Urban Governance in Post Apartheid Cities

Urbanization of the Earth
12
Series Editor: Heiko Schmid
Christoph Haferburg & Marie Huchzermeyer (eds.)
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Urban Governance in Post-apartheid Cities
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Modes of Engagement in South Africas Metropoles
BBorntraeger Science Publishers
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Urbanization of the Earth 12

Series Editor: Heiko Schmid

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2015, Gebr. Borntraeger Verlagsbuchhandlung, Stuttgart, Germany
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Urban Governance in
Post-apartheid Cities
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Modes of Engagement in South Africas

Metropoles
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with 36 gures and 17 tables
Borntraeger Science Publishers Stuttgart 2014
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Urbanization of the Earth 13

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Dr. Christoph Haferburg

Institut fr Geographie
Friedrich-Alexander-Universitt Erlangen-Nrnberg
Wetterkreuz 15
91058 Erlangen
Germany
Prof. Dr. Marie Huchzermeyer
School of Architecture and Planning
University of the Witwatersrand
Private Bag 3, Wits 2050
South Africa
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Front cover: Cover photograph by Marie Huchzermeyer: Walter Sisulu Square in Kliptown, Soweto,
commemorates the 1955 Freedom Charter, the cornerstone of South Africas post-apartheid Constitution.
In its design, the square symbolises in part the states aspirations for post-apartheid urbanism.
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This publication is sponsored by:
We would be pleased to receive your comments on the content of this book:

editors@schweizerbart.de
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ISBN 978-3-443-37015-2
Information on this title: www.borntraeger-cramer.com/9783443370152
2014 Gebr. Borntraeger Verlagsbuchhandlung, Stuttgart, Germany
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in
any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written
permission of Gebr. Borntraeger Verlagsbuchhandlung.
Publisher: Gebr. Borntraeger Verlagsbuchhandlung
Johannesstr. 3A, 70176 Stuttgart, Germany
mail@borntraeger-cramer.de
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P Printed on permanent paper conrming to ISO 9706-1994
Typesetting: DTP + TEXT Eva Burri, Stuttgart

Printed in Germany by Gulde Druck GmbH, Tbingen
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Preface and acknowledgements
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Urban governance has been a prominent theme in publications on urban South Africa
for the past decade. With this book, we would like to build on this existing knowledge by presenting a grounded account that covers contemporary initiatives and
programmes, and examines the engagements of a wide range of role players within
the state, communities and the private sector. We are doing so at a time when the
country is reecting on the rst two post-apartheid decades, or the rst four terms of
the African National Congress-led government. This period has been marked by the
challenge of overcoming apartheid legacies, the experience of new global and local
pressures, and the adoption of neoliberal, developmental as well as welfare policies
and approaches. The past two decades have also been the period in which urban
governance has come to the fore in South Africa, determining approaches to management and decision-making at many scales and for a variety of projects, programmes,
strategies, initiatives and political commitments.
The book stems from a longstanding German-South African collaboration, drawing chapter contributors from both international and South African networks. We
would like to thank the late Prof. Dr Heiko Schmid, series editor for Borntraeger,
who suggested a book on contemporary urban South Africa. At Borntraeger Science
Publishers, Dr. Andreas Ngele ensured a smooth and enjoyable publication process.
We would like to thank Karen Press for rigorous copy editing, and Norman Louis
and Olumyiwa Adegun for assistance in the reference editing process. We would also
like to thank Eva Burri for typesetting and Hilke Bornholdt for preparing the index.
The collection would not have been possible without the careful scrutiny and generous suggestions made by the following reviewers: Roger Behrens, Sophie Oldeld
and Sue Parnell from the University of Cape Town, Claire Bnit-Gbaffou, Sarah
Charlton, Teresa Dirsuweit, Phil Harrison, Lauren Landau, Christopher McMichael
and Alex Wafer from the University of the Witwatersrand, Scarlett Cornelissen from
the University of Stellenbosch, Karina Landman from the University of Pretoria, Liela
Groenewald from the University of Johannesburg, Urmilla Bob from the University
of KwaZulu-Natal, Boris Michel from the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, Jenny
Robinson from University College London, Kate Tissington from the Socio-Economic
Rights Institute of South Africa and Ivan Turok from the Human Sciences Research
Council.
Credits for photographs and images are due to Business Day (Fig. 4.1), Independent Newspapers (Fig. 4.2), Keith Atkins (Fig. 4.3), Chris Wray of the Gauteng City
Region Observatory (Fig. 7.1), Kerry Chance (Figs. 8.28.4), Cape Argus (Fig. 14.2),
Anita Reed of the Cape Town Partnership (Fig. 14.3), Anita van Zyl of the Cape
Town Partnership (Fig. 14.4) and eThekwini Municipality (Figs. 15.3, 16.2). The
editors would like to thank their respective institutions (the Institute of Geography,
Friedrich-Alexander-Universitt Erlangen-Nrnberg and the School of Architecture
and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand) for support towards this project.
Support is also acknowledged from the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung Southern Africa,
from the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) and the National Research
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VI
Preface and acknowledgements
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Foundation. However, the positions taken and views expressed in this book are to be
attributed to the authors and not to any of these organisations.
The Editors
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Contents
Preface and acknowledgements ...........................................................................
List of gures ....................................................................................................... IX

List of tables......................................................................................................... XI
List of abbreviations ............................................................................................ XII
1
An introduction to the governing of post-apartheid cities ............................

Christoph Haferburg and Marie Huchzermeyer
The external and internal context for post-apartheid urban governance .......
Alison Todes
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Part I: Urban governance in post-apartheid cities in context........................
Part II: City visions and urban interventions: engagements of the state .....
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A critical overview of the instruments for urban transformation

in South Africa ...............................................................................................
Mfaniseni F. Sihlongonyane
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The agonistic state: metropolitan government responses

to city strife post-1994 ...................................................................................
Li Pernegger
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Transforming the post-apartheid city through Bus Rapid Transit .................

Astrid Wood
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Part III: The fragile base of the city: currents and dynamics
at community level .............................................................................
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Contours of urban community politics: learning from Johannesburg ........... 101

Obvious Katsaura
Reconceptualising xenophobia, urban governance and inclusion:

the case of Khutsong ...................................................................................... 117
Joshua Kirshner
Undoing the silencing of the present: the imperative to recognise

the shack settlement as a site of politics ........................................................ 135
Richard Pithouse
Entangled or empowered? Networks of grassroots organisations

and NGOs in housing and human settlement processes ................................ 155
Astrid Ley
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VIII
Contents
Part IV: Private sector: gaining weight............................................................ 177

10 City of layers: the making and shaping of afuent Johannesburg
after apartheid ................................................................................................ 179
Martin J. Murray
11 The private security industry in urban management...................................... 197
Tessa Diphoorn
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12 Johannesburgs Bad Buildings Programme: the World Class City

hegemony at work? ........................................................................................ 211
Margot Rubin
13 Social entrepreneurship and corporate social
responsibility in Johannesburgs inner city housing and revitalisation
strategies ........................................................................................................ 231
Elisabeth Peyroux
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14 The local governance dynamics of international accolades: Cape Towns

designation as World Design Capital 2014 .................................................... 251
Laura Wenz
Part V: Governing through place and space.................................................... 271
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15 Post-World Cup effects and local regeneration

strategies in Johannesburg and eThekwini .................................................... 273
Christoph Haferburg, Matthias Fleischer, Maximilian Fuhrmann and
Fred Krger
16 The sugarcane frontier: governing the production

of gated space in KwaZulu-Natal .................................................................. 295
Richard Ballard and Gareth A. Jones
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17 Women and urban governance: the disjuncture

between policy and everyday experiences
in intimate spaces ........................................................................................... 313
Kira Erwin, Orli Bass and Jennifer Houghton
Contributors ......................................................................................................... 327
Index .................................................................................................................... 331
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List of gures
Fig. 5.4:
Fig. 7.1:
Fig. 8.1:
Fig. 8.2:
Fig. 8.3:
Fig. 8.4:
Fig. 9.1:
Fig. 10.1:
Fig. 10.2:
Fig. 10.3:
Fig. 11.1:
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Fig. 11.2:
Fig. 12.1:
Fig. 12.2:
Fig. 12.3:
Fig. 12.4:
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Fig. 5.1:
Fig. 5.2:
Fig. 5.3:
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Fig. 4.3:
Fig. 4.2:
Aftermath of a housing-related service delivery protest

in Alexandra, showing overowing sewerage in the street
and rubble used as barricades by protestors to prevent
the entry of police into the township. .............................................
A typical protest stratagem employing a blockade made
of burning tyres ..............................................................................
Informal traders protesting against the operations of the
Metropolitan Trading Company .....................................................
Fashion Square Rea Vaya Station, Johannesburg ...........................
Rea Vaya System Map, Johannesburg ............................................
Granger Bay MyCiTi Station, Cape Town (with the Green
Point Stadium in the background) .................................................
MyCiTi System Map, Cape Town ..................................................
Merafong City with 2009 local municipality and provincial
boundaries .....................................................................................
Foreman Road informal settlement in Durban ...............................
Abahlali baseMjondolo at its annual Unfreedom Day
celebration ......................................................................................
Kennedy Road informal settlement after a re .............................
Abahlali baseMjondolo members at one of the bail hearings
for the twelve arrested residents of Kennedy Road informal
settlement .......................................................................................
Assemblages and alliances in the sphere of Shack/Slum
Dwellers International in South Africa in 2006 ............................
Poorly integrated gated development in Midrand .........................
Perimeter wall of a gated residential estate in Midrand ................
Strictly monitored entrance to a luxury gated estate in Midrand ...
Registered private security providers in South Africa,
20012011 ......................................................................................
Registered active security ofcers in South Africa, 20012011 ....
Timeline of events in the CoJ, 19922008 the development
and demise of the Bad/Better Buildings Programme. ...................
Schematic diagram of different models of the Bad/Better
Buildings Programme ....................................................................
San Jose residents at the Constitutional Court hearing
in the Olivia Road case...................................................................
San Jose building. ...........................................................................
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Fig. 4.1:
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List of gures
Fig. 14.4:
Fig. 15.1:
Fig. 15.2:
Fig. 15.3:
Fig. 15.4:
Fig. 16.1:
Fig. 16.2:
Fig. 16.3:
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Fig. 16.4:
Fig. 16.5:
Fig. 16.6:
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Fig. 14.3:
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Fig. 14.2:
The local World Design Capital logo. In a rather self-ironising

manner, its form was inspired by one of Cape Towns most
peculiar design features: the never-completed highway lanes
towering over the central city. .......................................................
Title page of the local Cape Argus newspaper, a day after
the announcement, visualising the potential of the accolade
for Bridging the Divide ...............................................................
CTP Managing Director Bulelwa Makalima-Ngewana,
Executive Mayor Patricia de Lille, CTP CEO Andrew Boraine
and Western Cape Premier Helen Zille jointly present
Cape Towns bid book. ..................................................................
Deputy Mayor Ian Neilson with Vice Mayor of Taipei Chen
Hsiung-Wen and Oliver Lin, CEO of the Taiwan Design Centre,
at the opening of a special Taiwan Design showcase
at the Design Indaba 2013 .............................................................
Existing corporate headquarters and World Cup-related
investments in Johannesburg .........................................................
FIFA World Cup zoning and planned interventions in Bertrams ...
Event-related interventions on eThekwinis beachfront
as planned in 2007 .........................................................................
Contrasting urban scenarios and developments adjacent
to the beach promenade upgrade ....................................................
Maps comparing apartheid zoning with racially dominated
neighbourhoods in the 2001 census ...............................................
Inanda Road: 2000 (left) showing sugarcane plantations
surrounded by established suburbs and 2011 (right) showing
gated estates in various stages of completion.................................
Welcome! An old entrance to a sugar estate turned gated estate
on the north coast ...........................................................................
International investment pours into KwaZulu-Natal .....................
Kirtlington, an equestrian estate ..................................................
One of the rst houses in Cotswold Downs (Hillcrest) .................
Fig. 14.1:
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An introduction to the governing of post-apartheid

cities
Christoph Haferburg and Marie Huchzermeyer
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There should be no surprise when a space-related issue spurs collaboration (often

