Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Narrative Ethnography
Author(s): Barbara Tedlock
Source: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol. 47, No. 1 (Spring, 1991), pp. 69-94
Published by: University of New Mexico
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3630581
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OBSERVATION
TOTHE
FROMPARTICIPANT
OBSERVATION
OF PARTICIPATION:
THE
EMERGENCE
OF NARRATIVE
ETHNOGRAPHY1
Barbara
Tedlock
StateUniversity
of NewYorkat Buffalo,
ofAnthropology,
Department
NY14261
Buffalo,
the professional
amateurobserver,the armchair
anthropologist,
ethnographer,
and the "gonenative"fieldworker.Eighteenth-and earlynineteenth-century
amateuraccounts-writtenby explorers,travelers,medicaldoctors,colonial
officers,missionaries,andtheidlerich-providedthematerialsforthe armchair
It was not untilafter
ruminationsof late nineteenth-century
anthropologists.
in anynumbers,
the FirstWorldWarthatacademically
trainedethnographers,
fieldwork
and
intensive
constructingethnographicinforbegan undertaking
in
nihilistic
It
was
this
world-which
mation.2
shattered,
gave birthto the Jazz
valuewas placed
with
its
hair
and
bathtub
intellectual
bobbed
gin-that
Age
in
order
to studyandreconstitutea humaneorder
on travelingto distantplaces
out of devastationanddisorder.
In the Frenchtradition,the emphasiswas on team research,usinga docThe Britishandthe Americantraditionsemphasizedinumentaryapproach.3
dividualresearch,using an experientialapproachthat was labelledwith the
There is no doubtbut thatthis peculiar
oxymoron"participant
observation."4
methodologicalstance causes stress, for as BenjaminPaul (1953:441)has
noted, "Participation
impliesemotionalinvolvement;observationrequiresdetachment.It is a strainto try to sympathizewithothersandat the sametime
Thissimultaneously
striveforscientificobjectivity."
empathetic,yet distancing,
to producedatathat
methodology,whichis widelybelievedby ethnographers
somehowreflectthe native'sown pointof view, in time becamethe principal
mode of productionfor anthropologicalknowledge.5
Ever since Malinowski (1922[1961]:25) suggested that an ethnographer's
goal should be "to grasp the native's point of view, his relationto life, to realize
69
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Inhisintroduction
to TheNuer(1940),the Britishanthropologist
E.E. EvansPritchard
includeda seven-pagefirst-personconfessional
accountof the terrible
livingconditionsandinformantdifficultieshe experiencedduringfieldworkin
the Sudan.In sharpcontrast,the remainderof the book,writtenin an omniscient third-person
authoritative
voice, describeshighlyabstract,nonempirical
entities, such as lineageand age-set systems, and the idealizedactionsof
commondenominator
people:the Nuerdo this, the Nuerdo that. Duringthis
samedecade,OliverLaFarge,theAmericananthropologist
andPulitzerPrizeSantaEulalia:
winningnovelist,publisheda complexnarrativeethnography,
TheReligionof a Cuchumatdn
are porIndianTown(1947).In it, individuals
trayedandactualevents are describedin detail.Liberallysprinkledwith engagingfirst-personnarrativevignettes,the text climaxeswith a narrativeof
stolen idolsandthe placementof a deathcurse uponLa Fargeandhis party.
andLa Fargebothplacethemselveswithinthe ethAlthoughEvans-Pritchard
their
frame,
nographic
purposesand the resultingtexts couldnot be more
different.Evans-Pritchard's
serves to distancehimfromthe Nuer,
self-portrait
of
La
the
giving
appearance objectivity; Farge'sself-portraitplaces him far
within
the Mayanworldto revealhis subjectivity.
