult to secure. Like the multiple strikes in
the Indian city of Mumbai in 2008 by groups of heavily armed and suicideready Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorists, the Westgate mall attack by the Somali
al-Shabab terror group appears to involve a squad of well-trained
extremists seeking to kill and main as many victims as possible before
staging a bloody last stand with hostages. More than 160 were killed in
Mumbai across 12 targets, but international media focus was on the high-profile
Oberoi and Taj Mahal hotels just as it is this week on Nairobis upscale mall, where
the mounting death toll includes prominent Kenyans as well as foreign diplomats,
well-heeled visitors and children. Individuals desiring to launch a terrorist
attack seek to strike the highest-profile, most symbolic target possible,
Scott Stewart, vice-president of analysis at Stratfor, a geopolitical intelligence firm,
wrote this year. A well known targets can magnify the terror, especially when the
operation grabs the attention of international media. After years of ever-closer ties,
al-Shabab formally allied itself with al-Qaeda in 2012, pledging to march with you
as loyal soldiers, Daniel Byman, who tracks extremist groups at the Brookings
Institution, said in a report last year. Those closer ties included advanced training in
explosives and weapons, which seem to be on grim display this week.
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the appeal such scenarios hold for terrorists is the reality that precious little can be
done to prevent them in a society like ours.
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homegrown jihadist terrorism cases declined to 34, but that still represented more such cases
than any year but 2009. As previously noted, Bergen viewed this sudden spike in homegrown
terrorist cases at the time as an undeniable increase in the threat. I wasnt so sure. In an article I
published in the summer of 2010, I concluded that it wasnt clear that homegrown terrorism is
increasing, for two reasons. The first was that the perceived spike could be based on changes in
policing strategies and tactics. If authorities started making arrests at a different point relative
to a suspect undertaking illegal activities, that could artificially trigger perceptions of a major
increase in homegrown terrorists; and so too could an increase in the number of sting
operations. Second, I raised the possibility that this could be a statistical aberration: Another
possibility is that the current rash of homegrown terror cases is an aberration. In a statistical
sequence measured over the course of years (such as weather patterns or a baseball players
career), aberrant sequences will frequently arise. A spike or precipitous decline in numbers does
not mean the numerical trajectory will extend indefinitely. For example, an unusually cold May
does not mean that July will also be unusually cold. While in the middle of an unusual statistical
sequence, it can be hard to have perspective; and in five years, 2009-2010 may seem exceptional
in terms of the level of homegrown terrorist activity, rather than the beginning of a new trend.
Now that five years have passed since the onset of that spike in cases, it appears to have been
just that, an aberrational sequence. And we can pinpoint the precise development that drove the
2009-10 rise in cases: the Somalia war. In December 2008, the U.S. media first reported
authorities discovery that more than a dozen young Somali men from Minnesotas Twin Cities
area (which has the U.S.s largest Somali community) had disappeared, going abroad to join
jihadist groups in Somalia. They decided to fight there after Ethiopias U.S.-backed invasion of
Somalia in 2006, which was designed to shore up the countrys U.N.-recognized transitional
federal government and push back its main adversary, the Islamic Courts Union. In addition to
the young men being driven by nationalist sentiments, jihadist recruiters focused their
efforts on the Twin Cities areaa somewhat unique dynamic for domestic terrorist cases, the
vast majority of which do not feature recruiters from any established militant organization.
Thereafter, domestic law enforcement made apprehension of the young men who went to fight
abroad, and the networks encouraging and supporting them, a top priority. Terrorism-related
indictments increased as a result: the NAF dataset suggests that 14 indictments in 2009 and 16
in 2010 were related to the Somalia conflict. If you subtract these figures from the number of
total indictments for both years, the numerical spike becomes less extreme, with only 29
indictments in 2009 and 18 in 2010 that were unrelated to the Somalia war. Though 2009 still
would have a higher number of indictments than any year preceding it even with the adjusted
figures, 2010 would be more in line with the numbers from previous years, featuring fewer
terrorism indictments than either 2003 or 2006. As recruiting for the Somalia conflict has
declined, the number of indictments has also gone down. So the question remains: how do we
interpret the lower numbers we are seeing now? Has the threat of homegrown terrorism markedly
declined, as Bergen insists, or is there a better way to understand the number of homegrown
jihadist cases that we have seen in 2012-13?
The Longer View
Fortunately, there has always been a relatively small number of homegrown jihadist terrorism
cases in the United States. The fact that these numbers are small should make us hesitant to infer
too much from numerical fluctuations. Take a look at the number of homegrown jihadists who
have been indicted or killed by year, per the NAF database:
2002:
16
2003:
23
2004:
8
2005:
12
2006:
19
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2007:
16
2008:
6
2009:
43
2010:
34
2011:
22
2012:
7
2013:
10
Bergen asserted that there had been nine indictments this year, but his article came out before
Terry Loewens arrest, which pushes the number to ten. Looking at the full data by year, its not
clear that there is a declining threat. Ten indictments in 2013 is three more than there were last
year; its also a higher number than we saw in either 2004 or 2008. Indeed, there were only six
such cases in 2008the year before we saw the sudden jump to forty-three indictments. In fact,
rather than basing our assessment on indictments, theres an entirely different statistic for
measuring whether we face a declining threat: the number of people killed or injured by
homegrown terrorists in the U.S. in any given year. That number was zero in 2011, while in 2013
three people were killed and 264 injured (in the Boston bombings). The bottom line is that its
perilous to infer too much from the data when the numbers in question are rather small, because
small numbers makes it extraordinarily difficult to measure trends reliably. All it takes is one
unusual developmentsuch as the outbreak of war in Somalia, and its resulting impact on
Minneapolis-St. Paulto make it appear that everything has changed from a numerical
perspective. There is thus little proof that the threat of terrorism has actually markedly declined
over the past couple of years. The core problem with Bergens use of statistics is evident when you
compare his analysis in 2009 with his assessment today: his methodology is prone to perceiving a
significant change in the level of threat based upon the direction that the numerical trend line is
pointing at any given time. If the number of indictments doubled to twenty next year, by Bergens
established methodology the threat would seem to be increasing againeven though the
absolute numbers would still be lower than 2003, 2009, 2010, or 2011. In attempting to
determine whether we are grappling with an increasing or declining threat, its important to view
the most recent data in as broad a context as possible. We should be wary of any method of
statistical interpretation wherein temporary fluctuations in one direction or another can be
mistaken for massive shifts in the threat we confront.
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Al Qaeda's affiliates are both stronger and more prolific than previously anticipated, FBI
director James Comey told the New York Times[1] on Monday. While the Times noted that
some expected Comey to be the first post-9/11 FBI director to redirect his focus away from
terrorism, he clarified that Islamic radicalism is as potent a force as ever. 'I didn't have
anywhere near the appreciation I got after I came into this job just how virulent those
affiliates had become,' Comey told the Times when asked if he thought the threat of al Qaedarelated terrorism had diminished. Referring to the terror group's affiliates in Africa and the
Middle East, Comey said that the threat of terrorism against American interest sis as
present as ever. 'There are both many more than I appreciated, and they are stronger than I
appreciated,' he confessed.
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regime and Iraqi Shia militants and deploying their own personnel into the country. Now, from a
terrorism perspective, the most concerning development is that al-Qaida has declared Syria its
most critical front and has called for extremists to fight against the regime in Syria. So what
we've seen is that thousands of fighters from around the world, including hundreds from the West
have traveled to Syria and many of them have joined with established terrorist groups in Syria.
This raises our concern that radicalized individuals with extremist contacts and battlefield
experience could return to their home countries to commit violence at their own initiative or
participate in al-Qaida-directed plots aimed at Western targets outside of Syria. What we've seen
is a coalescence in Syria of al-Qaida veterans from Afghanistan and Pakistan as well as
extremists from other hotspots such as Libya and Iraq. These extremists bring a wide range of
contacts and skills as well as battlefield experience and they're able to exploit what has become a
permissive environment from which to plot and train. Shifting briefly to Lebanon, one of the
continuing effects of the Syrian conflict will be the instability in Lebanon in the upcoming year.
I recently traveled to Lebanon and Jordan and the impacts of the continuing conflict in Syria
continue to be of great concern to officials in the region. Hezbollah publicly admitted last spring
that it is fighting for the Syrian regime and has framed the war as an act of self-defense against
Western-backed Sunni extremists. The group is sending capable fighters for pro-regime
operations and support for a pro-regime militia. In addition, Iran and Hezbollah are using allied
Iraqi Shia groups to participate in counter-opposition operations. And this active support to the
Assad regime is of course driving increased Sunni extremist attacks and sectarian violence. In
short, the various factors contributing to instability in Lebanon are only exacerbated by the
protracted conflict in Syria.
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from within its own organization and allied groups. Al Qaeda is constantly in the process of
recruiting new talent as well. In Pakistan and Afghanistan today, al Qaeda likely has a
significant cadre of leaders who have not been publicly identified. The roles played by other,
publicly identified operatives are not widely understood either. For instance, a cursory review of
Vanguards of Khorasan, an al Qaeda publication, reveals numerous leaders who are not regularly
discussed.
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possibilities are not mutually exclusive. There are, broadly speaking, two possible explanations. First,
ideological ties and goals shared by the jihadists and the fall of the north in April 2012
allowed them to overcome their differences. Each group remains committed to the implementation of
sharia, and the groups' key leaders remain focused on Mali, even while attacking in Algeria and elsewhere.
Second, the divisions between these groups were always less significant than they
appeared to be. It is also possible that the creation of MUJAO was part of what could be termed a "managed
separation," whereby AQIM allowed itself to fragment in order to seek new opportunities for financing and
recruitment while permitting other parts of the organization to focus on different populations or areas of
operation. This could help explain why MUJAO was able to so quickly cooperate with an organization it had
previously spurned, and the continued influence of leaders like Belmokhtar on the new organization could help
explain why its military activities diverged so widely from its stated goals and targets.
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creation.
Press reports indicate that by early 2012, Ansar al-Din had acquired greater numbers of fighters -including AQIM fighters under the command of Ag Ghali's cousin, AQIM commander Hamada Ag Hama -- and
weapons from diverse sources. AQIM fighters are also believed to have taken part in fighting in the first months of
the rebellion. <Card Continues> Still, the relationship between these groups remained publicly unclear, and
Ansar al-Din in turn nurtured these ambiguities as different factions within the group jockeyed for position and
some sought a political solution to the violence in northern Mali that would stave off military intervention. Ag
Ghali endorsed Burkina Faso-led mediation efforts on behalf of the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS), with various Ansar al-Din leaders, including Ag Ghali, reportedly traveling to Algiers to partake in
Algeria's own assiduous efforts to separate Ansar al-Din from AQIM and MUJAO. The January offensive, however,
ended speculation that Ag Ghali in particular could be pulled away from AQIM and MUJAO, and the open
cooperation among Ansar al-Din, AQIM, and MUJAO elements seemingly highlights Ag Ghali's
commitment to the overall jihadist cause. The offensive also prompted the January 23
announcement by influential leaders from Ag Ghali's Ifoghas tribe of a new group, the Mouvement Islamique de
l'Azawad, or MIA. The leaders behind this group said that they intended to work for a negotiated settlement to the
conflict in northern Mali, and they have quickly distanced themselves from Ag Ghali.
Mujao
Lebovitch 13 (Andrew, Program Associate, National Security Studies Program at
New America Foundation, AQIM and Its Allies in Mali,
http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/aqim-and-its-allies-in-mali)
In particular, the seizure of the north prompted MUJAO to settle its differences with
AQIM, according to some observers; this peace was purportedly brokered by Ansar al-Din. In particular since
April 2012, MUJAO has pursued a dual strategy that is at varying times hyperlocal and regional/international;
originally believed to be composed largely of Mauritanians and Gao Arabs, the group is rumored to have benefited
from the support of local businessmen and notables believed to be linked to various illicit trafficking. All the same,
residents' jubilant reaction to MUJAO's expulsion from Gao shows how little support it actually enjoyed.
Nevertheless, the group has recruited regionally and internationally, recently flaunting a very diverse leadership
animosities and divisions may have separated MUJAO's leaders from other AQIM commanders, several of these
leaders were reportedly close to Belmokhtar and had spent years operating with him. It is no surprise, then, that
Belmokhtar quickly set up his base of operations in Gao and reportedly provided crucial military assistance to
MUJAO's fighters during various battles with the MNLA. Nor is it entirely surprising that MUJAO, an organization
ostensibly founded to spread jihad in West Africa, largely struck Algerian targets, both in Algeria and in Mali -possible precursors to the In Amenas assault, which took place under Belmokhtar's orders.
Belmokhtar
Lebovitch 13 (Andrew, Program Associate, National Security Studies Program at
New America Foundation, AQIM and Its Allies in Mali,
http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/aqim-and-its-allies-in-mali)
<Card Continues>. However, Belmokhtar's separation from AQIM, apparently after divergences
from AQIM's senior leadership, does not appear to have significantly impeded AQIM's
operations. The In Amenas attack was reportedly planned for at least two months, meaning planning began
during or just after Belmokhtar's purported departure. Further, it did not impede the movement of fighters and
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even commanders between different groups. This movement is best exemplified by Omar Ould Hamaha, a
longtime AQIM member close to Belmokhtar (and possibly his father-in-law) who has since April 2012 been
publicly identified as a leader in each of Mali's jihadist groups.
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United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, and the United States. 25 This is not the
cast of a post-Western or post-American world; it is the list of allies, partners, and
willing contributors pulled together by the United States around common interests
and a compelling illustration of what I call America's coalitional power. There has
been a similar experience in efforts to prevent nuclear materials getting into
terrorists hands. Here too the United States led in pulling together what was
initially meant to be a one-time summit to galvanize states efforts to secure their
loose nuclear supplies but that has rapidly evolved into the Nuclear Security
Summit (NSS). Membership in the NSS is similar to that of the Global
Counterterrorism Forum. 26 The NSS is also an example of a new style of
multilateral effort. Its mode of operation is more similar to private ventures like the
Clinton Global Initiative than to staid bodies like the UN Conference on
Disarmament. That is, rather than coming together to negotiate dry texts that are
often then not implemented, the mode of the NSS is that countries come together
each year to report on actions they have taken over the previous year. This creates
a kind of moral pressure on participants to take substantial actions it is
embarrassing to have to stand in front of forty-five of your peers and paper over
your inability to get anything productive done in the year past. Jones, Bruce (201403-17). Still Ours to Lead: America, Rising Powers, and the Tension between Rivalry
and Restraint (Kindle Locations 1578-1586). Brookings Institution Press. Kindle
Edition.
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ToddHelmushasservedasanadviserincounterinsurgencystrategytoU.S.militarycommands
inIraqandAfghanistan,2011,The Long Shadow of 9/11: Americas Response to Terrorism, Ed.
Bruce Michael Jenkins and Paul Hodges, p.1212
Individualsjointhejihadistcauseforamultitudeofreasons.Theexcitementofaclandestineand
militantlife,therecognitionandfamethatarealltoorareinamoribundhomelife,thesocial
bondsoffriendsandpeergroupsthatactasapropellantforaction,thelureofanafterlifethat
givesmorethanthislifeoffersallofthesefactorsmotivateterroristrecruitsatonelevelor
another.Butthemostcommonmotivationappearstobetheperceptionthatawarisbeingwaged
againstIslam.Thisisattheheartofthejihadistnarrative.TheworldwideMuslimcommunity,or
ummah,ispurportedlyunderattackbyinfidelandWesternpowers.AlQaedathuscallsMuslims
toIslamsdefense;andtoalQaeda,itisnotadefenseofrhetoricbutadefenseofarmedaction.
TothevastmajorityintheMuslimworld,theappealhasnoresonance.Forahaplessand
dangerousfew,however,itisalltoocompelling.
Iraq and Afghanistan wars increase terror recruiting
ToddHelmushasservedasanadviserincounterinsurgencystrategytoU.S.militarycommands
inIraqandAfghanistan,2011,The Long Shadow of 9/11: Americas Response to Terrorism, Ed.
Bruce Michael Jenkins and Paul Hodges, p. 123
Even before Abu Ghraib, the U.S. war in Iraq was seen by some as reason enough to
join the militant cause. In the eyes of jihadists, the Iraq War was unjustified and
constituted a foreign and infidel occupa- tion of Muslim lands. In this sense, the
motivations of foreign fight- ers entering Afghanistan in the 1980s were little different
from those of fighters coming into Iraq. Simplistic and false accusations that the United
States entered Iraq to take its oil, the real fact that the United States ignored many
pleas of the international community before invading, and the U.S. failure to establish
security following a suc- cessful invasion were further used to tarnish the image of the
United States. Al Qaeda uses U.S. operations in Afghanistan to similar effect. In the
wake of 9/11, it was necessary to attack al Qaeda at its Afghan base, and establishing
stability and security remains an imperative. But the war drags on. The rallying cry of
an infidel occupation of a Muslim land is a common jihadist refrain that not only
motivates foreign fight- ers and some Taliban but also galvanizes recruits in the West.
This efrain was the argument used by Nidal Hassan, the sole suspect in the shootings
at Fort Hood, Texas, whose PowerPoint presentation to classmates at the Uniformed
Services University of the Health Sciences spoke of the war against Islam, the U.S.
campaign in Afghanistan, and a Muslims duty. The very nature of the Iraqi and Afghan
conflicts, wars fought among civilian populations in an urban landscape, has inevitably
led to accusations of abuse. Insurgents and terrorists in both countries have foresworn
distinguishing uniforms and shamefully hide behind civil- ian populations. U.S. forces
by no means intend civilian casualties and go to great lengths to avoid them. But when
mistakes happen, al Qaeda pounces. The isolated and worst-case scenarios are used to
allege a sys- tematic campaign of abuse. Aiding these arguments, at times, has been a
slow and feeble response that in the cases of Abu Ghraib, the deaths of civilians in
Haditha, and other civilian casualty events has failed to quickly investigate accusations
and admit wrongdoing. Perceptions of abuse of Muslims were what motivated Carlos
Bledsoe, the convicted attacker at the military recruiting center in Little Rock,
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Arkansas, who asserted that he was defending Muslims against U.S. military actions in
the Middle East.
The U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq helped rescue al Qaeda, both operationally and
ideologically. The war vindicated Bin Laden's message, "proving" to skeptics that the United
States was indeed bent on controlling the Islamic world. It also motivated a new generation of
jihadists to travel to Iraq.
Iraq war boosted and radicalized Al Qaeda
FredericWehrey,RANDSeniorAnalyst,servedasanadvisertotheMultiNationalForceIraq
in2008,2011,The Long Shadow of 9/11: Americas Response to Terrorism, Ed. Bruce Michael
Jenkins and Paul Hodges, p.489
Amongtheinitialbooststhe2003invasiongavetoalQaeda,noneisassignificantasthepublic
relationscoupithandedthemovement.TheinvasionbyaWesternforceofanIslamic,oilrich
landthathadonceservedastheseatofthemightyAbbasidcaliphateseemedapowerful
vindicationofalQaedasargumentthattheWestwasirrevocablybentonsubjugatingMuslims.
TheensuingconflictenabledalQaedatorefashionthenarrativeofitsstruggleintoadefensive
jihadawarofliberationinanIslamicland,compellingablebelieversoutsideIraqsbordersto
takeuparms.ThechaosthatensuedafterthepoorlyplannedoccupationallowedalQaedato
expanditsrecruitmentbasebeyonditstraditionalhomeintheArabianPeninsulaandEgypt,to
theLevantandtheMaghreb.Thewaralsoradicalizedanewcadreof
Iraqisalafijihadists,orviolentIslamicfundamentalists,wherefewhadexistedbefore.
Aidingthisrecruitment,thewarcreatedabroaderbacklashagainstAmericanpresenceinthe
MiddleEastand,moreominously,againstthecachetofdemocratizationitself.Theconductof
AmericascounterinsurgencycampaignwasinmanywaysapowerfulboosttoalQaedas
rampantantiAmericanism,withtheindelibleimagesofAbuGhraibcreatingfertilegroundfor
therecruitmentofextremists.Governmentsaroundtheregionfoundanewimpetustodelayor
defertheirstepstowardreformandliberalizationbypointingtothecivilwarinIraq,whichthey
arguedhadbeensparkedbytheforcibleandprematureimpositionofdemocracy.Inmanypublic
opinionsurveys,democratizationduringtheIraqWarassumedanegativeconnotationbecauseof
itsaffiliationwiththeAmericanmisadventurethere,thedifficultiesofbuildingacohesive
governmentinIraq,andthenearuniversalunpopularityoftheBushadministration.TheIraq
Warprovedtobeanewlaboratoryforguerrillawarfare,clandestineorganization,andthe
developmentoflethaltacticsagainstconventionalarmiestacticssuchasimprovised
explosivedevicesandsuicidebombings.Inthewordsofonejihadiideologue,If[the1980s
warin]Afghanistanwastheschoolofjihad,thenIraqistheuniversity.Yetwidespreadfearsof
asocalledjihadibleedouttheexodusofhardened,battletrainedgraduatestoother
theatersdidnotmaterializeasexpected.Inmanycases,foreignvolunteersinIraqdidnot
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acquiresignificantskillsthatweretransferrabletootherbattlefronts.Thiswaspartlybecauseof
thearduousanduniqueconditionsofurbanwarfareinIraq,butalsobecausejihadicommanders
inIraqtendedtousepoorlytrainedbutideologicallycommittedforeignersascannonfodder.
Theaccountsofreturningveteranssuggestthatfarfrombeingthenobleexperienceofjihadthey
hadexpected,theirserviceinIraqwasconfused,demoralizing,andultimatelyunfulfilling.Many
returnedInmanyways,theeventthattippedthescalesagainstalQaedascampaigninIraqwas
theemergenceofitsmostprominentbattlefieldcommander,theaforementionedAbuMusabal
Zarqawi.TheJordanianjihadist,hardenedbyyearsofprisonandbattletestedinAfghanistan,
arrivedinnorthernIraqbeforetheinvasion.Thevariousmutationsofhisinsurgentorganization
quicklyestablishedareputationasthemostfearlessandbrutaloftheinsurgentgroups.His
ferocioustacticsofbeheadings,suicidebombingsagainstcivilians,andtargetingShiite
Muslimswereinitiallyarecruitingwindfall,particularlyaftertheUnitedStateslavished
excessiveattentiononhim,grantinghimadegreeofnotorietyhewouldotherwisenothave
enjoyed.Onthesurface,alZarqawisstrategyappearedtoconformneatlytothatenvisionedby
thenotoriousalQaedatheoristAbuBakrNajiinhislengthyblueprintforglobaljihad,The
ManagementofSavagery.Sowenoughtna(chaos)andbloodshed,Najiadvised,andthecivilian
populationwillwelcomejihadistswithopenarmsasliberatorsandprovidersofsecurity.
Infact,theoppositeoccurred.AlZarqawisincreasinglyindiscriminateviolenceultimately
provedtobehisundoing.Thiswasespeciallysoafterhetriedtoextendthewarbeyondthe
bordersofIraq.HisbombingsofhotelsinAmman,Jordan,in2005,mostofwhosevictimswere
Jordaniancivilians,spawnedasharpoutcrythroughouttheArabworldandamongmanyjihadi
ideologues.ThisatrocitywasfollowedbyasimilarattackonciviliansbyalQaedasaffiliatesin
SaudiArabia,whichprovokedsimilaroutrage.Thenetresultwasthatpopulationsthathad
previouslycheeredalQaedafromafarturnedagainstitwhenconfrontedwithitsviolenceat
home.AfteralZarqawisdeathfromaU.S.airstrikein2006,alQaedascampaigncontinuedto
depleteitspublicsupportinsideIraqandbeyond.InthewesternIraqiprovinceofalAnbar,
wherethegrouphadonceenjoyedgreatmaneuverabilityduetothemarginalizationoftheareas
SunnitribesfromthenewlyShiiteledgovernment,alQaedasattempttogoverntheareawas
metwithgrowingresistancestartingin2008.ThetribeschafedunderalQaedasdraconian
socialmores,extortion,and,mostimportantly,attemptstomarrylocalwomen.Thetribal
backlashledtotheformationofthesocalledawakeningcouncilsandsonsofIraqSunni
IraqimilitiasthattheU.S.forcesadroitlyexploitedtodrivealQaedafromtheareaanddiminish
itslogisticalandfundingnetworks.
Pakistan security policies generate widespread Anti-Americanism
Khurshid Ahmad, Policy Perspectives, June 30, 2011 US Policies, Ensuing Terrorism
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The advent of the 21st century, heralding a new millennium, was welcomed by a large
number of the people world over. It was hoped that the humanity would learn from the
disasters it had to wade through in the last century and make a fresh start to have its
coveted rendezvous with global peace and justice. Unfortunately, these hopes have
been dashed to pieces particularly as a result of the tragic events of 9/11, and the
disastrous response of the United States to them. The war on terror, which was
unleashed to counter terrorism, has made the world much more terrorridden, insecure, unjust, and verging on economic collapse. The first decade
of the 21st century would go down in history as a lost decade primarily
because of the flawed strategies of the only super power, the United States
of America.
The US has failed to critically review its policies vis--vis the rest of the
world resulting in an unending series of failures and their catastrophic
consequences. Almost all major surveys of public opinion conducted during
the last decade reflect increasing the grass roots disappointment about the
US policies and performance in different parts of the world, particularly in
relation to the Palestine problem and the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and their
fall out in different parts of the world. Yet there is no evidence of any major
change in the direction of key US policies. It seems that the hold of the Neoconservatives and the Military-Industrial Complex, about which then US President
Eisenhower had warned in his farewell address, remains unshaken. American
leadership, despite change of faces, remains caught in the quagmire of policies that
could not deliver.
"Terrorism" and "anti-Americanism" have become buzzwords in contemporary political
discourse. The need to critically examine the causes of phenomenal rise in terrorism
has become an existential imperative. It is undeniable that terrorism that was confined
to a few flashpoints in the world has now expanded far and void, becoming a global
phenomenon. Humanity today is beset with terrorisms of many hues and colors
perpetrated by individuals, groups, and states.
While the book market has been inundated with literature on terrorism, it is a sad fact
that much of it represents the viewpoint of the power-elite responsible for the
escalation of terrorism. Partisan perspectives dominate. Viewpoint of the aggrieved do
not get appropriate space in this discourse which is becoming more and more a
monologue. Propaganda is getting an upper hand at the cost of truthful description
and objective analysis. A new breed of terrorism is being promoted through print and
electronic media: intellectual terrorism. However, some voices of dissent against the
conventional thinking are now being raised and alternate perspectives are beginning
to get space in political discourse. Contributions based on independent research and
critical analysis of policies and strategies represent a silver lining on the intellectual
horizon.
Two U.K. based scholars Dr. Usama Butt and Prof. Julian Schofield are engaged in
research on "The US-Pakistan and Pakistan's Foreign Relations: Geo-Politics and
Strategy in the War of Terror". They invited me to respond to questions regarding some
of the key issues namely terrorism, anti-Americanism and the responses of the Islamic
forces in Pakistan. Following piece is based on this email-interview.
'Islamic domestic reaction' to Pak-US relations: sentiments of 'Anti-Americanism'?
Pakistani people are extremely unhappy, even angry, over the US policies at all the
three levels-Global; relating to the Middle East, particularly the Palestinian issue; and
the South Asian Region with particular reference to the Kashmir Issue, Afghanistan and
Indian hegemonic role in the region. The strategic Indo-American relationship, as it has
developed during the Bush-Obama regimes, has very serious implications for the
whole region particularly for Pakistan, China and Iran.
To put things in correct perspective, it may be recalled that feelings of
disenchantment, disapproval and alienation from the US began to explode worldwide
after the World War II. The character of the "Ugly American", as it flashed out in
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The people of Pakistan, by and large, firmly hold that American policies vis--vis
Pakistan and the Muslim world are seriously flawed. Without denying a certain area of
'convergence of interests', it has to be acknowledged that there also exist vast 'areas
of divergence', characterized by some serious conflicts between the national interests
and strategic objectives of the US and Pakistan.