denounced on that basis by party politicians) between different kinds of people, between those who react reactionaries, in a traditional parlance and liberals or
radicals, progressives, advanced democrats, and even revolutionaries. (Lefebvre
[1974] 1991, p. 380381)
Introduction
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Contemporary urban research across the globe grapples with questions linked to the
function, approach and inuence of key urban role players, their strategic alliances
and their cooperation across different sectors and spatial scales. While Henri Lefebvre
([1974] 1991), in the quote prefacing this chapter, already recognised this trend in
the mid-1970s, in more recent decades, characterised as an epoch of weaker national
states and increasingly powerful actors outside of traditional government institutions
(Brenner 2004), scholars have perceived the role of political, economic and social
interventions on the metropolitan scale as a dynamic of growing importance. The term
governance as opposed to government has come to represent the active participation by a host of actors outside of government in policy, managerial and budgetary
decisions and prioritisation (Devas 2004). These include private sector organisations,
but also organized constituencies and interest groups acting in the city (Beall et al.
2002, p. 16). This relational interaction (ibid.) applies mainly to states with democratic structures, committed to a neoliberal agenda. In such a conguration, two types
of implications come to the fore. First, as a result of privatisation efforts in the 1990s
and 2000s, and due to an opening up of domestic economies, national government
has lost leverage, for example in regard to spatial and infrastructure development,
in particular relating to locational decisions made by multinational companies and
real estate developers. This leads to the second implication: when the government
becomes relatively weaker, although power may be more consolidated (Beauregard
& Tomlinson 2007), other players gain in strength. Thus overall, the private sector
can be expected to have gained weight, and its exposure to global competition would
then also determine the benchmarks of urban development, rather than benchmarks
being set by an independent national policy agenda (see Jessop 2002).
However, research on urban governance has also shown that a weaker national state
can create room for (or necessitate) civil society activities and those of social movements
and less organised self-help initiatives (such as informal housing or, in the extreme case,
vigilantism). Given the combination of weaker state agency, less restrained corporate
inuence and a possibly more pronounced (and maybe more argumentative) civil
sphere of urban life, specic urban regimes have developed. To some extent medi-
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C. Haferburg & M. Huchzermeyer, An introduction to the governing
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ated by the local political context, this mix leads to locally embedded arrangements of
power-broking that produce specic path-dependencies which can only be unravelled
and understood through detailed empirical engagement with the eld (see Stoker 2002).
Traditionally, empirical studies that are informed by an urban governance perspective try to analyse the sum of the many ways individuals and institutions, public and
private, plan and manage the common affairs of the city [This] includes formal
institutions as well as informal arrangements and the social capital of citizens (UNHabitat 2002, p. 14). This denition is mirrored by Selles (2012) overview of governance ideas, or in a more focused view on social diversity and local governance in
sub-Saharan Africa, as Stren (2010) and Bnit-Gbaffou (2008) suggest. Benz & Dose
(2010) point to the importance of reecting on the economic and societal context in
which governance arrangements are embedded, a nding that dovetails with comparative perspectives provided for example by Pierre (2005) and Healey (2006). New
urban governance perspectives (see Hohn & Neuer 2006), as well as contributions
on neoliberal urbanism (Knkel & Mayer 2011; Rossi & Vanolo 2012), stress the effects of globalisation, as outlined above, and also point to the limits of local actors in
mediating these effects. Knkel & Mayer (2011) include justice as a specic point of
reference and attempt to introduce an egalitarian dimension into the debate on urban
governance, thus implying a connection to the Right to the City.
Given the historical nexus between neoliberalism and globalisation, urban governance is not a new empirical phenomenon. Its conceptual rise coincided with South
Africas transformation into a post-apartheid society in the 1990s. In the context of
this volume, we draw on governance-inspired observations insofar as they provide
a broad understanding of urban (sometimes institutional) arrangements in South Africa. In our view, therefore, urban governance is a description of a particular way of
understanding the complexities of steering urban development. In South Africa, these
complex modes of engaging with urban dynamics coincide with the historical episode
covered in this book the post-apartheid period. In this sense, urban governance is a
label for new patterns of intervention linked to specic constellations of actors. The
prevalence of research on urban governance thus signies a raised level of awareness
of these patterns and constellations within cities.
The fundamental observation, however, that the aims, actions and limitations of
private sector and civil society have to be included systematically in any analysis of
urban governance does not imply that this wider form of participation is necessarily
better (in any given sense) for urban development. Governance, then (as opposed to
good governance), in our understanding, does not have any given normative implications, either good or bad, although, in this sense, governance-beyond-the-state does
have potentially contradictory effects (Swyngedouw 2005: 1992). The task instead
lies in comprehending the specic patterns and outcomes that we can identify locally,
and situating them within global processes and debates. This must be done without
neglecting the possibility of taking a further step by analysing and addressing the
gap between the status quo and the urban futures aspired to. Political reections and
social interactions to arrive at agreement on these futures are under way, for instance
in the already mentioned debate on the Right to the City.
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Introduction
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Urban governance strategies in South Africa are closely linked to topics featuring
in the international debate on how to understand the alliances and actions that inuence urban development, and especially the living conditions of city dwellers. The
intersection of scales, though, is not only manifest in the global-local interaction of
challenges and solutions (as well as theories), but also in the different connections
that exist between the metropolitan scale and the ne-grained urban fabric of residents
and communities, streets and buildings, places and spaces (Cornelissen 2009; see also
Simone 2011). In a post-apartheid context where the legacy of spatial segregation
is still very vivid, it is clear that the pattern of richer and poorer sections of the city
leaves many low-income households disconnected from the existing redistributive
and inclusive practices, as well as from related decision-making, emanating from a
developmental policy agenda. At community level, local stakeholders struggle to make
themselves heard, resulting in discontent and social protest (Mottiar & Bond 2012).
Sometimes though, such protest has been an important mechanism through which
citizens have made gains in their efforts to attain improved socio-economic conditions. The continuity of locally embedded rights-based actions (see Huchzermeyer
2011) represents an important feature of an emerging South African assemblage of
urban governance in relation to low-income communities.
Asking about urban governance congurations thus represents our entry point to an
understanding of the steering of urban development in South Africa. The congurations
are broader than those involving local government (see Parnell et al. 2002), although
engagement with local government is a conceptual precondition. In the reections
above, we have alluded to the three main groups of actors deemed crucial in urban
governance: the state, civil society along with social movements, and the private sector.
Their respective ways of engaging with their counterparts and addressing challenges
are acknowledged through dedicated sections in this volume. However, due to the
strategic role of space and place, proximity and distance, spheres and scales in brief,
due to the different urbanities within each South African city we have included
a further section dedicated to specic spatial modes of governance, that is, those
which rely strategically on localised interventions to address urban challenges, such
as City Improvement Districts or neighbourhood upgrading initiatives (as opposed
to targeting specic socially or economically dened groups or sectors regardless of
their location in the city). This may be considered a characteristic element of Southern
urban governance, possibly resulting from a history of socio-spatial engineering and
the heritage of colonial cities that have been built on the idea of ordering the relations
of the colonisers and the colonised by instruments such as cordons sanitaires and
peripheral native locations. Indeed, Parnell & Robinson (2012, p. 593) call for a
provincialization of urban research in order to be more relevant for the cities of the
South. Such an approach would need to rely more on inductive theory formulation
based on empirical examples from these specic provinces and it could be argued
that this volume contributes to this endeavour by way of providing detailed accounts
from South African cities that would need to be acknowledged in their own right.
However, these reports from South African streets and boardrooms also need to be
contextualised in relation to local, regional and global urbanisation and policy trends,
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as well as to theoretical interpretations and insights that have been gained in urban
studies, in social and political research in the past and present. This is what the rst
two chapters of this book (this introduction and the chapter by Alison Todes) provide:
a wider empirical context, as well as relevant conceptual points of reference.
The attempt to start a conversation across the conventional ways of framing South
African urban governance as something subjected to global (economic and political)
dynamics, that is, neoliberalisation, and the frame of reference that acknowledges the
signicant inuence of its specic local history, that is, the post-apartheid condition
with its own dynamics and contradictions, thus forms a leitmotiv of this book. It also
demonstrates the dialectical approach employed, bringing the empirical ndings to
bear on conceptual ideas that in turn help to make sense of the manifold and often
conicting observations explored in this volume.
But do neoliberalism and post-apartheid conditions as contextual dynamics, with
urban governance as a conceptual backdrop, sufce to explain the course of urban
development in South Africa? In 2014, South Africa celebrates its twentieth anniversary of the achievement of democracy. The passage of two decades under the
post-apartheid or new governance regime (Beauregard & Tomlinson 2007, p. 237)
calls for a careful review of the interpretation that every urban issue can be attributed
either to the legacy of apartheid or to the effects of neoliberal policy. Similarly, the
concept of urban governance, which emerged as the dominant interpretation of the
different but determinable patterns of steering Northern (or, though equally problematic, Western) cities, must be reviewed. Does a specically South African mode
of urban governance exist? Or should we interpret the contributions collected here
rather as an articulation of the urban global South and the postcolonial commonalities
that many countries share?
In the following section, we turn briey to the chapters that make up the body of
this book and that explore these tensions and debates. In sum they set out to examine
the causes of and articulate possible solutions to current urban questions in South
Africa. The authors were tasked with writing about role players across government,
the private sector and the community that are directly or perhaps inadvertently
generating urban challenges faced in South African cities today, and how these are
manifested, and by presenting existing responses to these challenges, showing how
they are being handled and to what extent they are being overcome. Both neoliberal
and post-apartheid dynamics feature in the chapters, demonstrating mediation by local
congurations and specicities.
Reliance on rst-hand empirical material was one of the stepping stones for this
collection, taking its inspiration from the desire to cast a new gaze on South African
cities, one that does not rely so much on rening stories that have been told all along,
but that tries to reect on the current state of South Africas metropoles. Given that these
are still experiencing rapid growth while also facing an array of internal challenges,
handled through quite a variety of approaches, it seems appropriate to re-assess who
actually runs the city (Parnell 2007, p. 163), according to which road map, relying
on which drivers and stokers and with what results. While global neoliberalism and
the apartheid legacy are evident in the road maps and as impulses for drivers and
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Themes and contexts covered in this book
stokers, in the chapters of this book the rich empirical ndings go beyond this, as
briey discussed below.
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The chapters in this book focus on South Africas metropolitan cities as well as their
peripheries, which in some cases are governed by separate municipalities. The book
is structured in ve parts. Following an introductory section, the next three parts forefront key role players rst government with its various institutions and approaches,
second the formations of ordinary city dwellers, and third, the private sector with its
increasing inuence. However, none of these groups are examined in isolation, and
so we learn about one by exploring the other. While there is a spatial theme running
through the chapters, the last part of the book is dedicated to chapters that help us
understand key role players in governance through a focused spatial lens. As stated
above, this refers to modes of engagement that rely on territorialised interventions
(which often go hand-in-hand with infrastructure upgrading, for example in transport
or service delivery), as well as with strategies connected to models of urban design
focusing on public or private space (such as the World Cup-related upgrading of public
spaces or the themed but repetitive features of gated communities).
In Part I, Chapters 1 and 2 focus on the conceptual and empirical context of postapartheid urban governance. Whereas the current chapter provides theoretical points
of reference and locates the different chapters in relation to one another and wider
debates, Chapter 2 by Alison Todes sets out the context of South Africas metropolitanisation, showing the signicance of the metro as an institutional form. Providing
the spatial, economic, social and developmental backdrop, she shows a resourceconstrained state facing challenges of growth within a globalising context, yet with
a determined provider role which unwittingly sidelines key democratic mechanisms
such as meaningful citizen participation. The implications of this sidelining, as residents in various formations take action in response to their exclusion from formal
governance, form the backdrop to a number of chapters.
Part II of the book, making use of different conceptual lenses, explores how the
contextual challenges interact with governance approaches adopted by the state. The
analysis of a number of foci of state intervention in South Africas metropoles points
not only to complexities but also to specicity in post-apartheid urban governance.
In Chapter 3, Mfaniseni F. Sihlongonyane, employing an economic and spatial logic,
shows the tension between participatory policy, top-down provisioning by the state,
and neoliberal policy/strategy which seeks to facilitate economic growth. He identies the planning and strategic instruments, at times contradictory, which the South
African state has adopted in its wish to full its diverging agendas. His account is
one of disappointing outcomes and ambiguity in terms of meeting the needs of the
urban poor. In Chapter 4, Li Pernegger draws on Chantal Mouffes theory of agonism,
which understands conict as a necessary aspect of democracy and does not assume
that different stakeholders can necessarily reach consensus. Pernegger explores how
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conict is treated within urban governance in contemporary South Africa, particularly