enough
LaFarge'shumanistic
stancetowardthe portrayal
of the fieldworkencounter
can also be foundin two of AliceMarriott'sbooks, The ValleyBelow (1949)
and GreenerFields (1952). In the firstof these ethnographic
memoirs,which
centers on a sojournin northernNew Mexico,Marriott(1949:239)explains
her writingproblem:"I startedwith the idea of an orderlydescriptionof a
societythatwas blendedof threeelements:Indian,Spanish,andAnglo.I found
thatI couldn'tdescribethe societywithouttellinghowwe [herartistcompanion
Marthaandherself]cameto be partof it. I couldn'tanalyzethe peoplewithout
describingthem, andthe descriptiontook the formof tellingof the impactof
theircharacterson ours."In her secondmemoir,GreenerFields, the chapters
alternatebetween a highlyaccessibleaccountof the historyof anthropology
and anecdotalnarratives,rangingfromthe hilariousto the poignant,of her
manyyears of fieldworkandclose friendshipswith PlainsandSouthwestern
Indians.
In spite of its appeal,first-person,experientialwritingby ethnographers
dealingwith actualpeopleandevents was rareduringthe 1930s, 1940s, and
JeanMalauriedecided
early 1950s. Indeed,the Arcticexplorer-ethnographer
thatthe onlywayto changethe situationwasto promotethisformof expression
activelyamonghis friendsandcolleagues(Balandier1987:1).In 1955 he initiated a documentaryliterary series, TerreHumaine, with the Paris publisher
Plon. The series was specificallydedicated to the publicationof well-written,
firsthand documentary testimony combining "scientific objectivity with a dialectic of personal relationships"(Malaurie1987:10). Over five millioncopies
of the fifty volumes publishedto date have been sold.
ETHNOGRAPHY
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and
To start the literaryseries, MalaurieencouragedClaudeL&vi-Strauss
(IkviGeorgesBalandierto writeup theirfieldexperiences.TristesTropiques
Strauss 1955, 1961) andAfriqueambigui(Balandier1957, 1966) resulted.
Togetherwithhis ownLes derniersroisde Thuld(Malaurie1956, 1982),these
were the firstfieldworkaccountshe published.Eachof the threevolumeswas
successful,reachinga wide, appreciativeaudience.By now, Malaurie'sbook
has been translatedinto sixteen languages.But the most renownedvolume,
and one that becamean immediatebest-sellerin France,was IAvi-Strauss's
of a traveler'stale, personalfeelwithits oddjuxtaposition
TristesTropiques,
abstract
models.Althoughpopulartoday,
and
observation,
ings, ethnographic
it wasvirtuallyignoredwhenit wasfirsttranslatedintoEnglishin 1961.Perhaps
the English-speaking
academicworldwas not yet comfortablewith a firstof fieldwork,or perhapswe were simplynot ready
narrative
account
person
for whatSusanSontag(1966)called"theanthropologist
as hero."
At almostthe same time TristesTropiques
cameout, GeorgesCondominas
(1957) publishedhis Vietnamesefield notebookswith Mercurede France,
underthe titleof Nousavonsmangelaforetdela Pierre-Genie
G6o.Hiswriting
takes the formof a diary,listingandcommentingat lengthon the events he
witnessedin the villageof Sar LukfromNovember1948to December1949.
In his introduction
he comments,"I shallno doubtbe reproachedfor alluding
to my own presenceat events I describe.But my purposeis not to paintan
exotic canvasor to constructsome sort of prehistoricethnography.
Rather,it
is to renderrealityas it waslivedwhilebeingobserved"(Condominas
1977:xix).
Insteadof beingreproached,the bookwas rapidlytranslatedintoItalian,German,andRussian.However,Condominas's
attemptto get the booktranslated
andpublishedin Englishis a bizarretaleof international
copyrightinfringement.
Afteryears of unsuccessfulpublication
attempts,he ranacrossa 1962pirated
Englisheditionproducedby the United States Departmentof Commerce,
which,as he notes, "actedon politicalandmilitaryreasonsratherthanout of
anydeepscientificconcern,anddidso withoutconsultingeitherme, the author,
or the originalFrenchpublisher"
(Condominas
1977:xi).This piratededition
of a fielddiarythatsympathetically
the
portrayed indigenous
peoplesof Vietnam
was availableneitherto the anthropological
nor
to
the generalpublic
profession
in
the
of
the
war
Vietnam.
