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PLATE I
USERHET'S FAMILY ENTERTAINED BY THE TREE-GODDESS. DETAIL FROM PLATE IX
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages i5-i9 and Plate X)
NEW YORK
MCMXXVII
IN MEMOBY OF
BOBB DE PEYSTEB TYTUS
THIS VOLUME HAS BEEN PUBLISHED BY THE METBOPOLITAN
MUSEUM OF ABT WITH A FUND
GIVEN FOB THAT PUBPOSE BY
CHABLOTTE M. TYTUS
MCMXIV
PREFACE
THE completion of this selected edition of five Theban tombs, by
which, I venture to think, the coloration employed by skilled Egyptian
artists has been set before the public with a degree of exactitude not
before attained, is an occasion on which feelings of gratitude are naturally aroused and may therefore fitly be expressed. They are due, of
course, in the first place to Mrs. Tytus, who in these books has raised so
happy a monument to her son and to his tastes that many another mother,
under a similar loss, will envy her the inspiration and opportunity. But
the project would scarcely have reached its successful end but for the
resolute zeal of the Editor, Albert M. Lythgoe, nor emerged with this
measure of credit in respect of format and typography had it not been
for the expert guidance of H. W. Kent, Secretary of the Museum, in cooperation with the late Walter Gilliss, publisher of the volumes. To the
habitual care and scrutiny of Winifred E. Howe, Editor of Museum publications, is due the clerical correctness of the series. I am also greatly
indebted to those who have striven with me, often under trying conditions, to mete out sympathetic justice to the line and color of the
ancient artists. Three of these, Launcelot Crane, Norman Hardy, and
Francis Unwin, have already passed beyond the reach of thanks, but I
can still express my gratitude to Emery Walker, veteran of a splendid
era, for watching over the reproduction of the paintings with the sympathy of an artist as well as the skill of a master-printer. I have also
become aware from time to time that the staff of the Egyptian Department was laboriously contributing to the perfecting of these memorial
ix
PREFACE
volumes in various ways, thus greatly lightening my responsible task.
No servant of an enterprise can have had more sympathetic control or
more generous help, and I regret that I can requite both only by these
poor words of sincere thanks.
N. DE GABIS DAVIES.
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE
ix
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
xiii
INTRODUCTION
xv
The significance of the Ramesside era; its effect on sepulchral
art; rare exceptions; its increased freedom; its richness of color;
its weak features; other characteristics; hindrances to a just
estimate; the transitional period; outstanding examples.
CHAPTER I
THE TOMB OF USERH^T
The site of the tomb; the exterior and entrance; the interior;
provision for sepulture; the ceilings; the mural subjects. North
wall, east side: the worship of Osiris; Userhet's dress; its evidence of date and function; its decorative merit; Userhet's wife;
other relations; lower scene, worship of Thothmes I; Userhet,
priest of the cult; his female relations; four inharmonious additions ; the first two rites; the third rite. South wall, east side:
worship of Mont; upper scene, Osiris the judge; Userhet's
purification; his prayer to his judges. East wall: the hospitality of Nut; the guests; the goddess; use of shading and graded
color; speech of Nut; the subscene. Features of the west bay.
West wall: a scene of recreation; the family adore Mont; an
involved genealogy; Userhet's father. North wall, west side:
anniversary of the burial of Thothmes I; the mortuary bark;
perambulation of the statue; Userhet's own burial provision.
South wall, west side: his hopes in death; his rewards in life;
xi
CONTENTS
his honors in death; his burial rites; Userhet welcomed by the
West; his salvation endangered by a usurper; the last judgment. The stela. Ceiling texts.