That is the reason why a large majority of the people and not merely the
Islamic groups, (who definitely are in the vanguard) is opposed to the US policies
and presence in the country in overt and covert forms, as also to the
collaborative role of their own political leaderships, including the military
establishment, with the US and other foreign players. It deserves to be
noted that all public opinion surveys conducted by Gallup or other
US/Western organizations have consistently reported popular opposition to
the US policies by an overwhelming number of people of Pakistan, ranging
from 70 to 80 percent.
It may be noted that a rare public opinion survey conducted recently by the New
American Foundation in Pakistan's worst affected Federally Administered Tribal Areas
(FATA) reports that 75% of the people whom the US, NATO and Pakistani forces
are protecting from the "terrorists" are "opposed to US drone attack on
Pakistan side" and that 48% of those who responded, claimed that "only
innocent civilians are being killed in these attacks" while another "33
percent thought that both terrorists and civilians are being killed. Most eyeopening has been the response of 6 out of 10 of those who are opposed to
terrorism and yet they say that "suicide attacks are justified against US
military", even 10 percent justify such attacks against the Pakistan Army.
Although Pakistan is the main focus of the question in the context of the US war on
terror in Afghanistan, but the repugnance towards US policies and activities at the
popular level is an almost universal phenomenon as far as the Muslim and Third world
countries are concerned. Perhaps the only exceptions are Israel and to an extent India.
Even in a number of European and South American countries similar trends are
noticeable . It deserves to be noted that even all those Muslim countries where
leaderships are politically on the same page with the US there exists popular
disapproval of the US and its policies. Countries like Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait, Indonesia
and Turkey deserve special mention.
If this is the grass roots feeling, would it not be a saner policy to address 'what lies
behind this explosion' of "anti-Americanism" by probing the causes and factors that
have generated this universal reaction and not be obsessed with certain pre-conceived
notions about religion-centeredness of certain reactions or be lost in a maze of political
clichs and rhetoric so brazenly presented as "thought" and "analysis"?
Domestic reaction: 'Islamic' or widespread?
There had been widespread disaffection even before the devastating event of 9/11: it
has increased after that. One cannot forget the shock the people of Pakistan had in
1965 when after Indian attack on Pakistan, the so-called "best friend" stopped all its
supplies of military spares critically important for the very security of Pakistan. All
economic assistance was also instantly stopped. Then came the outrageous
intimidations and sanctions to deny Pakistan its nuclear research and development.
Finally, the US took a U-turn after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan with all its
devastating consequences for Afghanistan and serious after-shocks for Pakistan. The
height of this turn-about came in the form of stringent sanctions against Pakistan,
followed by an unending media crusade and think-tank onslaughts to project Pakistan
as a "Pariah" and a "Failed/Failing State." Even the dates of its expected demise were
not in short supply.
The situation has been aggravated by the US War on Muslim lands in the wake of 9/11.
There is a tsunami of Islamophobia and Pakistan-bashing that have further imperiled
these relationships.
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The US war on terror had always been looked upon by the people of Pakistan
with suspicion-as a war with ulterior motives imposed upon Pakistan by
bullying the then Pakistani leadership under threats of throwing Pakistan
back to the Stone Age. The ever-increasing stream of anti-Islam outbursts flowing
from the US and Europe has further accentuated peoples' sentiments against the US
and Western powers. That is why an overwhelming majority of Pakistanis disapproves
of US policies and performance, both globally and in the region. They are extremely
critical of the way the US continues to pressurize Pakistani establishment, civil and
military, to serve the US interests and pursues with arrogance and impunity activities
that violate Pakistan's sovereignty, independence, and honor. These soft and hard
strokes threaten its stability and constitute an existential challenge.
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The overwhelming majority of Muslims now live in independent states, which have brought no
solutions to their problems. The bastard offspring of both ideologies, national socialism, still
survives in a few states that have preserved the Nazi Fascist style of dictatorial government and
indoctrination, the one through a single all-powerful party. These regimes too have failed every
test except survival, and have brought none of the promised benefits. If anything, their
infrastructures are even more antiquated than others, their armed forces designed primarily for
terror and repression.
Meanwhile the blame gamethe Turks, the Mongols, the imperialists, the Jews, the Americans
continues, and shows little sign of abating. For the governments, at once oppressive and
ineffectual, that rule much of the Middle East, this game serves a useful, indeed an essential
purposeto explain the poverty that they have intensified. In this way they seek to deflect the
mounting anger of their unhappy 'subjects against other, outer targets.
These are tough comments by the well-known, highly esteemed British scholar of Middle
East problems Bernard Lewis. But the words that come from inside the Arab world from
those who have experienced first hand those conditions sound even more bitter. As was
observed by Ali Ahmad Said Esber, a Syrian poet of among the most important in the Arab
world, in exile in France since 1985, Arab culture "should work towards its refoundation," so
that "the previous cultural experiences, all for one cause, are not repeated: for Palestine, for
Arab nationalism, for socialism and liberation from colonialism etc. All of this passed for the
cause of Arab unity, or rather, that experience which, with its Fascist connotations on one
hand and clerical on the other, was the reason for our defeats and our decadence."89 And
so, not surprisingly, such plurality and diversity having been so long compressed, no longer
limit themselves to demanding a sort of right to co-existence in the name of the particularity
of their own culture. Rather, they push toward demanding the right to break the totally
"Western" unity of the same international political system: they do this even at the cost
destroying the foundations, resorting to ever more spectacular terrorist acts, those truly
asymmetric new wars that accompany the dawn of a millennium that was supposed to
commence under the sign of "universal perpetual peace." Recalling Michael Novak's words,
the authoritative Catholic American intellectual greatly heeded by the White House (just like
Bernard Lewis), an international war has been clearly declared. "Its perpetrators called it an
international jihad, aimed not only against the U.S. but the entire West, indeed, against the
whole non-Islamic world. . . . No major moral authority had any difficulty in recognizing that
a war to prevent this new type of terrorism is not only just but morally obligatory. "
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sociopathsorroguestatesthatwill
happilykillinmassivenumbers.
Overthelongterm,asthepowerofmodernbiotechnologygrows,thebioterror
threatwillgrowandincreasinglyvirulentandexoticweaponsmightbecomethreats.Thisiswhyweneedto
establishabiodefenseindustrythatcanrespondasthreatsevolve.Stockinguponafewproductstohandlethe
currentknownthreatsisnotenough.
team as a possible result of their scenario). The focus on non-state actors reflects both the anxiety of the current
world situation and the recognition that political factors ranging from international and domestic pressure to
They want it will choose a time and location where retaliation is most
likely to escalate
Ayson 10 (Robert, Professor of Strategic Studies and Director of the Centre for
Strategic Studies: New Zealand @ The Victoria University of Wellington, July 2010,
After a Terrorist Nuclear Attack: Envisaging Catalytic Effects, Studies in Conflict
and Terrorism, Vol. 33 Issue 7)
considerations of cost and benefit mattered less to a terrorist group in
possession of a nuclear weapon ? As Quester writes: Governments would, under many circumstances,
have a strong incentive to preserve their adversarys ability to negotiate and surrender; terrorists, by contrast,
might have a much stronger incentive to create general chaos, to disrupt and
destroy all of their targets ability to control and moderate its responses .50 What if a
But what if these
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terrorist group realized that it might just be able to spark a catalytic nuclear war?
Might that group then work to increase the likelihood of such a war , or to threaten to do so,
as a way of either increasing its bargaining power, prestige, or security or to bring about the
apocalypse that some observers believe they really desire? Ferguson and Potter argue that apocalyptic
groups . . . may believe that detonating a nuclear warhead would spark a broader
nuclear conflict, enabling them to hasten the end of the world .51 To the extent that any
terrorist group has already recognized that this potential for inspiring catalysis may exist, could this also prove a
major incentive for it to seek nuclear weapons in the first place? What then might be the situations where a
Once
in possession of a useable nuclear weapon, such a group might be inclined to look
for a time and place where relations between two or more major nuclear powers
were already tense. The catalytic potential could be amplified if the two nucleararmed countries (the original target of the terrorist detonation and the country with whom a wider nuclear
exchange could then begin) were involved in a serious crisis in which case there was a
heightened state of alert and even an expectation that some sort of attack by one on the other was likely
or even imminent. In such a hot-headed environment, a terrorist nuclear detonation
might be even more easily misunderstood and misinterpreted , thus combining the Cold War
fears of both catalytic and accidental nuclear war. A terrorist group might exploit the situation
further with a false but enormously provocative claim that its nuclear attack had
been supported by the state with which the victim of the attack was already in a
crisis situation. The loudest of denials by the state so identified might fall on deaf ears in a period when fear
terrorist group could maximize the admittedly slim chances of setting off such a massive nuclear exchange?
and paranoia reigned52 : in fact, the victimized state again might simply refuse to believe that the attack could
have come from a non-state actor and would be busy looking for the real source of the attack.
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Terrorism and Intelligence Studies, Lauren is Senior Researcher and Project Manager
for the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses of Terrorism,
An Army of One: Assessing CBRN Pursuit and Use by Lone Wolves and Autonomous
Cells, Terrorism and Political Violence, Volume 26, Issue 1
The first question to answer is whence the concerns about the nexus between CBRN weapons and isolated actors
come and whether these are overblown. The general threat of mass violence posed by lone wolves and small
autonomous cells has been detailed in accompanying issue contributions, but the potential use of CBRN weapons
by such perpetrators presents some singular features that either amplify or supplement the attributes of the more
general case and so are deserving of particular attention. Chief among these is the impact of rapid technological
From the limited reach and killing power of the sword, spear, and bow, to the introduction of dynamite and
of one man to declare war on the world and win . 7 Nowhere is this trend
more perceptible in the current age than in the area of unconventional
weapons. These new technologies do not simply empower users on a purely technical level.
Globalization and the expansion of information networks provide new
opportunities for disaffected individuals in the farthest corners of the
globe to become familiar with core weapon concepts and to purchase
equipmentonline technical courses and eBay are undoubtedly a boon to would-be
purveyors of violence. Furthermore, even the most solipsistic misanthropes,
people who would never be able to function socially as part of an operational terrorist group, can find
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resources . Their core characteristics are that they have superior intelligence, the capacity to use complex
communications or technology systems, and act as an individual or a lone-wolf. 9 The end result, according to the
pessimists, is that if one of these individuals chooses to attack the system, the unprecedented nature of his attack
ensures that
not only kill massive amounts of people, but also profoundly change the financial, political, and social systems that
presented by CBRN weapons may also make them attractive to self-assured individuals who may have a very
different risk tolerance than larger, traditional terrorist organizations that might have to be concerned with a variety
of constituencies, from state patrons to prospective recruits. 11 Many other factors beyond a perceived potential to
achieve mass casualties might play into the decision to pursue CBRN weapons in lieu of conventional explosives,
12 including a fetishistic fascination with these weapons or the perception of direct referents in the would-be
perpetrator's belief system. Others are far more sanguine about the capabilities of lone actors (or indeed non-state
actors in general) with respect to their potential for using CBRN agents to cause mass fatalities, arguing that the
barriers to a successful large-scale CBRN attack remain high, even in today's networked, tech-savvy environment.
13 Dolnik, for example, argues that even though homegrown cells are less constrained in motivations, more
challenging plots generally have an inverse relationship with capability, 14 while Michael Kenney cautions against
making presumptions about the ease with which individuals can learn to produce viable weapons using only the
Proven Capability and Intent While legitimate debate can be had as to the level of potential threat posed by lone
actors or small autonomous cells wielding CBRN weapons, possibly the best argument for engaging in a substantive
Bruce Ivins, the perpetrator behind one of the most serious episodes of bioterrorism in living memory, the 2001
anthrax letters, which employed a highly virulent and sophisticated form of the agent and not only killed five and
seriously sickened 17 people, but led to widespread disruption of the U.S. postal services and key government
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facilities. 16 Other historical cases of CBRN pursuit and use by lone actors and small autonomous cells highlight
the need for further exploration. Among the many extant examples: 17 Thomas Lavy was caught at the AlaskaCanada border in 1993 with 130 grams of 7% pure ricin. It is unclear how Lavy obtained the ricin, what he planned
to do with it, and what motivated him. In 1996, Diane Thompson deliberately infected twelve coworkers with
shigella dysenteriae type 2. Her motives were unclear. In 1998, Larry Wayne Harris, a white supremacist, was
charged with producing and stockpiling a biological agentbacillus anthracis, the causative agent of anthrax. In
1999, the Justice Department (an autonomous cell sympathetic to the Animal Liberation Front) mailed over 100
razor blades dipped in rat poison to individuals involved in the fur industry. In 2000, Tsiugio Uchinshi was arrested
for mailing samples of the mineral monazite with trace amounts of radioactive thorium to several Japanese
government agencies to persuade authorities to look into potential uranium being smuggled to North Korea. In
2002, Chen Zhengping put rat poison in a rival snack shop's products and killed 42 people. In 2005, 10 letters
containing a radioactive substance were mailed to major organizations in Belgium including the Royal Palace, NATO
headquarters, and the U.S. embassy in Brussels. No injuries were reported. In 2011, federal agents arrested four
elderly men in Georgia who were plotting to use ricin and explosives to target federal buildings, Justice Department
officials, federal judges, and Internal Revenue Service agents. Two recent events may signal an even greater
interest in CBRN by lone malefactors. First, based on one assessment of Norway's Anders Breivik's treatise, his
Breivik would actually have sought or been able to pursue CBRN, he has garnered a following in several (often farright) extremist circles and his treatise might inspire other lone actors. Second, Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula
(AQAP)
released two issues of Inspire magazine in 2012. Articles, on the one hand,
call for lone wolf jihad attacks to target non-combatant populations and , on
the other, permit the use of chemical and biological weapons. The
combination of such directives may very well influence the weapon
selection of lone actor jihadists in Western nations. 19
Science and International Affairs; Douglas Dillon Professor of Government, Harvard Kennedy
School, "Living in the Era of Megaterror", Sept 7,
http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/22302/living_in_the_era_of_megaterror.html)
Forty years ago this week at the Munich Olympics of 1972, Palestinian terrorists conducted one of the most
dramatic terrorist attacks of the 20th century. The kidnapping and massacre of 11 Israeli athletes attracted days of
around-the-clock global news coverage of Black Septembers anti-Israel message. Three decades later ,
on
9/11, Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 individuals at the World Trade Center and the Pentagon,
announcing a new era of megaterror. In an act that killed more people than Japans attack on Pearl Harbor, a band
of terrorists headquartered in ungoverned Afghanistan demonstrated that individuals and small groups can kill on a
Obama is claiming credit, rightly, for actions he and U.S. Special Forces took in killing Osama bin Laden. Similarly, at last weeks
Republican convention in Tampa, Jeb Bush praised his brother for making the United States safer after 9/11. There can be no doubt
that the thousands of actions taken at federal, state and local levels have made people safer from terrorist attacks. Many are
therefore attracted to the chorus of officials and experts claiming that the strategic defeat of Al Qaeda means the end of this
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biotech labs
scenes using a method he called M.M.O.: motive, means and opportunity. In a society where citizens gather in unprotected movie
theaters, churches, shopping centers and stadiums, opportunities for attack abound. Free societies are inherently target rich.
Motive to commit such atrocities poses a more difficult challenge. In all societies, a percentage of the population will be homicidal.
No one can examine the mounting number of cases of mass murder in schools, movie theaters and elsewhere without worrying
about a societys mental health. Additionally, actions we take abroad unquestionably impact others motivation to attack us. As
Faisal Shahzad, the 2010 would-be Times Square bomber, testified at his trial: Until the hour the U.S. ... stops the occupation of
Muslim lands, and stops killing the Muslims ... we will be attacking U.S., and I plead guilty to that. Fortunately, it is more difficult for
a terrorist to acquire the means to cause mass casualties. Producing highly enriched uranium or plutonium requires expensive
industrial-scale investments that only states will make. If all fissile material can be secured to a gold standard beyond the reach of
thieves or terrorists, aspirations to become the worlds first nuclear terrorist can be thwarted. Capabilities for producing bioterrorist
agents are not so easily secured or policed. While more has been done, and much more could be done to further raise the
technological barrier, as knowledge advances and technological capabilities to make pathogens become more accessible, the means
To
imagine that we can escape this reality and return to a world in which we are invulnerable to future 9/11s or worse
the threats are out there. In a world that includes terrorists with global
reach, effective nuclear security and accounting measures are needed wherever
nuclear weapons, plutonium, or HEU exist. All countries with such stockpiles on their
soil should ensure that they are at least protected against a modest group of well-armed, wellIn short,
trained outsiders; a wellplaced insider; and both outsiders and an insider working together, using a broad range of
Countries that face more substantial adversary threats Pakistan being an obvious
to provide even higher levels of protection .9
Unfortunately, in many countries around the world, the security measures in place today
are demonstrably not sufficient to protect against the kinds of threats terrorists and
thieves have already shown they can pose. For example, a U.S. team visiting a foreign
site with a Category I quantity of HEU from 2005 to 2010 found that there were no fences
around the perimeter, no sensors to detect intrusions, no video surveillance
systems to help guards assess the cause of alarms generated by sensors, and no
vehicle barriers.10 (It is a reasonable bet that this facility also did not have an on-site armed response team
tactics.
exampleneed
to protect it from armed attackers.) The U.S. team recommended that all of these basic security measures be put in
place, which the country agreed to do. But when a team of congressional auditors visited in 2010-11, some of the
usable nuclear materialsincluding the United Stateshas more to do to ensure that these items are effectively
protected.
PUNCTUATING COMPLACENT EQUILIBRIUM: THE U.S. CASE
If political turmoil is not the most important driver of nuclear security problems,
what is? In a word, complacency the belief that nuclear terrorism is not a serious
threat, and that whatever security measures are in place today are already
sufficient. The history of nuclear security is a story of punctuated equilibrium, with
long stretches of complacency and little change punctuated by moments when
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detonation of an improvised nuclear device (IND) or a stolen nuclear weapon is sufficiently probable that strong
and in this circumstance one cannot reassure the world that there has been no theft of fissile material, or that any
The probability of a
nuclear terrorist attack in any given year remains significant. Significant
investment to deter, prevent, detect, and destroy a nuclear terror plot is
required.
attempt will be detected quickly enough to prevent its being made into a nuclear device.
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woeful lack of international cooperation and binding global rules. "We are
still a long way from having a unified regime, a unified understanding of the threat
and a way to address it," Michelle Cann, co-author of the report, told AFP.
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an additional issue might be called the craziness fac- tor. small groups can have
crazy goals. The smaller the group, the crazier they may be. The apocalyptic death
cult aum shinrikyo is a case in point. Kaczynski is another example.
The belief that terror groups will not use terrible weapons if they get them
seems foolish in the extreme. to borrow a phrase from A Streetcar Named
Desire, to hold this belief is, in effect, to rely on the kindness of terrorists. any rational analysis must assign a substantial amount of the terror
risk to large-scale, high-magnitude events. yet that is not how our defenses
are organized and not how we are spending our resources. instead, we focus most
of our counterterrorism efforts on thwarting small-scale attacks by, for example,
confiscating grandmas four-ounce bottle of hand lotion at the airport.
However, the fact that jihadist extremists in the United States have shown no
interest in CBRN weapons doesnot eliminate the need for securing potential sources
of chemical, biological, and radiological agents. According to a count by the New
America Foundation, since 2001, 13 extremists motivated by right-wing
ideologies, one left-wing militant, and two individuals with idiosyncratic
motives have deployed, acquired, or tried to acquire chemical, biological,
or radiological weapons. For example, William Krar and Judith Bruey, two
anti-government extremists, possessed precursor chemicals for hydrogen
cyanide gas, which they discussed deploying through a buildings
ventilation system.10 They were arrested in 2003.
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And that this intent no longer feels theoretical, but operational. I believe al-Qaeda is
laying the groundwork for a large scale attack on the United States, possibly in the
next year or two, continues Mowatt-Larssen in the opening of the report issued earlier
this year by the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard Kennedy
School. The attack may or may not involve the use of WMD, but there are signs that
al-Qaeda is working on an event on a larger scale than the 9/11 attack. Most will
readily dismiss such claims as implausible and unlikely, and we hope they are right,
but after spending months with Mowatt-Larssen, who also served as the former head
of the Central Intelligence Agencys WMD and terrorism efforts, scrutinizing and crossreferencing Zawahiris 268-page treatise published in 2008 titled Exoneration, the
analytics steered us towards something far more remarkable than expected.
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even a single
surface nuclear explosion, or an air burst in rainy conditions, in a city center is likely to
cause the entire metropolitan area to be abandoned at least for decades
kt has the potential to create fatalities rivaling those of the Second World War. Moreover,
owing to infrastructure damage and radioactive contamination. As the aftermath of hurricane Katrina in Louisiana
detonations are most effective against city centers where business and social activity as well as population are
casualty and damage predictions to include potential medical, social or economic impacts following the initial
explosions, such analyses have been performed in the past for large-scale nuclear war scenarios (Harwell and
Hutchinson, 1985). Such a study should be carried out as well for the present scenarios and physical outcomes.
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subsequent counterattack. However, concerns about the extreme disruptions that a first attack would cause in the
other sides forces and command-and-control capabilities led to both sides development of capabilities to detect a
first attack and launch a counter-attack before suffering damage from the first attack.5
Many people believe that with the end of the Cold War and with improved relations
between the United States and Russia, the risk of East-West nuclear war was
significantly reduced.6 However, it has also been argued that inadvertent nuclear war
between the United States and Russia has continued to present a
substantial risk.7 While the United States and Russia are not actively threatening each other with war, they
have remained ready to launch nuclear missiles in response to indications of attack.8
False indicators of nuclear attack could be caused in several ways . First, a wide range of
events have already been mistakenly interpreted as indicators of attack, including weather phenomena, a faulty
terrorist
groups or other actors might cause attacks on either the United States or Russia
that resemble some kind of nuclear attack by the other nation by actions such as
exploding a stolen or improvised nuclear bomb ,10 especially if such an event occurs during a
crisis between the United States and Russia.11 A variety of nuclear terrorism scenarios are
possible.12 Al Qaeda has sought to obtain or construct nuclear weapons and to use
them against the United States.13 Other methods could involve attempts to
circumvent nuclear weapon launch control safeguards or exploit holes in their
security.14
computer chip, wild animal activity, and control-room training tapes loaded at the wrong time.9 Second,
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It has long been argued that the probability of inadvertent nuclear war is
significantly higher during U.S.-Russian crisis conditions ,15 with the Cuban Missile Crisis being
a prime historical example. It is possible that U.S.-Russian relations will significantly
deteriorate in the future, increasing nuclear tensions. There are a variety of
ways for a third party to raise tensions between the United States and Russia ,
making one or both nations more likely to misinterpret events as attacks .
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(Nuclear) -- Beres
Nuclear terrorism means nuclear omnicide
Louis Rene Beres, Professor of Political Science and International Law at Purdue,
TERRORISM AND GLOBAL SECURITY, 1987, p. 42-3
Nuclear terrorism could even spark a full scale war between states. Such a war
could involve the entire spectrum of nuclear conflict possibilities, ranging from a
nuclear attack upon a non-nuclear state to systemwide nuclear war. How might
such far reaching consequences of nuclear terrorism come about?
Perhaps the most likely way would involve a terrorist nuclear assault
against a state by terrorists hosted in another state. For example,
consider the following scenario: Early in the 1990s, Israel and its Arab
state neighbors finally stand ready to conclude a comprehensive,
multilateral peace settlement. With a bilateral treaty between Israel and
Egypt already many years old, only the interests of the Palestinians, as
defined by the PLO, seem to have been left out. On the eve of the
proposed signing of the peace agreement, half a dozen crude nuclear
explosives in the one kiloton range detonate in as many Israeli cities.
Public grief in Israel over the many thousand dead and maimed is matched
only by the outcry for revenge. In response to the public mood, the
government of Israel initiates selected strikes against terrorist
strongholds in Lebanon, whereupon Lebanese Shiite forces and Syria
retaliate against Israel. Before long, the entire region is ablaze, conflict
has escalated to nuclear forms, and all countries of the area have suffered
unprecedented destruction. Of course, such a scenario is fraught with the
makings of even wider destruction. How would the United States react to the
situation in the Middle East? What would be the soviet response? It is certainly
conceivable that a chain reaction of interstate nuclear conflict could
ensue, one that would ultimately involve the superpowers or even every
nuclear weapon state on the planet.
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(Nuclear) Speice
A terrorist attack escalates to a global nuclear exchange
Speice 06 06 JD Candidate @ College of William and Mary [Patrick F. Speice, Jr.,
NEGLIGENCE AND NUCLEAR NONPROLIFERATION: ELIMINATING THE CURRENT LIABILITY
BARRIER TO BILATERAL U.S.-RUSSIAN NONPROLIFERATION ASSISTANCE PROGRAMS, William
& Mary Law Review, February 2006, 47 Wm and Mary L. Rev. 1427
Accordingly, there is a significant and ever-present risk that terrorists could acquire a nuclear
device or fissile material from Russia as a result of the confluence of Russian economic decline and the end of
stringent Soviet-era nuclear security measures. 39
Terrorist groups could acquire a nuclear weapon by a number of methods, including "steal[ing] one intact from the
stockpile of a country possessing such weapons, or ... [being] sold or given one by [1438] such a country, or
[buying or stealing] one from another subnational group that had obtained it in one of these ways." 40 Equally
threatening, however, is the risk that terrorists will steal or purchase fissile material and construct a nuclear device
on their own. Very little material is necessary to construct a highly destructive nuclear weapon .
41 Although nuclear devices are extraordinarily complex, the technical barriers to constructing a workable weapon
are not significant. 42 Moreover, the sheer number of methods that could be used to deliver a
nuclear device into the United States makes it incredibly likely that terrorists could
successfully employ a nuclear weapon once it was built. 43 Accordingly, supply-side controls that
are aimed at preventing terrorists from acquiring nuclear material in the first place are the most effective means of
countering the risk of nuclear terrorism. 44 Moreover, the end of the Cold War eliminated the rationale for
maintaining a large military-industrial complex in Russia, and the nuclear cities were closed. 45 This resulted in at
least 35,000 nuclear scientists becoming unemployed in an economy that was collapsing. 46 Although the economy
has stabilized somewhat, there [1439] are still at least 20,000 former scientists who are unemployed or underpaid
and who are too young to retire, 47 raising the chilling prospect that these scientists will be tempted to sell their
nuclear knowledge, or steal nuclear material to sell, to states or terrorist organizations with nuclear ambitions. 48
The potential consequences of the unchecked spread of nuclear knowledge and material to terrorist groups that
seek to cause mass destruction in the United States are truly horrifying. A terrorist attack with a nuclear
weapon would be devastating in terms of immediate human and economic losses . 49 Moreover,
there would be immense political pressure in the United States to discover the perpetrators and
retaliate with nuclear weapons, massively increasing the number of casualties and potentially
triggering a full-scale nuclear conflict. 50 In addition to the threat posed by terrorists, leakage of
nuclear knowledge and material from Russia will reduce the barriers that states with nuclear ambitions face and
may trigger widespread proliferation of nuclear weapons. 51 This proliferation will increase the risk of nuclear
attacks against the United States [1440] or its allies by hostile states, 52 as well as increase the
likelihood that regional conflicts will draw in the United States and escalate to the
use of nuclear weapons. 53
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(Nuclear) Ayson
Terrorist attack leads to global nuclear war with Russia and China
Ayson 10 (Robert, Professor of Strategic Studies and Director of the Centre for
Strategic Studies: New Zealand @ The Victoria University of Wellington, July 2010,
After a Terrorist Nuclear Attack: Envisaging Catalytic Effects, Studies in Conflict
and Terrorism, Vol. 33 Issue 7)
But these two nuclear worldsa non-state actor nuclear attack and a catastrophic interstate nuclear exchangeare
In this context, todays and tomorrows terrorist groups might assume the place allotted during the early Cold War
years to new state possessors of small nuclear arsenals who were seen as raising the risks of a catalytic nuclear
war between the superpowers started by third parties. These risks were considered in the late 1950s and early
1960s as concerns grew about nuclear proliferation, the so-called n+1 problem. It may require a considerable
amount of imagination to depict an especially plausible situation where an act of nuclear terrorism could lead to
such a massive inter-state nuclear war. For example, in the event of a terrorist nuclear attack on the United States,
it might well be wondered just how Russia and/or China could plausibly be brought into the picture, not least
because they seem unlikely to be fingered as the most obvious state sponsors or encouragers of terrorist groups.