in the relationship between citizen and state. Intensifying civil unrest, most visible in
so-called service delivery protests, has become a perhaps unwelcome component
of urban governance, distinguishing the last fourteen years from an initial, though
short-lived, post-apartheid period of cohesion. Perneggers interest lies in particular in
the interplay between antagonism and agonism. She nds that there are complexities
which prevent the state from consistently applying an agonist response to community
strife, but also questions whether agonism is necessarily always the appropriate governance approach. In Chapter 5, Astrid Wood points to South African specicity in the
adoption and implementation of global solutions, in this case the bus rapid transit
(BRT) system. While particular concern for redress, for instance, led to a decision to
increase the number of seats in BRT buses, the particular multi-stakeholder constellation that governed the BRT decision-making process excluded consideration for the
participation of commuters in the decision-making itself. Woods account speaks to
the challenges of intergovernmental coordination, the critical importance of political
leadership, the accelerator role of the 2010 FIFA World Cup and the importance of the
legislative environment, but also to the exclusion of the most enduring stakeholders,
namely the end-users.
In Part III authors present a variety of formations, dynamics and approaches at the
community level, involving neighbourhood as well as wider representation of urban
residents. A central thread is a backdrop of inadequate provisioning by the state,
combined with the absence of meaningful participation by organised citizens or residents, if not the outright dismissal or criminalisation of organised residents voices.
Chapter 6 explores community-level politics in a run-down inner city neighbourhood
in Johannesburg. In this chapter, Obvious Katsaura examines how societal structures
(ethno-nationality, race and class) shape group politics, at times divisively, and
the political, economic and symbolic approaches of local leadership that attempt to
manage and direct these tensions. While focusing on a cosmopolitan inner city residential neighbourhood whose demographic composition, community dynamics and
activism have a certain uniqueness in the South African urban history and landscape,
this chapter poses particular challenges for the structuring of effective community
involvement in the governance of South African metropoles. In Chapter 7, Joshua
Kirshners case study of Khutsong on the West Rand of Johannesburg examines the
formation of political identity and subjectivity, shaped by this communitys protest
against and effectively mobilised resistance to a municipal boundary change. This
organising, he suggests, informed its peaceful response to outbreaks of xenophobia as
these escalated into widespread violence across many of South Africas townships and
informal settlements in May 2008. Kirshner points to the importance of recognising
and afrming inhabitants irrespective of their nationality, and thus calls for inclusion
as a basic tenet of urban governance.
Richard Pithouse, in Chapter 8, reects on his own experience of sustained involvement in popular struggles in South Africa, expressing particular concern about
violent and authoritarian tendencies in urban governance towards the urban poor and
their organised politics of dissent. He engages with the site of conict which the
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shack settlement has come to represent, using the example of the shack dwellers
movement Abahlali baseMjondolo. He calls for forms of urban governance that are
rooted in solidarity and democratic practice. And, lastly in this section, in Chapter 9, Astrid Ley focuses on networks or assemblages involving non-governmental
and community-based organisations in the housing arena. Examining these groups
involvement and intervention at different scales, and exploring forms of domination
and dependency which occur within these assemblages, she has a particular interest
in the implications of these relations and interactions for urban governance. While
presenting some ndings on solidarity networks as well as more project-based coalitions in the housing eld in South Africa, Leys main analysis is of the global NGO
Slum/Shack Dwellers International. In its assemblages, she nds entanglement and
limited empowerment of local residents.
Part IV turns to the growing role of the private sector in urban governance, with
authors exploring the implications for both city centres and the urban periphery.
In Chapter 10, Martin Murray provides a vivid picture of developer-driven urban
transformation for the middle class and upper-income housing market in Johannesburg. He shows how fortied, exclusive and extravagant estates or redevelopment
projects, backed by marketing agencies, are increasingly self-contained. Embraced by
homeowners as well as business tenants, these developments stem from a governance
conguration between developers and the state in which private developers are ahead
of municipal planning authorities. Addressing this type of context, Tessa Diphoorn
(Chapter 11) examines the pluralised policing and security landscape and its governance. Conceptually, to explain its implications for urban governance, she applies
a nodal framework, with the private security industry as well as security networks
standing out as dominant nodes, the latter focusing on interactions between the private
security industry, its customers and the ofcial state police. An initial post-apartheid
vision of democratic and community-based policing has been replaced, she argues,
by a top-down police force expected to operate in partnership with private security
rms, unevenly securing different parts of the city and reinforcing social divisions.
Playing to the interests of private sector domination is the state and metropolitan
aspiration for world class status. In Chapter 12, Margot Rubin explores the hegemonic project of the world class city in the context of inner city Johannesburg, where
a coalition of property owners-cum-developers found backing from the metropolitan authority. This alliance informed the Bad Buildings Programme (BBP), which
sought to rejuvenate dilapidated but occupied buildings by making them available to
property developers. The way in which poor residents, subject to eviction, mobilised
and litigated against these practices, ultimately derailed the BBP but failed to ensure
the governance approach called for by the courts, in terms of which poor inner city
residents would be meaningfully engaged. Also locating her research in inner city
Johannesburg, Elisabeth Peyroux in Chapter 13 examines social entrepreneurship
as well as corporate social investment in social real estate housing, in the context of
high rates of unemployment and a strong demand for low-cost inner city housing.
Her discussion of two housing companies shows advances in cooperation between the
state, private sector and community, with benets for instance in the area of safety.
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However, these cases also point to limits to achieving social and economic transformation within a larger pro-growth framework. And, lastly in this section on the private
sector, Chapter 14 turns to the public-private alliance, driven by the creative private
sector, which has been at the forefront of Cape Towns competitive bid to be designated
the 2014 World Design Capital. Laura Wenz examines its local-global interplay, and
shows selectivity and path-dependency in the adoption of a fashionable international
policy. Local governance in Cape Town has become increasingly focused on creative
solutions in urban policy. While the resulting branding and marketing are clearly neoliberal approaches, the chapter demonstrates the ways in which these processes have
also shown a concern for broadening and transforming decision-making in relation
to challenges such as service delivery.
In Part V of the book, space, and with it place, is in the foreground of three chapters that have clear linkages to the themes in Parts II to IV. World class aspirations,
entrepreneurial urban governance, as well as nodal governance, are themes carried
through in Chapter 15 by Christoph Haferburg, Matthias Fleischer, Max Fuhrmann
and Fred Krger. They examine the implications of the hosting of the FIFA World
Cup by South Africa in 2010 through stadium and precinct development in the negrained fabric of Johannesburg and Durban/eThekwini, which formed the context of
a festivalised approach to urban governance, that is an urban development strategy
that relies on branding its location through a string of continually hosted mega-events
and similar elements of external and internal representation. This triggered diverging
patterns of investment in the two cities, depending on local place-based interests,
institutions and power brokers. In Chapter 16, Richard Ballard and Gareth A. Jones
expand on the theme of private developer-led residential estates for the middle class.
They base their chapter on the spatial context of Durban/eThekwinis inland periphery,
where agricultural land has been rapidly usurped by housing developments themed in
terms of secure country living. Applying the theoretical lens of Henri Lefebvre, they
show how buyers and future residents co-produce these new high-security neighbourhoods, yet are manipulated by these spaces which foreground a perception of need for
high levels of surveillance and fortication as well as for parallel governance. Kira
Erwin, Orli Bass and Jennifer Houghton in Chapter 17 are concerned with womens
experiences in intimate spaces to which the public has partial access, some of which
are privately managed. They suggest that policies sensitive to gender do not reach
sufciently into these urban spaces. They round off this collection of chapters with
the observation that frameworks of urban governance, whether formal or informal,
shape social relations (in this case gender relations), which in turn subvert and reshape
governance and its intended outcome. This underlines the potentially contradictory
effects of governance and returns us to our starting point for this book, namely that
urban governance here is not understood normatively but rather as a complex reality
shaping social, economic and spatial dimensions of post-apartheid cities.
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The state of urban governance twenty years into post-apartheid

1.3
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The state of urban governance twenty years into post-apartheid

South Africa
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Despite many continuities that reach beyond the past two decades, and persistent socioeconomic underpinnings, in particular social and economic differentiation (Freund
2010, p. 296), the chapters in this volume suggest a post-apartheid urban condition
which deserves some discussion. It is exemplied by the many complexities, challenges and contradictions inherent in the forms of urban governance that have been
adopted at different scales and in public sector-dominated, private sector-dominated or
community-dominated spheres. Corporate and entrepreneurial models of governance,
often promoted globally, cross these boundaries and, in conjunction with top-down
state provision or delivery, have squeezed out space for democratic engagement and
decision-making. The chapters in this book suggest that South Africas metropoles
are marked by a disjuncture and fracturing between these spheres, expressed either
in protest or in the parallel roles played by the private sector in relation to state provisioning, for instance policing.
We now return to the question posed above, whether a distinctly South African mode
of urban governance exists, or whether we are merely witnessing the articulation of
the global Southern and postcolonial commonalities that other countries share. While
there is a need, twenty years beyond the defeat of National Party rule, to shift away
from treating South Africa as exceptional on the African continent, global trajectories
do not provide full explanations of the current post-apartheid situation, particularly
in relation to governance. On the one hand, there is the continued presence of the
discriminatory apartheid-era population categories in the South African consciousness,
in urban analyses and in some chapters of this book. This is a distinctly South African
trait, and in analyses is necessitated by the need to monitor redress of past discrimination. On the other hand, the chapters in this volume also point to a particularly South
African triangle of tensions between globally promoted, largely neoliberal urban initiatives (transferred as travelling concepts, policies or approaches, perhaps formerly
promoted as best practices), constitutionally required structures and mechanisms for
community participation, and welfare-type social delivery (including housing) (see
in particular Chapters 2 and 3). This combination is unbalanced, with participatory
mechanisms often reduced to rituals or rhetoric, while state provisioning or service
delivery (including state-subsidised housing) is unable to achieve satisfactory reach
and, framed as a legacy of apartheid (Huchzermeyer 2003), is characterised by a
largely top-down regime of implementation which further sidelines the voice and
choice of end-users or recipients. Despite this inherent tension or contradiction, with
citizen dissatisfaction increasingly evident, the state has maintained the combination
of neoliberal economic (and increasingly spatial) strategies, participatory policies and
top-down provisioning as a result of enduring pressures: rst, to be competitive in
the global economy; second, and in large part symbolically, to uphold a commitment
to redressing the multiple legacies of the apartheid era; and third (also a dimension
of the former, but often exaggerated through a reductionist mandate), to demonstrate
a powerful commitment to delivering the satisfaction of basic needs. The latter,
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Freund (2010, p. 286) notes, is where the municipality is most visible and most
acutely judged, as evident in the protests, community actions and social movement
campaigns which form the backdrop to the chapters in Part III of this book.
The implications of three global initiatives implemented in South African cities are
addressed in this book the BRT (Chapter 5), the World Design Capital (Chapter 14),
and the FIFA World Cup (Chapter 15). Each account suggests a path-dependency that
reects the global origins of the projects, and an element in which the commitment
to redress the legacy of apartheid has inuenced the shape of these initiatives in
South African cities, but perhaps more in symbolic ways than by embracing resident
participation and inclusion within these initiatives. The legacy of apartheid remains
a determining factor, shaping the very social relations which, as argued by Erwin et
al. in Chapter 17, in turn shape governance and vice versa. Part of this legacy is the
largely continuing socio-economic disadvantage of those formerly discriminated
against by the apartheid regime. Thus, the divisive apartheid categories, referred to
as population groups or races, are (as mentioned above) present, but treated cautiously in this volume. However, while it seems as yet impossible to delete them from
the South African urban studies vocabulary, questions of governance today require
us to examine other structures that diversify and in part divide society, and shape its
interactions. Ethno-nationality is a complex divider, which space-based identities are
able to overcome in the case of a municipal boundary dispute (Chapter 7), but less
so in a complex inner city neighbourhood (Chapter 6). But class-based divides are
cemented and reinforced anew through the shape of urban development, whether in
inner city regeneration strategies (Chapters 12 and 13) or suburban inll and greeneld
developments on the metropolitan peripheries (Chapters 10 and 16). From below, these
are experienced, along with the uneven, pluralised policing system (Chapter 11), as
a bitter impediment to overcoming the divisions of the apartheid city. This combines
with the experience of top-down, if not violent, provisioning or delivery by the state
and the criminalisation of dissent (Chapter 8) elsewhere, Freund (2010, p. 285)
speaks of the top-down, centralising strategy enshrined in ANC practice and the
striking gulf that yawns between popular perceptions of needs and the discourse
of the state, patterns revealed clearly in this volumes analyses. Confrontation between the state and dissenting citizens has been managed unevenly or inconsistently
(Chapter 4), and whether global non-prot actors have the approaches with which to
achieve meaningful empowerment at this disenfranchised grassroots level, through
multi-actor assemblages, is called into question (Chapter 9).
There are important dimensions of governance that this volume does not address,
and which will be relevant in understanding South Africas urban trajectory beyond
these rst twenty years of constitutional democracy. One that stands out for us, and
is implied in the quote by Lefebvre that forms the epigraph to this chapter, is that of
different political orientations, along with their modes of engagement. While important
work exists in this regard (see Bnit-Gbaffou 2012), it is clear, given the prospect of
greater political diversication with the possibility of the formation of a workers party
during the 20142019 term of government, that it becomes imperative to understand the
role of political parties, along with political ideologies and their possible moderation
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The agonistic state: metropolitan government

responses to city strife post-1994
Li Pernegger
4.1
Introduction
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[Y]ou need conict to move on. You need conict to cause change, and [to] cause
change to move forward So says Sean Dinat, the former head of the Informal
Trading Programme of the City of Johannesburg, (interview, Dinat, 16 November
2012). But to what extent and how do democratic cities in South Africa manage
state-citizen confrontation in a constructive way to bring about positive change? As
the rst national democratic elections in South Africa were being held in 1994, new
state institutions were already being established. Scrupulous attention was dedicated
to the democratisation of the local sphere of governance (Cameron 1996) the level
of government closest to its citizens. Despite a robust developmental agenda (Khosa
2002) with rationally designed, well-intentioned, inclusionary state-citizen participation processes, urban governance efforts have had uneven impacts. Poor communities
principally in metropolitan areas have responded with the seemingly irrational anger
of service delivery protests (Cameron 2000; Picard 2005; Von Holdt 2010).
This chapter provides new insights for state practitioners and urban activists into
post-1994 responses by the state to service delivery protests, from the perspective
of the metropolitan municipality of the City of Johannesburg (CoJ) rather than from
that of the citizen. In this period, four distinct phases of the CoJs institutional development can be distinguished. Throughout the following narration, the local states
reactions in each phase are scrutinised through the lens of agonism. Unlike Scotts
(1998) censure of the states capabilities in dealing with dissensus or Pierres (1999)
stance on state-citizen disharmony as an unwanted condition that the state seeks to
dispatch speedily, Mouffes (2000) political theory of agonism as well as the writings
of Swyngedouw (2014) underscore the centrality of conict to governance and its
potentially positive effects on deepening democracy. Whilst authors such as Mottiar & Bond (2012) and Parnell (2007) have focused on the human rights aspects of
conict, and Alexander (2010) and Von Holdt et al. (2011) on party-political contestation as the drivers of protests, this chapter draws on Pieterses (2008) recognition
of the inherent conict in the complexities of urban governance and offers a closer
interrogation of the states reactions to discord over time in its daily practices, thus
offering a different and stimulating perspective on state-citizen conict. Both positive
and negative factors have been found to have impacted on the local states handling
of strife, with the CoJ exercising a changing and uneven capability to act agonistically, that is to handle conict as a positive force for democratic change rather than
as a destructive element.
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4.2
L. Pernegger, The agonistic state

The concepts of service delivery, protest, dissensus,
consensus and agonism
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The term service delivery has no common denition in South Africa. Building on
the commentaries of Municipal IQ (2009, 2010), the term can mean the institution of
government and all its resources and processes involved in the provision of any service,
as well as the service itself, to the ordinary citizen. Services typically provided are water
and electricity supply, refuse removal, street cleaning, public transport, infrastructure
investment, some health services, housing, parks, street trading and market stalls, and
social amenities. But Mc Lennan (2009) points out that service delivery undertaken in
the name of justice expands to include intangible development ideals parcelled up with
expectations of democratic government to improve the lives of South African citizens.
The promise of transformation and of reversing the damage of the apartheid past, as
well as of meeting basic needs, is contained in the Freedom Charter, the Constitution,
political manifestos (African National Congress 2011), policies of post-apartheid South
Africa and, more critically, in the minds of citizens (Harber 2009).
Fig. 4.1: Aftermath of a housing-related service delivery protest in Alexandra, showing overowing sewerage in the street and rubble used as barricades by protestors to prevent the entry
of police into the township.
Source: Photograph by Times Media (2014)
As frustrated South Africans have come to realise that the promise has not been delivered on, dissatisfaction against the state has been vented in the form of what have
typically been called service delivery protests. These are generally protests-withpickets featuring highly visible crowds with pickets and banners and staged mostly
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The concepts of service delivery, protest, dissensus, consensus
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as impromptu events (and frequently accompanied by police, as seen in Fig. 4.1).