CHAPTER II
THE TOMB OF APY
3i
Recent history of the tomb; its location; the exterior; its garden; provision for ritual; the entrance; the interior; the inner
rooms; inscribed stones from the excavations; other objects;
the chapel. West wall: scenes of worship; the gods; a parallel
scene; the deities; Apy's relatives. South wall: the meal of
the dead; details; special features; stained dresses; their meaning. East wall, south side: its subject; a design borrowed from
El Amarna; the figure of Apy; the distribution of rewards;
burial of Apy; the procession; Apy's house; exceptional beauty
of the scene; special features; the pond; the servants; the garden; a domestic scene; a religious festival. East wall, north
side: sowing and harvest; winnowing, storage, and harvest;
marketing the grain; shipmen on shore-leave; the ships; the
grain-store; the gleaning; the yield of the marshes; fishing
from the shore; fishing from boats; netting birds; the sportsman's efforts; treatment of the catch; a scene of vintage; the
wine-press. North wall: burial furniture, royal and private;
refurnishing a royal sepulcher; form of the naos; its decoration; a cubicle; its use as a catafalque; its construction; its decoration; its furniture; the workmen; the destination of these
objects; Apy's equipment; probably a typical one. Fragments
of destroyed surfaces. North lunette: the cult of Amenhotep I;
burial rites; a royal appearance. South lunette: a scene of
sport. Vaulted ceiling: the hospitality of Nut; merits of the
scene; a scene of offering; unplaced fragments; the message
of these paintings.
INDEX
77
xii
ILLUSTRATIONS
Plate I (Frontispiece) Userhet's family entertained by
the tree-goddess (detail from Plate IX) In color
II Two views of Sheikh Abd el Kurneh and
Tomb 51
Photogravure
III Plan and sections of Tomb 5i . . . . I n line
IV Interior of Tomb 5i
Photogravure
V North wall, east side
In line
VI Details from Plates V and XIII . . . Photogravure
VII An offering to Osiris (detail from Plate V) . In color
VIII A tribute to Thothmes I (detail from
Plate V)
In color
IX East wall
In line
X Details from Plate IX
Photogravure
XI South wall, east side . . . . . .
In line
XII Details from Plates XI and V .
Photogravure
XIII South wall, west side
In line
XIV Adoration of ythe deities of the West (detail
from Plate XIII)
In color
XV West wall
In line
XVI North wall, west side
In line
XVII Details from Plates XI and XVI . . . Photogravure
XVIII Frieze and decoration of ceiling
. . .
In line
XIX Fragments and graffiti
In line
XX Two views of the necropolis of Deir el
Medineh and Tomb 217 . . . . Photogravure
XXI Plan and section of Tomb 217 . . . . I n line
*
Xlll
ILLUSTRATIONS
Plate XXII
XXIII
XXIV
XXV
XXVI
XXVII
XXVIII
XXIX
XXX
XXXI
XXXII
XXXIII
XXXIV
XXXV
XXXVI
XXXVII
XXXVIII
XXXIX
XL
XLI
XLII
xiv
Photogravure
n line
n color
n color
Photogravure
n line
n line
n color
n line
Photogravure
Photogravure
n color
n color
n
n
n
n
color
line
line
color
n color
n line
n line
n line
INTRODUCTION
THE movement associated with the Aton heresy is often regarded
as lying like a great geological fault across the regular course of Egyptian
history. But, in art at least, the changes which appear with the Ramesside dynasty towards the close of the fourteenth century B. C. better
deserve the name of a revolution by reason of their permanence and
deep-seated character, unless, indeed, by revolution we intend something
violent, and therefore transient, and ought to regard any permanent
change, however striking and mysterious in origin, as a national development rather than an upturn. Did the Egyptian nation in the Ramesside
era find itself, for good or ill, or were the profound transformations then
noticeable the abiding consequences of a political misadventure? Are we
to regard Egypt as having died from an enforced change of air after a
protracted illness, bravely but hopelessly combated through a long alternation of illusive recoveries and periods of prostration ? Was the coup
d'itat of Akhnaton one in essence, though in form bitterly in conflict, with
the permanent breach in Egyptian history associated with the name of
its eponymous, though belated hero, the great Osymandyas, both being
attempted solutions of the problem presented by the entrance of this
strongly featured nation into a society of vigorous civilizations P These
are large questions which cannot be gone into here, where we are concerned only with art, indeed only with the art of painting.