They would seem far too responsible to be involved in supporting that sort of terrorist behavior that could just as
how
might the United States react if it was thought or discovered that the fissile material
used in the act of nuclear terrorism had come from Russian stocks ,40 and if for some
reason Moscow denied any responsibility for nuclear laxity? The correct attribution of that nuclear
easily threaten them as well. Some possibilities, however remote, do suggest themselves. For example,
material to a particular country might not be a case of science fiction given the observation by Michael May et al.
debris resulting from a nuclear explosion would be spread over a wide area in tiny fragments, its
radioactivity makes it detectable, identifiable and collectable , and a wealth of information
that while the
can be obtained from its analysis: the efficiency of the explosion, the materials used and, most important . . . some
the United States was already involved in some sort of limited armed conflict with Russia and/or China, or if they
were confronting each other from a distance in a proxy war, as unlikely as these developments may seem at the
present time. The reverse might well apply too: should a nuclear terrorist attack occur in Russia or China during a
period of heightened tension or even limited conflict with the United States, could Moscow and Beijing resist the
pressures that might rise domestically to consider the United States as a possible perpetrator or encourager of the
attack?
Washingtons early response to a terrorist nuclear attack on its own soil might also
raise the possibility of an unwanted (and nuclear aided) confrontation with Russia and/or
China. For example, in the noise and confusion during the immediate aftermath of the
terrorist nuclear attack, the U.S. president might be expected to place the countrys
armed forces, including its nuclear arsenal, on a higher stage of alert. In such a
tense environment, when careful planning runs up against the friction of reality, it is just possible that
Moscow and/or China might mistakenly read this as a sign of U.S. intentions to use
force (and possibly nuclear force) against them. In that situation, the temptations to preempt
such actions might grow, although it must be admitted that any preemption would probably still
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meet with a devastating response. As part of its initial response to the act of
nuclear terrorism (as discussed earlier) Washington might decide to order a significant
conventional (or nuclear) retaliatory or disarming attack against the leadership of the terrorist
group and/or states seen to support that group . Depending on the identity and especially the
location of these targets, Russia and/or China might interpret such action as being far too
close for their comfort, and potentially as an infringement on their spheres of
influence and even on their sovereignty. One far-fetched but perhaps not impossible scenario might
stem from a judgment in Washington that some of the main aiders and abetters of the terrorist action resided
somewhere such as Chechnya, perhaps in connection with what Allison claims is the Chechen insurgents . . . longstanding interest in all things nuclear.42 American pressure on that part of the world would almost certainly raise
alarms in Moscow that might require a degree of advanced consultation from Washington that the latter found itself
unable or unwilling to provide.
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the market setback after 9/11 seem mild. And the social and political effects are incalculable,
especially if the weapon were detonated in Washington or Moscow or London,
crippling the government of that nation.
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Hatred of Israel, the US, and the West is likely to continue and possibly intensify .
Progress towards peace with Israel and improvements in Arab-Western relations are
unlikely to be sufficient to reduce the evolving socio-economic, political, and demographic pressures.
The Middle East faces another explosion today of potential nuclear capabilities. Not only
Israel, but also the Sunni Arab regimes, are deeply afraid of Iran's nuclear capabilities. In response,
over a dozen Arab countries have announced civil military programs. Arab civil
nuclear programs, as seen from past experience, have a nasty tendency to morph into
military ones. The danger of nuclear terrorism, further abetted by the spread of nuclear technology
and materials in the region, will be greatly exacerbated by the rise of a multi-polar nuclear Middle East.
Nuclear terrorism could give rise to a broader war in the Middle East and
even lead to nuclear war. Nuclear war could give rise to more nuclear
terrorism.24
Middle East war leads to extinction unstable security framework means
it escalates
Russell 09 (James A. Russell, senior lecturer in the Department of National Security
Affairs at the Naval Postgraduate School, Strategic Stability Reconsidered:
Prosepects for Nuclear War and Escalation in the Middle East, in collaboration with
the Atomic Energy Commission,
http://www.nps.edu/academics/sigs/ccc/people/biolinks/russell/PP26_Russell_2009.p
df)
Strategic stability in the region is thus undermined by various factors: (1) asymmetric
interests in the bargaining framework that can introduce unpredictable behavior from
actors; (2) the presence of non-state actors that introduce unpredictability into
relationships between the antagonist s; (3) incompatible assumptions about the structure of the
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perceptions by Israel
and the United States that its window of opportunity for military action is closing ,
which could prompt a preventive attack ; (5) the prospect that Irans response to preemptive attacks could involve unconventional weapons , which could prompt escalation by
Israel and/or the United States; (6) the lack of a communications framework to build trust and
cooperation among framework participants. These systemic weaknesses in the coercive
bargaining framework all suggest that escalation by any the parties could happen
either on purpose or as a result of miscalculation or the pressures of wartime
circumstance. Given these factors, it is disturbingly easy to imagine scenarios under which a
conflict could quickly escalate in which the regional antagonists would consider the
use of chemical, biological, or nuclear weapons. It would be a mistake to believe the
nuclear taboo can somehow magically keep nuclear weapons from being used in the
context of an unstable strategic framework. Systemic asymmetries between actors
in fact suggest a certain increase in the probability of war a war in which
escalation could happen quickly and from a variety of participants. Once such a war
starts, events would likely develop a momentum all their own and decision-making
would consequently be shaped in unpredictable ways . The international community must take
deterrent relationship that makes the bargaining framework strategically unstable; (4)
this possibility seriously, and muster every tool at its disposal to prevent such an outcome, which would be an
unprecedented disaster for the peoples of the region, with substantial risk for the entire world.
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In a case study developed by the Homeland Security Council, a ten-kiloton nuclear device was detonated near the White House. The
study estimated that over 150,000 injuries would be incurred with a possible 70 percent mortality rate. Furthermore, over 100,000
persons would require decontamination, which would overwhelm regional capabilities. In the aftermath, the study predicted that
over 500,000 persons would attempt to evacuate the city, effectively closing both egress and ingress routes. 108
In a typical nuclear-fission weapon explosion, about half of the energy goes into the blast. About a third of the energy goes into
thermal effects. The remaining energy goes into prompt and residual radiation. Much of the radiation lies in the mushroom cloud
produced by the explosion. 109 In addition to the direct effects of the detonation, people would also be killed from indirect blast
effects, such as the collapse of buildings and fires caused from broken gas pipes, gasoline in cars, and so on. 110 Inasmuch as
terrorists would not have the capability to deliver a nuclear bomb by air, the detonation would almost certainly be at ground level
where the Robert F. Kennedy Department of Justice Building is located would largely destroy a circle area about two miles (3.2
would encompass the White House, the Capitol Building, and the
Supreme Court Building. 114 Many of the people unfortunate to be in the area would be killed.
kilometers) in diameter which
During the Cold War, the US government faced the prospect of a decapitating strike. Soviet Yankee-class submarines, which
regularly operated 600 nautical miles from the East Coast of the United States, had the capability of destroying Washington DC,
within eight to ten minutes of launching their nuclear missiles. 115 However, an attempted decapitation strike by the Soviet Union
would have been an act of irrational desperation insofar as an attack on Washington would not have prevented a devastating series
of retaliatory strikes from the US military. 116 To ensure second strike capability, both the United States and the Soviet Union
developed plans for the continuity of command and control of nuclear weapons in the event of a decapitation strike. 117
The Continuity of Government (COG) refers to a system of procedures that would allow
the government to continue operations in the event some catastrophic event . Although
protocols of succession and the replacement of elected and appointed officials were included by the framers in the Constitution, the
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need for COG plans took on a new sense of urgency in the nuclear era. A series of national security directives dictate procedures for
government agencies in the event of a crisis. In 1998, President Bill Clinton signed Presidential Directive 67, which requires federal
agencies to develop plans to ensure the continuance of operations, a chain of command, and delegation of authority. The full text of
the directive remains classified. 118
The 25th amendment clarifies the procedures for the transfer of power relating to the incapacitation of the president. However,
consists only of the president and the secretary of defense or their deputized
alternatives or successors. This could lead to confusion insofar as there are twin
lines of succession, one for the presidency and one for the command of US military
forces. 121
the NCA
In order to avoid the prospect of decapitation, the US government has established plans to evacuate the NCA authorities from
Washington DC to a National Airborne Operations Center aircraft and to 96 hardened command bunkers in the Federal Relocation
Arc, located about 50 miles or more from the city. 122 The underground White House located inside Raven Rock Mountain in
Pennsylvania is the home of the Alternative National Military Command Center and is equipped to house the president and other
members of the NCA. Another important relocation center the Western Virginia Office of Controlled Conflict Operations was
established in a man-made cavern within Mount Weather located about 50 miles northwest of Washington DC, just outside
Bluemont, Virginia. 123
country is quite uneven compared to other Western democracies as measured by the Gini Index, the middle class is still the class
with which most Americans overwhelmingly identify. 125 The festering economic crisis, though, could create a greater pool of the
In a highly-polarized America,
establishing a consensus could be challenging in the aftermath of a severe crisis.
discontented, as evidenced by the Occupy Wall Street protests in the fall of 2011.
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known what was owned and what possessed in the banks. That knowledge would be destroyed along with the
true for individuals and for corporations throughout the country. Ownership would come to an end; of assets
Nuclear attack would immediately halt trade and collapse the economy
Allison 07 (Graham, director of Harvards Belfer Center for Science and
International Affairs, How Likely is a Nuclear Terrorist Attack on the United States?,
Council on Foreign Relations, April 20,
http://www.cfr.org/publication/13097/how_likely_is_a_nuclear_terrorist_attack_on_the
_united_states.html)
Furthermore,
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xt airlines
Even failed attacks trigger economic collapse
Gartenstein-Ross 11 (12/1, Daveed, vice president of research at the Foundation
for Defense of Democracies, where he directs the Center for Terrorism Research. He
is currently a Ph.D. candidate in world politics at the Catholic University of America.
"Al-Qaeda's Rope-A-Dope," The Journal of International Security Affairs, Fall/Winter,
Number 21, https://www.securecargo.org/content/al-qaeda-s-rope-a-dope)
This is how a relATIVELY SMALL AND WEAK ACTOR, LIKE AL-QAEDA, CAN
JIHADI WARFARE
ENTERED A NEW PERIOD THAT CAN BE CALLED ITS STRATEGY OF
A THOUSAND CUTS PHASE. AN OVERARCHING REASON FOR THIS
SHIFT IS THAT AMERICA NOW APPEARS MORTAL. According to Inspire, the
and Iraq. But after the collapse of the U.S. economy in September 2008,
English-language online magazine of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), the gist of this strategy has been to
perpetrate smaller, but more frequent attacks. The cover of the November 2010 issue of Inspire features a photo
of a UPS plane and the headline $4,200. That pithy headline provides deep insight into the direction that alQaedas strategy has taken, referring to the disparity between the cost of executing terrorist attacks and the cost to
Western countries of defending themselves. $4
execute a cartridge-bomb plot in October 2010 , in which PETN-based bombs were placed
on FedEx and UPS planes.
cost Western countries far more than it cost al-Qaeda, as these countries
attempt to prevent terrorists from successfully destroying planes in the
future through similar measures.
explains that AQAP settled on attacking cargo planes because the jihadis foes would be faced with a dilemma once
FedEx alone flies a fleet of 600 aircraft and ships an average of four million packages per day. It is a huge worldwide
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also explains that large-scale attacks, such as those of 9/11, are in its view no longer required to defeat the United
States. To bring down America we do not need to strike big, it claims. In such an environment of security phobia
that is sweeping America, it is more feasible to stage smaller attacks that involve less players and less time to
launch and thus we may circumvent the security barriers America worked so hard to erect. (Al-Qaeda, however,
has not abandoned catastrophic attacks entirely: its attempt to execute multiple Mumbai-style urban warfare
attacks in Europe in late 2010 shows that these efforts continue.) The Foreman-Ali analogy is apt: al-Qaeda thinks it
is turning the U.S.s strength against it, envisioning the elevated security spending exhausting America and making
it more vulnerable. The fundamental problem with the U.S.s system of homeland defense is that it has been
structured in an expensive manner from top to bottom. One striking example is the U.S.s hesitance to embrace a
system of terrorist profiling (most notably in airports), which produces inefficiencies. As Sheldon Jacobson, a
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign computer science professor who has studied aviation security since
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(Nuclear) Democracy
A nuclear terror attack would collapse U.S. democracy
Brian Jenkins, internationally renowned terrorism expert, 2008, WILL TERRORISTS GO NUCLEAR?,
p. 278-9
To contemplate nuclear terrorism, the actual death and destruction that would result from a nuclear
explosion is only part of what we fear. Instant death is easy. We fear the consequences of fear itself. Terror
arises from fears of the immediate social disruptionthe nightmare of panic, hysteria, predatory mobs,
looting, rape, and murderthe continuing shadow of insecurity, economic decline, and disorder or
dictatorship, all of which have been vividly depicted in literature and film. Would democracy itself
survive? According to Tommy Franks, the four-star general who commanded American forces in the
Middle East, perhaps not. The first high-ranking official to openly speculate that the Constitution could be
scrapped in favor of a military government, Franks said that if terrorists were to use a weapon of mass
destruction that inflicts heavy casualties, it would cause "our population to question our own Constitution
and to begin to militarize our country in order to avoid a repeat of another mass, casualty-producing
event."
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for years to come, massive radioactive clouds would drift throughout the Earth in the nuclear fallout, bringing death
each country would act under the use them or lose them strategy and psychology; restraint by one power would
be interpreted as a weakness by the other, which could be exploited as a window of opportunity to win the war.
In other words, once Pandoras Box is opened, it will spread quickly, as it will be the signal for permission for anyone
to use them. Moore compares swift nuclear escalation to a room full of people embarrassed to cough. Once one
does, however, everyone else feels free to do so. The bottom line is that as long as large nation states use internal
and external war to keep their disparate factions glued together and to satisfy elites needs for power and plunder,
these nations will attempt to obtain, keep, and inevitably use nuclear weapons. And as long as large nations
oppress groups who seek self determination, some of those groups will look for any means to fight their
oppressors [10]. In other words, as long as war and aggression are backed up by the implicit threat of nuclear
arms, it is only a matter of time before the escalation of violent conflict leads to the actual use of nuclear weapons,
leading to horrific
scenarios of global death and the destruction of much of human
civilization while condemning a mutant human remnant, if there is such a
remnant, to a life of unimaginable misery and suffering in a nuclear winter .
and once even just one is used, it is very likely that many, if not all, will be used,
In Scenarios, Moore summarizes the various ways a nuclear war could begin:
Such a war could start through a reaction to terrorist attacks , or through the need
to protect against overwhelming military opposition, or through the use of small battle field tactical nuclear
It might quickly move on to the use of strategic
nuclear weapons delivered by short-range or inter-continental missiles or long-range
bombers. These could deliver high altitude bursts whose electromagnetic pulse knocks out electrical circuits for
weapons meant to destroy hardened targets.
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hundreds of square miles. Or they could deliver nuclear bombs to destroy nuclear and/or non-nuclear military
facilities, nuclear power plants, important industrial sites and cities. Or it could skip all those steps and start
through the accidental or reckless use of strategic weapons. [10]
She then goes on to describe six scenarios for catastrophic nuclear exchanges between various nations. Each
scenario incorporates color-coded sections that illustrate four interrelated factors that will determine how a nuclear
war will begin, proceed and escalate. These factors are labeled as accidental, aggressive, pre-emptive, and
retaliatory.
As for the accidental factor of nuclear war, both the U.S. and Russia have launch on
warning systems that send off rockets before confirmation that a nuclear attack is
underway; thus, especially during a time of tensions, a massive nuclear war could take
place within only 30 min after a warningeven if the warning is false. This
scenario has almost happened on several occasions in the past. It was only because of individual
human judgments, which disbelieved the false warnings, that nuclear war did not happen, but if the human
judgment had indeed interpreted the warnings according to protocol, an all-out
nuclear war would surely have taken place.
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terrorist attack probably will require significant resources and considerable time. Evolved terrorist hubs
operating in failed states like Sierra Leone, Liberia, or Somalia may have both. Identifying those hubs,
locating their members, and entering the failed state in which they are located to apprehend or destroy
them will be a complex and difficult task
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Amitai Etzioni, GWU Sociology Prof, 2005 [The National Interest, "Enforcing Nuclear
Disarmament," Winter, LN]
There are several reasons why nuclear terrorism is much more challenging than
nuclear attacks from rogue states and hence deserves much more attention and
greater dedication of resources than it currently receives. First of all, the list of
rogue states is small and well known, and their actions can be monitored with
relative ease. The opposite holds true for terrorists. Their numbers are large, their
identities are often unknown, and their actions are difficult to track. Second, rogue
states are easier to deter from using their nuclear arms than are terrorists,
especially those willing to commit suicide, a sacrifice which more than a few have
shown themselves ready to make. It is true that the leaders of some rogue states
are unstable, and they could act irrationally or simply miscalculate, disregarding the
fact that their regime-and they personally-would not survive if they employed
nuclear weapons against the U.S. mainland or even one of its allies-or if it became
known that they provided terrorists with such arms. However, miscalculations of the
magnitude that would lead a Kim Jong-il or the mullahs of Iran to use nuclear
weapons are very rare indeed. In contrast, if terrorists acquired a nuclear bomb or
the material to make one, they would not fear retaliation, and they could not be
deterred by a balance of terror. Indeed, terrorists often hold that if their actions lead
to attacks on their own homelands, then support for their cause would increase.
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Moreover, because terrorists are not the army of one state, it is often difficult to
determine against which nation to retaliate, and thus whom to deter and how. This
dilemma was all too evident when the United States learned after 9/11 that 15 of
the 19 hijackers were Saudi Arabian nationals. Therefore, there are several strong reasons
to rank the danger of nuclear terrorism much higher than the danger of nuclear strikes by rogue
states-yet U.S. foreign policy, its military, its intelligence agencies and their covert actions and other
resources are focused on dealing with rogue nuclear states both alleged and real, and not the
hundreds of sites from which terrorists can acquire nuclear material and the few from which they could
obtain ready-made bombs.
Graham Allison, Harvard Government Prof, 2002 [The National Interest, "The New
Containment: An Alliance Against Nuclear Terrorism," w/ Andrei Kokoshin, Fall, LN]
During the Cold War, American and Russian policymakers and citizens thought long
and hard about the possibility of nuclear attacks on their respective homelands. But
with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disappearance of the Soviet Union, the threat
of nuclear weapons catastrophe faded away from most minds. This is both ironic
and potentially tragic, since the threat of a nuclear attack on the United States or
Russia is certainly greater today than it was in 1989. In the aftermath of Osama bin
Laden's September 11 assault, which awakened the world to the reality of global
terrorism, it is incumbent upon serious national security analysts to think again
about the unthinkable. Could a nuclear terrorist attack happen today? Our
considered answer is: yes, unquestionably, without any doubt. It is not only a
possibility, but in fact the most urgent unaddressed national security threat to both
the United States and Russia.
Terrorist use of wmd is much more likely than a major war- due
to deterrence
William Perry, former Secretary of Defense, 2001 [Foreign Affairs, "Preparing for the
Next Attack," Nov/Dec, LN]
Even if START II and START III were fully implemented, the United States would still be left with a
nuclear force capable of destroying any nation reckless enough to use nuclear weapons against it. In
particular, a nuclear attack using ballistic missiles would be instantly tracked to its place of origin and
thus invite immediate retaliation by U.S. nuclear forces -- a fact known by all. Some worry that a nation
with nuclear weapons might attack a U.S. ally with conventional weapons, believing that Washington
would not honor its defense commitment for fear of provoking a nuclear attack on U.S. cities. But any
such move would be a serious mistake, since the United States would respond in kind -- with its own
conventional military forces -- to a conventional attack on an ally. The aggressor might then threaten a
nuclear strike but would have to contemplate, once again, the certain knowledge of immediate and
catastrophic retaliation. So long as the United States maintains strong conventional forces, therefore, the
threat of nuclear extortion reverts to the classic deterrence scenario. Moreover, if threatened, the United
States has the capability to destroy a hostile nation's launch sites, storage sites, and production facilities
with its long-range, precision-guided, conventionally armed weapons -- and others know it. Whatever
Washington's stated policy, therefore, no hostile nation could rule out the possibility that the United States
would strike back if attacked. In short, the United States has a powerful and credible deterrent involving
both nuclear and conventional weapons, which should make a direct nuclear attack or nuclear extortion
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by a nation very unlikely. The chance still exists, however, that a hostile nation armed with nuclear or
biological weapons could end up under a leader who is mentally unbalanced or who miscalculates the
consequences of his or her actions. And a terrorist group is probably less deterrable; its members might
believe that an attack could not be traced back to them, or they might even be seeking to die for their
cause. Both prevention and deterrence, in other words, could fail in the face of terrorism, and there is
always the possibility, however remote, of an accidental or unauthorized launch from another nuclear
power. Any of these contingencies would create a catastrophe, so it is reasonable for the United States to
seek "catastrophe insurance," much as individuals buy earthquake insurance to cover the possibility that
their house might be destroyed by such an event.
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delivery is not only feasible, it is the most likely method of attack. Considering the
level of catastrophe that could occur in a nuclear or biological attack, mitigating
such threats should be an overriding security priority today, just as heading off a
nuclear attack was an overriding priority during the Cold War. In that era the United
States essentially depended on a single strategy: deterrence. Now it can add two
other strategies to the mix -- prevention (curbing emergent threats before they can
spread) and defense. Rather than relying exclusively on any one strategy, the
sensible approach is to deploy a balanced mix of all three. Missile defense should be
one element of national policy, but if the single-minded pursuit of it conflicts with
programs designed to curb proliferation and strengthen deterrence, it could
decrease our own security rather than increase it.
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Economy Module
Terrorist attack sparks global depression
Richard Haas, President, Council on Foreign Relations, PREVENTING CATASTROPHIC NUCLEAR
TERRORISM, March 2006, http://www.cfr.org/content/publications/attachments/NucTerrCSR.pdf
A nuclear attack by terrorists against the United States has the potential to make the
terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, look like a historical footnote . In addition to the
immediate horrific devastation, such an attack could cost trillions of dollars in damages, potentially
sparking a global economic depression. Although, during the 2004 presidential campaign, President
George W. Bush and Democratic challenger Senator John F. Kerry agreed that terrorists armed with nuclear weapons
worried them more than any other national security threat, the U.S. government has yet to elevate nuclear
terrorism prevention to the highest priority. Despite several U.S. and international programs to secure nuclear
weapons and the materials to make them, major gaps in policy remain
Nuclear War
Richard C. Cook, 6/14/07, Writer, Consultant, and Retired Federal Analyst U.S. Treasury Department, "It's
Official: The Crash of the U.S. Economy has begun," Global Research, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?
context=va&aid=5964
Times of economic crisis produce international tension and politicians tend to go to war rather than face the
economic music . The classic example is the worldwide depression of the 1930s leading to World War II .
Conditions in the coming years could be as bad as they were then. We could have a really big war if the U.S.
decides once and for all to haul off and let China, or whomever, have it in the chops. If they don't want our
dollars or our debt any more, how about a few nukes?
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Ownership would come to an end; of assets possessed there would no longer be a record. Capitalism as it is
known would be finished. This, to repeat, would be the result of one small nuclear weapon.
Nuclear attack would immediately halt trade and collapse the economy
the effect of a nuclear terrorist attack would reverberate beyond U.S. shores .
After a nuclear detonation, the immediate reaction would be to block all entry points to
prevent another bomb from reaching its target. Vital markets for international products
would disappear, and closely linked financial markets would crash. Researchers at RAND, a U.S.
government-funded think tank, estimated that a nuclear explosion at the Port of Los Angeles would
cause immediate costs worldwide of more than $1 trillion and that shutting down U.S. ports
would cut world trade by 7.5 percent.
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US Lashout
The 2010 NPR supports our argument. The U.S. reserves the right to
retaliate with nuclear weapons. There would be extreme pressure to do so
in the wake of a terrorist attack.
ISIS 10 (Institute for Science and International Security, What the Nuclear
Posture Review means for proliferation and nuclear outliers, http://isisonline.org/isis-reports/detail/what-the-nuclear-posture-review-means-forproliferation-and-nuclear-outlier, *bolded text preserved from article)
At the same time, the NPR makes clear that the United States reserves the right to
hold fully accountable any state or group that supports or enables terrorist
efforts to obtain or use weapons of mass destruction, whether by facilitating, financing, or
providing expertise or safe haven for such efforts. (p. 12) The implication is that the United
States reserves the right to retaliate with nuclear weapons against a state whose
nuclear explosive material is used in an attack , whether by a state or terrorist group.
While the NPR makes clear that the United States would only consider the use of such weapons under extreme
financing or providing expertise or safe haven for such efforts," Gates. He said it was important to modernize the
nation's nuclear arsenal as a hedge against what he described as "rising and resurgent powers" like Russia or
China, as well as "rogue nations" like Iran or North Korea and international terrorists. By declaring that those who
facilitated a terrorist attack would be held "fully accountable," Gates left the door open to diplomatic and
Monday, senior officials justified a weekend attack against a suspected Iraqi insurgent leader in Syria by saying
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North Korea. Gates also expanded the threat to nations or groups that provide a broader range of support to
terrorists. Early this year, in a little-noticed speech at Stanford University, Stephen Hadley, Bush's national
security adviser, also spoke of how the president had approved an expanded deterrence policy. In his speech
Tuesday, Gates argued for modernizing the nation's nuclear arsenal because "as long as other states have or seek
nuclear weapons - and potentially can threaten us, our allies and friends - then we must have a deterrent
capacity."
easily be dismissed as apocryphal, the grave consequences of ignoring these claims and being proven incorrect
would require many and perhaps all of them to be investigated. Doing so, however, would further tax government
agencies already occupied with preventing subsequent attacks, determining who was responsible for the attack,
and formulating a response both at home and abroad. Moreover, the heightened possibility of follow-on attacks also
increases the likelihood that preemptive emergency measures such as evacuations would be taken in cities
throughout the country, which would in turn require additional time, effort, and resources on the part of a severely
overstretched government.107
To these concerns, one can also add the possible psychological, strategic, and
political consequences of a nuclear explosion . The very idea of a nuclear attack on
American soil, along with the graphic images such an attack would produce, could
lead to widespread panic and a tremendous loss of confidence in
government, especially if response efforts were handled poorly.108
The public reaction to an attack could also include emotional demands for retaliation
that might be ill advised, given that a recurring goal for terrorists generally and al
Qaeda and its affiliates in particular is to incite a reprisal , or even to spark a wider
interstate war between their enemies. For example, one of the key goals bin Laden hoped to
achieve with the 9/11 attacks was to provoke an American invasion of Afghanistan, which he calculated would be as
protracted and draining for the United States as it had been for the Soviet Union two decades earlier.109 Another al
Qaeda plot one that was never carried out envisioned recruiting pilots from the Saudi Royal Air Force to steal
their own fighter jets and conduct a rogue attack against Israel, in the hope that this would instigate another ArabIsraeli war.110 Should a nuclear terrorist attack ever occur, the perpetrators could have similar motives.
