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ABSTRACT
andesoteric,
is frequently
Postcolonial
dismissed
as tootheoretical
theory
African
and henceirrelevant
to thestudyof contemporary
politicsand
andargues
ofpostcolonialism,
Thisarticlechallenges
thisdismissal
society.
fora moreconstructive
studiesandpostcolonial
African
dialoguebetween
cannotbe regardedas a
thatpostcolonialism
approaches.Recognizing
uniform
or a school of thoughtin the conventional
body of theory,
academicsense,thearticlefocuseson certainkeythemesand problemait elaborates
tizations
of relevance
to contemporary
Africa.In particular,
on postcolonialism's
of power,and arguesthatthe
conceptualization
of the relationship
betweenpower,discourseand political
recognition
to thestudyofAfrican
and practices
institutions
has muchto contribute
a discussionof
are further
through
politics.These insights
investigated
and resistance.
The articleconcludesthatboth
development,
hybridity
froma more
African
studiesandpostcolonial
standtobenefit
approaches
constructive
engagement.
'WHO'S AFRAIDOF POSTCOLONIALITY?' Gyan Prakash asks in a well-known
189
190
AFRICAN
AFFAIRS
withpostcolonialtheoriesamongAfricanists.
Firstly,
postengagement
is regarded
withtextucolonialism
as too theoretical
and too preoccupied
to thestudy
to contribute
alityand discourseto haveanything
meaningful
in itsAngloof thecontinent.
The studyof Africanpolitics,particularly
dedihas constituted
itselfas a largely
discipline,
phoneversion,
empirical
catedto assistingand facilitating
the continent's
economicand political
failedto
As timewentby and the fruitsof independence
development.
senseof
this'developmental
an
increased
to
turned
materialize,
imperative'
led to
have
and
since
'African
crisis'
the
the
1980s
of
urgency,
perceptions
callsthatscholarship
to solvingthat
andforemost
shouldbe dedicatedfirst
To thisend,postcolonialism
crisis.3
is deemedineffective.
Secondly,
postis frequently
colonialism
to
perceived be a culturalproductof theWest,
to latecapitalism
and thusof limitedrelevanceto developing
pertaining
countries.
Evenmorepointedly,
as politically
it is oftenperceived
passive,
and perhapsultimately
for
thosedevotedto
and
conservative,
politically
theAfrican
seemstohavelittleto
crisispostcolonialism
solving
accordingly
offer.
AFRICAN STUDIES
CHALLENGE
191
192
AFRICAN
AFFAIRS
reduce social processes to questions of semiotics.6At best then, postto say about cultural
colonialismmayhave something(vaguely)interesting
practicessuch as paintings,sculptures,cinemas,atlases and museums,but
is to be
littleof relevanceto the world of social and economic suffering
lament
therefore
from
such
like
Russell
Jacoby,
gained
investigations.
Many,
'how few political insightsor conclusions these emphaticallypolitical
criticism
theoristsoffer',
and assignpostcolonialism
to thedomainof literary
and culturalstudies,- or worse,to thewastelandof incomprehension.7
A second common criticismcontendsthatpostcolonialapproaches are
manner.The
apoliticaland fail to engage withpower in any satisfactory
in
of
such
criticisms
is
the
startingpoint
frequently 'post' postcolonialism,
which seems to indicate a chronologicalperiodizationand linear progressionthroughthe stages of precolonialism,colonialism,and finallyto
those on the political
the postcolonialpresent.For many,and particularly
withWestern
collusive
this
at
best
at
worst
left,
appears
politicallynaive,
and
most
otherexAfrica
The
situation
of
imperialpower.
contemporary
the
of
the
to
standard
colonies,according
politicalleft,is one of
position
in the interand
continued
subservience
neo-colonialism,imperialism,
nationalsystemas expressed,forexample,in thedebt crisisand theerosion
of sovereigntyimplied by the impositionof structuraladjustmentprogrammes.8Accordingly,this relationshipwould be betterdescribed as a
ofimperialism,
continuation
and Ella Shoatmaintainsin herpointedcritique
thata keyeffectof postcolonialismis preciselyto keep at bay moresharply
politicaltermssuchas 'imperialism'or'geopolitics'.9Dirlik'scritiquefollows
similarlines, arguingthat by denyingfoundationalstatus to capitalism,
postcolonialapproachesgloss overglobal imbalancesof power.The world
is rendered'shapeless',and theinequalitiesof globalcapitalismare obscured.