They seem unstructured, impulsive, explosive, intermittent and once-off. Alexander
(2010) calls them local protests which can be peaceful or pugnacious. Marches may
be legal, or illegal if the required permission from the state has not been obtained
by the protestors. Stratagems of protestors-with-pickets typically include marches,
demonstrations, setting up of barricades (as seen in Fig. 4.2), digging up of roads,
property vandalism, brandishing of weapons and toyi-toying a form of protest dance
in South Africa involving singing and stamping of feet.
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Fig. 4.2: A typical protest stratagem employing a blockade made of burning tyres
Source: Photograph by Independent Newspapers (2014)
Posing a particular urban governance challenge for metropolitan municipalities,

protests-with-pickets mostly originate within the poor communities of underdeveloped
townships and informal settlements (Booysen 2007). In the case of Johannesburg, the
areas usually affected are Soweto and Orange Farm in the far south of the city, and
Diepsloot, Alexandra and other informal settlements and townships on the north-western
and eastern peripheries of Johannesburgs middle class suburbs. Protests are usually
alleged, legitimately or otherwise, to be a show of dissatisfaction with the lack of
basic service delivery and housing in poor neighbourhoods, with city centre informal
trading development and management (as evidenced in Fig. 4.3), with the presence
of foreigners (Von Holdt et al. 2011), with government maladministration, or with the
lack of voice of ordinary residents. They may be stand-alone incidents, or form part
of a series of other forms of protest linked to the issues at hand, such as petitioning.
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Fig. 4.3: Informal traders protesting against the operations of the Metropolitan Trading Company
Source: Photograph by Keith Atkins (2002)
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However, not all protests take the form of the protests-with-pickets which are the
focus of this chapter. Protests-with-pockets, undertaken mainly but not exclusively
by the middle class, are another dominant type of protest worthy of investigation.
Mechanisms employed by the relatively wealthier and well-capacitated rate-paying
communities located in suburbs such as Sandton, Randburg and other former white
Johannesburg suburbs tend to include litigation, petitions, media campaigns, sit-ins
and voting stayaways, but generally not street-based protests. They are more likely to
be sustained over long periods of time than are the impromptu protests-with-pickets.
The post-apartheid state, especially at the local government level, bore the brunt of
approximately 578 protests-with-pickets in the streets of South Africa between 2004
and 2012 (Municipal IQ 2012). The number peaked at 173 protests in 2012 alone,
one-third of all the protests documented since 2004 (ibid.). Protests-with-pickets have
become a prevalent form of conict against state action or inaction. The protests have
grown in frequency and violence, with signicant vandalism, damage to property and
loss of life (Karamoko 2011).
Searching for explanations for the attitude of the South African state towards
protests, academia has focused on the intricacies of governance and the mechanics
of service delivery, including the importance of public participation (Parnell et al.
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The concepts of service delivery, protest, dissensus, consensus
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2002). The emphasis in the literature has been on the institutional design challenges
of a transitioning state that needed to be equipped to deal with the extensive backlog
of infrastructure and services, and the states inability to deliver services especially at
the local government level (Atkinson 2007). However, the view of the state in relation
to the management of the myriad daily state-society confrontations and negotiations
encountered during the provision of those services has not been contemplated in
depth. Rather, writers have been captivated by the multiple aspects of the protestswith-pickets themselves and the voice of the protestors, especially since about 2004.
As early as 1997, Peberdy & Crush (1998) observed enmity of some South Africans
towards foreigners expressed during service delivery protests by street traders. Von
Holdt et al. (2011) argue that xenophobic attacks are inextricably intertwined with
service delivery strife. Landau (2011, p. 72) corroborated this view when he stated
that protestors-with-pickets who specied discontent at service delivery levels were
just as likely to be the same ones who expressed anti-foreigner sentiments. However,
Alexander (2010; Von Holdt & Alexander 2012), whilst acknowledging the potential
for interaction between service delivery protestors and striking labourers, and between
service delivery protests and attacks on foreigners, posits that there is evidence that
anti-foreigner unrest is distinct from service delivery protest. But since anti-foreigner
assaults are frequently mingled with service delivery protests, these anti-foreigner
protests are considered in this account.
Handmaker & Berkhout (2010) and Mottiar & Bond (2012) also identify the complexity of the causes of protests, including the demands for basic services as well as
for participation in decision-making. Alexander (2010) emphasises poverty as the
key driver of protest. There is also an intersection of service delivery protests with
the political stability of South Africa (Beall et al. 2005). Booysen (2007) and Matlala
& Bnit-Gbaffou (2012) point to the difculty of reconciling local politicking with
party politics, whilst Oldeld & Stokke (2004) note the relevance of protests for the
reconguration of power and the social order. Ballard (2005) and Ngwane (2010)
identify protests as battles for human rights.
Institutions of the state in the global arena are governed largely by democratic
principles of consensus, deliberation, participation and rationality where the aim
simplistically is to eradicate dissensus as speedily as possible through deliberation
(Forester 1999). Thus governance tends to be founded on participatory democratic
and planning theories that assume that state-society negotiations are largely peaceful,
but interspersed with episodes of conict which are seen as counterproductive to the
furthering of democratic ideals and needing to be resolved as quickly as possible.
However, if one sees democratic processes rather as a navigation along a continuum
of conict scattered with moments of consensus, the model of agonism proposed by
the Belgian political theorist Mouffe (2000) offers an alternative lens through which to
view the stance of the South African state on strife. The theory of agonism (ibid.) is
based on the notion that conict is a vital and necessary facet of democracy and can be
a positive, rather than a destructive, force for change. Interpreting Mouffe (ibid.), and
Wingenbach (2011), an agonistic institution is thus one that displays behaviours and
undertakes processes in keeping with the principles of agonism. Further, a universal
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rational consensus (Mouffe 2000, p. 22) does not exist. Thus, applying agonism in
an urban governance context means accepting that consensus can never remain static,
will always be incomplete, and is part and parcel of agonistic iterative processes that
constantly recalibrate the state-society relationship in the pursuit of democratic ideals.
Mouffe also distinguishes between agonists and antagonists. Agonists are
friendly enemies (ibid., p. 13) who share a common goal but may disagree on the
route followed to reach that goal. These adversaries struggle in a state of agonism
until they reach agreement. An antagonist is an enemy to be destroyed (ibid., p. 102).
Politics, the assemblage of government entities, their dialogues, systems and conventions that make up state governance, must be designed to create stability for society in
conditions that are impacted by antagonism (ibid., p. 101) despite any dissimilarities
in politics that may be expressed by the different parts of the state. Also, then, the
job of state institutions is to transform antagonism into agonism (Wingenbach 2011)
through the provision of channels of expression that allow antagonists to become
agonists in order to negotiate agreement. The predisposition for such negotiations to
be agonist and constructive is based furthermore on the consistent demonstration of
a deep respect for the Other (Mouffe 2000, p. 129).
The intersection of strife and City of Johannesburg institutional
development over time
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A brief timeline of the CoJs post-apartheid institutional growth at the intersections

with the multiplicity of service delivery protests reveals the CoJs propensity, or lack
of it, to deal agonistically with conict episodes over time. Starting with the rst
democratic local government elections held in Johannesburg in 1995 (rather than
with the national elections of 1994) in order to align with consecutive mayoral terms
of ofce, four key intervals reecting the CoJs institutional progression have been
identied. Data about protests in each period and the states response thereto have
been derived from 39 qualitative semi-structured interviews with CoJ ofcials and
afliates in 2012 and from a thematic analysis of thousands of pages of news articles,
press releases, state websites and reports, and data from select secondary literature.
4.3.1
Transformation: 19962000
Between 1996 and 2000, the processes of local government change that had started
in 1994 in accordance with the terms of the 1990 Soweto Accord (Turok 1993) mark
the transformation period of the CoJ. Municipal reform gathered momentum, ultimately leading to the formation of the CoJ founded on the notion of developmental
local government as both ofcial policy objective and broad strategic framework
(Parnell et al. 2002, p. 79). The former thirteen municipal administrations that had
separately governed the black, coloured, Indian and white areas of Johannesburg during apartheid times were amalgamated, concurrent with similar makeovers at national
and provincial levels of government.
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BRT sweeps South Africa
81
Table 5.1: South African BRT adoption processes, 20062011

Johannesburg
Cape
Town
Tshwane
Nelson
Mandela Bay
eThekwini
Rustenburg
July 2006 Presentation by Lloyd Wright at Southern African Transport Conference

August 2006 Department of Transport brings international transport consultants to cities
Aug. 2006
Nov. 2007
Feb. 2007
2007
2002
Nov. 2011
Council support
Nov. 2006
Aug. 2008
May 2007
May 2007
May 2012
2009
Construction
begins
Oct. 2007
Sep. 2008
Aug. 2008,
stopped,
restarts
Jul. 2012
Begins in
2008
is stopped,
has not yet
restarted
2012
Jul. 2012
Launch date
Aug. 2009
May 2011
2015
2015
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Study tour
2015
Source: Data drawn from interviews with city politicians and ofcials in Cape Town, Johannesburg,
Tshwane, Nelson Mandela Bay, eThekwini and Rustenburg
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details of BRT implementation across South Africa, covering the adoption process
including dates of study tours, council approval and commencement of construction.
These processes have been anything but straightforward, and riddled with political
and technical uncertainty. This section summarises the adoption experiences across
the six cities that exemplify the paramount features of each system.
BRT arrived in South Africa in July 2006 at a special session of the Southern
African Transport Conference sponsored by the Council for Scientic and Industrial
Research in Tshwane. This annual conference is the largest transport conference in
the region, and serves as a critical platform for dialogue on issues ranging from nance to public transport. Lloyd Wright, a global expert on BRT, was invited to host
a day-long workshop at the conference on the principles, attributes and engineering
specications of BRT. This learning was reinforced in August 2006 through a series
of workshops held in Cape Town, eThekwini, Johannesburg and Tshwane, and targeting both politicians and transport planners in these cities. Interested cities typically
then took a select group of representatives from the city administration and council,
the taxi industry and the consulting and construction industry to Bogot, Curitiba,
Guayaquil and Quito (Ecuador), and a host of other South American cities to see their
BRT systems. While this was certainly not the only instance of BRT experimentation
in South Africa, Bogots model, TransMilenio, proved more persuasive than previous
versions of the model, and therefore these visits were a fundamental moment in the
adoption of BRT across South Africa.
Municipal planners and politicians in the City of Johannesburg were inspired by
these 2006 presentations and a few weeks later a team which included the mayoral
committee member, the Executive Director for Transport and Executive Director of
the 2010 FIFA World Cup as well as representatives from the two local bus companies
(Metrobus and Putco) and the two largest minibus taxi associations (Johannesburg
Regional Taxi Council and Top Six Taxi Management) visited BRT systems in Bogot,
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A. Wood, Transforming the post-apartheid city
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and Guayaquil (interview, anonymous ofcial, City of Johannesburg, 3 February 2012).

They returned from their study tour eager to replicate the successes of TransMilenio
and in November 2006, the Johannesburg City Council approved the adoption of
BRT. Another study tour took place in August 2007. Construction on the 25.5 km and
30 stations of Phase 1A of Johannesburgs BRT system, Rea Vaya, began in October
2007, just 16 months after political and technical leaders had rst become interested
in the Bogot model of BRT. In August 2009, Johannesburgs Rea Vaya BRT system
became the rst full-feature BRT on the African continent, promising to inaugurate
a new era in South African public transport.
Rea Vaya, which translates from Sotho as we are moving, includes three service
types: trunk lines (for use only as busways), complementary routes (which collect passengers outside the busway), and feeder routes (which collect passengers for transfer
to trunk lines) (see Fig. 5.1). The main trunk line (T1) runs from Thokoza Park to
Ellis Park East with twenty stations along the way, and three complementary and ve
feeder routes (see Fig. 5.2). Stations are located roughly 500 m apart. Rea Vaya was
the only system in South Africa operational during the 2010 FIFA World Cup, moving
an estimated 300,000 spectators. At a cost of R2.5 billion, Rea Vayas success can be
Fig. 5.1: Fashion Square Rea Vaya Station, Johannesburg