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your hands, the United States would wreak destruction on your territory. But a nuclear
retaliatory response risks violent escalation . If terrorists stole nuclear material from a Russian
research reactor site, for example, should Washington nuke Moscow? Short of conclusive evidence of the Russian
governments complicity, such a response would be madness and self-defeating. As in the movie and book Fail
amounts of weapons-usable material from many nuclear facilities in several countries. Eventually, they gather
enough material to make a bomb. Should the United States launch retaliatory attacks against all these countries?
Or should Washington punish the country that originally supplied this material? Over many decades, the United
States and Russia have provided highly enriched uranium, usable for nuclear bombs, to dozens of countries.
Nuclear forensics on detonated uranium would most likely point to the United States and Russia as sources for the
terrorists bomb. Launching a retaliatory attack against ourselves, of course, makes no sense.
with overwhelming force and more expansive both in terms of applying the doctrine to any state, not just North
Korea, and by broadening the set of actors whom the U.S. would hold accountable after an attack. The third policy
by which the current government seeks to deter terrorist use of nuclear weapons is an indirect one, by trying to
delegitimize the use of nuclear weapons in the eyes of supporters of specific terrorist organizations. This was also
announced by Hadley in his February 2008 speech: Many terrorists value the perception of popular or theological
legitimacy for their actions. By encouraging debate about the moral legitimacy of using weapons of mass
nuanced statement by Senator Biden did not include the possibility that terrorists might successfully seize or
acquire nuclear weapons or weapons-usable material despite sincere and serious efforts on the part of the
government involved to provide adequate security. It also did not address the difficulty that the U.S. could have in
determining both the source of the materials or weapon used in a terror- ist attack and the manner in which the
terrorist organization acquired the materials or weapon.
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at rationality checks
Extreme emotions will coopt rational decisionmaking.
Ayson 10 (Robert, Professor of Strategic Studies and Director of the Centre for
Strategic Studies: New Zealand @ The Victoria University of Wellington, July 2010,
After a Terrorist Nuclear Attack: Envisaging Catalytic Effects, Studies in Conflict
and Terrorism, Vol. 33 Issue 7)
the foregoing arguments for carefully deciding on the extent of the military
response to a terrorist nuclear attack assume a fairly cool process of rational calculation
where the long-term political consequences of any action are weighed up against the short- term
need for something to be done. But it is not certain that the aftermath of a nuclear attack
would encourage relatively cool and calm decision-making processes . It is not clear
exactly how much public pressure would rise up demanding swift and dramatic action, but
it might be wise to assume that this pressure would be very significant. The depth
of anger could be considerable and so could a mood of vengeance. Political leaders
might not even wait for this mood to emerge, but may anticipate it or be so
aggrieved personally and collectively as to decide on decisive action even before the full
facts were available. And it is quite likely that leaders could expect to find support for
very extreme measures of response if they sought to implement them. \
Most of
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at no nuclear forensics
Wed retaliate against a proxy if we couldnt trace the attack
Ayson 10 (Robert, Professor of Strategic Studies and Director of the Centre for
Strategic Studies: New Zealand @ The Victoria University of Wellington, July 2010,
After a Terrorist Nuclear Attack: Envisaging Catalytic Effects, Studies in Conflict
and Terrorism, Vol. 33 Issue 7)
where there were already doubts about the overall value of an
allied country to the interests of international security and the prevention of terrorism, any
connection to the nuclear terrorists could easily be the turning point in the
relationship, rationalizing an especially swift and harsh response . Knowledge of a
In some cases, however,
connection between the nuclear terrorists and Saudi Arabia in the case of a nuclear attack on the United States or
elsewhere in the Western world could be an example of this phenomenon. At the same time, if for some reason
the
attacked country might consider actions against a proxy or a pariah so as to set an
example and display resolve. On the whole, it would be a nervous time for any country
in very bad standing with the country that had just suffered the nuclear terrorist
attack. As George Quester suggests: There will be an urgent need to find some
appropriate form of retaliation against attackers like those involved in the events of
September 11, 2001, but this might thus pose a temptation to come up with a state
supporter, whether or not there really is one.37 And there might be few barriers to
military action against a particular government was regarded as impractical or unwise for some reason,
anticipatory action as well. It may be an overstatement on the part of Stephen Krasner to propose that
conventional
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guarantee that this would stretch out for any real length of time, especially as only part of the country is likely to
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plausible scenario. Allison (2004) cites Pakistan and North Korea as considerable nuclear transfer
threats. Pakistan has a well-documental history of proliferation activities, most notably through the A. Q.
Khan network, which maintained links with Pakistans ISI intelligence service (Allison 2004, 74-81).
North Korea, asserts Allison (2004, 78-81), has demonstrated a willingness to sell nearly anything to
foreign buyers to secure hard currency. Levi (2008, 5) maintains that absent a compelling deterrence
strategy, nuclear transfer from North Korea represents a credible concern. He arrives at the same
conclusion with respect to a Pakistan and Iran under different leadership (Levi 2008, 5). Therefore,
despite the decline in state sponsorship activity, and the increasing self-reliance of contemporary terrorist
groups, the practice of state sponsorship bears close scrutiny as it holds potentially greater consequences
today than ever before. The greatest risk for nuclear transfer to terrorist groups would likely come from a
state with a risk-acceptant foreign policy, identification with militant ideologies, and in possession of an
advanced nuclear weapons programsthat is, North Korea. Nuclear transfer to terrorist groups could
also materialize as a result of a successful jihadist insurgency, whereby Islamic fundamentalist groups
seize political control. Some analysts envision this scenario as a realistic outcome in Pakistan
(Brulliard 2011; Reidel 2011). If this were to materialize, the potential for nuclear transfer to terrorists
would be considerable and the potential consequences catastrophic.
State sponsorship increases nuclear terrorism risks
Stephen D. Collins, 2014 is an associate professor of political science and international affairs at
Kennesaw State University. His research focuses on terrorism, economic statecraft, democracy and
human rights, conflict resolution, and nuclear proliferation. He is the author of, inter alia, Dissuading
State Support of Terrorism: Strikes or Sanctions? An Analysis of Dissuasion Measures Employed Against
Libya, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 27 (1): 2004. Stephen D. Politics & Policy. Feb2014, Vol. 42
Issue 1, p131-159
The global spread of nuclear technology represents the most compelling reason why state-sponsored
terrorism remains a highly salient topic of international relations and an enduring security concern.
Although the scope and intensity of state sponsorship has dimmed considerably, the potential lethality of
state-supported terrorism has escalated because of the proliferation of nuclear technology into the
remaining set of terrorist sponsors. In earlier eras, state-sponsored acts of terrorism, while more
frequent and still very lethal, involved conventional weapons in which the damage is circumscribed by
the technological limitations of conventional armaments. In the contemporary era, where nuclear weapon
arsenals and programs exist in many risk-acceptant statesincluding states with terrorist clientsthere
exists a genuine risk that terrorism may turn nuclear. To be clear, powerful deterrents against nuclear
transfer to terrorists exist, and therefore, such an event may never manifest and certainly is unlikely to
become a common practice. Still, the acquisition of nuclear weapons and materials by a terrorist
group may occur as a result of the following scenarios. First, terrorist groups operating freely
(because of state sponsorship) in a country with nuclear capability may exploit ideological
sympathies to secure the collaboration of lower-level agents in nuclear smuggling operations.
Second, deterrence strategies to prevent nuclear transfer by state sponsors of terrorism are
predicated on the theory of regime leaders as rational actorstypically a safe assumption, but
hardly a certainty. It is not inconceivable, therefore, that a particular leader or regime, operating
under a nonrational decision-making model, may decide someday to transfer nuclear weapons or
materials to terrorists. State sponsorship of terrorism may continue to decline as a practice of statecraft;
however, as long as it remains extant, and nuclear technology continues to proliferate, state-sponsored
terrorism will remain a potent security threat in the international system.
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misguided Iraq War from the moment it was proposed by former President George W. Bush and have never been a neoconservative, warmonger or super-hawk. But aggressive action
ISIS has stated its intention to attack the United States and
Europe to advance its evil, messianic and genocidal ideology and ambitions. ISIS has
against ISIS is urgently needed.
the money to purchase the most deadly weapons in the world , and has
recruited American and European traitors with above-average capability
to execute an attack . The odds that ISIS can obtain nuclear, chemical, biological or other forms of mass destruction weapons are impossible to ascertain
but in a world of vast illegal arms trafficking, with so many corrupt officials
in nations possessing arsenals of destruction, the danger is real . The fact that WMD
scares prior to the Iraq War ranged from mistaken to deceitful does not mean that the WMD danger does not exist today. It does. I
applaud the recent actions taken by President Obama. Obama's airstrikes saved tens of thousands of Yazidis from genocide, took back the Mosul Dam from ISIS and saved countless
Iraqis, Kurds and Syrians from slaughter. The airstrikes inflicted material damage to ISIS. The diplomacy of Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry contributed mightily to the
replacement of a disastrous Iraqi government by a government can unite Iraqi Sunnis, Shiites and Kurds. The Obama-Kerry initiatives will lead to the creation of a stable Afghan
government and avoid the collapse that was possible after the recent controversial Afghan elections. These are real successes. In the current political climate, Obama seems to get credit
achieved with "boots on the ground" proxies from Iraqi or Kurd forces alone, though Kurdish forces should immediately receive strong military assistance. America should not initiate
another massive Iraq ground war. What is needed is a multinational special ops strike force made up of 10,000 troops from NATO nations and possibly Arab League nations.
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galvanising the Bush Administration's fears concerning the potential for terrorists to acquire nuclear weapons after
Jihadist furthermore
propaganda routinely tallies the Muslim victims of infidel injustice in the millions ,
situating this lamentation alongside a corresponding call for the jihadists to inflict revenge
on a proportionate scale against the West (Al-Fahd, 2003, p. 8). The May 2003 fatwa of an
influential radical Saudi cleric authorising as halal (religiously permissible) the use of WMD
against Western targets further reveals the extent to which jihadists have sought to
pre-emptively shape public opinion in the Islamic world in ways that might be conducive towards
9/11 (Suskind, 2006, pp. 6162; Bunn, 2009, p. 113; Albright, 2010, pp. 178179).
greater Muslim acceptance of any jihadist WMD attack against the West (Salama and Hansell, 2005, p. 627). Finally,
the seriousness with which counter-terrorism experts judge the jihadist nuclear threat is underscored by the Obama
administration's nomination of nuclear terrorism as the greatest immediate threat to global security (Bunn, 2009, p.
112).
The jihadist fixation with WMD and especially nuclear weapons is thus a matter of public
record, and the jihadist nuclear attraction is likely to intensify in the light of the
jihadists setbacks in the war on terror sketched above. Jihadist motivations to strike
either America or one of its close allies with a nuclear weapon echo those that drove
both the 9/11 attacks as well as a host of other mass-casualty attacks planned or
perpetrated against Western targets since 2001. The desire to sow fear in the polities they deem
responsible for Muslims oppression; the hope that a mass-casualty attack might
provoke the West into a disproportionate response that may then draw the faithful to fight under
the jihadist banner; the expectation that a blow sufficiently painful might compel the
West to abandon its support for its client states by withdrawing from the Greater Middle East and
South Asia each of these motivations are likely to inform jihadist nuclear aspirations. An assessment of
jihadists past behaviour and an evaluation of the movement's bleak
prospects absent a system-destabilising shock to restore its fortunes all
point to a revived interest in nuclear weapons being one of the most likely
future developments in jihadist circles in coming years. In the light of this evidence,
Western counter-terrorism officials have naturally concentrated on the threat of direct nuclear jihadist terrorist
attacks on Western targets. However, while I would agree that this remains the jihadists preferred method of
advancing their objectives, an alternative outlet for jihadist nuclear aspirations lies in an effort to provoke an Indo
Pakistani nuclear confrontation with a view towards profiting from the ensuing chaos. This reasoning supporting this
assessment is outlined below.
Investigator of Project on Managing the Atom at Harvards Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs;
Colonel Yuri Morozov, prof @ Russian Academy of Military Sciences former chief of General Staff of the Russian
military; Rolf Mowatt-Larssen. Senior fellow at Belfer Center, fmr. director of Intelligence at DoE; Simon Saradzhyan,
senior fellow at Belfer Center; William Tobey, senior fellow at Belfer Center & director of the U.S.-Russia Initiative to
Prevent Nuclear Terrorism, fmr. deputy administrator for Defense Nuclear Nonproliferation at the NNSA; Colonel
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General Viktor I. Yesin, senior fellow at the U.S.A and Canada Studies Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
and advisor to commander of the Strategic Missile Forces of Russia, fmr. chief of staff of the Strategic Missile Forces;
Major General Pavel S. Zolotarev, deputy director of the U.S.A and Canada Studies Institute of the Russian Academy
of Sciences and fmr. head of the Information and Analysis Center of the Russian Ministry of Defense. The U.S.Russia Joint Threat Assessment on Nuclear Terrorism. The Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and
the Institute for U.S. and Canadian Studies.)
Obtaining high-end weapons of mass destruction has been a high priority for a
terrorist group that harbors ambitions of defeating the U.S. and its allies, overthrowing
so-called apostate regimes, restoring the Islamic Caliphate, and expanding it to cover the globe. Al-Qaeda
leaders have consistently noted in public pronouncements spanning more than two decades
that they are willing to employ all available means at their disposal to achieve their
objectives. They have mastered the art of surprise with each successive attack. In this context, they do not
appear to be interested in chemical, biological, or radiological/nuclear weapons for their own sake, apart from their
potential effectiveness against specific targets. The leaderships pursuit of a nuclear bomb in parallel to the groups
known efforts to develop anthrax in the late 1990s suggests that either a nuclear or a biological weapon would be
suitable for use in a future attack that was being contemplated, depending on which means (if any) they could
Recent writings from top al-Qaeda leadership (2003 and 2008) offer a
meticulously researched religious ruling, or fatwa, for the use of weapons of mass
destruction in the mass slaughter of civilians. It is clear that the group desires highend WMD, whether in the form of biological weapons or of nuclear weapons capable of killing millions
of people and causing mass economic damage . The al-Qaeda leaderships justification for
the use of WMD on religious grounds cannot be dismissed as a theological exercise.
In all probability, the groups leaders are explaining why the use of WMD is
necessary because they are actively planning to use these weapons; if 9/11 was a
acquire.
dec- laration of war against America, a Hiroshima bomb is a way to win the war. Nuclear and big bio weapons are
desirable because they can produce global economic disruption, cause mass casualties, and perhaps most
there are
chilling similarities between the warning and planning cycle associated with the
9/11 attack, and rituals associated with al-Qaedas WMD statements. Osama bin
Laden issued 1998 fatwa that served as a harbinger of the 9/11 attack that followed
three years later. The al-Qaeda leaders declaration of war against America not only fulfilled a religious
importantly, create widespread doubts concerning world order and governance. In this context,
obligation, it launched a secret planning process for an unprecedented attack that was carried out with devastating
them and burned as much of their land as they have burned Muslims land were dropped on them, it would be
permissible. On March 2, 2008, al-Zawahiri released a lengthy document entitled The
Exoneration: A Treatise Exonerating the Nation of the Pen and the Sword of the Denigrating Charge of Being
Irresolute and Weak,
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for conducting mass casualty attacks. Specifically, al-Zawahiri raised key Quranic
themes to justify the use of WMD to include the legality of killing women, children,
and the elderly; the use of Muslims as human shields; the inevitability of environmental
destruction; notions of retaliatory use and deterrence; attacking in the night and unintentionally harming
noncombatants; and other such issues. Al- Zawahiri explained why he considers the United States
to be the main enemy of all Muslims and a single juridical entity under Islam.
This judgment means all Americans are valid targets, whether they are men,
women, or children. Indeed, not only are the same scholars, clerics and quotations of Exoneration also
referenced in al-Fahds fatwa, but many of the same examples from the former are used nearly verbatim in the
latter.
Jenkins: No. Al Qaeda has actual nuclear ambitions, there is no doubt about that. When Osama
bin Laden was in Sudan, he tried to acquire some nuclear material. The efforts were mostly
amateurish, and Al Qaeda was the victim of some scams. Qaeda [leaders] also had meetings with
some Pakistani nuclear scientists while in Afghanistan. So, clearly, they were thinking about nuclear
weapons. If bin Laden were able to acquire a nuclear weapon, I also suspect that he would use it.
My larger point is that Al Qaeda has already become the world's first nonstate nuclear power without even
having nuclear weapons.
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terrorist groups indicates the high level of threat. These aspects include a conception of righteous killing-as-healing, the necessity
of total social destruction as part of a process of ultimate purification, a preoccupation with weapons of mass destruction, and a
cult of personality where one leader dominates his followers who seek to become perfect clones.40 These aspects taken together
represent a significant departure from the culture of earlier terrorist groups, and the organizations that these characteristics
describe represent a serious threat to the civilized world
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construct a lethal nuclear weapon since they are conceptually simple devices. After all, the technology involved
in creating a nuclear weapon is more than 60 years old. In fact, it is perhaps easier to make a gun-assembled
nuclear bomb than it is to develop biological or chemical weapons.
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A2: Empirics
This arg is stupid they probably have one but cant use it because THEIR
WHOLE ORGANIZATION IS IN HIDING.
Mowatt-Larssen 10 (2010, Rolf, Senior Fellow, Belfer Center for Science and
International Affairs, Harvard, former Director of Intelligence and
Counterintelligence at the U.S. Department of Energy, 23 years as a CIA intelligence
officer, Nightmares of nuclear terrorism, Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, ebsco)
Another dangerous bias in assessing the threat is the belief that once terrorists obtain
a nuclear bomb, they will use it. Thus, the following argument is proffered: Since Al Qaeda has
yet to use a nuclear weapon, it does not possess one . This might comfort the
doubters, but terrorists may not agree that it is difficult to stash a nuclear
or biological weapon in a safe place for future use, without fear of
discovery. After all, it has proved exceedingly difficult to find bin Laden and his lieutenant
Ayman al-Zawahiri, and we have a pretty good idea of where they might be hiding.
Plus, nothing in Al Qaedas behavior suggests that its leaders follow
predictable patterns concerning the means and timing of attacks .
Theyre biding their time until the perfect moment need to stay on the
offensive to avoid being taken by surprise.
Mowatt-Larssen 10 (2010, Rolf, Senior Fellow, Belfer Center for Science and
International Affairs, Harvard, former Director of Intelligence and
Counterintelligence at the U.S. Department of Energy, 23 years as a CIA intelligence
officer, Nightmares of nuclear terrorism, Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, ebsco)
A furtherand highly unsettlingexplanation of Al Qaedas extraordinary patience is
that group members think time is on their side . They probably believe they have drawn
the United States into a deepening commitment to fight a protracted insurgency in
Afghanistan. Moreover, Saddam Hussein was deposed, opening up long-term possibilities
for an Islamic theocracy in Iraq. Gen. Pervez Musharraf is out of power in Pakistan, and
the domestic instability there is growing every day. These developments create
opportunities to change the global status quo . In other words, Al Qaeda may be
waiting for a perfect storm in the alignment of targets, opportunity, and
timing to launch another game-changing attack . If they do so, it will certainly be
based on a calculation that the moment is ripe to try to force Washingtons hand in
ways that favor Al Qaedas long-term goals.
the groups long-held intent and persistent efforts to acquire nuclear and
biological weapons represent a unique means of potentially fulfilling its wildest
hopes and aspirations. As bin Laden declared in 1998, it is his duty to obtain WMD. He apparently
In this light,
understood at this early juncture that using such weapons might become necessary at some stage of his
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programs on NR terrorism is weakened if a country is committed to reducing corruption and strengthening nuclear
security. A state with a large nuclear program can, therefore, reduce its vulnerability to NR terrorism by instituting
appropriate counterterrorism measures. Policies that protect states from NR terrorism will probably be most
effective when they are instituted together rather than separately. However, comparing the two measures analyzed
in this study, reducing corruption appears to be more effective than bolstering nuclear security. When corruption is
rampant, simply committing to the CPPNM does not eliminate a state's vulnerability to terrorism. Yet reducing
corruption to its lowest possible level insulates states from the dangers of NR terrorism regardless of whether they
are committed to the CPPNM or not. As we previously emphasized, however, future research would benefit from a
more nuanced measure of nuclear security.75
Policymakers are most concerned about catastrophic NR terrorist attacks. While our
data do not provide direct insight into when and why these incidents might occur, our analysis
does shed some light on catastrophic NR terrorism . This is in part because terrorists
did intend to cause catastrophic consequences in many of the observed incidents
and plots in our dataset. All catastrophic plots were disrupted before they could be
successfully executed and the observed attacks sometimes had more limited effects than the perpetrators
but this does not imply that similar trends will continue in the
future. Thus, based on the prior motivations of terrorist groups, our results suggest that the
future risk of catastrophic NR terrorism is likely to be higher in countries
with large nuclear programs.
intended,
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we disrupted the attack. In May 2010, Faisal Shahzad got a vehicle loaded with explosives into Times Square in New
York City. Again, the attack failed only because he had built the bomb badly and it was discovered before it
exploded. If he had designed the bomb properly (which is not all that hard to do), the attack would have succeeded.
In Fall 2010, al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (in Yemen) hid bombs in printer
cartridges and got them into the parcel delivery system headed to targets in the US. The bombs were
discovered en route. In April 2012, a Saudi informant tipped Riyadh off about
another underwear-bomb plot, which was disrupted while underway by Saudi and US officials.
Al Qaeda franchises have grown dramatically in strength and capability since 2009. Al
Qaeda in Yemen retains a much larger safe haven in that country than it had in 2009, despite
recent successes by US direct-action operations and Yemeni counterinsurgency
operations. It has used that safe haven, as we have seen, to attempt attacks on the US even
as it fought against Yemeni forces. Al Qaeda in Iraq, almost destroyed and operationally
insignificant when Obama took office, has re-established itself following the withdrawal of all American
forces from Iraq at the end of 2011. It is now conducting regular spectacular attacks in Iraq
(including against the limited number of US facilities that remain there). But it has also spread its
operations into neighboring Syria, where it is radicalizing the originally moderate groups opposing
Bashar al Assad's regime and developing new safe havens from which to expand operations in the future. Al
Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, born in Algeria, was an almost-irrelevant group limited to
kidnap-for-ransom operations a year ago. As Secretary of State Hillary Clinton recently revealed, it has now
expanded across North Africa and was responsible for the attack on our consulate in
Benghazi, Libya, that killed our ambassador. It has also spread into Equatorial Africa, using unrest in Mali to
establish a foothold there.
These groups are all directly linked to and affiliated with the core al Qaeda
group now led by Osama bin Laden's deputy, Ayman al Zawahiri, from Pakistan. if it
We have killed leaders of that core group for 11 years, but it can recover
very quickly regains freedom of action in Afghanistan, especially since it can now harness the strength and
expansion of franchises that did not exist in 2001.
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business, but very similar attacks may result in widely different casualties depending on the target. For example,
the bombing of the Marriott Hotel in Jakarta in 2003 killed a relatively small number of people compared to the
relatively inexpensive Madrid bombing (which cost less than $10,000, or around $50 per murder) to the September
11 attacks (which cost $400,000-$500,000, or about $170 per murder).
Some might claim that thinking about terrorist attacks in terms of cost-versus-casualty
ratios fails to capture the essentially political ends of a terrorist group. Cost data from
previous attacks suggest that al Qaeda is sometimes willing to pay a significant
premium to attack high-profile, heavily protected targets that may produce fewer casualties, but have greater
political implications, such as a U.S. embassy or Naval vessel. For example, the October 2000 bombing of the U.S.S.
Yet
terrorists do not have to pay a premium for a nuclear attack; on a per
murder basis, nuclear weapons are both cheap and can be used against
high-profile targets. And a nuclear attack induces great fear. Its specter has hung
Cole in Yemen may have cost $10,000, but with 17 casualties, it added up to a pricey $590 per murder.
over the world since the United States dropped Little Boy on Hiroshima.
nuclear terrorist attack that cost $5 million would result in a cost per murder comparable to the Madrid bombings.
So, just how difficult an enterprise would this be? What would a terrorist group have to do to build a bomb that
would kill 100,000 people for less than $10 million?
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because at the time they wrote the official position was that no terrorist could build a nuclear device because
constructing a nuclear weapon required an effort on the scale of the Manhattan Project together with a team of
scientists of the calibre of those at Los Alamos from 1942 to 1945.
Time has shown that states can go nuclear with smaller projects, and certainly with
less brilliant scientists. In part this reduction in required effort and talent is because very large amounts of
information about the construction of nuclear weapons as well as the fast-reactor physics needed to compute the
behaviour of nuclear devices have become public. This publication sometimes occurred deliberately, as in the
historic 1954 Atoms for Peaceconference or the 1970s-era International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluationstudy.
Sometimes the information oozed out, as in the McPhee book, and sometimes it was effectively re-invented.33
Many details can now be found in the physics literature.34
There are crucial differences between nuclear weapons built by a state for use in a
military stockpile and devices constructed by groups for use in single dramatic acts
of terror. A military device must be reliable (it must explode when detonated); it must be
predictable (the yield attained must be substantially the same across a complete production run of weapons
so that troops using the weapons can choose the one which will best do the job); and it must be safe (a military
weapon must be safe to handle and not detonate in common accidents; above all it must not detonate with nuclear
yield when the detonation has not been authorised).
A bomb built by a terrorist need not be especially reliable, and it certainly need not
be particularly predictable. That is, any yield falling somewhere between 100 tonnes (0.1kt) and 20,000
tonnes (ZOkt) of TNT will almost certainly be considered adequate by the terror group concerned. Surely the strike
group would prefer a larger yield to a smaller one, all things being equal; but a 100-tonne explosion will be very
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building an improvised nuclear device was two people , one of whom was a skilled
machinist and the other a physicist.36 If the fissile fuel for the device is uranium enriched to 50% or more,
this is a plausible, if stressing, scenario that has been explored in some detail in fiction.37
Only requires 19 people and 1 year physics is easy and the barriers are
vastly exaggerated.
Zimmerman and Lewis 06 (10/10, Peter, PhD, experimental nuclear and
elementary particle physics, Emeritus Professor of Science and Security at King's
College London, former Chief Scientist of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
and Jeffrey, Director, Nuclear Strategy and Nonproliferation Initiative, New America
Foundation, former Executive Director, Project on Managing the Atom/Science,
Technology, and Public Policy Program, Belfer Center, Harvard University, The
Bomb in the Backyard, Foreign Policy,
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2006/10/10/the_bomb_in_the_backyard?
page=0,1)
The constraint we have placed on our would-be bomb-makers is a total of 19 persons -the same number of hijackers who orchestrated the September 11 attacks -- working
over the course of a year in the United States. We estimate that a three-person physics team ,
including a relatively senior physicist and two postdoctoral students, would be capable of rendering the
design in three to six months. Their salaries during the course of a year would total approximately
$200,000. In addition to the physics team, the project could comprise a few small engineering
teams to address the following: casting the uranium for the device, constructing the proper
gun, assembling the supercritical mass of uranium, overseeing the electronics, and finally,
the actual detonation.
In many respects, the most difficult task for nuclear terrorists would be casting the uranium
metal, which melts at high temperatures, into appropriate shapes. The metallurgy team would include at
least one person with experience in advanced casting techniques. A vacuum furnace is probably required to reduce
oxygen contamination and prevent the uranium from igniting. The team would likely need to practice using either
shape the highly enriched uranium in just one night. New or used lathes large enough to properly finish the roughly
cast pit can be bought on the Internet, even on eBay, for $10,000. These instruments are probably as capable as
Our terrorist
outfit could probably find all the standard machine shop equipment it would need in
any university physics department. None of the tools requires special licenses to
purchase.
the one Yuan used more than 40 years ago. Computer-controlled machine tools are not necessary.