during period
Fromthe 1960s to the presentday, the relationship
of fieldworkersto the
and
other
to
the
authorities
peoplethey study,
political
powerfulfiguresof the
host community,
andto themselvesas observers,participants,
andinterpreters
has been exploredin depth in a series of edited volumesand in individual
fieldworkaccounts.14Whenthe Society for AppliedAnthropology
published
GeraldBerreman'sBehindManyMasks:Ethnography
and ImpressionManagementin a HimalayanVillage(1962),RobertSmithcommented,in his foreword,thatit was the "onlyattemptknownto me to presentwithinananalytical
framework the subtleties of what the author calls 'the human experience' of
field work"(in Berreman 1962:3). Using Erving Goffman's(1959) interactionist
approach to "impression management," which involves a description of the
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Thisenables
presentas a characterinthe storythatrevealshisownpersonality.
the readerto identifythe consciousnesswhichhas selected and shapedthe
experienceswithinthe text. In contrastto memoirs,narrativeethnographies
focusnot on the ethnographer
herself,butratheron the characterandprocess
of the ethnographic
dialogueor encounter.
Two key essays centeringon the exploration
of the ethnographic
encounter
were publishedby StanleyDiamondandKurtWolffin a volumeentitledReStudieseditedby Vidich,Bensman,andStein (1964).
flectionson Community
Diamond'sessay, "NigerianDiscovery:The Politicsof Field Work,"subtly
exploresthe complexpoliticaldimensionsinvolvedin crossingculturalboundaries. KurtWolff's"Surrenderand CommunityStudy:The Studyof Loma"
describeshow, duringhis fieldresearchin a northernNew Mexicovillage,he
openedhimselfto the risk of beinghurtby becomingso totallyinvolvedand
identifiedwiththe communitythateverythinghe saw or experiencedbecame
relevantto him."Itwas yearsbeforeI understoodwhathadhappenedto me:
I hadfallenthroughthe web of culturepatternsandassortedconceptual
meshes
into the chaos of love;I was lookingeverywhere,famished,with a ruthless
glance"(Wolff1964:235).
It is preciselythe vulnerability
revealedby WolffthatKevinDwyer(1982:27274) sees as the centralanthropological
project.No matterhow muchcare an
his
or
her
devotes
to
ethnographer
project,its success dependsuponmore
thanindividual
effort.It is tied to outsidesocialforces includingan anthropologicalcommunitythat accepts the projectas meaningfuland international
thatmakethe fieldworkpossible.In Dwyer'sview, the issues of
relationships
the fieldworkendeavorare not so muchobjectivity,neutrality,anddistanceas
they are risk, the possibilityof failure,andthe hope of success.
firsthandaccountsare usefulin preparingethnogSpeakingpedagogically,
raphersfor fieldwork.Their value in detailingthe complexand ambiguous
realitiesinvolvedin the fieldworkexperiencewas formallyrecognizedby the
Universityof Amsterdamin the early 1960s, when the Instituteof Cultural
Anthropologyset up a series of formallecturesfor anthropologists
recently
returnedfromthe field.An editedvolumeof these lectures,Anthropologists
in the Field, was compiledby Jongmansand Gutkind(1967), togetherwith
fourpreviouslypublishedessays andan annotatedbibliography
on fieldmethods. Whilesome personalaspectsof fieldexperienceappearin severalof the
the mainthrustof the volumeis the descriptionandevaluation
contributions,
of variousfieldtechniques-socialsurvey,quantification,
restudy-ratherthan
an in-depthexplorationof the subjectiveelementsof fieldwork.
obBeginningin the 1970s, there was a shiftin emphasisfromparticipant
servationto the observationof participation.