The ideologicallimitationof postcolonialismis hence thatit 'providesan
alibi for inequality,exploitation,and oppression in theirmodern guises
under capitalistrelationships'.10
In some cases, thiscritiqueis takeneven
further
and postcolonialismbecomes an activetool of oppression.Williams,
forexample,assertsthat'postcolonialismappearslikea strongallyof global
6. B. Parry,'Signs of our times:a discussionof Homi Bhabha's TheLocationofCulture',Third
Text28/29(1994), pp. 12-13; A. Callinicos,'Wonderstakenforsigns:Homi Bhabha's post1 (1995), p. 111.
colonialism',Transformation
7. R. Jacoby,'Marginal returns:the trouble with post-colonial theory',Lingua Franca
(1995), p. 36.
September/October
8. For a selectionof views along these lines see, forexample K. Danaher (ed.), 50 Yearsis
MonetaryFund (South End,
Enough:The case againstthe WorldBank and theInternational
inMozamHow theIMF blocksdevelopment
Boston,MA, 1995); J.Hanlon, Peacewithout
Profit.
bique(JamesCurrey,Oxford,1996); B. Onimode (ed.), TheIMF, theWorldBank and African
Debt. Vol.2 (Zed Books, London, 1989); D. N. Plank,'Aid, debt and the end of sovereignty:
Mozambique and its donors',JournalofModernAfricanStudies31, 3 (1993), pp. 407-30.
9. E. Shoat, 'Notes on the "Post-Colonial"', Social Text31/32(1992), p. 99.
10. Dirlik,'The postcolonialaura', p. 347.
193
194
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195
196
AFRICAN
AFFAIRS
197
andpostcoloniality
Power
relationThe emphasison fluidity,
and constitutive
interconnectedness
of
indicative
is notmerely
shipsthatcharacterizes
postcolonial
scholarship
a flimsy
nordoes itsignify
or 'reflexivity',
passionfor'linguistic
virtuosity'
a lackofconcern
itstemsfrom
withpowerorthepolitical.
On thecontrary,
a deepengagement
ofidentity
withtheroleofpowerin theformation
and
andtherelationship
andpolitical
betweenknowledge
subjectivity
practices.
that
This broaderinterrogation
of poweris one of thefewcommonalities
makesit possibleto speak,if onlytentatively,
of postcolonialism
(in the
singular),and it is also herethatwe see mostclearlypostcolonialism's
and postmodernist
and indebtednessto poststructuralist
relationship
thinkers.
Thisis nottosay,however,
thatthereis onepostcolonial
approach,
orthatpostcolonialism
is reducible
orpoststructuralism.
topostmodernism
Thesetwopointsmerita briefelaboration
theinquiry
into
beforepursuing
and power.
postcoloniality
The inherent
to discussa diversebodyof literadangerof anyattempt
tureliesin constructing
a misleading
of
out of themultiplicity
uniformity
such
voicesthatco-existunderthesamelabel.Postcolonialism
is precisely
a multifarious
modeof analysis,
and
wherewriters
drawtheirinspiration
trafroma widevariety
resources
ofpoliticalandphilosophical
conceptual
ditionsand thinkers.
thatpostcolonialanalysessharea
My suggestion
of poweris not intendedto erase or
broadlysimilarconceptualization
'tame'suchdifferences,
butratherseeksto providea starting
pointfrom
whichto understand
theirvariousmodesand themesofinquiry.
Similarly,
topointtotheaffinities
withpoststructural
andpostmodernist
perspectives
is not to implythatpostcolonialism
or a straightis merelya derivative
forward
of
situations
these
to
theoretical
application
positions postcolonial
and relations.
is to be
Severalauthorshavearguedthatpostcolonialism
from
of
its
because
distinguished
explicit
postmodernism,
primarily
to themarginalized.29
Whilethisviewmightentaila
politicalcommitment
too uniform
and
dismissalof all postmodernist
approachesas relativistic
of
the
or
to
ethical
it
deprived political
important
engagement, points
ofpostcolonialism
ofthe'subaltern'.
torecover
thesubjectposition
attempt
Thatsaid,thedebateaboutpostcolonialism's
'Western'
identity
presumed
ina manner
at
times
obsessed
with
classification
and
appears
categorization
thatrunscontrary
to postcolonialism's
attention
to interconnectedness,
and
constitutive
likeMichelFoucault,
While
thinkers
fluidity
relationships.