The machining group would also have the task of designing and building the required structure for the device and
assembling the whole. This requires at least two or three people able to carry out such common laboratory tasks as
welding, brazing, and hard soldering. One member of the group should bring the skills of a draftsman, and
preferably good abilities to use computers to design complex shapes.
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maintenance, would not pose
adapt and test a reliable gun.
the electronics team would likely include one or two technicians and
probably be headed by an engineer with at least a baccalaureate degree in electrical
engineering or experimental physics. Its principal job would be to design the circuitry that arms and fires the
Meanwhile,
device at the desired point, and which prevents it from detonating accidentally. In addition, the group would need to
assemble or purchase, install, and calibrate neutron detectors to be used in testing the device.
The terror group will also require a large, remote area for their "mini-Los Alamos." Their
biggest concern would be the noise caused by firing the gun during their tests. We would
choose a 150-acre ranch in an isolated area -- relatively small compared to the 500,000
acre ranch that Japanese doomsday cult Aum Shinrikyo purchased in Australia. We estimate that such
a ranch might be purchased for $150,000 in remote areas of the United States, such as Texas or Wyoming, and
require another $50,000 in temporary improvements to build the foundry, machine shop, electronics lab, and other
equipment.
the nuclear device itself is likely to be less than 9 feet long . Although it would
it could be transported in a van or small panel truck with, say, a
couple drivers and a couple more people to keep an eye on the device. The plotters could target any number
Once complete,
of major metropolitan areas and would be free to choose based entirely on their desire to travel unobtrusively and
the transportation
phase of the operation would pose significant risks for the terrorists . For the first time, the
undetected, presumably across a large fraction of the United States. Nevertheless,
device would be moved, most likely on public roads, with little security.
the traffic
stream. In the event that the government became aware of the plot, it would seek to install targeted roadblocks.
These checkpoints would force the terrorists to back roads, where they may be likely to attract the attention of local
police. The trip would consume no more than 40 driving hours, and could easily be completed in four to five days
equipment -- is a specialized business, particularly because the purchases could be traced by law enforcement. The
plotters would want to avoid being personally involved in purchasing supplies, so there could be a need for one or
two specialists who would be responsible for clandestine procurement.
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One could not check whether the projectile and target of a gun-assembled device actually fitted
together.
tungsten or some other heavy material. So long as the reflector were absent, the plug could be inserted into the
much thought Wirz and Eggers gave to this point in the first place.
The Swiss group raises other technical issues, but none rises to the level of difficulty of
either the need to prevent a criticality accident , nor of making major alterations to a design
previously specified by another power.
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If terrorists had the complete set of working drawings for a nuclear device built by a nuclear weapon
state (NWS), they could not build it because they would surely need to make some design changes to
accommodate different fissile material and as work-arounds for impossible to acquire technology. But
to do that they would have to be fully capable of coming up with an indigenous design. And this they
could not do.
technical information about the components of a fission weapon has either been
officially declassified or has leaked out into the public domain even if it technically remains
classified, and sometimes whether it is right or wrong.20 One can conveniently divide the areas of
required knowledge into fundamental physics and practical engineering. The
fundamental physics is not dissimilar from the physics of a fast nuclear reactor; the
practical engineering of a deliverable, safe and reliable nuclear weapon is a different matter entirely.
To the extent that modifications are required to accommodate highly enriched uranium that differs
slightly from the design enrichment, they can almost be ignored so long as the fully
assembled core of the device is super critical and so long as the designer is not
wedded to a particular yield.
Changing the engineering details of even a World War II Fat Man-style weapon will
be more difficult, but then again, making any kind of implosion-assembled IND is apt to
be harder than building a gun-assembled system . One can ask what events might dictate
Much
changes. A leading possibility is the unavailability of the explosives needed to form lens charges, but this is unlikely,
as the explosives said in public to have been used for Fat Mans lens charges are neither exotic nor uncommon.
Lack of sufficient material for a neutron generator might also require some changes.
Despite these difficulties, the best argument on this point that Wirz and Egger make is this:
some terrorists probably could not make some changes potentially dictated by some
engineering problems uncovered when trying to build an implosion-assembled nuclear weapon from a blueprint.
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South Korea.38 According to the 9/11 Commission Report, al Qaeda also considered
attacks on a nuclear power reactor as part of its original plan.39 Research reactors,
operated by universities and industry, are particularly vulnerable to sabotage attack
because their protection levels tend to be lower than nuclear power plants, but the
potential consequences are also considerably smaller.40 The advent of suicidal
terrorists increases the number of potential sabotage targets in nuclear facilities to
include components in high-radiation areas because there is no longer a
presumption that those areas are inherently self- protecting.41
Radiological sabotage of a nuclear power reactor could have devastating
consequences for public health, the environment, and the economy. Edwin Lyman of
the Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) analyzed the consequences of a
hypothetical terrorist attack on the Indian Point nuclear power plant located thirtyfive miles from New York City. An attack that resulted in a core meltdown and a
large radiological release to the environment could cause 44,000 short-term deaths
and 500,000 long-term deaths from radiation. He estimated economic damages at
$2 trillion.
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The nuclear device designed as part of Livermores nth Country experiment was not built or tested,
so one has no idea of the performance of hypothetical independent nuclear designs.
It is true that the nth Country device was not actually built . Nevertheless, the design
was simulated on computers with the result that if it had been built, it would have worked.
Given the era in which the experiment was conducted in which the nominal yield of an atomic
bomb was 20 kt one may reasonably speculate that Robert Selden and his
colleagues were aiming for about that yield. Even then the ability to simulate World War II atomic
bombs was fairly well developed; we may assume that the performance of the device was calculated as accurately
It does not appear that Wirzs and Eggers complaint that the device was not tested in any way indicates that it
would not have worked as designed.
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Uranium is toxic and radioactive. Uranium is hard to machine, and many of the machine tools needed
for complex mechanical processes such as making neutron reflectors are subject to export controls.
The toxicity of uranium is vastly exaggerated in much of the open literature, particularly
in articles by groups which oppose the use of depleted uranium in non-nuclear battlefield weapons and in armor.
Far more dangerous substances (e.g. beryllium) are routinely handled in laboratories and
factories. Similarly, even fissile uranium-235 is not particularly radioactive , and emits rather
little radiation. Most of its emissions are alpha particles which can be stopped in a sheet
of paper. Highly enriched uranium is, of course, very valuable, as macroscopic samples need to
be assembled molecule by molecule, with the end product being used mostly in atomic
weapons. It is true that uranium work hardens quickly, but so do many materials.
Most of the difficulties of working with uranium metal are well known, and the
procedures for such work are not especially onerous, particularly if the machinists are
willing to accept the risk of martyrdom.
Uranium is actually not a particularly difficult metal to machine . T. O. Morris of Oak Ridge
National Laboratory says that uranium is comparable to the stainless steels in machining
properties.19 It is true that uranium is pyrophoric, meaning that fine dust can spontaneously ignite.
This is a complication, but not a major one.
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A2: Deterrence
Deterrent threats create a perverse incentive for terrorists to exploit
enemy arsenals to start a war.
Weitz 11 (2011, Richard, PhD in political science, Harvard, Senior Fellow and
Director of the Center for Political-Military Analysis at Hudson Institute, non-resident
Senior Fellow at the Center for a New American Security, Nuclear Forensics: False
Hopes and Practical Realities, Political Science Quarterly Volume 126 Number 1
2011)
Proposals have been made to threaten explicitly to use military force against a
country whose government failed to prevent the diversion of nuclear weapons related
material to terrorists.'"' The assumption is that due to their severity, threats of force will prove most effective at
inducing potential nuclear leakers to plug any nuclear supply holes. Yet, such pre-incident threats could easily
backfire. The use of threats juxtaposes uneasily with the principle of cooperative threat reduction based on mutual
interest that underpins a multilateral nuclear attribution regime. This principle has allowed Russian-American
Such threats
discourage a government from alerting the international community
about the possible loss of its nuclear materials.''^ In addition, threats to attack a
nuclear weapons state for the diversion of its materials are not credible, since their implementation
could well lead to a nuclear exchange in which both parties would suffer
severely. Finally, enemies of the potential target could become more inclined to
manufacture a nuclear incident that erroneously implicated their adversary as the
negligent source of the weapon. For example, al Oaeda might try to provoke a
nuclear confrontation between the governments of the United States and
Pakistan, while Chechen extremists could aspire to do the same between
Russia and the West.
nuclear security collaboration to persist despite the recent downturn in their bilateral relations.
would also
and punishment if they were motivated by monetary or other considerations that did not include a desire for
martyrdom.'^
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with groups like al-Qaeda, but to eradicate them . Finally, terrorists often attempt to
incite retaliation. Terrorists have used the collateral damage caused by retaliatory
efforts to foment more support for their organization or broader cause. In total, the deck is
stacked against deterrence playing a significant role in U.S. counterterrorism policy.
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said that the easiest way to bring nuclear material into the United States would be to hide it in a bale of marijuana.)
Every nations border is vulnerable to various types of illicit movement, be it drugs, terrorists, or the material
detect HEU or plutonium in objects right in front of the detectors (as might be possible at controlled border
crossings), including finding hidden nuclear material in everything from airline baggage to cargo containers.
Programs are now under way to put these kinds of detection capabilities into place at an increasing number of sites.
equipped with
initiatives after the 9-11 attacks involve putting detectors in place at foreign ports that ship to the United States.
But it will take an immense and continuing effort to ensure that detection at these ports is effective, that there are
no ready possibilities for bribing a customs official to let a container through uninspected and that already
country in a cargo container without detectionand the country is a long way from that point todaythen terrorists
would bring their bomb in on a yacht, a fishing boat, or by some other means.
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A2: No Space
Terrorists dont need a massive sanctuary to build a bomb and, even if
they did, they have their pick of over 50 countries
Bunn 06 (Sept. 2006, Matthew, senior research associate at the Project on
Managing the Atom in the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at
Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government, ANNALS OF THE
AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL & SOCIAL SCIENCE, p. 146)
some argue that in the absence of a stable sanctuary with large fixed facilities,
it would be nearly impossible for a terrorist group to make a nuclear bomb . The
Finally,
overthrow of the Taliban regime and the removal of al Qaeda's Afghan sanctuary undoubtedly disrupted al Qaeda's
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Investigator of Project on Managing the Atom at Harvards Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs;
Colonel Yuri Morozov, prof @ Russian Academy of Military Sciences former chief of General Staff of the Russian
military; Rolf Mowatt-Larssen. Senior fellow at Belfer Center, fmr. director of Intelligence at DoE; Simon Saradzhyan,
senior fellow at Belfer Center; William Tobey, senior fellow at Belfer Center & director of the U.S.-Russia Initiative to
Prevent Nuclear Terrorism, fmr. deputy administrator for Defense Nuclear Nonproliferation at the NNSA; Colonel
General Viktor I. Yesin, senior fellow at the U.S.A and Canada Studies Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
and advisor to commander of the Strategic Missile Forces of Russia, fmr. chief of staff of the Strategic Missile Forces;
Major General Pavel S. Zolotarev, deputy director of the U.S.A and Canada Studies Institute of the Russian Academy
of Sciences and fmr. head of the Information and Analysis Center of the Russian Ministry of Defense. The U.S.Russia Joint Threat Assessment on Nuclear Terrorism. The Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and
the Institute for U.S. and Canadian Studies.)
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after 2008, the IAEA stopped issuing public updates of this list of HEU and
This does not mean, however, that incidents stopped occurring. The
Georgian government has confirmed that in March 2010, Georgian agents seized approximately
18 grams of HEU just below 90-percent enrichment from smugglers who crossed into Georgia from
Armenia. The smugglers reportedly claimed that more was available.2 In June 2011,
authorities in Moldova arrested six people who reportedly had 4.4 grams of weapons-grade
HEU. The smugglers claimed to have access to nine kilograms of HEU, which they were
Unfortunately,
plutonium incidents.
willing to sell for $31 million. Moldovan officials report that members of the ring, who have not yet been detained,
have one kilogram of uranium.
In addition to these cases confirmed to the IAEA, there is strong evidence that a number of additional
thefts have occurredincluding confessions and convictions for some of the
perpetratorswhich the states concerned have not confirmed to the IAEA. In particular, there was a welldocumented theft of 1.5 kilograms of 90-percent-enriched HEU in 1992 (described in
detail below), and two thefts from Russian naval facilities in 1993 that are not included in the
IAEA database. Thus, there appear to be approximately 20 well-documented cases of actual theft and smuggling of
plutonium or HEU in the public record.4 At the classified level, the U.S. Government regards a significant number of
additional cases as confirmed.
To these cases of actual theft and smuggling of plutonium and HEU must be added a substantial
number of attempts, attacks, and intrusions that have taken place over the years. These include,
among others: the still-unexplained apparent loss of hundreds of kilograms of HEU at the
Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation (NUMEC) in the mid-1960s (which the balance of the evidence
suggests was a theft by senior facility officials on behalf of Israel);5 a 1982 incident in which an insider at
the Koeberg nuclear power plant in South Africa planted and detonated explosives on the steel
pressure vessel (before fuel had been loaded, intended only to raise alarm, not to spread radioactivity);6
incidents in 2001 in which terrorist teams carried out reconnaissance at Russian nuclear weapons
storage sites, and apparently also on nuclear weapon transport trains;7 and a 2007 intrusion in
South Africa in which two teams of armed men attacked the Pelindaba site, where hundreds of
kilograms of HEU are stored (with one of the teams penetrating a 10,000 volt security fence, disabling
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intrusion detectors, going to the emergency control center and shooting a worker there after a struggle, and
departing
In the 12-month period ending June 30, 2008, nearly 250 thefts
of nuclear or radioactive materials were reported , although the amounts were small, prompting
materials around the world.
the head of the IAEA to warn that the possibility of terrorists obtaining nuclear or other radioactive materials
remains a grave threat.7 During 2007-2008, al-Qaeda and the Taliban are reported to have launched three terrorist
In November 1995, Chechen terrorists placed a "dirty bomb" in a Moscow park, but alerted a TV station and
refrained from detonating it.10 On October 14, 2001, Israel is reported to have arrested a man linked to al-Qaeda
who was trying to enter the country from the West Bank city of Ramallah with a radiological bomb hidden in his
backpack.11 On October 11, 2001, just a month after the 9/11 attack, CIA Director George Tenet warned President
Bush of a report that alQaeda had placed a nuclear weapon in New York City. A Nuclear Emergency Support Team
(NEST) was dispatched to New York and the report fortunately proved to be a false alarm.12 To be on the safe side,
26 NESTs have been positioned around the US since 2001 to detect and respond to threats of nuclear terrorism.
Flying around the country in helicopters and airplanes specially equipped with radiation detectors, they regularly
scan cities for signs of nuclear weapons.13
Nuclear experts assess that a capable and well-organized terrorist group will be able
to make a crude nuclear bomb, without the help of a state, provided that they have access
to sufficient fissile materials.14 Only 20-100 kilograms of fissile materials are
needed, and this can be purchased in small amounts to make detection
even harder.15 With state assistance, of course, the difficulties would be significantly
reduced and even eliminated completely , if an intact weapon was provided.
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Number of bombs that can be built with global stocks of fissile material:
More than 200,000
Bombs' worth of fissile material that has been stolen or lost: More than 1
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A2: security
Terrorists can get HEU security is atrocious
Bunn 10 (Matthew Bunn, Associate Professor at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy
School of Government, April 2010, Securing the Bomb 2010: Securing All Nuclear Materials
in Four Years, PROJECT ON MANAGING THE ATOM BELFER CENTER FOR SCIENCE AND
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS HARVARD KENNEDY SCHOOL HARVARD UNIVERSITY)
there is also a real risk that terrorists could get the plutonium or HEU
needed to make a nuclear bomb . As de- scribed in more detail in the next chapter, important
weaknesses in nuclear security arrangements still exist in many coun- tries, creating
weaknesses that outsider or insider thieves might exploit . And as discussed in the previous
chapter, theft of the essential ingredients of nuclear weapons is not a hypothetical
worry but an ongoing realitythe IAEA has documented 18 cases of theft or loss or
plutonium or HEU, confirmed by the states concerned. HEU-fueled research reactors, for example,
sometimes located on university campuses, often have only the most minimal
security measures in place. Many have few or no armed guards; very loose
arrangements (if any) to screen personnel before granting them access to the reactor and its nuclear
material; few means to detect intruders until they are entering the nuclear material areas; and little
revenue to pay for more substantial security arrangements . In some cases, the security
in place amounts to little more than a night watchman and a chain-link fence.
In countries such as Pakistan, even substantial nuclear security systems are
challenged by immense adversary threats, both from nuclear insiders some with a
demonstrated sympathy for Islamic extremistsand from outside attacks that might
include scores or hundreds of armed attackers. In Russia, there have been dramatic improvements in security
Unfortunately,
and accounting for nuclear materials since the early 1990s, and the most egregious security weaknessesgaping
holes in fences, lack of any detector to set off an alarm if plutonium or HEU is being removedhave been corrected,
place are sufficient to meet the evolving threat. A nuclear security system not focused on continual improvement is
likely to see its effective- ness decline over time as complacency sets in.
224
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Investigator of Project on Managing the Atom at Harvards Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs;
Colonel Yuri Morozov, prof @ Russian Academy of Military Sciences former chief of General Staff of the Russian
military; Rolf Mowatt-Larssen. Senior fellow at Belfer Center, fmr. director of Intelligence at DoE; Simon Saradzhyan,
senior fellow at Belfer Center; William Tobey, senior fellow at Belfer Center & director of the U.S.-Russia Initiative to
Prevent Nuclear Terrorism, fmr. deputy administrator for Defense Nuclear Nonproliferation at the NNSA; Colonel
General Viktor I. Yesin, senior fellow at the U.S.A and Canada Studies Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
and advisor to commander of the Strategic Missile Forces of Russia, fmr. chief of staff of the Strategic Missile Forces;
Major General Pavel S. Zolotarev, deputy director of the U.S.A and Canada Studies Institute of the Russian Academy
of Sciences and fmr. head of the Information and Analysis Center of the Russian Ministry of Defense. The U.S.Russia Joint Threat Assessment on Nuclear Terrorism. The Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and
the Institute for U.S. and Canadian Studies.)
If they could not detonate a stolen weapon, terrorists might remove its nuclear
material and fashion a new bomb. Some modern, highly efficient designs might not contain enough
material for a crude, inefficient terrorist bomb; but multistage thermonuclear weapons, with
nuclear mate- rial in both the primary (the fission bomb that sets off the fusion reaction) and
the secondary (where the fusion takes place) probably would provide sufficient material.
Terrorists can still access the fissile material
Bunn et al. 11 (May 2011. Matthew Bunn, associate professor, at Harvard Kennedy School and Co- Principal
Investigator of Project on Managing the Atom at Harvards Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs;
Colonel Yuri Morozov, prof @ Russian Academy of Military Sciences former chief of General Staff of the Russian
military; Rolf Mowatt-Larssen. Senior fellow at Belfer Center, fmr. director of Intelligence at DoE; Simon Saradzhyan,
senior fellow at Belfer Center; William Tobey, senior fellow at Belfer Center & director of the U.S.-Russia Initiative to
Prevent Nuclear Terrorism, fmr. deputy administrator for Defense Nuclear Nonproliferation at the NNSA; Colonel
General Viktor I. Yesin, senior fellow at the U.S.A and Canada Studies Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
and advisor to commander of the Strategic Missile Forces of Russia, fmr. chief of staff of the Strategic Missile Forces;
Major General Pavel S. Zolotarev, deputy director of the U.S.A and Canada Studies Institute of the Russian Academy
of Sciences and fmr. head of the Information and Analysis Center of the Russian Ministry of Defense. The U.S.Russia Joint Threat Assessment on Nuclear Terrorism. The Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and
the Institute for U.S. and Canadian Studies.)
Making a crude nuclear bomb would not be easy, but is potentially within the
capabilities of a technically sophisticated terrorist group, as numerous government
studies have confirmed. Detonating a stolen nuclear weapon would likely be difficult for terrorists to
accomplish, if the weapon was equipped with modern technical safeguards (such as the
electronic locks known as Permissive Action Links, or PALs). Terrorists could, however, cut open a stolen
nuclear weapon and make use of its nuclear material for a bomb of their own .
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weapons would bring a very dangerous reprisal, which helps explain why the cold
War stayed cold. The inescapable equation tying highly lethal weapons
systems to high cost and complexity meant that the power to devastate
was available only to the richest and most sophisticated statesuntil now.
For the first time in human history, the curve of cost versus lethality has
turned rapidly downward, fallingmany orders of magnitude in just a
generation. today, tremendously lethal technology is available on the
cheap. anyoneeven a stateless groupcan have the deadliest weapons on
earth. several trends led to this inflection point. one is nuclear proliferation, which
in recent years reached a tipping point at which access to nuclear weapons became
impossible to control or limit in any absolute way. The collapse of the soviet
Union scattered ex-soviet weapons across many poorly governed and
policed states, and from there, the weapons may spread further into the hands of
terrorists. at the same time, the set of ragtag countries that have developed
homegrown nuclear devices is large and growing. The entrance to the
nuclear-weapons club, once limited to a small number of sophisticated and stable
countries, is now far more open. it is only a matter of time before a nuclear
bomb gets into the hands of a terrorist group, whether by theft or construction. a nuclear weapon smuggled into an american city could kill between
100,000 and 1,000,000 people, de- pending on the nature of the device, the
location of ground zero, and the altitude of detonation. an optimist might say that it
will take another decade for such a calamity to take place; a pessimist would point
out that the plot may already be under way. chemical weapons, particularly
nerve agents, are an- other new addition to the terrorist arsenal. sarin, a
fright- eningly lethal poison discovered in 1938 and stockpiled (although never
used) by the nazis, was produced and re- leased in locations in the tokyo subway
system in 1995 by aum shinrikyo, a Japanese religious cult. The attack injured
nearly 3,800 people and killed 12. a botched distribution scheme in the tokyo
subway spared many of the intended victims; better dispersal technology would
have resulted in a vastly higher death toll. cult members had more morbid
ambitions than a subway attack. They had gathered hundreds of tons of raw
materials and had procured a russian military helicopter to use in spraying the
nerve agent over tokyo. expertshave estimated that aum shinrikyo had the
ingredients to produce enough sarin to kill millions of people in an all-out
attack. The civil war in syria, whose military is known to possess stockpiles of
sarin and other chemical weapons, raises the prospect that these munitions
could fall into the hands of extremists. Frightening as such possibilities are,
nuclear bombs and chemical agents pale in lethality when compared with
biological weapons. indeed the term weapon is not en- tirely adequate because
biological agents include not only pathogens that are controllable (in the traditional
sense) but also those that are not. even more so than with nuclear weapons, the
costand technical difficulty of producing biological arms has dropped
precipitously in recent decades with the boom in industrial molecular
biology. a small team of people with the necessary technical training and some
cheap equip- ment can create weapons far more terrible than any nuclear bomb.
indeed, even a single individual might do so. taken together, these trends utterly
undermine the lethality-versus-cost curve that existed throughout all of human
history. access to extremely lethal agentseven to those that may exterminate
the human racewill be avail- able to nearly anybody. access to mass death
has been democratized; it has spread from a small elite of superpower leaders to
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nearly anybody with modest resources. even the leader of a ragtag, stateless
group hiding in a caveor in a Pakistani suburbcan potentially have the
button.
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Since1991,thenumberofcountrieswithnuclearweaponsusablematerialhasroughlyhalvedfromsome
50.However,morethan120researchandisotopeproductionreactorsaroundtheworldstilluseHEUfor
fuelortargets,manyofthemwith"verymodest"securitymeasures,aHarvardKennedySchoolreport
saidthismonth
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that the FSU may have a stockpile ranging from 735 to 1,365 metric tonnes. This includes the 500 tonnes sold to
the US to be down-blended to make reactor fuel.
The enormous gap in our knowledge of Russian fissile inventories far exceeds the
uncertainties in the inventories of other nuclear states, whether or not they have nuclear
weapons programs. It is probable that the Russian government also does not have good
enough records to assess how much fissile material it has produced. The uncertainty in Russias
fissile inventories dwarfs the IAEA significant quantities 32 for HEU and plutonium (25 kg and 5
kg, respectively). Many experts believe that these quantities are too high to provide adequate warning. Clearly
the uncertainties in the FSU stockpiles leave a lot of wiggle room for the theft of one or more
significant quantities without detection.33
In 1993, 4.5 kilograms of 20 percent enriched uranium used for naval reactor fuel were stolen from the Sevmorput
Nevertheless, the vigorous actions by the United States to assist Russia and the other states of the FSU to round up
and safeguard known stocks of weapons-usable material during the late 1990s and the 2000s have borne fruit.
Highly enriched uranium in Kazakhstan was flown out to storage sites in the United States during the 1994
Operation Sapphire and to the US or Russia on subsequent occasions.
35,36 HEU from members of the former Warsaw Treaty Organization (Bulgaria, for example) has also been returned
to its country of origin.37 Access to weapons-grade uranium has been generally restricted since the dissolution of
the Soviet Union, but much remains to be done.
For now it is safe to say that there is a lot of fissile material rattling around, and that we do not know how much a
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Corruption and insider theft are endemic in Russia, and have included military
personnel selling off conventional weapons; one Russian official estimated in 2008 that a third of
Russias military spending is lost to corruption.29 Russian President Dmitri Medvedev has identified corruption as
colonel was reportedly arrested for soliciting thousands of dollars in bribes to overlook violations of security rules in
the closed nuclear city of Snezhinsk.32 Protective measures to prevent insider theft at nuclear facilities have
The collapse of a major nuclear state followed by instability and infighting in the
early 1990s resulted in a significant nuclear proliferation problem . Russian leaders faced
the challenge not only of securing nuclear material but also of creating a new system of export controls in a newly
minted capitalist society.
with its heavy involvement in international agreements and in establishing strong export controls,
these
weapons-usable fissile materials, including at least 950 metric tons of highly enriched uranium (HEU)
and approximately 145 tons of weapons-grade plutonium (plus or minus 30 percent).11 Of this amount, Moscow has
350 tons of HEU and 55 tons loaded on nuclear warheads.12 Although the government has decreased its number of
nuclear warheads since the mid-1980s,
problem.13
Moscow revised export legislation in 1999 and established the Export Control Commission of the
Russian Federation to coordinate export control lists for weapons materials and dual-use technologies. The Russian
Government recently enacted a number of controls aimed specifically at limiting nuclear proliferation. The passage
of these measures demon- strates progress, but
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and civilian nuclear projects in high-risk nations for nuclear proliferation and
terrorist activities.14 Without effective nuclear material safeguards in the Former Soviet
Union (FSU), second-tier proliferation will increase . Although Russia has a strong strategic interest in
supporting nuclear non- proliferation, Moscow has not prioritized or provided sufficient
resources for effective export controls to stop the unauthorized export of nuclear
and sensitive dual-use technology and equipment. Not only does Russia lack
political will, but corruption and a scarcity of resources have also hindered nonproliferation efforts.15 Furthermore, as Russia has attempted to expand its economy, the
country has developed a business culture that is averse to regulations , and firms have
been slow to implement effective compliance systems.16 Accountability and control are Russia's
greatest challenges, and safeguarding a large quantity of nuclear materials remains
a daunting task since Moscow lacks a comprehensive strategy for accountability and security.