MartinYang(1972) wrote an
importantessay discussingthe role of both his graduateeducationandwhat
he calledhis "first-hand
fieldwork"
in the productionof his highlyacclaimed
ethnography,A ChineseVillage(1945). His field researchwas done in the
villagein whichhe grew up andliveduntilhe went awayto college.As he put
it, "Myfieldworkwas my own life andthe lives of others in whichI had an
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2. Even thoughBronislawMalinowski
took on the archetypalrole of "theEthnoginthe openingchapterof hisArgonautsof theWestern
Pacific(1922)andclaimed
rapher"
to have inventedthe methodof fieldwork,there are othercandidatesfor this honor,
As
includingMorgan,Cushing,Haddon,Seligman,Boas, Rivers,andRadcliffe-Brown.
innovationlay in elevatingthe
RaymondFirth(1985) has pointedout, Malinowski's
fieldworkmethodinto a theory. For a brief historyof fieldwork,see RosalieWax
series with a
(1971:21-41). GeorgeStockingopenedhis "Historyof Anthropology"
Observed:
Fieldcollectionof superbarticlesentitledObservers
EssaysonEthnographic
work(1983b).
3. The Frenchfieldworktraditionwas initiatedduringthe 1920sby MarcelMauss
andRiver,foundedthe Institut
andMauriceDelafosse,who, togetherwithIAvy-Bruhl
methods.
d'Ethnologie,where manyAfricanistcolonialofficersstudiedethnographic
MarcelMauss,althoughhe neverundertookfieldwork,taughtan annualcourse,"Ethandan important
fieldworktext, Manueld'ethnographie
(1947),
nographiedescriptive,"
was developedfromhis notes. Maussrecommended
thatthe "professional
ethnographer"adoptthe "intensivemethod,"by whichhe did not meanlong-termindividual
teamresearch,resultingin
documentary
experientialresearch,butrathermultifaceted
hundredsof soundrecordings,textualaccounts,andmajorcollectionsof artandartifacts
(Clifford1983).
4. AlthoughI havegroupedthe BritishandAmerican
traditionstogetherhere, there
are substantial
differencesbetweenandwithinthem.Britishanthropologists
specialized
inrelativelyisolated"primitive"
emphasizing
peoplesandfocusedon socialanthropology,
studiedless isolatedpeasantgroups,were
socialstructures.Americananthropologists
more inclusive,andfocusedon cultureandpsychology(Kirsch1982:103).
5. For furtherdiscussionof the emergenceof fieldwork,togetherwithholism,relvaluesinthe UnitedStates
as keymethodological
ativism,andthe comparative
approach
and
and Britain,see DavidMandelbaum
(1982:36)
George Stocking(1982:411-12,
1983a:74).
of communicative
interactionthroughlanguage,es6. For moreon the importance
peciallydialogue,see JohannesFabian(1971)andDennisTedlock(1979, 1987).
7. That the participant-observation
formof the fieldworkritualis still considered
in
for
the
tribeis revealedin a recentreviewof
ethnographic
necessary membership
JamesClifford'sThePredicament
of Culture(1988), in whichPhilipBock (1990:10910) invitesClifford"toundergothe ritualordealof fieldwork(notjust as an observer
in orderto become"oneof us."
in a Mashpee,Massachusettscourtroom)"
8. One reviewerof Dalby'sbook took exceptionto the author'sclaimof having
as a witness.The
becomea geisha(Cornell1986)andquestionedher overallreliability
objectionwas not to the fieldworker's
attemptto becomea geisha,butratherto her
a fieldworker
who claims
assertionthatshe was successful.Thiseffortat discrediting
demonstratesthe persisto have undergonea successfulintercultural
apprenticeship
of SelfandOtheras two entirelyincomtence of the Westernintellectual
construction
mensurablecategories.
canbe foundin his obituaryin theAmerican
9. Moreinformation
about
Nimuendajti
(Baldus1946)andLowie's(1959:119-26)discussionof his long-distance
Anthropologist
withhim.Assessmentsof FrankHamiltonCushing'sfabledinductioninto
relationship
to his editedvolumeof
Zuniculturecanbe foundinJesse Green's(1979)introduction
Cushingessays and in SylviaGronewold's(1972:33-50)essay "DidFrankHamilton
(1964);
CushingGo Native?"For moreon VerrierElwin'slife, see his autobiography
workcanbe foundin Misra
a perceptivediscussionandevaluationof his ethnographic
(1973).