Derrida
and
in thepantheonof
Lacan
Jacques
Jacques
figure
prominently
29. Appiah, 'Is the "Post-" in postcolonialism';A. J. Paolini, NavigatingModernity.
Postrelations(Lynne Rienner,Boulder, CO, 1999). I am
colonialism,
identityand international
mindfulof theriskof treatingpoststructuralism
and postmodernismas one and the same,but
a discussionof these'disciplinaryboundaries'is of minorrelevanceto thisanalysis.
198
AFFAIRS
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199
200
AFFAIRS
AFRICAN
knowledge are joined together.37Said provided a compelling demonstrationof how the West had managed to establishan authoritativeand
dominantknowledgeabout the Orientand itspeoples, and arguedthatthe
study of the Orient was ultimatelya political vision whose structure
promoteda binaryoppositionbetweenthe familiar(theWest/us)and the
strange (the Orient/them).The Orient, in other words, is revealed as
centralto European self-understanding
and identity,and thisin turnhas
The
contemporaryconsequences.
primarysignificanceof Said's study,
however,is perhaps that,by drawingattentionto the intimacyof power
and knowledge,he made a firststep towardschallengingthe hegemonic
narrativesof theWest,a processwhichhas been referred
to as 'the Empire
in
back'
an
to
that
constructthe
destabilize
the
discourses
writing
attempt
'other'.38
Orientalism
drawsprimarilyon travelwritingsand literarytexts,and this
focushas been continuedin manysubsequentstudiesof colonialdiscourse
inspiredby Said.39 Given postcolonialism'soriginand continuedlocation
withindepartmentsof literatureand culturalstudies,this is no surprise.
But if reflectionson Shakespeare'sCaliban or Conrad's Marlow were all
postcolonialanalyseshad to offer,criticswould perhapsbe justifiedin dismissingthemas politicallylimited.A focusof discourse,however,does not
dictatea purelytextualor literaryinclination.Foucault's conceptionof disof language and regards
course,itwill be recalled,stressesthe materiality
discourseas a practicelike any other.One of Foucault's keyconcernswas
to identifythe materialand institutionalconditionsof possibilityof discourses,and theirmaterialeffectsand the practicestheymade possible.
Severalstudieshave made use of thisapproachto discourseto cast light
on thepracticesof colonialpowerand thusmake colonialdiscourseanalysis
more than 'just anotherformof literarycriticism'.40Such studies draw
attention
to the'worldliness'of discoursesand maketheconnectionbetween
discoursesand particularpoliticalpracticesand social experiences.Stressing the disciplinaryaspects of power Megan Vaughan,while criticalof
certain aspects of Foucault's thinking,shows how medicine in colonial
Africaconstructed'the African'in particularways thatwere intrinsicto
37. It shouldbe mentionedthatSaid at timescomes veryclose to describingOrientalismas
a misrepresentation
or an ideological construct,and as such his interpretation
differsfrom
Foucault's morematerialapproachto discourses.Said deriveshis theoreticalframework
from
both Foucault and thewritingsof AntonioGramsci,a combinationwhichhas led to charges
thatOrientalism
is theoretically
inconsistent.
The barrageof criticismsand responsesto Orientalismis testimony
to the importanceof Said's text.For an excellentreviewof the debates see
Young, Postcolonialism.
38. E. Said, Cultureand Imperialism
and
(Vintage,London, 1993); B. Ashcroft,G. Griffiths,
H. Tiffin,The EmpireWritesBack: Theoryand practicein post-colonial
literatures
(Routledge,
London, 1989).
39. See, forexample,Ashcroftet al., TheEmpireWritesBack; P. Hulme, ColonialEncounters:
Europeand thenativeCaribbean1492-1797 (Methuen,London, 1986).
40. Young, Postcolonialism,
p. 394.