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Investigator of Project on Managing the Atom at Harvards Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs;
Colonel Yuri Morozov, prof @ Russian Academy of Military Sciences former chief of General Staff of the Russian
military; Rolf Mowatt-Larssen. Senior fellow at Belfer Center, fmr. director of Intelligence at DoE; Simon Saradzhyan,
senior fellow at Belfer Center; William Tobey, senior fellow at Belfer Center & director of the U.S.-Russia Initiative to
Prevent Nuclear Terrorism, fmr. deputy administrator for Defense Nuclear Nonproliferation at the NNSA; Colonel
General Viktor I. Yesin, senior fellow at the U.S.A and Canada Studies Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
and advisor to commander of the Strategic Missile Forces of Russia, fmr. chief of staff of the Strategic Missile Forces;
Major General Pavel S. Zolotarev, deputy director of the U.S.A and Canada Studies Institute of the Russian Academy
of Sciences and fmr. head of the Information and Analysis Center of the Russian Ministry of Defense. The U.S.Russia Joint Threat Assessment on Nuclear Terrorism. The Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and
the Institute for U.S. and Canadian Studies.)
Assembled nuclear weapons exist in the arsenals of nine states; some U.S. nuclear weapons are stored in several
generally higher in the military sphere, though large plutonium-handling facilities in the civilian sector are also often
controlled by substantial security measures. The risk of nuclear theft from any given facility is determined by the
quantity and quality of material at that facility (that is, how hard it would be to make a bomb from the material that
could be stolen); the kinds of threats the security measures at that facility can protect against; and the kinds of
threats adversaries are able to pose in the area near that facility .
known cases of nuclear trafficking are illustrative of more, as-yetundetected material trafficking, or whether already-stolen material may be stashed
for future sale. Based on available information held by the IAEA, reported seizures of materials have been
largely serendipitous. Facilities from which the materials originated did not report them as
being missing. Not all materials have been recovered . Typically, potential buyers have not been
identified. There have been incidents that have not been reported publicly, and
presumably others which have occurred but have never been detected. The
existence of a nuclear black market provides empirical evidence that inaccuracies
and discrepancies in inventory procedures continue to result in nuclear materials in
bulk form disappearing from their facilities of origin without being noticed . The 20 or so
clear whether the
publicized cases of weapons-usable materials that have turned up over the past two decades serve as an important
metric in assessing global standards of nuclear security.28
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It is a good thing then that the Pakistani military approaches nuclear security with great professionalism, for
Pakistan has fewer margins for error than any other nuclear state . For comparisons sake,
in the United States, it was widely recognized that significant nuclear security upgrades had to be made after 9/11.
Specific attention was given to the possibility that terrorists could gain access to a nuclear weaponsrelated facility,
particularly with the assistance of insiders working at the facility. Accordingly, large increases in funding were
allocated to assure a much higher U.S. nuclear security standard, including an increased emphasis on intelligence
and counterintelligence programs. Nonetheless, in recent years, there have been appalling lapses in controls over
nuclear weapons and the compromise of nuclear weaponsrelated informatione.g., a U.S. Air Force B-52
mistakenly and unknowingly flew six nucleartipped cruise missiles across the country (from North Dakota to
Louisiana) in August 2007. With this in mind, U.S. concerns about Pakistani vulnerabilities should not be interpreted
broader trends in
Pakistan, however, elevate the risks of compromised nuclear security.
The burgeoning Pakistani nuclear arsenal. A growing domestic nuclear program means more
nuclear activity taking place in more places necessitating more materials,
weapons, facilities, transportation, and storage . In short, there are now more places where
as finger-pointing or meddling; it obviously can happen in the United States as well. Some
unfolding crisis. For instance, how would they respond to a breakdown in internal communication, or with the
outside world? Unconfirmed news reports of a seizure of nuclear weapons in transit? A takeover of a facility by a
rogue military unit? Taliban penetration of a nuclear weapons storage site? More importantly, how would India
interpret and react to such developments? Along these lines: Are current communication mechanisms between
Islamabad, New Delhi, and Washington robust enough to be reliable during a crisis?
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Clarke 13 (2013, Michael, PhD, Research Fellow, nuclear proliferation policy and
Central Asia, Griffith University, Pakistan and Nuclear Terrorism: How Real is the
Threat? Comparative Strategy Volume 32, Issue 2, 2013, taylor and francis)
there remain a number of safety security problems arising from such an
expansion that may increase the likelihood that nuclear materials could be stolen by
or diverted to nonstate actors. Prospective safety problems include inadequate regulatory
oversight of new facilities, inadequate training of reactor operators, and inadequate protection
of spent reactor fuel. 86 All power plants and fuel cyclerelated facilities are operated by the Pakistan Atomic
Nonetheless,
Energy Commission (PAEC), while regulatory oversight is the brief of the Pakistan Nuclear Regulatory Agency
(PRNA), which is also responsible for implementing recommendations and guidance received from the IAEA. 87
However, it is uncertain that the PRNA has the capacity to deal with these issues as Pakistan expands its
It is not clear for instance that PNAC will be able to train adequate
numbers of personnel for the proposed expansion , with one estimate suggesting that for the
commercial nuclear capacity.
proposed eight, 800-megawatt expansion of capacity, PRNA would need to have an operation cadre of between
4,400 and 8,800 persons trained and qualified within a 20-year period. 88
An expansion of nuclear power reactors will also raise the issue of the security of
spent reactor fuel that could be a source of plutonium or of highly radioactive
material for an RDD. The increase in the quantity of spent fuel and increase in the
number of sites at which it is stored not only raises the potential for material to be
diverted or stolen, but also increases the burden on PAEC and PNAC to ensure that such nuclear material is
secured and accounted for. In this respect Pakistan had produced around 240 tons of spent nuclear fuel (SNF) by
2000, a level projected to increase to around 1,180 tons by 2020 due to the expansion of its nuclear power
generation capacity. 89 SNF is currently secured by the PNAC through physical verifications and regulatory
inspections of relevant facilities. Mannan notes that SNF is most vulnerable to theft or diversion when in transit and
envisages a scenario in which terrorists attempt to interdict SNF casks in transit. His analysis suggests that
terrorists would have to attack SNF casks with one of twelve antitank missiles that are
capable of penetrating 12 to 20 inches of armor in order to penetrate the containment system used in SNF
transportation casks. 90 Such an attack would cause complete perforation and release more than one percent of
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while regulatory oversight is the brief of the Pakistan Nuclear Regulatory Agency
(PRNA), which is also responsible for implementing recommendations and guidance
received from the IAEA. 87 However, it is uncertain that the PRNA has the capacity to
deal with these issues as Pakistan expands its commercial nuclear capacity. It is not
clear for instance that PNAC will be able to train adequate numbers of personnel for
the proposed expansion, with one estimate suggesting that for the proposed eight,
800-megawatt expansion of capacity, PRNA would need to have an operation
cadre of between 4,400 and 8,800 persons trained and qualified within a 20-year
period. 88
An expansion of nuclear power reactors will also raise the issue of the security of
spent reactor fuel that could be a source of plutonium or of highly radioactive
material for an RDD. The increase in the quantity of spent fuel and increase in the
number of sites at which it is stored not only raises the potential for material to be
diverted or stolen, but also increases the burden on PAEC and PNAC to ensure that
such nuclear material is secured and accounted for. In this respect Pakistan had
produced around 240 tons of spent nuclear fuel (SNF) by 2000, a level projected to
increase to around 1,180 tons by 2020 due to the expansion of its nuclear power
generation capacity. 89 SNF is currently secured by the PNAC through physical
verifications and regulatory inspections of relevant facilities. Mannan notes that SNF
is most vulnerable to theft or diversion when in transit and envisages a scenario in
which terrorists attempt to interdict SNF casks in transit. His analysis suggests that
terrorists would have to attack SNF casks with one of twelve antitank missiles that
are capable of penetrating 12 to 20 inches of armor in order to penetrate the
containment system used in SNF transportation casks. 90 Such an attack would
cause complete perforation and release more than one percent of cask contents.
91
Such a scenario is conceivable in contemporary Pakistan given the availability of
various antitank missiles and extremist groups' employment of tactics such as
suicide and truck bombing. 92 Terrorists could also capture the transportation cask
and breach its containment system via the application of explosives that could
transform the cask into an RDD. 93 However, it is unclear how much SNF is
transported within Pakistan and which sites/facilities are involved. This suggests
that Pakistan's planned expansion of its nuclear power capacity combined with the
existence of large and well-armed Islamist groups, some of whom may have a desire
to obtain fissile material, and potentially inexperienced nuclear reactor personnel
all point to the possibility that future nuclear material diversion attempts might be
successful. 94
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Pakistan appears to have robust security measures in place to moderate the threats posed by
external assault. Pakistans nuclear weapons are believed to be scattered and
disassembled. Reports indicate that the weapons are stored at up to six locations and are likely buried in deep
underground facilities in order to prevent their destruction or seizure during an attack on the facility.40 Analysts
believe that the weapons are stored in component form in separate buildings or facilities, thus
necessitating multiple operations to seize control of a complete nuclear weapon.41 The SPDs official position is that
if the
weapons are stored in component form, this measure might make the theft of a
fissile nuclear core easier if its location within the facility is known and can be
accessed.42 This indicates that Pakistans nuclear security is principally designed to
safeguard against an attack by states, such as India, and not by extremist or rogue
forces interested in obtaining nuclear components rather than a full-scale, strategic nuclear device.
the weapons will be ready when needed but will not be on hair trigger alert. It should be noted that
Another tool that Pakistani forces utilize to safeguard their nuclear weapons is the
secrecy of the program itself. The location of nuclear weapons sites and other critical aspects of the
program are kept secret, and transport of nuclear components and materials is generally conducted clandestinely
and avoids highly visible security measures.48 This approach offers both strengths and weaknesses for countering
external attacks from extremist forces. The secrecy of the location of nuclear components limits the ability of
extremists because they will not know where to look for the weapons without insider assistance. Ideally, not only
will outsiders not know precisely which facilities house nuclear components, but they also will not know where to
look within those facilities for the components in question.49 However,
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Uranium is toxic and radioactive. Uranium is hard to machine, and many of the machine tools needed
for complex mechanical processes such as making neutron reflectors are subject to export controls.
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and punishment if they were motivated by monetary or other considerations that did not include a desire for
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more plausible than possible detection and punishment by their victims . Although
potential targets would be wise to claim the capability to identify these intermediaries, their detection would
probably require exquisite human, signals, or other intelligence to supplement the information acquired through
nuclear forensics.
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incite retaliation. Terrorists have used the collateral damage caused by retaliatory
efforts to foment more support for their organization or broader cause. In total, the deck is
stacked against deterrence playing a significant role in U.S. counterterrorism policy.
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terrorists, states have various legitimate options for engaging a supplier country
including official diplomatic ties, open contacts with officials, scientists and so on. In
the case of Iran, a cozy nuclear relationship with Russia, epitomized by, but not
limited to, the construction of a 1,000 MW nuclear power plant at Busehr is a
continuing source of proliferation concern. Some U.S. officials believe that Iran could
leverage the relationship to expand contacts with Russias nuclear entities and to
acquire information and materials directly applicable to a nuclear weapons program.
For Iran, the chances of pulling off a clandestine procurement effort for nuclear
wares seem much higher than for an internationally proscribed group such as Al
Qaeda.
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that new security precautions had tamped down the nuclear black market that
developed in the 1990s . . . However, in both of the above cases, there is a strong
likelihood that the material leaked out years earlier, before the safeguards were
fully in place, and then stashed while the perpetrators looked for a buyer
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Matthew Bunn is a senior research associate at the Project on Managing the Atom in
the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University's John F.
Kennedy School of Government, ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL
& SOCIAL SCIENCE, September 2006, p. 136-7
Plutonium separation is effected by chemical means, which is possible because
plutonium displays different chemical behavior than the other elements with which
it is mixed. Because the separation process can be chemical rather than based on
isotopic masses, it is technically easier, in principle, than uranium enrichment. But
the process is made greatly more difficult by the intense radiation emanating from
the commingled fission products. This intense radioactivity makes it extremely
difficult to fix problems with reprocessing plants as they arise (a problem that has
led some commercial plants even in advanced nuclear states to close soon after
they opened, such as the U.S. West Valley facility and the Windscale reprocessing
facility in the United Kingdom). In short, producing either HEU or plutonium is a technically
daunting enterprise. It is extremely unlikely that a subnational terrorist group would be able to make its
own nuclear bomb material. The U.S. Department of Defense (1998, II-V-60) has stated
that "90 percent of the overall difficulty in making a nuclear weapon lies in the production of special
nuclear material," noting that more than 90 percent of the Manhattan Project budget
supported material production. Given these underlying physical realities, it is virtually
inconceivable that a terrorist group would be able to produce separated plutonium or HEU on its own.
The terrorists' main path to the bomb is getting the essential ingredients of nuclear weapons (or a
nuclear weapon itself) after they have already been produced by a state. A state could transfer
nuclear weapons or materials to a terrorist group deliberately, but this is unlikely
given the potential for retaliation if it were traced back to the program of origin.
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these cases involved very small quantities.21 Another source lists only one known
incident involving a substantial quantity of HEU, a 1994 case in Prague involving
Czech, Slovak and Russian nationals.22 Says one analyst, if you add up all the
reported attempts to sell highly enriched uranium or plutonium, even including
those that have the scent of security-agency hype and those where the material
was of uncertain quality, the total amount of material still falls short of what a
bomb-maker would need to construct a single explosive.23 But, he acknowledges,
that does not account for the undetected cases of theft.24 A separate danger, not
covered by this brief, is from radiological dispersion devices, which would inflict only
a handful of fatalities but could sow terror. More than one terrorist group has
seriously considered such an attack, and in another instance Chechen rebels placed
a radiological source in a public park and then alerted reporters, to demonstrate
their capability.25
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Bioterrorism
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Bioterror Risks
Bioterror risks increasing
Bruce Jones, 2014, Bruce Jones is a senior fellow and the director of the Project on International
Order and Strategy at Brookings and a consulting professor at the Freeman Spogli Institute at Stanford
University, 2014 Still Ours to Lead: America, Rising Powers, and the Tension Between Rivalry and
Restraint, Kindle Edition
With 9/ 11 we saw the capacity of a well-organized, global terrorist organization to
challenge the basic structures of international order and the security of the world's
superpower. The ability of terrorist organizations to disrupt international networks
and flows continues to be a serious threat to the global economy and to various
states security. But what most worries me is the growing capacity of individuals,
individual scientists, and even the lone terrorist to manipulate with increasing
sophistication and increasing access to technology our biological future. As the
scientific capacity to manipulate DNA shifts from being the terrain of highly
specialized government programs to being the terrain of common university-level
research, so the risks of accidental release of deadly biological material will grow, as
will the prospects for terrorist use of biological material. Jones, Bruce (2014-03-17).
Still Ours to Lead: America, Rising Powers, and the Tension between Rivalry and
Restraint (Kindle Locations 3255-3262). Brookings Institution Press. Kindle Edition.
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Billions Die
Bioterrorism Kills Billions
Alexander 07 (Timothy, M.A. in European Studies, Former Scottish Editor of Burkes Peerage, B.Sc. in Pol. Sc.
& History; October 22nd, War On Iran = You Die from Biowar, Op Ed News, Lord Stirling,
http://www.opednews.com/articles/genera_lord_sti_071020_war_on_iran__3d_you_di.htm)
We have been conditioned, by seeing films of mushroom clouds and images of nuclear destruction in Japan at the end of WWII, to
understanding of the horrific effects of a nuclear war. We have NOT been conditioned to
biological war. The kill numbers are very similar,
just with biowar you don't get the "big bangs", the mushroom clouds, the nuclear bombers, the
ICBMs, etc. Just sub-microscopic genetically engineered super killer viruses that we have
absolutely no defense against, delivered in secret, with a slow horrifying
unstoppable migration through the global human population . All the fear of a naturally mutated
form of "bird flu" that might kill tens of millions is simply "child's play" compared to multiple designer military viruses that
are built to kill in the many hundreds of millions to billions of people globally. It costs approximately US$1
have some
million to kill one person with nuclear weapons-of-mass destruction but only approximately US$1 to kill one person with biological
weapons-of-mass destruction. Bioweapons are truly the "poor man's nukes". The Iranians are known to have a biological weapons
program and they, and their allies, certainly have the means to deliver biowar agents into the Israeli and European and North
American homelands. Bioweapons do not have to be dispersed via missiles or bombs, they are perfect for non-traditional normally
non-military delivery systems. Being very small (there are, for example, typically approximately 40 million bacterial cells in every
gram of soil and massively more viruses in the same gram), they lend themselves to an enormous variety of non-detectable
methodologies for delivery and use in war, both regionally and globally. What is being missed here, with all the talk of Iran
developing nuclear weapons or not (depending on one's viewpoint), is that Iran is already a state that possesses WMD. HELLO, ANY
WAR WITH IRAN IS HIGHLY APT TO INVOLVE LARGE SCALE DEATHS THROUGHOUT THE WORLD DUE TO THE NATURE OF THE IRANIAN
WMD THREAT. Hello again, this means that YOU...the person reading this...is apt to die from biowar in event of a war with Iran! We
are in a MAD....mutually assured destruction....pre-war state with Iran, just as we are with Russia and and to a lessor extent with
China when it comes to nuclear weapons. A famous line from the movie "Wargames" (referring to engaging in nuclear war and the
odds of "winning" such a war) is "the only winning move is not to play". Sad to say, this does not seem to have any bearing on the
of green radioactive glass devoid of all life. With advanced biowar agents, it is not the quantity that counts but the quality; humans
themselves become the vectors and delivery systems of the bioweapons. It does not require large amounts of weapons running into
the millions or billions of tons of high explosives; nor does it require ICBMs and cruise missiles and $100 million dollar warplanes to
deliver the bioweapons. A very small group of human assets, prepositioned with small amounts of easily hidden biowar weapons
(submicroscopic viruses), in the Middle East, Europe, Canada, and America can begin the process that will result in the deaths of
is estimated to have killed between a third and two-thirds of Europe's population after it spread to Europe in 1347 from South-
western/Central Asia. Yersinia pestis, being a bacteria is massive when compared to a virus, and
antibiotics. However, the Soviet Union's Biopreparat organization
Century
bioweapon.
advanced
high
school
or early undergraduate college level biology class student could undertake , and the resulting
antibiotic resistant Y. pestis was bred and loaded into a small number of Soviet ICBMs aimed at America. The resistant Y. pestis had
bacteria is, it remains "child's play" compared to the more advanced recombination DNA technology used in most biowar programs.
This typically involves the recombining of viral DNA into new virus, "designer virus". The Soviets, years ago, engineered a new virus
that combined elements of Smallpox and Ebola. With the genetic engineering of viruses those doing the "designing" can engineer
into the virus a wide number of different characteristics. For instance, an advanced hemorrhagic fever can be designed to be:
airborne (capable of being transmitted via sneezing), with a very small amount of viral material required to infect a human host,
with a incubation period of 14 days or longer, with most of the incubation period that is both highly contagious and at best looks like
a mild version of the common cold, with the resulting hemorrhagic fever having a mortality of 90% or more. The same technology
can be used to create a large number of different viruses which can all be released on a target population at the same time, vastly
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complicating detection and containment and treatment programs. In fact the normal research and development process used in
genetic engineering results in a large number of different new viruses. Those nations not directly involved in a strike upon Iran, that
is most of the rest of the world, will nevertheless face massive deaths within their nations...they will lose more of their citizens to the
war, that we are about to unleash, than they lost in World War II and ALL THE OTHER WARS IN HISTORY COMBINED. Needless to say,
The global
military, political, economic, and medical chaos resulting from global biowar will make
the use of nuclear weapons a likely outcome as America, the United Kingdom,
France and other nations starting the war will be seen as out-of-control "mad dogs" who have unleashed
World War III. The Book of Revelations speaks of one-third of the world dying, in the Final Battle, from plague ....biowar; and
this will have a profound effect on their actions towards those nations who have started the mess in the first place.
another one-third of the world dying from "wormwood"....which we now know to be nuclear war effects ...Chernobyl, which comes
from the Ukrainian word "chornobyl", translates into wormwood (or its close relative mugwort). (Chernobyl is the site of a massive
uncontrolled nuclear meltdown disaster in the Ukraine on the 26th of April 1986). We are in a period of extreme danger to us all.
Even more dangerous than the Cuban Missile Crisis of the 60s. Yet far too many people are so uneducated as to the real dangers
from advanced Twenty-first Century biowar that they are totally blind to the profound risk to their own lives.
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cause any casualties and went unrecognized at the time for what they were, until
the later sarin attack clued in the authorities.2 had the group been a bit more
competent, things could have turned out far worse.
one 2003 study found that an airborne release of one kilogram of an anthrax-sporecontaining aerosol in a city the size of new york would result in 1.5 million infections and 123,000 to 660,000 fatalities, depending on the effectiveness of the public
health response.3 a 1993 U.s. government analysis determined that 100
kilograms of weaponized anthrax, if sprayed from an airplane upwind of
Washington, d.c., would kill between 130,000 and three million people.
Because anthrax spores remain viable in the environment for more than
30 years,1 portions of a city blanketed by an anthrax cloud might have to
be abandoned for years while extensive cleaning was done. Producing
enough anthrax to kill 100,000 americans is far easier
to doand far harder to detectthan is constructing a nuclear bomb of
comparable lethality. anthrax, moreover, is rather benign as biological weap- ons
go. The pathogen is reasonably well understood, having been studied in one form or
another in biowarfare circles for more than 50 years. natural strains of the
bacterium are partially treatable with long courses of common antibiotics such as
ciprofloxacin if the medication is taken sufficiently quickly, and vaccination soon
after exposure seems to reduce mortality further.5 But bioengineered anthrax
that is resistant to both antibiotics and vaccines is known to have been
produced in both soviet and american bioweapons laboratories. in 1997, a
group of russian scientists even openly published the recipe for one of these
superlethal strains in a scientific journal.6
in addition, numerous other agents are similar to an- thrax in that they are highly
lethal but not contagious. The lack of contagion means that an attacker must
administer the pathogen to the people he wishes to infect. in a mili- tary context,
this quality is generally seen as a good thing because the resulting disease can be
contained in a specific area. Thus, the weapon can be directed at a well-defined
target, and with luck, little collateral damage will result.
Unfortunately, many biological agents are communicable and so can spread
beyond the people initially infected to affect the entire population.
infectious pathogens are inherently hard to control because there is
usually no reliable way to stop an epidemic once it starts. This property
makes such biological agents difficult to use as conven- tional weapons. a nation
that starts an epidemic may see it spread to the wrong countryor even to its own
people. indeed, one cannot target a small, well-defined population with a contagious
pathogen; by its nature, such a pathogen may infect the entire human race.
despite this rather severe drawback, both the soviet Union and the United states, as
well as imperial Japan, in- vestigated and produced contagious bioweapons. The
logic was that their use in a military conflict would be limited to last-ditch,
scorched earth campaigns, perhaps with a vac- cine available only to one side.
smallpox is the most famous example. it is highly con- tagious and spreads through
casual contact. smallpox was eradicated in the wild in 1977, but it still exists in both
U.s. and russian laboratories, according to official statements.7 Unofficial holdings
are harder to track, but a number of countries, including north Korea, are believed
to possess covert smallpox cultures.
Biological weapons were strictly regulated by inter- national treaty in 1972. The
United states and the soviet Union agreed not to develop such weapons and to
destroy
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existing stocks. The United states stopped its bioweapons work, but the russians
cheated and kept a huge program going into the 1990s, thereby producing
thousands of tons of weaponized anthrax, smallpox, and far more exotic bio- logical
weapons based on genetically engineered viruses. no one can be certain how far
either the germs or the knowl- edge has spread since the collapse of the soviet
Union.
experts estimate that a large-scale, coordinated smallpox attack on the United
states might kill 55,000 to 110,000 people, assuming that sufficient vaccine is available to contain the epidemic and that the vaccine works.8, 9 The death toll may be
far higher if the smallpox strain has been engineered to be vaccine-resistant or to
have en- hanced virulence. moreover, a smallpox attack on the United states
could easily broaden into a global pandemic, despite the U.s. stockpile of at
least 300 million doses of vaccine. all it would take is for one infected person
to leave the country and travel elsewhere. if new york city were attacked
with smallpox, infections would most likely appear on every contine nt,
except perhaps antarctica, within two weeks. once these beachheads were
established, the epidemic would spread almost without check because the
vaccine in world stockpiles and the infrastructure to distribute it would be
insufficient. That is particularly true in the devel- oping world, which is ill equipped
to handle their current disease burden to say nothing of a return of smallpox. even if
only 50,000 people were killed in the United states, a million or more would
probably die worldwide before the disease could be contained, and containment
would prob- ably require many years of effort. as horrible as this would be, such a
pandemic is byno means the worst attack one can imagine, for several reasons.
First, most of the classic bioweapons are basedon 1960s and 1970s technology
because the 1972 treaty halted bioweapons development efforts in the United
states and most other Western countries. second, the rus- sians, although solidly
committed to biological weapons long after the treaty deadline, were never on the
cutting edge of biological research. Third and most important, the science and
technology of molecular biology have made enormous advances, utterly
transforming the field in the last few decades. high school biology students routinely
perform molecular-biology manipulations that would have been impossible even for
the best superpower-funded pro- gram back in the heyday of biological-weapons
research. The biowarfare methods of the 1960s and 1970s are now as antiquated as
the lumbering mainframe computers of that era. tomorrows terrorists will have
vastly more deadly bugs to choose from.consider this sobering development: in
2001, aus- tralian researchers working on mousepox, a nonlethal virus that infects
mice (as chickenpox does in humans), accidentally discovered that a simple genetic
modifica- tion transformed the virus.10, 11 instead of producing mild symptoms, the
new virus killed 60% of even those mice already immune to the naturally occurring
strains of mousepox. The new virus, moreover, was unaffected by any existing
vaccine or antiviral drug. a team of researchers at saint louis University led by mark
Buller picked up on that work and, by late 2003, found a way to improve on it:
Bullers variation on mousepox was 100% lethal, although his team of investigators
also devised combination vaccine and antiviral therapies that were partially
effective in protecting animals from the engineered strain.12, 13 another saving
grace is that the genetically altered virus is no longer contagious. of course, it is
quite possible that future tinkering with the virus will change that property, too.
strong reasons exist to believe that the genetic modi- fications Buller made to
mousepox would work for other poxviruses and possibly for other classes of viruses
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as well. might the same techniques allow chickenpox or another poxvirus that
infects humans to be turned into a 100% le- thal bioweapon, perhaps one that is
resistant to any known antiviral therapy? ive asked this question of experts many
times, and no one has yet replied that such a manipulation couldnt be done. This
case is just one example. many more are pour- ing out of scientific journals and
conferences every year. Just last year, the journal Nature published a controversial
study done at the University of Wisconsinmadison in which virologists enumerated
the changes one would need to make to a highly lethal strain of bird flu to make it
easily transmitted from one mammal to another. Biotechnology is advancing so
rapidly that it is hard to keep track of all the new potential threats. nor is it clear
that anyone is even trying. in addition to lethality and drug resistance, many other
parameters can be played with, given that the infectious power of an epidemic
depends on many properties, including the length of the latency period during
which a person is contagious but asymptomatic. delaying the onset of serious
symptoms allows each new case to spread to more people and thus makes the virus
harder to stop. This dynamic is perhaps best illustrated by hiv, which is very difficult
to transmit compared with smallpox and many other viruses. intimate contact is
needed, and even then, the infection rate is low. The balancing factor is that hiv can
take years to progress to aids, which can then take many more years to kill the
victim. What makes hiv so dangerous is that infected people have lots of opportunities to infect others. This property has allowed hiv to claim more than 30 million
lives so far, and approximately 34 million people are now living with this virus and
facing a highly uncertain future. a virus genetically engineered to infect its host
quickly, to generate symptoms slowlysay, only after weeks or monthsand to
spread easily through the air or by casual contact would be vastly more devastating
than hiv. it could silently penetrate the population to unleash its dead- ly effects
suddenly. This type of epidemic would be almost impossible to combat because
most of the infections would occur before the epidemic became obvious. a
technologically sophisticated terrorist group could develop such a virus
and kill a large part of humanity with it. indeed, terrorists may not have to
develop it themselves: some scientist may do so first and publish the details. given
the rate at which biologists are making discover-ies about viruses and the immune
system, at some point in the near future, someone may create artificial
pathogens that could drive the human race to extinction. indeed, a detailed
species-elimination plan of this nature was openly proposed in a scientific journal.