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10. An excellentintroduction
to the discussionof the differencesbetweenthe "natural"andthe "human"
sciencescan be foundin Polkinghorne
(1983, 1988). Phenom(1975),
enologyis developedat lengthbySchutz(1967,1973),Ricoeur(1974),Gadamer
andLuckmann
of interpretation
(1978).Forapplications
theoryin the humansciences,
see Geertz(1973),as well as RabinowandSullivan(1979).
11. Buelow(1973)foundthat most anthropologists
who have writtenfictionhave
used pseudonyms.NancySchmidt(1981:12)later notedthat "fieldwork
experiences
were not an acceptabletopicfor anthropologists
to writeabout,so Bohannanused a
to date have
pseudonymfor her novel."She also reportedthat few anthropologists
their literarypseudonyms.As she put it, "ethnographic
fiction
openlyacknowledged
has been hidden,or perhapsmoreaccuratelysweptunderthe rug, by anthropologists
who felt that it was inappropriate
for consideration
and"editorsof
as ethnography,"
anthropological
journalshave... refusedto considerit forreview"(Schmidt1984:11,
12).
12. Devereux(1967:41-42)hasarguedthatthistypeof anxiety-reducing
devicecan
intocountertransference
reactions,leadingto "actingout"maseasilybe transformed
of the individual
fromethqueradingas science. He also notedthat "theelimination
nologicalfieldreportswas formerlya routineprocedure.Lintononce quotedto me the
aboutthe X-tribeis almostfinished.
followingremarkof a colleague:'Mymonograph
AllI haveto do now is cut out the life'(i.e., allreferencesto realpeopleandevents)"
(Devereux1967:89).
13. Leiris'swork,as Clifford(1986)andBeaujour(1987)havepointedout, should
be read as both an encouragement
anda cautionaryexamplefor the projectof ethLeirisfaced"epistemological
nographicrepresentation.
aporiasin his effortto combine
of literaryself-inscription,
and
sympatheticobservationof the Other,the unavoidability
the imperativeof culturalcritique"
(Beaujour1987:479).
14. Duringthe late 1950s, a series of methodological
articles,centeringon field
was
in
the
American
Human
thencollected
techniques, published
journal
Organization,
and edited by Adamsand Preiss in the bookHumanOrganization
Research(1960).
The mainaim of these essays was to demystifythe process of fieldwork.Another
influential
editedvolume,publishedin the sameyear,wasJosephCasagrande's
In the
Companyof Man (1960), consistingof essay portraits,togetherwith snapshots,of
informants.
At the endof the decade,RobertLowiepublished
twentykey ethnographic
an intellectualhistoryof his professional
A PersonalRecord(1959),in
life, Ethnologist:
whichhe ratherdispassionately
describedhis field experiences.The ego-centered
to fieldwork,including
the alterationof self-imageand
adjustmentof the ethnographer
socialprojection
of self, wasexploredinStressandResponseinFieldwork(1969),edited
by FrancesHenryand SatishSaberwal.In 1970 three editedvolumesof fieldwork
accountsappeared:GeorgeSpindler'sBeing an Anthropologist:
Fieldworkin Eleven
Natives:Anthropologists
at Work,andPeggyGolde's
Cultures,MorrisFreilich's
Marginal
Individual
Womenin theField:Anthropological
Experiences.
first-personfieldworkaccountsfromthistwenty-yearperiodincludeTurnbull
(1961),Berreman(1962),Beattie
(1965),Fernea(1965,1975),Maybury-Lewis
(1965),Read(1965),Powdermaker
(1966),
Gould(1969),Briggs(1970),Gearing(1970),Middleton
(1970),Rosenfeld(1971),Wax
(1971),Greenway(1972),Chagnon(1974),Myerhoff(1974,1979),Selby(1974),Alland
(1975),Elmendorf
(1976),Schieffelin
(1976),Condominas
(1977),Favret-Saada
(1977),
Rabinow(1977), Riesman(1977), Dumont(1978),Mitchell(1978), Belmonte(1979),
andKeil(1979).
15. Perhapsthe most strikingexampleof this radicalsplitis foundin Malinowski's
ETHNOGRAPHY
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