Source: Photograph by the author (March 2012)
eschweizerbart_xxx
83
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Fig. 5.2: Rea Vaya System Map with Metrorail and Gautrain, Johannesburg
Source: Cartography by author (August 2014)
assessed through its ability to incorporate the minibus taxi industry into BRT operation
PioTrans, a consortium of former minibus taxi operators currently manages Phase
1A and its ability to continue building subsequent phases. The Council approved
Phase 1B in November 2008, and construction on the 18.5-km route and 10 stations
between Noordgesig in Soweto and Parktown began in November 2010; services began
operating in October 2013. The total cost for Phase 1B was R3.5 billion. Construction on further lines will continue until 2018. Once complete, Rea Vaya will include
122 km of busways and 805 buses, and 85 per cent of Johannesburgs inhabitants will
eschweizerbart_xxx
84
A. Wood, Transforming the post-apartheid city
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nd a Rea Vaya trunk or feeder service within 500 m of their place of residence or
work (City of Johannesburg Transportation Department 2011).
Cape Town became enchanted with BRT in January 2007 when Lloyd Wright and
Ibrahim Seedat, the Director of Public Transport Strategy at the National Department
of Transport, came to Cape Town to meet with Mayor Helen Zille.1 Wright presented
the story of BRT and Bogots successful implementation of TransMilenio, and the
Mayor responded by expressing interest in adopting the BRT system in Cape Town
(interview, anonymous consultant, City of Cape Town, 3 April 2012). Two study
tours were undertaken; rst a team of city ofcials and consultants went to Bogot
in November 2007 and then another group, which included minibus taxi operators,
went there in November 2008 to learn details of BRT construction and engineering,
operations and maintenance as well as specications for the rolling stock and nonmotorised transport (interview, anonymous ofcial, City of Cape Town, 3 July 2012).
Construction on what would be called the MyCiti IRT (Integrated Rapid Transit) system
began in September 2008 and Phase 1A began operating in May 2011.
As in Johannesburg, the objective for the MyCiTi IRT is to provide services for 75
per cent of households within a 500-m radius of each station. Services include trunk
services, feeder services, trunk extension and supporting pedestrian and bicycle facilities
(non-motorised transport) with stations every 800 m (see Fig. 5.3). Phase 1A (sometimes
referred to as the MyCiTi starter service) operates from outside the Civic Centre in the
central business district (CBD), travelling up the R27 route to Table View (Fig. 5.4).
Phase 1B, which expands the services within the West Coast corridor from Du Noon
to Century City via Montague Gardens, is expected to open at the end of 2014. The
total cost for Phase 1A including road works, stations and buses is expected to exceed
R4 billion (total expenditure between 2006 and 2012 was R2.3 billion), and Phase 1B
is expected to cost R710 million (City of Cape Town 2012). Among the citys major
achievements is its extraordinary Intelligent Transport System (ITS), which controls
the bus services, ticketing and signage. Cape Town was the rst South African city to
employ an ITS, including a smart card payment scheme which improves operational
management and enables intermodal transfer. The Citys IRT programme also involves a
comprehensive restructuring of the citys transport services, which embraces the creation
of a local transport authority to act as the planning and contracting agency managing
and regulating MyCiTi operations, existing Golden Arrow bus services, and aspects of
the rail function. A nal achievement is the inclusion of the two former taxi associations
in the operating companies TransPeninsula and Kidrogen. Two challenges faced during
the implementation process were the citys slow rollout which meant that during the
2010 FIFA World Cup MyCiTi only operated a shuttle services between the Civic Centre
and the airport as well as a temporary loop around the downtown area and the high
operating costs, which make nancing the system difcult (City of Cape Town 2012).
There was an earlier attempt to implement a BRT system along Klipfontein Road in
Cape Town which began in 2002, but the plan was not passed by the City Council and no
construction took place.
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Fig. 5.3: Granger Bay MyCiTi Station, Cape Town (with the Green Point Stadium in the background)
Source: Photograph by the author (February 2012)
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Nelson Mandela Bay was the rst city to be charmed by the idea of transforming its
public transport network through BRT in 2006, and the second city to approve a BRT
plan in council and to visit Bogot in 2007. Local political challenges, however, stalled
the project before construction began. One of the major challenges in Nelson Mandela
Bay was weak municipal leadership, which failed to reconcile with the minibus taxi
industry. In July 2010 the municipality did, however, purchase 25 BRT buses, which sat
idle until Algoa Bus, the municipal bus company, leased them in mid-2012. It remains
unclear whether the municipality will continue to pursue a formal BRT system (interview,
anonymous consultant, Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality, 18 July 2012).
Tshwane was similarly eager to implement BRT locally and in May 2007, the
Tshwane Rapid Transit Implementation Framework was completed. Progress on the
project stalled in 2010 due to conict between national government and the municipality regarding the alignment to Soshanguve.2 National government was concerned that
2
Soshanguve is a township located 25 km north of Pretoria, established in 1974 as part of the

Bophuthatswana homeland. It was incorporated into the City of Tshwane in 2000. The siting
of many townships on the periphery of the city is a challenge for post-apartheid urbanism.
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Implications of local path-dependency for policy uptake
Fig. 14.2: Title page of the local Cape Argus newspaper, a day after the announcement, visualising the potential of the accolade for Bridging the Divide.
Source: Cape Argus (26 October 2011)
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In 2009, a year after Icsid had successfully tested its WDC idea in Torino, the organisation held its annual general board meeting in Cape Town. The event was hosted by
a local team of leading scholars from the Cape Peninsula University of Technology
(CPUT) in the universitys capacity as educational member of Icsid. Thus, the dean
of CPUTs design faculty and his colleagues were amongst the rst to hear about the
success of the WDC pilot and Icsids joint board decision to continue with the project.
In their capacity as design practitioners and educators, they saw the award as a prime
opportunity for expanding global market access for local craft and design products
and creating jobs for their graduates through honing Cape Towns design reputation
(interview, Snaddon, 15 February 2013). As Icsids board had already informally
indicated that it would strongly support a bid from a developing country, a group of
CPUT representatives decided to pitch the WDC idea to local government. However,
due to the fact that local governments capacities were stretched to the limit at the be-
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L. Wenz, The local governance dynamics of international accolades
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ginning of 2010 because of the looming FIFA World Cup, thus promising little chance
of CPUTs initiative even being tabled in time for the bids submission deadline, they
decided to team up with the CTP (interview, MRithaa, 30 January 2012). Though
the CTP is also funded by local and provincial government and thus has to adhere to
certain bureaucratic processes in line with the Municipal Finance Management Act
(No. 56 of 2003), its close relationships with the private sector, academia and the
media as well as its project-based and networked style of operating provide it with a
signicantly higher amount of political exibility. This makes it both an inuential
governmental intermediary and a public agenda-setter.
Regarding the WDC bid, a central gatekeeper for initiating the stakeholder dialogue
around design was the then director of Creative Cape Town. Tasked with consolidating the dispersed local creative economy networks, he saw the merit of the design
discourse in terms of its possibility to break down what he and other experts conceived
of as the local creative economys inhibiting silo mentality. In addition, it offered
the opportunity to simultaneously push the envelope of local digital innovation and
information technology, a eld in which the CTP had started to cooperate actively
with provincial government through its Cape Catalyst Projects (interview, Minty,
5 January 2011).10 In consequence, he backed CPUTs idea to bid for WDC in a
joint presentation to the CPTs board of directors. There, it fell on sympathetic ears:
Because we were also very involved with the FIFA World Cup management we
realised that Cape Town needs the next big thing. And that next big thing should be
around creativity and innovation (interview, Makalima-Ngewana, 21 February 2012).
This chapter proposes that the local governmental logic relating to the WDC is
intrinsically linked to the difcult urban legacy of FIFAs World Cup in 2010. Thus,
it represents much more than a coincidental knock-on effect as it reveals a pattern
of institutional path-dependency, which in turn emphasises the need to consider the
temporal alongside the spatial scale in the unfolding of local urban politics (McCann
2003). At the time, three main lessons from the World Cup spoke for pursuing the
WDC project. The rst was related to the fact that during the run-up to the World
Cup, local government had faced severe civic criticism, ranging from the contested
location of the stadium to the erce prohibition of informal traders operating in public
spaces, and from the displacement of the urban poor to the resistance of the taxi driver
associations against the Integrated Rapid Transit transportation scheme (Pillay et al.
2009; Haferburg 2011; Steinbrink et al. 2011).11 Hence, the WDC bid was presented
as a communicative platform that on the one hand could be used to counter the high
level of post-tournament dejection, which was already wearily anticipated by government, and on the other hand would be able to continue transmitting the positive
international image of Cape Town as a clean and safe city that works (interview,
10 The project involved the establishment of an inner-city Design and Innovation District
called The Fringe within the area of the former District Six.
11 The geographical location of the stadium was one of the most pervasive and controversially
debated questions during the entire World Cup planning period. For a detailed discussion of
the local politics around Cape Towns selection of venue sites see Swart and Bob (2009).
eschweizerbart_xxx
Implications of local path-dependency for policy uptake
261
Platzky, 21 February 2012). A second lesson, connected to the physical legacy of the
World Cup, was that the accolade would provide an albeit preliminary response
to tough questions being asked about the subsequent use and maintenance of the
costly event infrastructure such as the new stadium, which has to date not been able
to operate cost-effectively.12 In this regard, the WDC bid gave city ofcials a next
big thing, a project to point to whenever the discussion turned to the future of these
under-utilised public assets. And third, the legacy of the World Cup also extended
beyond such discursive and material implications to the actual transformation of local administrative practice itself. Here, the experience of FIFAs rigid branding and
over-regulation had yielded a steep learning curve:
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I dont think there are any tougher negotiations than dealing with FIFA. There were
huge lessons learned and we will go into any negotiation a lot wiser now and we denitely wont make the same mistakes we made in the past and I think we came out
of it stronger. (interview, Pascoe, 9 October 2012)
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Many of my respondents felt that FIFA by and large had steamrolled local governments plans and conventions, pressurising municipal staff to abandon due diligence
and instead to rubber stamp decisions, in order to meet the tight time frames involved.
In turn, the resulting lack of transparency and broader civic consultation were repeatedly met with erce public commentary. However, as much as the pressure of the
World Cup had been a crippling experience, in particular for many lower- to mid-rank
bureaucrats, in hindsight, the upper managerial and political echelons also saw great
governmental leverage in international awards: while prospects of global exposure
and economic growth function as the carrots to attract new partnerships and legitimise institutional experimentation, the externally determined and usually tight time
frames provide a sense of urgency, the necessary stick for speeding up otherwise
lengthy decision-making processes (interviews, Bloor, 22 November 2011; Burton, 5
August 2013; Makalima-Ngewana, 21 February 2012; Minty, 5 January 2011; Pascoe,
9 October 2012).
This double-sided institutional memory of nancial burden and patronisation on the
one side and the powerful dynamics of new stakeholder alliances and fresh, globally
fashionable narratives on the other side has also inuenced the way in which local
government has approached ensuing international accolades. The cautious approach
concerning the City of Cape Towns WDC bid commitment is a case in point. The
Councils monetary advance of R2 million was commonly referred to as seed funding,
clearly indicating that any additional costs had to be met by private sector support. On
the other hand, the nal go-ahead for the CTP to pursue the bid on behalf of the City
Council another move to avoid direct criticism by seconding the task to an inter12 Though the stadium is considered one of the citys key assets, its operating costs have
amounted to over R436 million since the nancial year 2009/2010, with a return of only
R92 million. In connection with the ballooning costs that arose during its construction,
several companies have been found guilty and ned for unlawful tender collusion and
price xing (Cape Argus 2013).
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L. Wenz, The local governance dynamics of international accolades
mediary institution came in the middle of the nal World Cup preparations, where
time, capacity and resources were generally at a premium (Haferburg 2011; interview,
Makalima-Ngewana, 21 February 2012). In spite of this and with only months to go
until the World Cup kick-off, the City Council sent an ofcial delegation to the World
Design Cities Summit, held in that years WDC Seoul in February 2010.13 This trip
was a decisive moment for Cape Towns WDC advocates as the experience nally
tipped the scale in favour of the bid. A member of the delegation recalls:
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at that point we decided, we denitely, denitely want to bid. And it was good because [the city representative] was surrounded by rst world, third world, somewherein-between world, mayors, very senior politicians who were all taking design very
seriously, who were all standing up and talking about how much it has already done
to make their cities function better. So it really made it tangible. (interview, Burton,
5 August 2013)
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Though the council formally approved the local WDC initiative shortly after the
delegations return from Seoul, the whirlwinds of the World Cup left the project dormant until the beginning of 2011. Only then, with three months left for submitting the
proposal and little time for broad consultations, did the CTP kick-start the process. An
advantage was its vast personal and professional network, developed through its longstanding relationships with the public and private sector, including the fact that many
of the CTPs senior employees are well connected through board positions they hold
or their previous engagement in local politics. Through these channels, they managed
to quickly recruit a number of high-prole representatives for their bid committee.
The 15-headset of discursively privileged actors (Peck 2005, p. 764) included senior
planners and politicians from the municipal and provincial government, academics
from the University of Cape Town and CPUT, the CEOs of the Cape Town International
Convention Centre and the private sector representative body Accelerate Cape Town
as well as a few selected prominent architects and designers. This newly assembled
coalition of well-travelled urban policy entrepreneurs (Hoyt 2006) many of whom
were already familiar with one another through collaborations relating to the World
Cup then went about tackling the detailed catalogue of questions to which answers
were required by Icsid in order to assess the merits of Cape Towns candidature.
In the light of the very tight budget (the initial funding was also intended to cover
Icsids entry and brand licensing fees of R1.2 million), the organisers depended on
in-kind donations, pro bono labour and many good turns. Given the lack of time, the
bid organisers also relied heavily on their cumulative knowledge of the local design
eld as well as their own professional networks for content generation (interview,
Makeka, 15 February 2012). The result of the process was a 465-page strong, glossy
yellow bid book edited at cost by local company Design Infestation which was
then posted to Icsids Montreal headquarters just before the competitions closing date.
13 Though the delegation was ofcially headed by a member of the mayoral committee, the
trip was planned by the CTP, which also sent two of its senior employees along. At the
end of the conference, Cape Town also became an ofcial signatory of the Seoul Design
Declaration, sponsored by the Global Design Cities Organisation.
eschweizerbart_xxx
Separated by apartheid reconnected by design?