The ostensible purpose of that particular research was to suggest a way to extirpate
the malaria mosquito, but similar techniques could be directed toward humans.16
When ive talked to molecular biologists about this meth- od, they are quick to point
out that it is slow and easily detectable and could be fought with biotech remedies.
if you challenge them to come up with improvements to the suggested attack plan,
however, they have plenty of ideas. modern biotechnology will soon be
capable, if it is not already, of bringing about the demise of the human
race or at least of killing a sufficient number of people to end high-tech
civilization and set humanity back 1,000 years or more. That terrorist groups
could achieve this level of tech- nological sophistication may seem far-fetched, but
keep in mind that it takes only a handful of individuals to accom- plish these
tasks. never has lethal power of this potency been accessible to so few, so
easily. even more dramatically than nuclear proliferation, modern biological
science has frighteningly undermined the correlation between the le- thality of a
weapon and its cost, a fundamentally stabilizing mechanism throughout history.
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(Senior Fellow @ the Brookings Institution, 97 (John, Foreign Policy, 12/22, Lexis)
More than 70 years later, revulsion persists and the Geneva Protocol has been strengthened, but the sense of threat
of biological warfare has intensified. It is widely recognized that, as potential instruments of destruction,
agents, the predominant drawback is that they would not act swiftly or decisively enough to be an effective
weapon. But for a few pathogens - ones most likely to have a decisive effect and therefore the ones most likely to
A lethal pathogen
that could efficiently spread from one victim to another would be capable
of initiating an intensifying cascade of disease that might ultimately
threaten the entire world population. The 1918 influenza epidemic demonstrated the potential
be contemplated for deliberately hostile use - the risk runs in the other direction.
for a global contagion of this sort but not necessarily its outer limit.
Stefan Bauschard
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Of all the weapons of mass destruction, the genetically engineered biological weapons, many without a known cure
or vaccine, are an extreme danger to the continued survival of life on earth. Any perceived military value or
deterrence pales in comparison to the great risk these weapons pose just sitting in vials in laboratories. While a
"nuclear winter," resulting from a massive exchange of nuclear weapons, could also kill off most of life on earth and
severely compromise the health of future generations, they are easier to control. Biological weapons, on the other
hand, can get out of control very easily, as the recent anthrax attacks has demonstrated. There is no way to
guarantee the security of these doomsday weapons because very tiny amounts can be stolen or accidentally
released and then grow or be grown to horrendous proportions. The Black Death of the Middle Ages would be small
in comparison to the potential damage bioweapons could cause. Abolition of chemical weapons is less of a priority
because, while they can also kill millions of people outright, their persistence in the environment would be less than
nuclear or biological agents or more localized. Hence, chemical weapons would have a lesser effect on future
generations of innocent people and the natural environment. Like the Holocaust, once a localized chemical
extermination is over, it is over. With nuclear and biological weapons, the killing will probably never end.
Radioactive elements last tens of thousands of years and will keep causing cancers virtually forever. Potentially
worse than that, bio-engineered agents by the hundreds with no known cure could wreck
even greater calamity on the human race than could persistent radiation. AIDS and ebola
viruses are just a small example of recently emerging plagues with no known cure or
vaccine. Can we imagine hundreds of such plagues? HUMAN EXTINCTION IS NOW
POSSIBLE.
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at generic defense
Diffusion of technological knowledge means their evidence doesnt apply.
Tucker 08 (3/26, Jonathan, PhD in political science, BS in biology, manages the
Biosecurity Education Project at the Federation of American Scientists, former
founding director of the Chemical and Biological Weapons Nonproliferation Program
at the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, The bioweapons threat is
broader and closer than commonly thought,
These remarkable achievements have resulted in a shift from materials-based risks
to knowledge-based risks. High-throughput synthesizers can rapidly convert a DNA
sequence stored in computer memory into the physical reality of a pathogenic gene
or an infectious virus. Moreover, companies that synthesize custom pieces of DNA to order for corporate or
scientific clients are springing up around the world, even in cities such as Beijing, Mumbai, and Tehran. Some of
these firms, called "gene foundries," are capable of making gene-length DNA strands that can be ordered over the
attracts established researchers, graduate students, and even undergraduates. For example, MIT sponsors an
annual International Genetically Engineered Machines competition in which student teams manipulate advanced
genetic components and technologies. This event has grown from five teams in 2004 to 54 teams (750 students)
from 19 countries in 2007.
Stefan Bauschard
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Danzig 09
(2009, Richard, PhD, JD, director of the Center for a New American Security, member of the
Defense Policy Board and the Presidents Intelligence Advisory Board, A Policymakers Guide to Bioterrorism and
What to Do About It, https://gfbr.virtualbiosecuritycenter.org/resource_docs/Danzig+-+2010++A+Policymaker's+Guide+to+Bioterrorism.pdf)
The recent revolution in biotechnology has proliferated, and predictably will continue to
proliferate knowledge, skills, and equipment that can be applied to develop and use
biological weapons.
Just as the invention of the semiconductor at midcentury enabled an information
revolution over the last quarter of the 20th century, so have advances in biotechnology in
recent decades initiated a revolution in biological sciences . An observation made by a task
3.
force of the Defense Science Board 7 years ago is even more emphatically the case today:
There is no area of science that is developing more rapidly than modern biology , and
no area of technology developing more rapidly than modern medicine. . . . This understanding can, unfortunately,
The
existing capabilities in biological weapons pose a very large threat to the [United
States]. . . . Advanced, optimized biological weapons could be catastrophically
effective.14
Concepts derived from the discovery of the structure and sequencing of DNA and
related genetic materials have deepened understanding and led to new
technologies and techniques (particularly polymerase chain reaction and synthesis). These have been
be applied, with only a modest shift of emphasis, to causing disease and thwarting medical treatment. . . .
supplemented by improvements in well-established practices (for example, fermentation and the distribution of
served as the basis for much of at least U.S. policy toward balancing scientific openness and controls on research
(even at the high school level, but especially in college programs and graduate schools) and industries (including
factors bring a general capability to obtain and proliferate pathogens into the hands of millions of people. As a
respected scientist recently summarized the situation:
anyone with a high school education can use widely available protocols and
prepackaged kits to modify the sequence of a gene or replace genes within a
microorganism; one can also purchase small, disposable, self-contained bioreactors
for propagating viruses and microorganisms. Such advances continue to lower
the barriers to biologic-weapons development. 16
Today,
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at no availability
Tons of easy paths to getting pathogens.
Danzig 09 (2009, Richard, PhD, JD, director of the Center for a New American Security, member of the
Defense Policy Board and the Presidents Intelligence Advisory Board, A Policymakers Guide to Bioterrorism and
What to Do About It, https://gfbr.virtualbiosecuritycenter.org/resource_docs/Danzig+-+2010++A+Policymaker's+Guide+to+Bioterrorism.pdf)
create it by either modifying another pathogen or synthesizing it from its obtainable components.
Harvesting. Over 1,000 pathogens that exist in nature are inimical to man. Many of
these can be harvested from the soil, air, or the bodies of infected animals or people. Scores of
these can be cultured using well-established methods. It is as though
enriched uranium could be distilled from soil, or as though we were attempting gun
control when guns grew on trees .
Ordering. Culture libraries have also made pathogens more easily accessible. Controls
on access to particularly virulent pathogens tightened in the United States and abroad after the 2001 anthrax letter
attacks, but these controls vary between nations,11 and a large number of samples have already been dispersed.
Research on vaccines and drugs, combined with requirements for education and
training, have resulted in tens of thousands of pathogens being present in
laboratories throughout the world.12
Creating. The new biology has facilitated the creation of viruses and bacteria from
material that can be transferred from other organisms or be synthesized from
snippets purchased from commercial providers.13
Naturally occuring sources, theft from labs, and open source technical
literature.
Hellmich and Redig 07 (2007, Christina, PhD, Reader in International Relations
and Middle East Studies, and Amanda, MD, PhD, Clinical Fellow in Medicine, Harvard
Catalyst Clinical and Translational Science Center, The Question is When: The
Ideology of Al Qaeda and the Reality of Bioterrorism, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
Volume 30, Issue 5, 2007)
naturally occurring epidemics that makes the threat of
engineered epidemics so troubling. In many parts of the world, diseases that would
make ideal bioweapons still infect and kill people on a regular basis; the organisms
behind the disease can thus rightly be considered publicly accessible . Anthrax can occasionally be
Moreover, it is precisely the concern over
found in domesticated cattle and wild deer, hemorrhagic fevers can be documented in parts of Africa, and plague
bacteria infect wild rodents in parts of the United States (including many of the squirrels at the Grand Canyon,
which, it should be noted, are so used to people that they routinely approach tourists and beg for food). 60 More
recently, H5N1 avian flu was documented as the cause of death of three Turkish children and has even been
isolated from a dead bird in one of the most geographically remote regions of Europe, the Kingdom of Fife in eastern
Scotland. 61 And, in what is no small irony, the small fishing town of Cellardyke in which the dead swan was found
is a mere 7 miles from the town of St. Andrews and the Center for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence.
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research at its most polarized. Unintentionally, the desire to prevent viruses such as SARS or
avian flu from becoming a global pandemic has created a situation in which a great deal of
technical information about such deadly organisms has become public access . By its
very nature, scientific investigation requires openness and the exchange of information. Yet as with anything else,
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at no dispersal
Yes dispersal human carriers.
Hellmich and Redig 07 (2007, Christina, PhD, Reader in International Relations
and Middle East Studies, and Amanda, MD, PhD, Clinical Fellow in Medicine, Harvard
Catalyst Clinical and Translational Science Center, The Question is When: The
Ideology of Al Qaeda and the Reality of Bioterrorism, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
Volume 30, Issue 5, 2007)
there is no
reason to think that Al Qaeda operatives themselves could not become , in what would be
the ultimate permutation of a suicide attack, mobile carriers of disease . The deliberate spread of
disease as a tool of warfare is not without historical precedent ; records indicate that the fourteenth
Furthermore, even without the risk of exposed civilians exacerbating an act of bioterrorism,
century plague epidemic may have gained a foothold in the European continent following the 1346 siege of Caffa in
which Mongol invaders catapulted corpses of their own soldiers who had died of the plague into the city in a crude
international airports began requiring thermal scans of all passengers; those with a documented fever were not
permitted to fly. 59
However, such precautions are not routine nor do they possess the required sensitivity and specificity to exclude
passengers harboring a potentially deadly infection in their bodies or carry-on luggage from boarding an aircraft.
Not all contagious diseases present with a fever, and the infectious prodrome of many diseases is
actually noteworthy for its absence of symptoms. In addition, security checkpoint screening focuses
so heavily on the detection of conventional weapons and explosive devices that a
biological weapon would almost certainly slip through undetected . An infected
passenger would not be detected by current screening tools, and a collection of spores or
microbes designed for in-air release is several orders of magnitude smaller than a more conventional weapon. The
range of hiding places on a person or in carry-on luggage is endless, and even if chemical
scans did detect the potential signature of a laboratory chemical, without visual identification of an obvious weapon
the passenger in question would most likely be cleared to continue boarding. Finally, as the aftermath of 11
September demonstrates, terrorists with a calling card of multiple, simultaneous attacks are very, very difficult to
foil completely.
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motive generic
Weapon of choice for international terrorism toxic, easy to spread, and
undetectable.
Roul 09 (Apr. 2009, Animeesh, co-founder and Executive Director (Research) of
the Society for the Study of Peace and Conflict, New Delhi, Mphil, School of
International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, Is Bioterrorism
Threat Credible? Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses, CBW Magazine,
http://www.idsa.in/cbwmagazine/IsBioterrorismThreatCredible_aroul_0408)
Much water has been passed since the anthrax scare which had taken its limited toll against the most powerful
country on earth immediately after the events of 9/11 terrorists events in the US. Though limited in its spread,
experts have concluded that the worst situation would arise mainly due excessive
human interference in the natural process of life . A substantial part of the threat
also constitutes the malign use of naturally occurring organisms (biological agents) by
mankind in general and terrorists in particular. There are many factors that attract a
terrorist group towards biological weapons and biological weapons attack. Most
important is their toxicity. In addition, their un-detectability and capacity to reproduce
rapidly make biological weapons a weapon of choice for terror groups .
Biological Weapons Use: Real Time or Futuristic
The big question is whether the threat of biological weapon use is real
or a product of
fearful future thinking? Plausibly enough, we are passing though a time where innovation is the key to survive. But
as
far as terrorist groups are concerned, they not only wish to survive, but endeavor
to thrive with continuous innovation and improvisation. Trends show that terrorists in South Asia ,
particularly in India, have always improvised their tactics and methods , be it in suicide attacks,
serial blasts, handling improvised explosives using pressure cookers, hurling grenades recruiting unemployed
civilians or in choosing targets (temples, Mosques and busy market places).2 And if intelligence reports are to be
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motive al qaeda
Previous technical analyses ignore Al-Qaeda distorted islamic ideology
has been deployed to require bioweapons development organization
strength can overcome technical hurdles.
Hellmich and Redig 07 (2007, Christina, PhD, Reader in International Relations
and Middle East Studies, and Amanda, MD, PhD, Clinical Fellow in Medicine, Harvard
Catalyst Clinical and Translational Science Center, The Question is When: The
Ideology of Al Qaeda and the Reality of Bioterrorism, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
Volume 30, Issue 5, 2007)
In the light of the discussion thus far, it is all too evident that bin Laden's rhetoricwith its
simultaneous appeal to powerful imagery embedded in the collective consciousness of the Muslim community and
its juxtaposition of political goals with the teachings of the Quran inspires his
followers to commit
terrible acts of destruction while being fully convinced that they are fulfilling the ordained will of Allah. As
a terrorist organization, Al Qaeda has shown itself to be not simply considering but
rather actively involved in the preparation of an actual bioterror attack.
Consequently, counterterrorist measures must consider the threat of biological weapons from the perspective of
those who would commit such acts, not from the position of a community that considers them reprehensible. Put
bluntly, in order to stop them, everyone else must learn to think like the terrorists.
devastating attack on a United States Navy vessel in recent years was inflicted not by a rogue SAM but by a dinghy
carrying a basement pipe bomb. 29 The stocking feet of travelers at airports around the world are now on constant
display thanks to a bombing attempt that, although fortunately a failure, was averted not by successful airport
screening but rather by the aptly named shoe bomber's incompetence. 30 As just two examples of an internally
consistent modus operandi, the October 2000 attack on the U.S.S. Cole and Richard Reid's attempted American
Airlines suicide bombing in 2001 highlight the synergistic combination of destruction and creativity underlying Al
deoxyribonucleic acidDNAin 1953, resulting in a landmark Nature publication that forever changed the face of
hundreds of thousands of genes, including the human genome in its entirety. 32 The scientific achievements of the
biomedical life sciences from double helix to human genome are truly remarkable. However, as with information of
neither regulate the means by which it is acquired nor dictate the ends to which it is applied. In a flash of insight the
echoes of which have only grown louder in the decades since it was first uttered, Vaclav Havel pointedly reminds us
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destructive terrorist organization in human history will not seek to subvert one of the
most remarkable tools of modern science the tremendous power of molecular biology to achieve
their goals. Indeed, Al Qaeda's anthrax history indicates that they already have.
Earlier analyses of the threat of bioterrorism have identified the technical hurdles
involved with carrying out such an attackaccess to materials, developing a weapon, targeting,
transport, and deliveryand have concluded that such factors are responsible for
the lack of attempted, let alone successful, bioterror attacks. Although this conclusion may be
true as it applies to historically recognized terrorist organizations , it does not
adequately analyze, as the first half of this commentary has outlined, the inner logic of the
present-day terrorists most likely to pursue such methods. An evaluation of the
means behind a terrorist threat without preceding analysis of the decision-making paradigm of the terrorists is
dangerously misguided and must be considered invalid. Consequently, it is only following a detailed discussion of
the philosophical framework underlying Al Qaeda's decision-making process that this analysis turns to the technical
aspects of a strategic option the organization has already demonstrated an interest in pursuing: a biological
approach to political violence.
Investigations into a terror web forum suggest that around 45 (all Muslim) doctors planned a consorted Jihad
against the US.
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xt yes motive
Fits perfectly with al-qaeda strategic logic:
a) strong psychological after-effect
Hellmich and Redig 07 (2007, Christina, PhD, Reader in International Relations
and Middle East Studies, and Amanda, MD, PhD, Clinical Fellow in Medicine, Harvard
Catalyst Clinical and Translational Science Center, The Question is When: The
Ideology of Al Qaeda and the Reality of Bioterrorism, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
Volume 30, Issue 5, 2007)
The psychological advantages conferred to an organization such as Al Qaeda following the
successful use of any kind of biological or biohazardous weapon are immense. The secondary
goals of Al Qaeda attacks involve creating an environment of fear and vulnerability
among a large population. The widespread panic, terror, and horror felt by U.S.
citizens following the attacks on the Twin Towers were as much a goal of the terrorists as the actual destruction
of the buildings. The public panic, political fallout, and economic consequences likely to
ensue if even a portion of a major U.S. city was targeted with radioactive or biohazardous
waste are difficult to imagine. Under the best of circumstances, clean-up efforts could take days if not
weeks and the unpredictable behavior of civilians following evacuation or quarantine
efforts could easily create more casualties than an initial explosion.
b) use of public transportation
Hellmich and Redig 07 (2007, Christina, PhD, Reader in International Relations
and Middle East Studies, and Amanda, MD, PhD, Clinical Fellow in Medicine, Harvard
Catalyst Clinical and Translational Science Center, The Question is When: The
Ideology of Al Qaeda and the Reality of Bioterrorism, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
Volume 30, Issue 5, 2007)
a second feature of
many such terrorist attackspublic transportation as a targetis equally suited for
exploitation of biological agents used as weapons . Whether in a train, plane, or
subway system, public transportation by definition involves large numbers of people
in transit between geographically and temporally separated locations . The rapidity with
In addition to the documented frequency with which Al Qaeda attacks utilize explosives,
which it is possible to commute between suburbs and city center, city to city, or even across state and international
boundaries fuels modern commerce, but it also creates a situation previously manipulated by terrorists in which
large numbers of people are vulnerable to a well-placed weapon. Perhaps the most recognizable example of such a
phenomenon is not the threat of a manmade plague but rather the international concern raised first by SARS and
now by a strain of influenza known as H5N1: avian flu. 54 Why are these viruses of such great concern? The answer
lies in the mobility and globalization of society. It truly is possible for a businessman to unintentionally carry a virus
from the far reaches of Asia straight into the heart of Toronto in a matter of hours thanks to modern aviation. 55
Although not yet endemic in the human population, the inexorable march of avian flu in bird populations across the
Eurasian continent makes credible the speculation of a pandemic should the virus successfully cross the zoonotic
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remainder of this commentary to provide a missing piece of analysis in what has become a topic of international
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xt soviet anthrax
Got them from the damn Soviets.
Hellmich and Redig 07 (2007, Christina, PhD, Reader in International Relations
and Middle East Studies, and Amanda, MD, PhD, Clinical Fellow in Medicine, Harvard
Catalyst Clinical and Translational Science Center, The Question is When: The
Ideology of Al Qaeda and the Reality of Bioterrorism, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
Volume 30, Issue 5, 2007)
Although the ability to effectively weaponize a microbe such as anthrax, smallpox , or
Yersinia pestis is admittedly a challenge, it has already been accomplished by at least
one state entity, namely the former Soviet Union. 64 This raises concerns at two levels: in
the dissolution of an entire society, what happened to the reagent stocks
of bioweapons and what happened to the scientists who created them?
Ironically, the world was probably more secure from the threat of biowarfare during the
years in which some of the world's most talented molecular biologists were actively
creating superstrains of bacteria and determining how to effectively deliver them
than it is today. For even as research accelerated the development of extremely sophisticated bioweapons,
the political checks and constraints of a bipolar world made the likelihood of their eventual use very low. In addition,
the not inconsiderable resources of a superpower with an established Gulag and NKVD were fully deployed to
prevent the unauthorized use, transport, or discussion of such weapons.
the will to orchestrate them remain separated. Quite simply, the Western world can no longer assume that is the
case.
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A2: No Capability
No barriers diffusion of knowledge, lax security, and recruitment of
western scientists
Hellmich and Redig 07 (2007, Christina, PhD, Reader in International Relations
and Middle East Studies, and Amanda, MD, PhD, Clinical Fellow in Medicine, Harvard
Catalyst Clinical and Translational Science Center, The Question is When: The
Ideology of Al Qaeda and the Reality of Bioterrorism, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
Volume 30, Issue 5, 2007)
the large pool of individuals with laboratory access , the greatly decreased
technical obstacles for basic biology techniques, and the array of damaging organisms and
chemicals accessible in both medical and research facilities should be a matter of grave
concern for the counterterrorism community: each of these variables resembles a general factor
exploited for strategic gain by recent Al Qaeda operations. As has been previously discussed, it is often
touted that a truly successful bioterrorism attack has not yet occurred due to the
difficulties in orchestrating synergistic cooperation between scientists working in an underground
environment. What this argument overlooks is that Al Qaeda terrorists are often most
successful because they work from within the very community they target. The men who flew
Taken together,
the planes into the Twin Towers learned to fly not in jihad training camps but in the United States. Thus, it is quite possible that the
scientists
the pursuit of
styles among the principal investigators who head research laboratories, in the end as long as the members of their respective
laboratories are producing results, the precise details of who is in the lab at what hours doing what experiments is often not closely
scrutinized. As junior competitors on the tenure track, graduate students and post-doctoral fellows are almost required to work long
a 95 job, and a scientist who works long or unusual hours arouses absolutely no suspicion. Indeed, there is not a career life scientist
in the world who has not at least once (if not routinely) conducted an experiment that required laboratory hours when most other
people are asleep. Keys, pin numbers, swipe-cards, and 24-hour security are all instituted and managed to keep non-scientists out,
not to monitor the scientists who go in.
each unit; a busy lab will go through certain items in vast quantity, requiring a steady stream of new orders that is not considered
unusual. The cost of even the most basic supplies can be immensedisposable tissue-culture flasks for growing cells are used with
the frequency of plastic dinnerware yet cost over $1 eachand yearly accounts for even a moderate sized 10-person lab can be in
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the hundreds of thousands of dollars. 48 In addition, the independence of a research facility requires each scientist to take
responsibility for ensuring that he or she obtains the reagents necessary for his or her experiments. As long as the order in question
A
productive graduate student or post-doctoral fellow would be fully capable of
running a covert set of experiments using equipment belonging to a university and
reagents paid for from an advisor's grant money with no one being the wiser . Indeed,
the very things that might stand out as secretive behavior in another context odd
hours, an excessive amount of time spent at work, piles of papers and notes are considered the hallmarks of
scientific success and go completely unnoticed in the research community . The same
can be processed through a standard supplier, this often happens with only minor oversight of what is being ordered.
techniques, supplies, and even data of a legitimate research endeavor could be indistinguishable from those of a terrorist. The
unrecognized challenge facing the counterterrorist community is that there is no good reason to build a pipe bomb, but there are
thousands of good reasons to create genetically modified organisms, clone a gene, extract a protein, or culture microorganisms.
proposition indeed to assume that all of the tens of thousands of already-placed graduate students and junior scientists within
Western research facilities are immune to recruitment by a terrorist cell. If even a few such individuals are recruited, regardless of
how or why, Al Qaeda will have gained not only their intellectual and technical abilities but also access to the vast laboratory
unknown who or whom was responsible for the 2001 anthrax mailings, but the genetic profile of the bacterial strain used in the
attacks is certain: the Ames strain was first isolated in culture by an American lab. 51 Even if Al Qaeda was not the party responsible
for using it in an act of terrorism, the fact remains that someone else did and in the process reminded us all that such an act is
indeed possible.
Theyve had a really long time to develop it and are strongly motivated.
Hellmich and Redig 07 (2007, Christina, PhD, Reader in International Relations
and Middle East Studies, and Amanda, MD, PhD, Clinical Fellow in Medicine, Harvard
Catalyst Clinical and Translational Science Center, The Question is When: The
Ideology of Al Qaeda and the Reality of Bioterrorism, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
Volume 30, Issue 5, 2007)
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The very public death of a very large group of people is exactly the stated objective
of an Al Qaeda press release issued in July 2005. Beyond claiming responsibility for the London tube
bombings, this statement announced that at least 100,000 Americans would have to
die in retaliation for the war against Iraq . Even the simultaneous attacks of 11 September 2001
unambiguously the most successful Al Qaeda operation to datedid not come anywhere near such a catastrophic
Indeed, Al Qaeda is believed to have had anthraxor at least the organism itself in its unweaponized formsince
1997 when it was purchased by bin Laden through the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. 28 In early June 2003, a
Central Intelligence Agency report publicly disclosed that Mohammed Atta and Zacarias Moussaoui inquired about
crop dusters because they were considering using similar equipment to disperse biological agents such as anthrax.
An early September 2003 Newsweek article included a rumor by a Taliban source that at a meeting in April 2003,
bin Laden was planning an unbelievable biological attack, the plans for which had suffered a setback upon the
arrest of Khalid Shaikh Mohammed (KSM) the previous month in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. Furthermore, although there
are still no conclusive leads as to the identity of the person or persons responsible for the 2001 anthrax mailings,
the fact that a viable biological agent could be delivered courtesy of the United States Postal Service and cause
several fatalities in the process should be cause to take seriously the intentions of those with a stated interest in
such a strategy.
In the case of Al Qaeda, handwritten notes and files on a laptop seized upon the
capture of KSM included a feasible anthrax production plan using a spray dryer as
well as a plan to recruit those with the necessary technical expertise . What this data did
not reveal, however, was that five years earlier the CIA had seized a computer disk with
similar information from Ayman Zawahiri's right-hand operative , Ahmed Salama Mabruk.
This disk was confiscated following Mabruk's arrest by the CIA in Azerbaijan and was reportedly handed over to the
mailings, the fact that such an approach could be used at all stands as a proof-of-principle example for the
organization's bioterror ambitions. Hence, in order to adequately assess the threat posed by Al Qaeda's use of
bioterrorism, it is essential to carefully consider the true nature of the barrier presented by such technical
difficulties.
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A2: Authors
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Pluta, and I have thoroughly analyzed the flaws in that paper in our article
As with Mueller, Frost begins by setting up
technical straw men, requirements appropriate to national nuclear weapons
programs seeking safe, reliable, rugged and predictable nuclear weapons for use by a nation. For example,
Frost posits requirements for precision far in excess of those attainable in 1944-45
when the first nuclear weapons were designed and built. I provide a single example
here to illustrate the magnitude of the misconception: Frost suggests that the uranium core would
have to be fabricated using computer-guided machine tools with laser
interferometer(s) and require complex shapes machined to a tolerance of about 10-10 meters. This is
much smaller than a wavelength of light, and its clear that no such machine tools were
available in the years 1943-45 when the first nuclear weapons were built at Los Alamos.
Frosts arguments discounting nuclear terror as a significant risk do not
stand up to analysis.
colleague, Anna
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half of Russian nuclear fissile material storage sites were provided with some
security upgrade and as little as 26% received comprehensive security safeguards.12
only
form of
Similar concerns are expressed in the 2002 and 2004 National Intelligence Council (NIC) Annual Reports to Congress on the Safety
Frost also quotes from the 2002 NIC report: An unauthorised launch or accidental use of a Russian nuclear weapon is highly unlikely
as long as current technical and procedural safeguards built into the command and control system remain in place.15 This
statement refers to accidental use and hence appears out of place in a study of nuclear terrorism. The prevention of accidental use
does not preclude theft or sabotage.