201
202
AFRICANAFFAIRS
203
thegoodgovernance
however,
agendaappearsto be lessofa radicalbreak
withthepast,inthatitreproduces
thehierarchies
ofprevious
development
theories
the
and
delivered
from
Third
is
be
World
still
to
reformed
whereby
of
its current
such
the
West.
represtage underdevelopment
Through
by
sentational
retainthemoralhighground,
industrialized
countries
practices,
therightto administer
to theSouth.
development
The mannerinwhichdemocracy
thegoodgovernis constructed
within
ance discoursehas disciplinary
as intiis
constructed
effects.
Democracy
to
connected
liberal
in
this
alternative
economic
and
mately
way
policies,
ofdemocracy
aremarginalized
The goodgovernandsilenced.
conceptions
ance agendaalso servesto shieldtheWestfromdemocratic
The
scrutiny.
richcountries
and
democareautomatically
able
to
as
democratic
regarded
ratizeAfricaas partof thelargerdevelopment
thegood
effort.
Moreover,
countries
within
constructs
as
relevant
governance
only
agenda
democracy
and notwithininternational
Domesticrelations
institutions
and relations.
mustbe democratized,
butinternational
relations
are leftuntouchedand
In thisway,the
fromthereachofthegoodgovernance
discourse.
protected
of
counrewrites
and
reinvents
the
goodgovernance
agenda
right Western
in Africain thepost-Communist
triesto intervene
disera.Development
course can be seen as part of the global governanceof the African
andoneofthewaysinwhichpresent
and
structures
international
continent,
relations
of poweraremaintained
all
and reproduced.
Despite itsproclamationsin favourofdemocracy,
then,contemporary
development
policies
Seen in this
undemocratic.
helpmaintaina worldorderthatis essentially
theconceptofdiscipline
is notreducible
to 'ideology'orto econcontext,
fromthisunification.
omics,butunitesthemandderivesitsforceprecisely
The discipline
ofthegoodgovernance
to produce
agendaworksmaterially
Western
thathelpmaintain
processesand formsof politicalsubjugation
hegemony.
also producesnew identities,
Throughits interventions,
development
newsubjectivities
and newwaysof seeingand actingupontheworldboth
at thestateandattheindividual
level.AkhilGupta'sbrilliant
studyofrural
lifein Indiashowshowunderdevelopment
has becomea formof identity
in partsof thepostcolonial
world.According
to Gupta,whopeoplethink
theyare,howtheygotthatway,andwhattheycan do to changetheirlives
havebeenprofoundly
ideologiesand practices
shapedbytheinstitutions,
of development.48
in otherwords,is not merelya
Underdevelopment,
structural
locationin theglobaleconomy;
itis also an identity,
'something
thatinforms
of
KamranAli'sethnography
people'ssenseofself'.Similarly,
a family
USAID and internationally
planning
campaignin Egyptinvolving
fundedNGOs suggests
thatone of thepotential
outcomesof theproject
48.
Gupta, Postcolonial
Developments,
p. ix.
204
AFRICAN
AFFAIRS
205
statement
that'theNegrois not.Anymorethanthewhiteman.'54
haunting
Thewhiteman'sself-perception
andcivilized
the
as moral,rational
required
of
of
the
as
and
the
notion
barbaric
and
uncivilized,
image
negro
hybridity
inthiswayhelpstobreakdowntheessentialized,
between
binaryopposition
thecolonizedand thecolonizer,
betweenblackandwhite,selfand other.55
Fromthisperspective,
no essentherecanbe nopureorunsullied
identity,
tialopposition
betweenthecolonizerand thecolonized,56
and thisin turn
hasimportant
forhowpostcolonialism
implications
contemporary
envisages
as
as
Whereasformany
well
politicaldynamics,
trajectories.
possiblefuture
nationalists
is experienced
loss of traditional
as a regrettable
hybridity
cultureand identities,
to recover
ancientcultural
oftenleadingto attempts
and
is
for
writers
practices symbols, postcolonial
hybriditynotinherently
it
nor
does
of the colonized.Instead,
the
total
domination
bad,
signify
the
of
failure
colonial
signifies
hybridity
powerto fullydominateits
and
shows
their
WhereSaid's Orientalism
resilience.
and
subjects,
creativity
at timesseemsto exaggerate
theability
oftheWestto producetheOrient,
Homi Bhabha'streatment
of hybridity
thatthe colonized
demonstrates
werenotpassivevictims
whoseidentities
ina one-way
werenarrated
process
The ambivalence
cultures
and practices,
ofhybrid
bycolonialauthority."
thewayinwhichtheyare'almostthesame,butnotquite',is forBhabhaa
to resistdomination.
signof theagencyof thecolonizedand theirability
A clueto understanding
as a potenofhybridity
Bhabha'sinterpretation
tialsiteofresistance
and subversion
is to be foundin themannerinwhich
it breaksdownthe symmetry
of theself/other
distinction.