14.4
263
Separated by apartheid reconnected by design?14
Apart from fullling formal competition requirements, many respondents saw the
bid book as a comprehensive audit document that mapped out the vast number of active, yet often disconnected and fragmented, public and private initiatives seeking to
combine design with social, economic and spatial development efforts. Furthermore,
the book was lauded as a rare example of cumulative decision-making, collaboration
and joint political will in an otherwise highly politicised environment (see Fig. 14.3).
A key bid stakeholder states:
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just getting everybody behind it in itself if this is what we get out of the World
Design Capital bid, this wonderful book that we must unlock, we must continue to debate
and we must act on, then it will have been a very valuable exercise And weve really
got to use those new linkages to unlock our potential, our vision, and our creativity.
Weve all got to see the bid as an incredible catalyst to embed design thinking in city
development. (Burton 2011)
Fig. 14.3: CTP Managing Director Bulelwa Makalima-Ngewana, Executive Mayor Patricia de
Lille, CTP CEO Andrew Boraine and Western Cape Premier Helen Zille jointly present Cape
Towns bid book.
Source: Anita Reed for CTP (2013)
14 This was one of the prominent ofcial World Design Capital slogans featured in the
WDC bid book.
eschweizerbart_xxx
Contributors
Richard Ballard teaches on the Development Studies programme in the School of
Built Environment and Development Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban.
He is trained as a geographer and has three broad research interests: urban desegregation, race and identity studies; social movements and local democracy; and the
politics of development.
ge
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Orli Bass is senior project ofcer at the Centre for Critical Research on Race and
Identity at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. Her research interests encompass issues
of urban identity and Durban, culture and cities, and mega-events. More recently,
she has become interested in examining aspects of the geography discipline in South
Africa, as well as urban governance and women.
pa
Tessa Diphoorn is post-doctoral researcher at the Centre for Urban Studies and the
Department of Human Geography, Planning and International Development Studies, University of Amsterdam in the Netherlands. She has researched peace-building
issues in Guatemala and Sri Lanka and most recently has focused on policing and
private security in South Africa. Her current research focuses on a cross-continental
comparison of public-private assemblages in relation to security.
pl
Kira Erwin is a post-doctoral research fellow at the Centre for Critical Research
on Race and Identity at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. Her research interests lie
in the elds of urban ethnography, oral histories and race thinking in South African
society and elsewhere, and in the intersectionality of race, place and belonging, and
gender and class. More recently she has become involved in community engagement
and research in a low-income municipal housing estate in Durban.
Sa
Matthias Fleischer is a research assistant at the Institute for Geography, University

of Erlangen-Nuremberg. He has a background in geography, Islamic studies and
international law and has gained research experience in South Africa and Syria. He
has a specic interest in social and political aspects of everyday life and practice and
the diffusion of power relations. His recent research focuses on the production of
urban (dis-)order and social justice in the light of event-driven urban development.
Maximilian Fuhrmann is a PhD candidate at the University of Bremen, focusing

on political extremism in Germany. He has a background in sociology, geography
and studies of conict management. During the past few years he has researched the
impact of the FIFA World Cup on urban governance congurations in Johannesburg,
while working for the Institute for Geography, University of Erlangen-Nuremberg.
Christoph Haferburg is an urban geographer at the Institute for Geography, University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, and visiting associate professor in the School of Archi-
eschweizerbart_xxx
328
Contributors
tecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. His research on

South Africa deals with suburban and social differentiation, property markets and the
urban effects of the 2010 FIFA World Cup. Drawing among others on Bourdieu, he
has been exploring societal and spatial aspects of urban life, focusing most recently
on inclusionary neighbourhoods.
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Jennifer Houghton is the project manager and academic leader of the Regional and
Local Economic Development Initiative in the Graduate School of Business and
Leadership at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. She is interested in examining the
intersections between governance and development, with a specic focus on urban
change and economic development processes. Her current research addresses publicprivate partnerships and urban regeneration in Durban, and symbolic changes in the
South African urban landscape.
pa
Marie Huchzermeyer is a professor in the School of Architecture and Planning at

the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Her research has spanned Brazil,
South Africa and Kenya, where she has explored questions of policy and rights as
they relate to informal settlements, large-scale private rental stock and housing more
broadly. Her current research interest is in the intersection between planning and human rights and its implication for access to housing.
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Gareth A. Jones is Professor of Urban Geography at the London School of Economics and Political Science. His research focuses on how people make use of the city,
how they acquire land, housing, and security, and how cities and especially slums
are represented by policy and popular media. He has conducted research in Mexico,
Ecuador, Brazil, India, Ghana and South Africa, with groups as varied as street youth
and elites in gated estates.
Sa
Obvious Katsaura teaches in the Department of Sociology at the University of the

Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. His current research interests lie broadly in urban and
regional sociology, with a focus on urban politics and governance, religion and African
urbanisms, violence and urban safety, and urban ethno-national diversity. Most of his
research has so far focused on the city of Johannesburg.
Joshua Kirshner is a researcher in the Department of Geography at the University of Durham. Previously he held positions at Rhodes University and the
University of Johannesburg. He has conducted research in Bolivia, Brazil, South
Africa and Mozambique. His current work examines resource peripheries, with
a focus on the coal and hydropower complexes in Tete, Mozambique and their
effects on urbanisation, migration, and the politics of economic development.
Fred Krger is Professor of Geography at the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg,
Germany. His research interests are cross-disciplinary, focusing on two broad areas. In
urban studies, he covers urban planning, inner city development, urban cultures, and
eschweizerbart_xxx
Contributors
329
the social production of urban public spaces. In development geography, he specialises

in theoretical approaches and the empirical, actor-oriented analysis of urban poverty,
vulnerability, resilience, livelihood security, and concepts of risk and disasters. His
regional focus is southern Africa.
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Astrid Ley is a professor for international urbanism at the Institute for Urban Planning and Design, University of Stuttgart and visiting senior lecturer in the School of
Architecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand. Her expertise and publication record include topics related to the urbanisation in the global South, housing
processes, the role of local governance and civil society. Currently her research interest
is in transnational networks of urban poor and their implications for urban governance.
pa
Martin J. Murray is Professor of Urban Planning at the Taubman School of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Michigan, and Adjunct Professor of African
Studies in the Department of Afroamerican and African Studies, University of Michigan (Ann Arbor). His research has focused on the spatial politics of Johannesburg
after apartheid. His current research and writing explores transnational urbanism at
the start of the twenty-rst century, with particular emphasis on divergent trajectories
of urban transformation.
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Li Pernegger is a doctoral student at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Her current inquiry into state-society conict, particularly in the case of service
delivery protests targeting the post-1994 democratic City of Johannesburg, draws on
her twenty years of experience as an urban development practitioner in various roles
within local and national governments in South Africa and the United Kingdom.
Sa
Elisabeth Peyroux is a senior researcher at the National Centre for Scientic Research,
based at the Centre for Interdisciplinary Urban Studies (UMR LISST), University
of Toulouse II. As an urban geographer, she has been conducting research on urban
governance, urban restructuring and socio-spatial transformation in Johannesburg,
with a focus on housing and urban regeneration strategies. Her current research focuses on the international circulation of urban policy models and the roles of cities
in international relations.
Richard Pithouse teaches politics at Rhodes University in Grahamstown. His recent
work focuses on political theory, urban issues and popular struggles in South Africa.
He has worked with trade unions, community organisations and social movements
for many years. He is also a regular contributor to the popular press in South Africa.
Margot Rubin is an urban geographer, with a sessional lecturing post in the School
of Architecture and Planning and research associateships at the Centre for Urbanism
and Built Environment Studies and the Society, Work and Development Institute
at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Her work is concerned with
socio-economic rights, urban governance and housing.She is particularly interested in
eschweizerbart_xxx
330
Contributors
comparisons between cities of the global south, with her doctoral research examining
Johannesburg and Delhi.
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s
Mfaniseni F. Sihlongonyane is an associate professor and Director of the Planning Programme in the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the
Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. His research interests are spread over a wide range
of theoretical, applied and policy arenas in the global as well as African realms of
development. The research encompasses principally the interface between development and urban studies, largely within the context of the poignant dynamics of the
political economy of Africa.
Alison Todes is Professor of Urban and Regional Planning in the School of Architecture and Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand. Her research has focused
on spatial and economic dynamics in cities and regions, and strategic spatial planning at these scales, with a particular emphasis on the South African context. Gender
in relation to urban and regional development has been another strand of her work.
pa
Laura Wenz is an urban political geographer and doctoral candidate at the Institute
of Geography, University of Mnster, and a visiting scholar at the African Centre
for Cities, University of Cape Town. Her previous research focused on the intricate
connections between local cultural and creative industries, gentrication and urban
transformation in Cape Town. Currently, her work explores the dynamic sociopolitical interface between globally travelling city development strategies and local
post-apartheid urban governance.
Sa
pl
Astrid Wood is a critical geographer specialising in municipal governance, global

policy and the urban in post-apartheid South Africa. Her doctoral research at University College London considers the mobility of bus rapid transit through South African
cities. This research draws on her experience working with South African cities to
develop new mechanisms for cooperation by circulating information, knowledge and
best practice for urban planning and city governance.
eschweizerbart_xxx
Index
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Better Buildings Programme (BBP) 69,

218, 222223, 239, 283
bid book (World Design Capital) 262264
Black Economic Empowerment/BroadBased (BEE/B-BEE) 45, 223, 235, 239
Bogota 7982, 8485, 8788, 9496
boundary change (municipal) 8, 18, 21, 123
Bourdieu, Pierre 102, 108, 112
BRICS 13, 284
Buffalo City (East London) 15, 1718, 22,
25
building typologies 180181, 188190
Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) 8, 12, 7996,
279, 281, 282
Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) 67,
232, 251
Cape Town 10, 15, 1827, 29, 84, 8889,
9495
Partnership (CTP) 258, 260262
Capital (Bourdieu) 102, 106, 112
Carletonville 120
catalyst
of urban development 190, 263, 279,
281, 285, 285
project 281
cathedrals of consumption 186
Central Business District (CBD) 24
Cape Town 84
Durban 87
Johannesburg 190, 238, 245
Chatterjee, Partha 137, 139, 150
citizenship 29, 117119, 125, 131132,
197, 300, 313
City Improvement Districts (CIDs) 232,
238, 240, 244, 245
City of Johannesburg (CoJ) 41, 44, 48,
5154, 6174, 81, 214217, 219220,
222225, 227, 239241, 281, 282284
city branding/marketing 10, 190, 255256
civil society 3, 69, 80, 119, 125126, 137,
140, 143, 155156, 158, 163, 165166,
168, 197, 220, 258, 283
actors 159
organisation 158159, 283
class 8, 12, 23, 29, 103, 109, 111112, 128,
149, 181
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Abahlali baseMjondolo 9, 120, 137138,

142148
accountability
of (city) government 41, 67, 125
of NGO/CBO leadership 119, 126, 158,
162, 168
activism 103
community 9, 108, 120, 125
local global 155, 166, 187, 192
Affordable Housing Company (AFHCO)
189, 231250
affordable housing/rental housing 231250
African Diaspora Forum 104
African National Congress (ANC) 14, 47,
51, 80, 123, 125126, 137, 140, 142,
145146, 158, 162, 164, 166167, 169,
230, 282
agonism 78, 6162, 6566, 72, 74
urban governance and 6566
agricultural land (conversion into urban
use) 298
Alexandra (Johannesburg) 6263, 69, 120
alliances
within civil society 128, 140, 163165
multi-actor 164, 170
apartheid 16, 19, 23, 40, 111, 119, 122,
128, 130, 179, 203, 263, 275, 280, 300
inux controls 19, 122
legacy 6, 12, 50, 68, 88, 112, 141, 264,
275
planning 23, 40, 47, 50, 79, 130, 296
Arc Royal (eThekwini/ Durban) 287
area-based 284, 288
strategies 276
management 285
armed response 198, 200201, 206
assemblage 9, 165
backyard shacks 25, 26, 184
bad buildings 67, 219, 223224
Bad Buildings Programme (BBP) 9, 211,
213214, 217219, 220224, 227
beach promenade (eThekwini/ Durban)
286, 287
Berea (Johannesburg) 238
Bertrams (Johannesburg) 274, 279284,
289
eschweizerbart_xxx
Index
Curitiba 79, 81
Davis, Mike 137
decentralisation
at local level 68, 102, 121, 257
national economic 17, 19
within cities 24, 88, 179, 185186
from national to local government 158,
314, 323
democracy 7,12, 29, 39, 61, 65, 113, 118,
150, 187
parliamentary 190
protests and 65
state institutions and 65
democratic
change 61
organisation 124, 139
leadership 130, 165
practices 139, 166
institutions 141
decits 158, 168
transition 235, 264, 321
Democratic Alliance (DA) 107, 149
Department of Home Affairs 119
design thinking 253, 263
developer 9, 23, 53, 181187, 191, 216
217, 220227, 238, 295309
Development Facilitation Act (DFA, No. 67
of 1995) 302
Diepsloot (Johannesburg) 24, 63
displacement 20, 128, 238, 260
domestic violence 318, 322
Durban (eThekwini) 10, 15, 27, 120,
137150, 197, 208, 255, 273, 295, 300,
303, 306, 309, 319, 321
Durban Point Waterfront 287, 288
economic
activity 17, 88, 190, 233
crisis and its impacts 1519, 23, 231
instrument 3940, 42, 45
transformation 10, 235
growth 15, 17, 29, 48, 55, 217
development 27, 40 48, 107
local economic development 211, 279
economy of cities 1519, 182, 217
edge city 180, 182183, 288
Ekurhuleni 15, 18, 22, 2425, 28
Ellis Park (Johannesburg) 279, 280, 281284
Elwin Court (eThekwini/ Durban) 287
employment 1619, 45, 7980, 87, 107,
121124, 126, 211
Sa
pl
pa
cluster-based network urbanism 181

coalition
housing 9, 13, 158, 227
of civic/community activity/actors 103
of grassroots 127
of party politics 13
of propertied elite 213
urban 211, 262
Coalition Against Xenophobia (CAX) 125
cohesion 8, 70, 106, 111, 127, 162, 167,
234, 275
community
organizing 106
politics 101103, 106113
policing 197, 204206
protests 28, 29
tensions and xenophobia 65, 67, 69, 70
consensus 7, 65, 66, 71, 73, 74, 136137, 317
Constitutional Court 125, 140, 147, 218,
225227
cooperatives 138, 234
associations 247
movements 236
COP17-CMP 284
corporate 3, 11, 180, 184, 185, 190, 220,
234, 256, 300
headquarter 278
social investment (CSI) 9, 233
social responsibility (CSR) 231, 233
courts 9, 6768, 140141, 227, 309
Creative Cape Town 258, 260
creative city 251, 253255, 257258,
264265
crime 26, 48, 102, 109, 118119, 122, 148,
150, 188189, 191, 199, 204, 206207,
238, 244, 274, 276, 283, 288
cross-border municipality 121, 123124
culture
-led awards 256
of negotiation 169, 170
of patronage and nepotism 28
of the Other 53, 54
patriarchal authority 141
cultural
accolade 251253, 255, 256
difference 131
events 217
heritage sites 186
insiders 129
quarters 255
ge
s
332
eschweizerbart_xxx
Index
ge
s
Global South 6, 11, 250, 227, 265266,