Both NIC reports are critical of the condition of Russian safeguards . They acknowledge that
progress in securing the stockpile has been made but also emphasise that much remains to be done. As the 2004 report states:
Russia is upgrading its physical, procedural and technical measures to secure its weapons against both external
and internal threats, and Russia's nuclear security has been slowly but unevenly improving over the last
several years. Risks remain, however, and we continue to be concerned about vulnerabilities
to an insider who attempts unauthorised actions as well as potential terrorist
attacks.16
Lax safeguards and dire economic conditions , together with the growth of terrorism, have created
incentives for the theft of nuclear material . The fact that this has so far not resulted in
a nuclear terrorist attack does not, unfortunately, mean that it will not do so in the future .
High levels of criminalisation and corruption, combined with economic instability and the
presence of a large, inadequately secured nuclear complex , may make it relatively easy for
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Following a study of the closed city of Ozersk in the Chelyabinsk Oblast they found that a wide array
of criminal networks exists in the city and could be used by terrorists groups to obtain
nuclear material.18
As Shelley and Orttung point out, Chelyabinsk is on a major drug trafficking route , and drug dealers
inside the closed city have connections to Tajik drug groups, which in turn may be connected to terrorist organisations. Released
convicts living in Ozersk, as well as corrupt employees of the nuclear plant, may have both incentive and ability to sell nuclear
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-use exploding-bridgewire detonator instead (made of small amounts of gold and explosives like rdx which are
already used by terrorists)
-compressing dry powder material during ignition avoids a giant press needed to achieve critical density
-machining tools are available in university physics departments
preparation of design
drawings has been greatly simplified by modern computer-aided design software,
and detailed information on the characteristics of both uranium and plutonium can be readily obtained
and interpreted by a broad range of physical scientists and engineers.
propellants; some hydrodynamics; electrical circuitry and others.43 This is true enough, but the
Frost, quoting Mark, suggests that terrorists might opt to use plutonium or uranium compounds such as oxide or nitrate powders.
but
either highly enriched uranium oxide or plutonium oxide might be better choices.
Compressing a dry powder to form a critical mass is most readily done by surrounding the
powder with high explosive or designing a sort of gun in which the shock wave from
detonating explosive is used to compress the material directly . According to standard physics
The use of plutonium nitrate (PuNO3) is particularly attractive since it is the end product of reprocessing or spent fuel,
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There are remaining challenges to a group bent on designing and constructing its own nuclear device from
available nuclear explosive material. These include:
Rough casting and final forming of uranium or plutonium components is not trivial, as the materials involved are
pyrophoric (finely divided powders ignite spontaneously in air) and may harden enormously on a lathe or mill, so that cutting precise
shapes is difficult, and in the case of alpha-phase plutonium may even shatter when worked.
The forming of any tamper is difficult, but especially if it is made of either beryllium metal or tungsten carbide, for
which special tools and skills are needed.
The electronics needed to detonate an implosion weapon of classical design must deliver high current pulses of nearidentical size to many detonators simultaneously.
But all of these problems, and many more, have solutions rooted in 1945 technology and
techniques. There is prima facie evidence that, given nuclear explosive material, there are no
insurmountable, nor even particularly high, barriers to a well-financed sub-national group
constructing a nuclear weapon . We estimate that such a project will take from
60 days (for a uranium gun) to about a year (for an implosion device) from start of
construction to completion.
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successfully implement a nuclear attack and then discusses the panoply of means available to preclude that outcome. Although many of the challenges and preventive measures have
been discussed in much greater depth elsewhere, Levis study adopts a systems analysis perspective to demonstrate the power of an integrated, multilayered defense.
Underlying Levis concept of defense as a system is the premise that, in order for a defense against nuclear terrorism to be effective, it only needs to succeed at one stage in the terrorist
chain of events. In contrast, the terrorist must successfully complete each step in the plot to acquire fissile material or an intact nuclear explosive, fabricate a nuclear weapon, deliver
provides insights and potential tools for increasing the odds of terrorist failure. This perspective, in turn, suggests the importance of understanding both terrorist capabilities and their
attitudes toward risk and failure.
Levis work, like most analyses of nuclear terrorism, does not delve very deeply into terrorist motivations. Yet,
it does highlight the intriguing finding by several analysts that many terrorist organizations, including al Qaeda, appear to be tactically conservative and risk averse from an operational
standpoint; they may be very willing to risk their lives, but not in futile operations. This tendency may not dissuade a terrorist organization from embarking on the very challenging tasks
of devising and implementing a nuclear strike, but it suggests a number of opportunities for exerting countervailing pressures that may reinforce their cautionary inclinations and steer
them away for the pursuit of high-consequence but low-probability acts.
In reviewing the various barriers in the path of a would-be nuclear terrorist, Levi correctly identifies state
stockpiles of fissile material as the gateways to nuclear terrorism and emphasizes the importance of security at the source. As
Graham Allison famously observed, [N]o nuclear material, no nuclear bomb.[2] Unfortunately, the world currently is awash in
fissile material, including about 500 metric tons of separated plutonium and more
than 1,700 tons of highly enriched uranium (HEU), enough for tens of thousands of nuclear
weapons.[3] Although the overwhelming majority of this amount resides in the United States
and Russia, more than a dozen states are estimated to possess at least 25
kilograms of HEU, the minimum quantity needed for a nuclear weapon, according to the
International Atomic Energy Agency.[4]
In Search of a Nuclear Fort Knox
A number of approaches have been employed with varying degrees of success in order to secure nuclear weapons-usable material at the source. They include materials protection,
control, and accounting (MPC&A). Although Levi does not dispute the desirability of providing the same degree of MPC&A for nuclear material as gold is afforded at Fort Knox, he
observes a number of difficulties in achieving a gold security standard for nuclear material. One problem pertains to the fact that although the precise amount of gold in storage is
known, there is no reliable figure for the amount of global stocks of HEU and plutonium. Indeed, physical inventories have never been conducted in some countries. In addition, although
the movement of gold from Fort Knox is very limited (only very small quantities are reportedly ever removed, for purposes of testing its purity), significant quantities of HEU and
plutonium are on the move frequently, especially between facilities within a country, but also on occasion internationally. As a consequence, although the Fort Knox analogy may be
useful from an aspirational standpoint, one must look more closely at the existing deficiencies in MPC&A to appreciate both the promise and potential for preventing leakage of fissile
material into the hands of terrorists.
One of Levis important observations in this respect is his recognition of the human
dimension to physical protection. In other words, although the three Gs (guns, guards, and gates) are
important, the major limits to physical materials protection and material control pertain to
human factors such as the presence or absence of a highly developed
nonproliferation and security culture and the commitment by political leaders to expend the
resources necessary to make MPC&A a national priority.
Levi calls attention to the problems posed by deficient political will and underdeveloped culture, he does not offer much guidance
about how to correct the deficit, which arguably requires a long-term investment in nonproliferation education and training in order to change
Although
mindsets on the part of nuclear custodians as well as nuclear industry officials. He also ignores a number of other promising approaches for reducing the risk of fissile material leakage,
including the minimization or elimination of HEU use in the civilian nuclear sector.
Buyers and Sellers
One of the more interesting and original sections of Levis book pertains to the economics of illicit nuclear trade. Price, he notes, will present a major barrier to all but the wealthiest
terrorist organizations and, in principle, could be manipulated to impede terrorist acquisition of fissile material. For example, he suggests that intelligence and law enforcement entities
might attempt to purchase nuclear materials themselves, driving terrorists out of the market. Such action, however, also might have the unintended effect of attracting more nuclear
suppliers and thieves to the illicit market place. As a consequence, Levi believes sting operations directed at buyers rather than sellers are a more promising approach and could increase
uncertainty for terrorists in the market for nuclear goods and services. As such, the authorities could raise [the terrorists] perceived chances of failing and hence the odds that a riskaverse terrorist group would be deterred.
Analogies are often drawn between the trade in narcotics and illicit nuclear trafficking. Although these comparisons typically are put forth to illustrate the amount of nuclear material
trade that may have gone undetected (i.e., approximately 20 confirmed cases of smuggling fissile material are just the tip of a much bigger iceberg), Levi cites other drug trade statistics
to indicate the potential for even very imperfect border security to disrupt a nuclear terrorists plans. For example, he notes estimates by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency that 10-15
percent of the cocaine leaving South America for the United States in 2004 was lost or seized in the transit zone and that the combined probability that cocaine departing South
America destined for the United States will actually make it to the United States was between 35-70 percent. Although these figures and profit margin may still be attractive for drug
smugglers, it is less obvious that nuclear traffickers possessing a relatively small supply of material would judge similar odds to be favorable. As such, even less-than-airtight border
controls could significantly affect the calculus of would-be nuclear terrorists and might be particularly effective against failure-averse organizations.
INDs vs. Intact Nuclear Weapons
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In principle, would-be nuclear terrorists could choose to build their own nuclear
explosive or an improvised nuclear device (IND) or seek to purchase or steal an intact
nuclear weapon. The chain of necessary conditions for these two types of nuclear terrorism is different, as are the opportunities for frustrating their occurrence.
The potential for nonstate actors to build an IND has been acknowledged by experts for many years, and most concur with the view of the U.S. National Research Council that crude
HEU weapons could be fabricated without state assistance.[5] There is much less agreement among specialists, however, about how technically competent terrorists would have to be
to make a gun-type device or how large a team they would need.
At one end of the spectrum is the view that a suicidal terrorist could literally drop
one piece of HEU metal on top of another piece to initiate an explosive chain
reaction. At the other end are some senior Russian nuclear officials who continue to
deny that nonstate actors could fabricate a nuclear explosive even if they were able to obtain enough fissile
material. Levi stakes out a middle position , which recognizes the possibility of terrorist-manufactured INDs but emphasizes the multiple barriers
that would have to be overcome, including acquiring a sufficient quantity and quality of fissile material, reshaping the material to meet nuclear explosive specifications, avoiding
experienced farmers and appropriate utensils, not to mention the necessary seed stock of fissile material.[6]
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The most original, incisive and interesting part of the book is the last third, in which Mueller slashes through the
hype that guides much public discourse and policymaking about the risk of nuclear terrorism. He points out that a
foreign government is unlikely to give a nuclear weapon to a terrorist group because of the danger that, as supplier,
that country would invite retaliation against itself. He also uses the writings of several nuclear scientists, including
the former Los Alamos division leaders Carson Mark and Steve Younger, to argue that it would be prohibitively
difficult for a small terrorist group that lacked state sponsorship to acquire the subtle engineering knowledge
needed to overcome the technical challenges involved in turning black-market nuclear material into a workable
Many scientific experts not cited here by Mueller would take issue with
that argument. And having read one of the articles that Mueller does citeCan Terrorists Build Nuclear
nuclear weapon.
Weapons?, by J. Carson Mark and others (1987)I am of the opinion that it does not, in fact, support Muellers
success of such an endeavor, Mueller is making an important challenge to glib assumptions about the ease with
Mueller
fails to discuss another possibility: that a rogue element within a state, not the state
leadership itself, might sell an intact nuclear weapon to which it has access. This
scenario is far from speculative: After the fall of the Berlin wall, a Soviet soldier
guarding nuclear weapons in East Germany offered to sell an atomic warhead to the
antinuclear organization Greenpeace; Greenpeace wanted to buy the weapon and display it to show
which a terrorist group, even if it had access to uranium and plutonium, might be able to make a bomb.
the dangers of nuclear proliferation. They were arranging payment and transportation when the warhead in
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together, this means that the odds of success are 1 in 1,048,576. This is truly a small number, and if taken seriously
would probably mean that no further significant attention need be paid to nuclear terror scenarios.
less than one in a million as desired. The question, however, is not if the value for 0.5^20 is small; of course it is.
transport the IND to the target place and set it off and the untested and much-traveled IND must not prove to be
a dud.). Since Mueller asserts that the probability of a nuclear terrorist starting a project and succeeding is less
twenty hurdles is the smallest plausible number that can provide the one chance in a million which allows Mueller to
suggest that those who believe in nuclear terrorism might, with equal logic, believe in the tooth fairy.12
the odds of success for some tasks are nearly 100 percent . For
it is not difficult to put an IND in a white van and drive it from Montana to
Minneapolis, or from outside Boise to inside Boston, so long as the drivers break no traffic laws. I give that
task a 90-plus percent probability.
Assembling a team of scientists and technicians is likely to be far easier than
Mueller supposes. The Manhattan Project was the most exciting, and indeed glamorous, scientific project of
In any event,
example,
the first half of the twentieth century, led by a constellation of great scientists. Many physicists, even today,
Mueller suggests that smugglers would be more likely than not to turn in the nuclear gang to the authorities. But
as Matt Bunn of Harvard has pointed out Al Qaeda and Mexican drug lords routinely
manage to move sensitive materials and people across borders , even those of highly
developed countries such as the United States . Successful smugglers-for-hire
generally do not betray their customers ; the penalties for betrayal probably range from a severe
beating to barbaric torture followed by a gruesome death.
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nuclear components and equipment. We do not believe that recruiting the technical staff will require any bribery or
corruption.
Mueller assumed that he has found the shortest critical path to an improvised nuclear device.
He also seems to assume that his list of tasks is so general that it includes all possible
critical paths. Hes clearly wrong on the first count, but even if he is right on the
second and I think he is wildly wrong his compilation is so general that it offers no
guidance to law enforcement or the terrorists except to hope for or to guard against betrayals.
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bomb could destroy a major city; he points out that only a small fraction of the city would be destroyed, just as
only a fairly small part of Hiroshima died from a larger bomb.
I
have worked at the Nevada Test Site and walked the terrain where , fifty years ago, the
United States tested atomic bombs against real buildings , homes such as those Americans live
I find myself horrified at the effects of even a very small nuclear explosion in a city. Perhaps that is because
The important fact to face is that despite the nuclear Pollyannas who argue that the
construction of an improvised nuclear device is too difficult for even a well-financed terrorist, that obtaining
sufficient fissile materials is nearly impossible, that the theft of an intact weapon is not going to happen (any
longer), and that we may safely relegate nuclear terrorists to the fantasies of nuclear alarmists and the subjects of
detect, and destroy a nuclear terror plot is required. So is investment and research into ways to mitigate the effects
of an attack, should all of our defenses fail and a nuclear detonation occur in one of the great cities of the world.
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A May 5 "intelligence brief" prepared by a Department of Homeland Security (DHS) official at the Pacific
Regional Information Clearinghouse (PacClear) in Hawaii, warned Al Qaeda might try to cause the
meltdown of certain vulnerable nuclear power plants in the US and Europe by
replicating the failure of the electric supply that pumped cooling water to the reactors at the
Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant in Japan. The plant's primary and backup power supplies were knocked
out by the earthquake and tsunami that struck Japan in March, resulting in partial meltdowns of the plant's reactors.
Only a week after the intelligence brief was circulated, federal officials dispatched a security alert notifying US
power plant operators to raise the level of their security awareness. According to the analysis in the for official use
Fukushima nuclear power plants ability to cool its reactors fuel rods, which led to the partial meltdowns of the
since March 11, and the International Atomic Energy Agency said the "overall situation ... remains very serious." On
Thursday, plant operator, Tokyo Electric Power Co., said the amount of water leaking from the No. 1 reactor is more
serious than previously believed, meaning it's likely there is severe damage to the reactor. The intelligence brief
issued by PacClear, Recreating Fukushima: A Possible Response to the Killing of Usama Bin Laden - The Nuclear
Option, cautioned that the death of [O]sama Bin Laden may serve as an impetus to apply lessons learned from
terrorist organization is now under increased pressure to avenge their leaders murder at the hands of infidels with
something spectacular. Indeed. Intelligence collected from Bin Laden's compound in Pakistan during the May 2 raid
in which he was killed, has disclosed that he continued to urge his lieutenants to focus on carrying out another
9/11-scale attack on US soil that would kill many thousands - or more. The intelligence further showed that the
terrorist leader remained obsessed with acquiring, and using, weapons of mass destruction. "I consider Al Qaeda,
now being pushed by Anwar Al Awlaki [the leader of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, AQAP, and a possible heir to
Bin Laden], in the position to begin planning for a new '9/11 style' attack using a weapon of mass destruction ... not
to say they will not continue their recruiting of 'lone wolf' types - I do believe the long term goal of Al Qaeda 2.0 to
be a spectacular attack to the US infrastructure that would cause significant and permanent damage to a significant
portion of the continental US," Homeland Security Today was told by former Army Special Forces Lt. Col. Anthony
Shaffer, author of, Operation Dark Heart: Spycraft and Special Ops on the Frontlines of Afghanistan - and the Path to
authorities have uncovered numerous efforts by Al Qaeda to obtain nuclear weapons and radiological materials
over the years. Although we know from their own statements as well as intelligence and security success in
blocking a number of efforts, Al Qaeda has been determined to acquire deliverable weapons of mass destruction
[WMD], including nuclear, for a long time, veteran CIA operations officer and Islamist jihad expert, Clare Lopez, told
Homeland Security Today. The new intelligence brief pointed out that the disaster in Fukushima may have provided
the knowledge Al Qaeda needs to carry out such an operation in lieu of possessing a prepositioned [nuclear]
weapon. "While the Al Qaeda organization may, or may not, possess either a nuclear device or radiological
material," the brief stated, "the pressure on the organization to fulfill that threat is now enormous. If Al Qaeda does
possess such a weapon, the danger is obvious. If, however, there is no such device or material in Al Qaedas
control, then it is likely that Al Qaeda and [Bin Ladens] supporters may attempt an attack comparable in scale that
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will at least be perceived as a nuclear response to Bin Ladens death. Surely, the determination to strike, and
especially now after the killing of [Bin Laden], remains intense, Lopez said. And the
PacClear alert] is completely believable, maintained Charles Faddis, a 20-year career covert CIA
operations officer who headed the National Counterterrorism Centers WMD terrorism unit when he retired several
years ago. All
at
nuclear plants is not adequate, and there are no moves afoot to improve it. Nothing has
changed in the last few years. Faddis also outlined his concerns about the security and vulnerability of US nuclear
Wikileaks
revealed that US officials have been concerned that Japan has not provided adequate security at
its nuclear power plants to defend against potential terrorist attacks, Asahi Shimbun reported
Tuesday. The intelligence briefing stated that the disaster in Fukushima may have provided the
knowledge Al Qaeda needs to carry out such an operation . The global focus on the disaster in
Japan has made the vulnerabilities of our aging nuclear infrastructure painfully
apparent. In the past, preparations to defend a nuclear facility mostly focused on protecting the reactor vessel
from breach. The briefing pointed out that studies commissioned after the 9/11 attacks were mostly
concerned with the capability of an airplane strike in effecting such a breach, but the March 11th
earthquake and tsunami demonstrated that simply turning the power off [with] some reactor designs
can result in a catastrophic failure within a matter of hours
power facilities in an op-ed he wrote in March 2010. Similarly, US State Department cables leaked to
Stratfor Global Intelligence issued a "Red Alert: Nuclear Meltdown at Quake-Damaged Japanese Plant," saying:
Fukushima Daiichi "nuclear power plant in Okuma, Japan, appears to have caused a reactor meltdown." Stratfor
downplayed its seriousness, adding that such an event "does not necessarily mean a nuclear disaster," that already
may have happened - the ultimate nightmare short of nuclear winter. According to Stratfor, "(A)s long as the reactor
core, which is specifically designed to contain high levels of heat, pressure and radiation, remains intact, the melted
fuel can be dealt with. If the (core's) breached but the containment facility built around (it) remains intact, the
melted fuel can be....entombed within specialized concrete" as at Chernobyl in 1986. In fact, that disaster killed
nearly one million people worldwide from nuclear radiation exposure. In their book titled, "Chernobyl: Consequences
of the Catastrophe for People and the Environment," Alexey Yablokov, Vassily Nesterenko and Alexey Nesterenko
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said: "For the past 23 years, it has been clear that there is a danger greater than nuclear weapons concealed within
Stratfor explained that if Fukushima's floor cracked, "it is highly likely that the melting fuel will burn through (its)
containment system and enter the ground. This has never happened before," at least not reported. If now occurring,
"containment goes from being merely dangerous, time consuming and expensive to nearly impossible," making the
quake, aftershocks, and tsunamis seem mild by comparison. Potentially, millions of lives will be jeopardized.
Japanese officials said Fukushima's reactor container wasn't breached. Stratfor and others said it was, making the
potential calamity far worse than reported. Japan's Nuclear and Industrial Safety Agency (NISA) said the explosion
at Fukushima's Saiichi No. 1 facility could only have been caused by a core meltdown. In fact, 3 or more reactors are
affected or at risk. Events are fluid and developing, but remain very serious. The possibility of an extreme
catastrophe can't be discounted. Moreover, independent nuclear safety analyst John Large told Al Jazeera that by
venting radioactive steam from the inner reactor to the outer dome, a reaction may have occurred, causing the
explosion. "When I look at the size of the explosion," he said, "it is my opinion that there could be a very large leak
(because) fuel continues to generate heat." Already, Fukushima way exceeds Three Mile Island that experienced a
partial core meltdown in Unit 2. Finally it was brought under control, but coverup and denial concealed full details
until much later. According to anti-nuclear activist Harvey Wasserman, Japan's quake fallout may cause nuclear
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xt solves warming
Only nuclear power prevents catastrophic warming
Lynas 11 author of "Six Degrees: Our Future on a Hotter Planet" and "High Tide:
The Truth About Our Climate Crisis" (Mark, 04/10, Why nuclear power is still a good
choice, http://articles.latimes.com/2011/apr/10/opinion/la-oe-lynas-nukes20110410)
For the green movement, which is often justifiably accused of making the perfect the enemy of the good, having to
especially coal. In the short term, this is already happening. In Germany -- whose government tried to curry favor
with a strongly anti-nuclear population by rashly closing seven perfectly safe nuclear plants after the Fukushima
Regarding
carbon dioxide emissions, you can do the math: Just add about 11 million tons per year for each
nuclear plant replaced by a coal plant newly built or brought back onto the grid. In China the numbers
crisis began -- coal has already become the dominant factor in electricity prices once again.
become even starker. Coal is cheap there (as are the thousands of human lives lost in extracting it each year), and
if the hundred or so new nuclear plants previously proposed in China up to 2030 are not built,
it is a fair bet that more than a billion tons can be added to annual global carbon dioxide
emissions as a result. Japan is also heavily dependent on coal, so it is a fair bet that less nuclear power there
will add substantially to the country's emissions. No wonder the Japanese are insisting on backing off from the Kyoto
but manageable) and 3 degrees Celsius (disastrous) in the next century. We have already made this mistake once. In
the 1970s it looked as if nuclear power was going to play a much bigger role than eventually turned out to be the
case. What happened was Three Mile Island, and the birth of an anti-nuclear movement that stopped dozens of halfbuilt or proposed reactors; coal plants were substituted instead. It is therefore fair to say that the environmental
movement played a substantial role in causing global warming, surely an ecological error it should learn from in
years ahead. Don't get me wrong: I am an enthusiastic proponent of replacing fossil fuels with renewable energy
sources. I strongly support wind, solar and other clean-tech options. But all energy technologies come with an
ecological price tag. Wind turbines kill and injure birds and bats. Solar thermal plants proposed in the Mojave Desert
have conservationists up in arms. If we are serious about taking biodiversity into consideration as well as climate
change, these concerns cannot be idly dismissed. In terms of land use, nuclear scores very well, because the
comparatively small quantities of fuel required means less land disturbed or ruined by mines, processing and
related uses. Take Japan again. According to some recent number crunching by the Breakthrough Institute, a
centrist environmental think tank, phasing out Japan's current nuclear generation capacity and replacing it with
wind would require a 1.3-billion-acre wind farm, covering more than half the country's total land mass. Going for
solar instead would require a similar land area, and would in economic terms cost the country more than a trillion
Those debating the future of nuclear power also tend to focus on out-of-date
technology. No one proposes to build boiling-water reactors of 1960s-era Fukushima vintage in the 21st century.
Newer designs have a much greater reliance on passive safety, as well as a host of
other improvements. Fourth-generation options, such as the "integral fast reactor" reportedly
being considered by Russia, could be even better. Fast-breeders like the IFR will allow us to
power whole countries cleanly by burning existing stockpiles of nuclear waste, depleted
dollars.
uranium and military-issue plutonium. And the waste left over at the end would become safe after a mere 300
years, so
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McPherson 11
period Ive seen nothing to sway this belief, and much evidence to reinforce it. Yet the protests, ridicule, and hate
Well find a way out. We always do. Were humans, and therefore animals. Like all life, were special. Like all
organisms, were susceptible to overshoot. Like all organisms, we will experience population decline after
overshoot. Lets take stock of our current predicaments, beginning with one of several ongoing processes likely to
cause our extinction. Then Ill point out the good not quite so bad news.
EXTINCTION VIA global CLIMATE CHANGE Its hotter than it used to be, but not as hot as
its going to be. The political response to this now-obvious information is to suspend the scientist bearing the bad
news. Which, of course, is no surprise at all: As Australian climate scientist Gideon Polya points out, the United
States must cease production of greenhouse gases within 3.1 years if we are to avoid catastrophic runaway
greenhouse. I think Polya is optimistic, and I dont think Obamas on-board with the attendant collapse of the U.S.
industrial economy. Apparently too little, too late a couple people have noticed a few facts about Obama. This
awakening might explain why his political support is headed south at a rapid clip. But back to climate change, one
of three likely extinction events. Well, three I know about: Im certain there are others, and any number can play.
ALL EARTHS
SYSTEMS ARE RAPIDLY DECLINING. Many ORGANISMS CANT keep up as
they try to STAY AHEAD OF AN OVERHEATING PLANET.
responding with hybrid bears, suggesting the near-term loss of all polar bears. Indeed,
GROWING CONCENTRATIONS OF
GREENHOUSE GASES ARE DRIVING IRREVERSIBLE AND DRAMATIC
CHANGES IN THE way the OCEANS function, PROVIDING EVIDENCE THAT
HUMANKIND COULD WELL BE ON THE WAY TO the next great
EXTINCTION. THE FINDINGS of the comprehensive report: 'The impact of climate change on the
world's marine ecosystems' EMERGED FROM A SYNTHESIS OF RECENT
RESEARCH on the world's oceans, CARRIED OUT BY two of THE WORLD'S
LEADING MARINE SCIENTISTS. One of the authors of the report is Ove Hoegh-Guldberg,
Sydney: Scientists have sounded alarm bells about how
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WE MAY
SEE SUDDEN, UNEXPECTED CHANGES THAT HAVE SERIOUS
RAMIFICATIONS FOR the overall well-being of humans, including THE CAPACITY OF
THE PLANET TO SUPPORT PEOPLE. This is further evidence that WE ARE WELL
ON THE WAY TO THE NEXT GREAT EXTINCTION EVENT ,' says HoeghGuldberg. 'The findings have enormous implications for mankind, particularly IF THE TREND
CONTINUES. The earth's ocean, which produces half of the oxygen we breathe and absorbs 30 per cent of
professor at The University of Queensland and the director of its Global Change Institute (GCI). '
human-generated carbon dioxide, is equivalent to its heart and lungs. This study shows worrying signs of ill-health.
It's as if the earth has been smoking two packs of cigarettes a day!,' he added. 'We are entering a period in which
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There are much easier, faster, and cheaper ways for a nations to develop
nuclear weapons than through a nuclear power programme . All nuclear weapons states have
really very weak.
developed their bombs independently from their electricity generation facilities, and any nation with a serious
desire to obtain nuclear weapons could and would do the same. The problem here is not so much to avoid the
easily be a forerunner of much more serious confrontations. However, electicity can replace oil for space heating,
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