Accordingto
of difBhabha,theexerciseof colonialauthority
requirestheproduction
- betweenthewhitemanand theblack,forexample.Hybridferentiation
thisdifferentiation,
as whatis disavowed
ity,however,
bycolonial
disrupts
thusrulesout
different.
poweris repeatedback as something
Hybridity
thatis,thedifferences
colonial
thatwererelieduponto justify
recognition,
observable.Masteryis constantly
power are no longerimmediately
butalwaysincomplete,
Hereinliesthemenaceof
asserted,
alwaysslipping.
andmimicry;
itdisclosestheambivalence
attheheartof colonial
hybridity
discourseand has the potentialto disruptits authority.
From the 'incan engendernew formsof beingthatcan
between',hybrididentities
unsettle
andsubvert
colonialauthority.
Morerecently,
thenotionofhybridityhas beeninvokedas a measureof local agencyin thefaceof globalization.Hybridity
is seentosignify
and
thecreative
adaptation,
interpretation
54. E Fanon, Black Skin,WhiteMasks (Pluto Press,London, 1986), p. 231.
55. Bhabha, TheLocationofCulture,p. 116.
56. Bhabha, TheLocationofCulture.
57. See, in particular,the essay 'Difference,discriminationand the discourse of colonialism', in E Baker,P. Hulme, M. Iversenand D. Loxley (eds) ThePoliticsofTheory(University
of Essex Press,Colchester,1983), pp. 194-211, and LocationofCulture.
206
AFFAIRS
AFRICAN
transformation
of Westernculturalsymbolsand practices,and showsthat
colonizedpeoples are not simplypassivevictimsin the face of an
formerly
Westernculture.58It has also cast lighton the importanceof
all-powerful
the postcolonialwithinindustrializedcountries,especiallyin termsof the
politicsof diasporas.In the case of black Britain,forexample,Paul Gilroy
has shownhow black cultureis being activelymade and remade,and how
the cultureand politicsof black Americaand the Caribbean have become
'raw materialsforcreativeprocesses,whichredefinedwhat it means to be
Britishexperiencesand meanings'.59
black,adaptingit to distinctively
In terms of political choices, the notion of hybridity
serves to refute
and
cultural
that
to
advocate
a
return
political
positions
'origin'or 'tradition'.
This view underpinsSaid's incisivecritiqueof negritude,
whichhe regards
as not onlyreinforcing
the imperialhierarchiesbetweenthe colonized and
the colonizer,but also as proposingan essentializedidentityor 'Africanness' thatis not onlyimpossible,but also, politically,
potentiallydangerous
and damaging. Said suggeststhat thereis much to be gained fromnot
remainingtrappedin such emotionalcelebrationsof one's own identity,
and in this way postcolonialism'sfocus on hybridityis a warningboth
and againstthedangersof essenagainstnativistpositionssuch as nigritude
tialism.It seeks to move beyond fixedidentities,by drawingattentionto
theirfluid and constructedcharacter,and offersthe 'possibilityof discoveringa worldnotconstructedout of warringessences'.60
Recognizingthe hybridcharacterof postcolonial societies does not,
however,mean thatnationalityor local identitiesare unimportant.
Hybridityis not, as Williamsargues,'the ultimatedenial of origin,subject,race,
class and indeed nation',61but recognizesthat local identitiesare not
exhaustiveand thatappeals to fixedidentities(even ifnationalor local) can
contain theirown dangers.'Doesn't the idea of pure cultures,in urgent
need of being keptfreefromalien contamination',Salman Rushdie asks,
'lead us inexorablytowardsapartheid,towardsethniccleansing,towards
the gas chamber?'62
The questionhas a chillingrelevanceforAfrica,where
it is preciselyin the name of such unifiedidentitiesthat the continent's
mostviolentpost-independencepoliticalprojectshave been conceivedand
58. See, forexample,B. Ashcroft,
Post-Colonial
(Routledge,London, 2001);
Transformations
in the latertwentieth
J. Clifford,Routes:Traveland translation
century(Harvard University
Press, Cambridge,MA, 1997); R. Robertson,'Globalization.Time-space and homogeneityin M. Featherstone,S. Lash and R. Robertson(eds), GlobalModernities
heterogeneity',
(Sage,
London, 1995).