274, 288
governance
and rights 61, 65, 74
denition 4
democratic 314
impact of politics on 67, 6970
inter-urban regimes of 253
local 251, 257, 265
nodal 10, 106, 277, 288
protests and 6174
the state and 61, 63, 6566, 6970, 72
government 7, 39, 41, 44, 47, 49, 76, 80,
8990, 95, 101, 119, 123126, 155158,
166, 168170, 204, 214, 216, 219, 227,
231, 235, 239, 285
metropolitan 81, 187, 251
national 3, 16, 2021, 29, 8586, 9091
provincial 45, 9091, 159, 264
local 5, 2628, 46, 53, 64, 66, 70, 90
91, 104, 106, 120, 143144, 159, 212,
256, 259260, 265, 279,298, 302303,
313, 315
grassroots 12, 41, 106, 108109, 236
organisations/movements 125, 130, 144,
155, 162163, 168170, 245
Greater Ellis Park Development Plan
(GEPD) 281
group area 275, 280
Group Areas Act (No. 41 of 1950) 300
group politics 8, 109110, 112
Gwala, Nkululeko 147
Hallward, Peter 150
Hart, Gill 16, 28, 141
Harvey, David 54, 158, 211, 299300, 313
hegemony 211, 224, 227
hijacked buildings 104106, 215, 283, 287
Hillbrow (Johannesburg) 26, 190, 238, 283
HIV/Aids 20, 28, 119, 235
housing 9, 21, 22, 2426, 47, 63, 71, 73,
104106, 121, 135, 141, 155160, 167,
214, 231232, 238246, 280283
delivery 11,159,166,169
demand 71, 246, 302
estates 298
inclusionary 23, 241
informal 11, 21
market 9, 245, 279
policy 44, 156158, 239
rights 71, 168, 224, 225
Sa
pl
pa
empowerment 912, 155, 158, 206, 278

community 232, 245, 247
womens 314, 316317, 323
entanglement 9, 171
entrepreneurial urban governance 10,
276277
entrepreneurialism 138139, 211
eThekwini (Durban) 10, 15, 1820, 22, 25,
27, 87, 273, 279280, 284285, 288
Ethiopians 129, 131
ethnicity 111, 123, 125, 127, 130, 138, 140,
146, 301, 306
ethno-nationalism 8, 103, 109
event (sporting, big, mega) 27, 90, 190,
217, 255256, 274, 276, 279282, 284,
286289
everyday (life) 102103, 109, 113, 181,
314, 316319
evictions 10, 48, 55, 69, 70, 106, 117,
120, 144145, 147148, 168, 214, 217,
222224, 240, 243, 287
festivalisation 273274, 277, 284, 288
eld (Bourdieu) 102, 105106, 108,
110113
FIFA exclusion zone 281282, 287
FIFA Fan Fest 285287
FIFA World Cup 8, 10, 12, 2728, 8182,
84, 9093, 95, 190, 256257, 260261,
273274, 276, 278281, 284286, 288
fortication 10, 181, 188
fragmentation (urban/spatial) 55, 80, 88,
93, 179, 275, 279
Freund, William/Bill 12
galactic metropolis 179
gated
communities 183, 186, 189, 295, 300,
306
(residential) estates 181, 186, 189,
297298, 304
Gauteng 15, 17 20, 24, 2627, 159, 214,
216, 240, 301
province 121, 123124, 126127, 129
Gautrain 83, 185, 190
gender 10, 311324
gender and urban governance 315
in/equality 27, 39, 315316, 321, 323
sensitivity 314
-based violence 314
gentrication 240, 279
Gini-coefcient 19, 275
333
eschweizerbart_xxx
Index
Land 23, 2629, 41, 135139, 141, 144,
147, 159, 166, 169, 185, 187, 283,
297302
claims 304
reform 20
Lawyers for Human Rights (LHR) 125
Lefebvre, Henri 3, 10, 12, 295, 298299,
303, 309, 317
Local Organising Committee (FIFA World
Cup) 285
management
nancial 28
instruments 41, 43, 53, 55
growth 53
Mangaung (Bloemfontein) 15, 18, 22, 25
Marikana
land occupation 147
mine 47, 147
meaningful engagement 225, 227
mega-event 10, 39, 212, 252, 256, 273
275, 284
Merafong Demarcation Forum (MDF) 121,
125128, 129130
Merafong Municipality 120122, 128
middle class 910, 23, 28, 70, 111, 142,
181, 189, 191, 211214, 243, 246, 283,
295, 297
suburbs 63, 67
Midrand (Johannesburg) 182185, 187
188, 190
migration 15, 2021, 24, 109, 118119,
122, 126, 128, 216
minibus taxis/industry 26, 71, 8095, 124,
260, 297
mixed-income
development 237, 238
housing project 243, 246
Moosajee, Rehana 79, 93
Moses Mabhida Stadium (eThekwini) 286
Mossberger, Karen 213, 227
Mouffe, Chantal 7, 61, 66
Mozambique 122123
Mozambicans 120, 122123, 129, 131
multicivil society actor networks/assemblages 163164
Municipal Demarcation Board 121
MyCiTi BRT system (Cape Town) 8486
National Land Transport Act 92
National Land Transport Transition Act 92
National Party (NP) 11, 128
Sa
pl
pa
shortage 68, 70, 106, 238, 239

subsidy 42, 45, 169
hybridity 233, 237238, 246
identity 111, 118, 125, 127130, 185, 191,
321
brand 41, 44, 251
political 8, 128
racial 111
Imagine Durban (campaign) 197198,
207
inequality 1617, 19, 2829, 79, 120, 129,
235, 264, 275, 277, 309, 314315
informal
economic activity 19
sector 3, 11
settlement 8, 20, 2526, 29, 45, 47, 63,
6869, 7172, 117, 121, 126, 135136,
142, 156157, 160, 163, 165, 279
trade/traderrs 48, 64, 68, 121, 212, 240,
245, 260
informality 225, 274
infrastructure 24, 27, 62, 65, 67, 80, 87, 91,
211, 215, 216, 239, 255, 261, 273279,
281, 287, 303304, 308309
inner city/cities 9, 24, 26, 67
housing 7374, 232, 238
(Johannesburg) 214216, 231250
property scheme 223, 239
regeneration 214, 216, 224
Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) 43,
46, 49, 5253, 72, 92, 314315
International Convention Centre (eThekwini) 287288
International Council of Societies of Industrial Design (Icsid) 251252, 256, 259,
262
Johannesburg 810, 15, 1822, 24 26, 28
29, 61, 6364, 6670, 72, 8184, 8889,
9495, 101, 273, 275, 278284, 288
2002 Economic Development Strategy
279
Johannesburg Development Agency
(JDA) 240, 242, 281, 283
Johannesburg Property Company 283
Johannesburg Social Housing Company
231250, 283
Khutsong 8, 117, 120131
demarcation dispute 123125, 127, 129
Womens Forum 124
Kya Sands (Johannesburg) 71
ge
s
334
eschweizerbart_xxx
Index
ge
s
People Mover (eThekwini) 286

peripheral urbanization 180, 183, 184, 186
Perlman, Janice 149
petitions 6364, 6869, 7072, 74
Petitions and Public Participation Committee 6970, 72
planning instruments 43, 51
as governance tool, iGoli 2002 and 67
as governance tool, IDP and 7273
as governance tool, RSDF and 71, 73
Point (eThekwini) 274, 280, 284285, 287,
289
police/policing 9, 12, 47, 48, 63, 72, 119,
122, 142148, 191, 198199, 204207,
232, 244246, 314, 319322
policy
adaptation 252, 266, 276
instruments 41, 42, 235
mobilities/circulation 80, 88, 9395, 251
neoliberal 6, 7, 119, 234
population 1518, 20, 68, 95, 103, 111
112, 121122, 166, 238, 243, 299
categories 11, 23
groups 12, 88
Port Elizabeth (Nelson Mandela Bay) 15
post-industrial metropolis 180
post-public 186, 191
poverty 1617, 21, 28, 65, 117118, 235
Pretoria (Tshwane) 15, 85, 183, 185
Priority Block (Johannesburg) 282284
private
governance 297, 322
housing 26, 297
sector 3, 911, 4445, 4850, 216217,
220, 222223, 231, 235, 239, 246, 261,
278, 279, 285
privatisation 3, 53, 202
production of space 298
property market 185, 214, 217, 239, 246,
277, 299300
protest 5, 8, 12, 67, 68, 69, 72, 148149
community 8, 2829, 126
denition of 6264
demarcation 121122, 124, 125, 129
governance and 6672
popular 136, 141
service delivery 8, 6162, 6567, 74,
126
-with-pickets 6270
-with-pockets 64, 67
Sa
pl
pa
National Planning Commission (NPC) 15,

17, 19, 21, 26
National Union of Mineworkers (NUM)
128
neighbourhood 276, 280, 283
associations 102
divisions 113
revitalisation 232, 242, 245
watch 197198, 206, 276
Nelson Mandela Bay (Port Elizabeth)
1718, 22, 25, 8485
neoliberal/neoliberalism/neoliberalising 6,
242, 254, 257258, 264, 278279, 283
neoliberal economic orientation 232
neoliberal policy(ies) 7, 232, 240
neoliberal political rationality 232
network governance 1718, 22, 25, 81, 85,
155156, 158159
New Beach (eThekwini) 285
non-governmental organisations (NGOs)
138, 141, 150
nodal framework 198199
nodal governance 10, 106, 277, 288
node/s
business/economic 24, 180, 182, 186
decentralised 24, 185
security governance 198
of governance 284, 288
North West Province 121, 123125, 129
Nzuza, Nqobile 147148
Olivia Road court case 224225, 227
Olympic Games 256, 274
participation
channels 68
citizen 7, 61
community 11, 69, 72, 102, 159
in governance 4, 6465, 6869, 72
political 126
public 41, 49, 64, 101106, 110, 112,
125, 313
participatory
governance 28, 41
mechanisms 11, 159
planning 39, 40, 55
policy 7, 11
upgrading 145
party-political coalitions 13
path-dependency 10, 12, 256, 260, 266,
284
Paul, Darel E. 212213, 227
335
eschweizerbart_xxx
Index
Shack/Slum Dwellers International (SDI)
9, 139, 166, 169
slumlords 219, 238, 245
social
economy 231, 235236, 247
entrepreneurship (SE) 9, 231250
housing 231246, 283, 287
movements 3, 13, 101, 120, 128, 141,
168
order 51, 65, 198
space 48, 51, 54
socio-spatial fragmentation 277, 288
socio-spatial intervention 274, 285
solidarity economy 234, 236, 247
Somalis 24, 127, 129, 131
South African Cities Network (SACN) 15,
52
South African Heritage Resources Agency
(SAHRA) 283
South African National Civics Organisation
(SANCO) 120
South African Police Service (SAPS) 104,
119, 204, 320
southern city/cities 251252, 264265
Soweto (Johannesburg) 24, 63, 6768, 70,
83, 88, 138, 279
Soweto Accord 44, 66
Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee 68, 73
space
and place 5, 10, 289
and time 137, 149
intimate/in-between 10, 315320
public 7, 191, 197198, 207, 232, 240,
244, 260, 317318
urban 39, 55, 119, 207, 212, 315
spatial
inequalities 23, 24, 29
order 55, 103, 111
policy and its impacts 24, 26
stakeholder 256, 258, 260261, 263264
Stoker, Gerry 213, 227
Strategic Projects Unit (SPU) 284286
strategic planning 49, 315
suburb/suburban 2324, 26, 39, 6364, 67,
103, 142, 145, 179191, 203, 238, 278,
280, 295301
suburbanisation 180, 278
Taxi Recapitalisation Programme 80, 90,
92
Territoriality 118
Sa
pl
pa
Public Transport Action Plan 92

Public Transport Infrastructure and Systems
Grant 9193
public-private
alliance 10
partnership 191, 232, 235, 243, 258, 288
Qumbelo, Thembinkosi 147
race 12, 23, 111, 181, 300
racial
composition 24
identity 111
inequality 131, 141
politics 111
segregation and integration 23, 188
RDP housing 23, 26
Rea Vaya BRT system (Johannesburg) 71,
73, 8284, 88, 93
real estate/real estate developers 3, 181
186, 189, 191, 242, 277, 304
Red Ants 48
regeneration 6768, 113
inner-city 211, 217, 227
strategies 12, 232
urban 232, 241247, 255, 256, 280
regulation 4549, 181, 185186, 203204,
207, 261, 302
relocation 48, 157, 168169, 180, 225, 282
renewal 27, 45, 217, 284
revitalisation 232, 242, 244245
right to the city 4, 131
rights 127, 224226, 243
rights-based actions/discourse 5, 161,
168169, 264
Roy, Ananya 137139, 265
rural 15, 20, 47, 124, 299, 303
Rustenburg 47, 7981, 87, 90
San Jose building (Johannesburg) 224226
Sandton (Johannesburg) 42, 64, 67, 111,
182, 184185, 190
securitisation 288
security 48, 107, 188, 238, 240, 244, 274,
283, 297299, 303, 306, 131, 322323
industry 9, 197207
network 9, 199, 201, 205, 207
segregation 5, 23, 40, 45, 88, 198, 275, 316
service delivery 1011, 20, 28, 45, 65,
6768, 71, 73, 119, 125126, 130, 168,
244245, 258, 285, 313
Seventeen Houses (Johannesburg) 281282
shack settlement 9, 120, 135149
ge
s
336
eschweizerbart_xxx
Index
ge
s
southern 5
the state and 61, 63, 6566, 69, 70, 72
Urban Improvement District 287
urbanisation 10
uShaka Marine World (eThekwini) 287,
288
violence 26, 29, 44, 64, 71, 105, 118119,
136137, 146150, 188, 299, 314, 319
anti-foreigner/xenophobic 104, 117
130, 141
domestic 316, 318, 322
ethnic 141
ward committees 68, 7273, 104105,
125126, 159
ward councillors 72, 104, 107108,
125126
Watson, Vanessa 130
White Paper on National Transport Policy
91
workers party 12, 138
world class 9, 276, 277, 284
aspirations 10, 288
cities 211213, 227, 273
World Cup (FIF 2010) 2728, 8182, 84,
88, 9091, 93, 190, 256257, 260262,
265, 273288
World Design Capital (WDC) 10, 12,
251252, 254, 257, 263, 265
xenophobia 8, 29, 108110, 117130, 138
explanations 118120, 129130
practices 122, 129130
Yeoville (Johannesburg) 101, 103113
Young, Iris Marion 219
Sa
pl
pa
Third Force 149