59. P. Gilroy,ThereAin't No Black in theUnionJack:The culturalpoliticsof raceand nation
and doubleconsciousness
(Unwin,London, 1987); P. Gilroy,TheBlackAtlantic:
(Verso,
Modernity
London, 1995); E. Akyeampong,'Africansin the diaspora: the diaspora and Africa',African
Affairs99, 395 (2000), pp. 183-215. See also the essays collected in the ReviewofAfrican
PoliticalEconomy92 (2002).
60. Said, Cultureand Imperialism,
p. 277.
61. Williams,'The postcolonialflaneur',p. 827.
62. Quoted in Ashcroft,
Post-colonial
Transformation,
p. 25.
207
thegenocidesand conflicts
in Rwandaand Burundiproviding
legitimized,
themostbrutalreminder
oftheeasewithwhichidentity
appealscan degenerateintomurderous
the
hatred.63
postThrough emphasison hybridity
visionofthe
colonialism
seeksto advocatea moregenerousandpluralistic
wherethepossibilities
claimsareminimized.
foroppressive
world,
identity
in many
As such,it speaksdirectly
to thecontemporary
politicalsituation
African
countries.
Thepossibilities
inthepostcolony
ofresistance
In postcolonial
is intimately
connectedto resisthybridity
perspectives,
in
in
that
it
of thesubaltern
the
and
ance,
signifies creativity adaptability
thefaceofpower,and demonstrates
as wellas
thatthecolonialencounter
in termsof a
North-South
cannotbe understood
relations
contemporary
with
A
of
domination
and
one-way
relationship
power-over.preoccupation
resistance
is a defining
Its commitment
featureof postcolonial
literature.
to themarginalized,
orthesubaltern,
is frequently
invokedto differentiate
aimof manypostfrom
the
and
stated
postcolonialism postmodernism,64
colonialwriters
is togivevoiceandmakevisiblethosewhoarenotnormally
heardorseen.In thewordsofPrakash,
seeksto 'undothe
postcolonialism
its
Eurocentrism
of
the
West's
the
institution
trajectory,
producedby
of
the
subaltern
the
In
common
with
other
as
appropriation
History'.65
schoolof Indianhistoriography,
seek to recoverthe
theseperspectives
of
and retellhistoryfromcountersubjectpositions the marginalized
intheessay'Can thesubaltern
As Spivak'sanalysis
hegemonic
standpoints.
this
is not so mucha case of speakingon behalfof the
speak?'shows,
but ratheran attempt
to markthespace of thesilencedin
marginalized
66
conventional
back'totheEmpireis initself
imperial
history.This'writing
a formofresistance,
a wayofdestabilizing
narratives
thehegemonic
through
has
whichtheWesthasconstructed
theother.67
In thisway,postcolonialism
and act
to refigure
theconceptual
attempted
spaceinwhichwe understand
createthespaceforalternative
upontheworld,and thereby
waysofbeing
and acting.
Postcolonialism's
and ubiquitous
ofpoweras productive
understanding
has clearimplications
fortheinvestigation
of resistance.
We havealready
thus
seen how Bhabhalocatesambivalence
in hybridity,
and resistance
63. See, for example, R. Lemarchand, Burundi:Ethnicconflictand genocide(Cambridge
UniversityPress, Cambridge,1994); G. Prunier,The Rwanda Crisis1959-1994: Historyof a
genocide(Hurst,London, 1995).
64. Appiah,'Is the "post-" in postcolonialism';Paolini,NavigatingModernity.
65. G. Prakash,'Postcolonialcriticismand Indian historiography',
Social Text31/32(1992),
p. 8.
66. Spivak,'Can the subalternspeak?'
67. Said, Cultureand Imperialism.
208
AFRICAN
AFFAIRS
209
Mbembe, On thePostcolony,
pp. 108, 109.
Ibid.,p. 111.
210
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