third sector 234
Tong Lok (eThekwini) 287
town planning 3940, 48
township 8, 2324, 2628, 63, 67, 6970,
79, 85, 87, 89, 117, 119120, 122123,
127128, 138, 167, 203, 205, 264, 275,
279, 300
transnational/ism 13, 155, 163, 165166,
170171
transparency 158, 261
travelling idea/policy 11, 257, 276
Trouillot, Michel-Rolph 139, 149
Tshwane (Pretoria) 15, 18, 2122, 25, 28,
8587
Turok, Ivan 15, 1921, 26 28
unemployment 1617, 19, 118119, 122,
197, 235, 230239, 280
urban
coalition 216, 227
densities 24, 26
development 276277
fabric 277, 288
growth 18, 20
policy 274
regimes 213214, 227
cohesion 111, 167, 234, 275
sprawl 24, 26
Urban Development Zone 239
urban governance 4, 273274, 277
congurations 5
denition 4
entrepreneurial 10
337
eschweizerbart_xxx
www.borntraeger-cramer.com/series/urbanization
ge
s
Urban geography is a lively and almost unlimited field of research. Supported by its
neighboring disciplines such as demography, sociology, economics and technologies
of construction, urban planning and politics, traffic management and communications, it seeks to recognize trends and principles, and with regard to the future, to
facilitate structured action. Entitled Urbanization of the Earth, this series provides
a platform for critically investigating a crucial junction in the relationships between
man and the Earth. Humans as individuals or society as a whole, have proved to be
a powerful force for shaping the surface of the Earth, almost equalling natural phenomena. Many more urban phenomena await study and analysis generating a great
deal of material, at least for further studies within urban geography and the observation of this lively interface between humans and their environment.
Sa
pl
pa
Urban governance as a term captures the complex interaction between stakeholders or groupings which influence urban development. In South Africa, this complexity emerged
with the transition from apartheid more than two decades
ago. Today, governance influences priorities in a wide range
of urban domains, from public transport to policing; from
engagements at the neighbourhood level to city-wide strategies. In different configurations, urban governance shapes
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The contributors to this volume cover urban governance in
contemporary South Africa across three spheres, the state, the
community and the private sector, through a variety of lenses.
Spatial concerns are central to many of the analyses and case
studies, in which the authors highlight different modes that
influence the steering of South Africas largest cities.
The range of insights provided by the authors
illuminates post-apartheid tensions and urban dynamics
in a way that will be of value to scholars, practitioners,
decision-makers, politicians and activists alike.
This is the most important work yet on cities in post-apartheid South
Africa. It does not reduce them to technical problems and their residents to
recipients of service delivery. Rather, it sees cities as what they are
political spaces in which some fight for inclusion while others work to
exclude them. Its chapters produce detailed accounts of the alliances and
conflicts which are generated daily in our cities they are essential reading
for an understanding of urban South Africa today.
ISBN 978-3-443-37015-2
www.borntraeger-cramer.com
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eschweizerbart_xxx
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the state, the community and the private sector, through

a variety of lenses.
Spatial concerns are central to many of the analyses
and case studies, in which the authors highlight different
modes that influence the steering of South Africas largest cities.
The range of insights provided by the authors illuminates post-apartheid tensions and urban dynamics in a way
that will be of value to scholars, practitioners, decisionmakers, politicians and activists alike.
pl
Urban governance as a term captures the complex interaction between stakeholders or groupings which influence urban development. In South Africa, this complexity emerged with the transition from apartheid more than
two decades ago. Today, governance influences priorities
in a wide range of urban domains, from public transport
to policing; from engagements at the neighbourhood
level to city-wide strategies. In different configurations,
urban governance shapes inner city districts and gated
estates on the urban periphery.
The contributors to this volume cover urban governance in contemporary South Africa across three spheres,
Sa
This is the most important work yet on cities in post-apartheid South Africa. It does not reduce them to technical problems and their
residents to recipients of service delivery. Rather, it sees cities as what they are political spaces in which some fight for inclusion
while others work to exclude them. Its chapters produce detailed accounts of the alliances and conflicts which are generated daily
in our cities they are essential reading for an understanding of urban South Africa today.
Steven Friedman, Professor, Director of the Centre for the Study of Democracy at Rhodes University/ University of Johannesburg
Urbanization of the Earth (ISSN: 0944-422X)

Urban geography is a lively and almost unlimited field of research. Supported by its neighboring disciplines such as
demography, sociology, economics and technologies of construction, urban planning and politics, traffic management and communications, it seeks to recognize trends and principles, and with regard to the future, to facilitate
structured action. Entitled Urbanization of the Earth, this series provides a platform for critically investigating a
crucial junction in the relationships between man and the Earth. Humans as individuals or society as a whole have
proved to be a powerful force for shaping the surface of the Earth, almost equalling natural phenomena. Many more
urban phenomena await study and analysis generating a great deal of material, at least for further studies within
urban geography and the observation of this lively interface between humans and their environment.
Borntraeger Science Publishers
Johannesstr. 3A, 70176 Stuttgart, Germany. Tel. +49 (711) 351456-0 Fax. +49 (711) 351456-99
order@borntraeger-cramer.de
www.borntraeger-cramer.de
eschweizerbart_xxx

Christoph Haferburg & Marie Huchzermeyer (eds.), Urban Governance in Post-apartheid Cities
Contents
Part I: Urban governance in post-apartheid

cities in context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1. An introduction to the governing of postapartheid cities (C. Haferburg, M. Huchzermeyer) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
2. The external and internal context for postapartheid urban governance (A. Todes) . . . . . 15
Part II: City visions and urban interventions:
engagements of the state . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3. A critical overview of the instruments for
urban transformation in South Africa (M.F.
Sihlongonyane) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4. The agonistic state: metropolitan government responses to city strife post-1994 (L.
Pernegger) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5. Transforming the post-apartheid city
through Bus Rapid Transit (A. Wood) . . . . . . . .
37
39
61
79
Part III: The fragile base of the city: currents

and dynamics at community level . . . . . . . . . 99
6. Contours of urban community politics: learning from Johannesburg (O. Katsaura) . . . . . . 101
7. Reconceptualizing xenophobia, urban governance and inclusion: the case of Khutsong (J. Kirshner) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
8. Undoing the silencing of the present: the imperative to recognise the shack settlement as
a site of politics (R. Pithouse) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
9. Entangled or empowered? Networks of grassroots organisations and NGOs in housing and
human settlement processes (A. Ley) . . . . . . . . 155
Part IV: Private sector: gaining weight . . . . . 177
10. City of layers: the making and shaping of
affluent Johannesburg after apartheid
(J. Murray) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
11. The private security industry in urban management (T. Diphoorn) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
12. Johannesburgs Bad Buildings Programme:
the World Class City hegemony at work? (M.
Rubin). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
All published volumes
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Volume 7: Schinz, Alfred:

Cities in China
1989. VIII , 492 pages, 389 figures, 19 tables,
1 map , 28 x 21 cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37009-1 bound, 95.
Volume 6: Hofmeister, Burkhard:

Australia and its urban centres
1988. XII, 254 pages, 120 figures, 61 tables, 28 x 21 cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37008-4 bound, 66.
pl
Volume 12: Ed.: Haferburg, Christoph; Huchzermeyer, Marie:

Urban Governance in Post-apartheid Cities Modes
of Engagement in South Africas Metropoles
2014. XIV, 336 pages, 36 figures, 17 tables,
24x17cm
ISBN978-3-443-37015-2 bound, 49.90
Volume 8: Ed.: Al-Ankary, Khalid M.; El-Bushra, El-Sayed

Urban and rural profiles in Saudi Arabia
1989. X , 205 pages, 88 figures, 55 tables, 28 x 21 cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37010-7 bound, 64.
Volume 13: Belle, Iris:

From Economic Zone to Eco-city? Urban Governance and Urban Development Trends in Tianjins
Coastal Area
Ed.: Hans Gebhardt
2015. XIII, 203 pages, 40 figures, 14 tables,
24x17cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37016-9 bound, 44.80
Volume 5: Ed.: Costa, Frank J.; Dutt, Ashok K.; Ma,

Laurence J.; Noble, Allen G.
Asian Urbanization - Problems and processes
1988. XI , 165 pages, 53 figures, 21 tables, 28 x 21 cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37007-7 bound, 40.
Volume 11: Schmid, Heiko:

Economy of Fascination Dubai and Las Vegas as
Themed Urban Landscapes
2009. XIII, 272 pages, 59 figures, 3 tables, 24x17cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37014-5 bound, 34.90
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Volume 10: Seger, Martin; Palencsar, Friedrich:

Istanbul Metropole zwischen den Kontinenten
2006. XIII , 358 Seiten, 113 Abbildungen, 64 Tabellen, 210 Farbbilder, 2 Farbkarten-Beilage, 29x21cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37013-8 gebunden, 68.
Volume 9: Lappo, Georgij M.; Hnsch, Fritz W.:
Urbanisierung Rulands
2000. VII , 215 Seiten, 66 Abbildungen,
26 Tabellen, 28 x 21 cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37012-1 gebunden, 71.
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13. Social entrepreneurship and corporate

social responsibility in Johannesburgs inner city housing and revitilisation strategies
(E. Peyroux). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231
14. The local institutional dynamics of international accolades: Cape Towns designation as
World Design Capital 2014 (L. Wenz). . . . . . . 251
Part V: Governing through place and space 271
15. Post World Cup effects and local regeneration strategies in Johannesburg and
eThekwini (C. Haferburg, M. Fleischer, M.
Fuhrmann, F. Krger) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273
16. The sugarcane frontier: governing the production of gated space in KwaZulu-Natal (R.
Ballard, G.A. Jones). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
17. Women and urban governance: the disjuncture between policy and everyday experiences in intimate spaces (K. Erwin, O. Bass,
J. Houghton) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 331
ge
s
Preface and acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . V

List of figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX
List of tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI
Abbreviations and acronyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XII
Volume 4: Rutz, Werner:

Cities and towns in Indonesia Their development,
current positions and functions with regard to administration and regional economy
(English Edition)
1987. X , 292 pages, 13 figures, 38 tables, 6 maps,
28 x 21 cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37006-0 bound, 66.
Volume 4: Rutz, Werner:
Die Stdte Indonesiens Stdte und andere nichtlandwirtschaftliche Siedlungen, ihre Entwicklung
und gegenwrtige Stellung in Verwaltung und

Wirtschaft
(Ausgabe in Deutsch)
1985. X , 286 Seiten, 13 Abbildungen, 38 Tabellen,
6 Karten, 28 x 21 cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37005-3 gebunden, 53.
Volume 3: Wilhelmy, Herbert; Borsdorf, Axel:
Die Stdte Sdamerikas
Teil 2 Die urbanen Zentren und ihre Regionen
55 Photos, 28 x 21 cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37004-6 gebunden, 96.
Volume 3: Wilhelmy, Herbert; Borsdorf, Axel:
Die Stdte Sdamerikas
Teil 1 Wesen und Wandel
60 Photos, 28 x 21 cm
ISBN 978-3-443-37003-9 gebunden, 50.
Volume 2: Schneider, Karl-Gnther; Wiese, Bernd:
Die Stdte des sdlichen Afrika
1983. X , 176 Seiten, 116 Abbildungen,
ISBN 978-3-443-37001-5 gebunden, 50.
Volume 1: Manshard, W.:
Die Stdte des tropischen Afrika
1977. X , 258 Seiten, 104 Abbildungen,
ISBN 978-3-443-39070-9 gebunden, 50.
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Urbanization of the Earth

Series Editor: Heiko Schmid

Christoph Haferburg & Marie Huchzermeyer (eds.)

Urban Governance in Post-apartheid Cities

Modes of Engagement in South Africas Metropoles

BBorntraeger Science Publishers

Urbanization of the Earth 12

Christoph Haferburg & Marie Huchzermeyer (eds.)

Modes of Engagement in South Africas Metropoles

2015, Gebr. Borntraeger Verlagsbuchhandlung, Stuttgart, Germany

Christoph Haferburg & Marie Huchzermeyer (eds.)

Modes of Engagement in South Africas

with 36 gures and 17 tables

Borntraeger Science Publishers Stuttgart 2014

Urbanization of the Earth 13

Dr. Christoph Haferburg

This publication is sponsored by:

We would be pleased to receive your comments on the content of this book:

Typesetting: DTP + TEXT Eva Burri, Stuttgart

Preface and acknowledgements

Preface and acknowledgements

List of gures ....................................................................................................... IX

An introduction to the governing of post-apartheid cities ............................

Part I: Urban governance in post-apartheid cities in context........................

A critical overview of the instruments for urban transformation

The agonistic state: metropolitan government responses

Transforming the post-apartheid city through Bus Rapid Transit .................

Contours of urban community politics: learning from Johannesburg ........... 101

Reconceptualising xenophobia, urban governance and inclusion:

Undoing the silencing of the present: the imperative to recognise

Entangled or empowered? Networks of grassroots organisations

Part IV: Private sector: gaining weight............................................................ 177

12 Johannesburgs Bad Buildings Programme: the World Class City

14 The local governance dynamics of international accolades: Cape Towns

15 Post-World Cup effects and local regeneration

16 The sugarcane frontier: governing the production

17 Women and urban governance: the disjuncture

Aftermath of a housing-related service delivery protest

The local World Design Capital logo. In a rather self-ironising

An introduction to the governing of post-apartheid

Christoph Haferburg and Marie Huchzermeyer

There should be no surprise when a space-related issue spurs collaboration (often

C. Haferburg & M. Huchzermeyer, An introduction to the governing

C. Haferburg & M. Huchzermeyer, An introduction to the governing

Themes and contexts covered in this book

Themes and contexts covered in this book

C. Haferburg & M. Huchzermeyer, An introduction to the governing

conict is treated within urban governance in contemporary South Africa, particularly

Themes and contexts covered in this book

C. Haferburg & M. Huchzermeyer, An introduction to the governing

The state of urban governance twenty years into post-apartheid

The state of urban governance twenty years into post-apartheid

C. Haferburg & M. Huchzermeyer, An introduction to the governing

The agonistic state: metropolitan government

L. Pernegger, The agonistic state

The concepts of service delivery, protest, dissensus, consensus

as impromptu events (and frequently accompanied by police, as seen in Fig. 4.1).

Posing a particular urban governance challenge for metropolitan municipalities,

L. Pernegger, The agonistic state

The concepts of service delivery, protest, dissensus, consensus

L. Pernegger, The agonistic state

A brief timeline of the CoJs post-apartheid institutional growth at the intersections

BRT sweeps South Africa

Table 5.1: South African BRT adoption processes, 20062011