Had we to deal with all the forms of civilization, or even with sculpture as well as painting, there might be many meritorious achievements
XV
Its effect on
sepulchral art
INTRODUCTION
Its effect on
sepulchral art
Bare
exceptions
Its increased
freedom
to put to the credit of the new age. In sepulchral art the result was disastrous. As aesthetic productions, the painted tombs of Thebes in which
Ramesside modes are fully shown cumber its restricted sites. The deeper
causes of this debacle, the way in which the new art-forms obtained
authority, the proportions in which the living, but discredited, school of
Akhetaton and the smouldering traditions of the Theban schools contributed to the resultant type cannot be discussed here. This perhaps
may be said that it may well be that after the victory of the Aton,
many a secret adherent of the ancient faith, when forbidden a decorated
tomb of the old sort, found a substitute in illustrated papyri, and that a
school of priestly scribes arose to furnish them, which, on the restoration
of the established faith, not only saw new prosperity, but exercised the
strongest influence on mural painting.
Such influences, not being born of man's aspirations nor cradled in
the workaday world, left sepulchral art uninspired and jejune to the last
degree, except where, in dealing with the transition from human scenes to
the world beyond, it depicted the Elysianfields,or the garden where god and
man met. This limitation of subject matter was the real death-blow to
art. Egyptian draughtsmanship may be meditated and conventional, but
in the end it rests on observation. What inspiration could an artist find
in gods and demons, temple furniture and rites, and the worshiping figures
of his patron's family? Interesting episodes are nearly always the best
painted, and many a dull tomb, like that of Huy or Userhet, wakes into
beauty and brightness as it touches a dramatic scene. But these get
rarer and rarer.
The better side of the new art is the increased freedom which it at
first permitted. The artist is not called upon to conform strictly to the
ancient models in either pose or proportions, nor to lose his free impulse
owing to the necessity of employing a prescribed curve and perfectly even
line, and of using only such forms as look to a hard outline for completion.
The rendering of form by unoutlined, or loosely outlined, color is permitted within limits. But such a deliverance would only result in beauty if
the artist were trained to aesthetic sensibility instead of being drilled in
xvi
INTRODUCTION
conventional forms, an infinite advance of which the schools were quite
incapable. Liberty side-slipped at once into laxity, and freedom was used
to cover a host of sins and incompetencies. Instinct had made the older
art a balanced whole; the new is inharmonious, for the independence given
to line demanded a revised treatment of color. Hence, while in ink sketches
the artist of this period commands just admiration, in paint he got no
further than to make his outlines coarse and harsh, or, if bold, failing to
register with the colored field.
Another feature, which sometimes reaches beauty and often descends
to hideousness, is the increased richness of coloring. In the dark caves of
Thebes, which are none the less caves for being rectangular, the lawful
limits in this respect are large, but Ramesside pictures generally manage
to exceed them. They gain by replacing the old lilac ground by a whiter
one, toned down besides by the mud surface under the thin priming, and
by filling it up more completely. But what was given with one hand was
taken away with the other. The addition of detail became a mania, a
bewildering medley of uninstructive additions. Columns for text that
might have formed panels of mosaic were left blank or daubed in in monochrome. Primary colors in gaudiest tones, outlined in black, give the
tired eye no rest, and the poorer tombs afford a wearisome monotony
of stereotyped figures in ugly reds and yellows. But where colors are
more balanced, and rich metallic blues and greens mingle with the warmer
tones, success in this genre may be attained, and this is especially the
case in some of the floral borders and ceiling designs which are a feature
of the epoch. The love of foliage and the more free rendering of trees is
an undiluted gain, of which our two tombs furnish excellent examples.
An essential failing of the Ramesside school is their mode of preparing the walls for painting. Cheap and superficial show being the watchword, the artist did not deign to supervise the creation of his surface, and
to insist on one that could do justice to his skill. The splendid surface
which the masons of the Eighteenth Dynasty had known how to give to
their walls, so that they might fall down, break up, and be trodden under
foot, and yet retain beauty, was no longer prescribed. The mud surface
xvu
Its increased
freedom
Its richness
of color
Its weak
features
INTRODUCTION
Its weak
features
Other
characteristics
Hindrances
to a just
estimate
was mixed with coarse straw which invited devouring insects, and merely
smeared with a thin wash of white or yellow paint, which rubbed away
or dissolved under the least friction or dampening. As with all careless
work, a Ramesside tomb in ruin is a sorry sight. The colors, too, are no
longer carefully ground and mixed with a medium which gives them consistency, smoothness, and durability. The noticeable omission of textual
comment in the later pictures might have been a real gain, if the artist
had felt the more compulsion to make the scenes speak for themselves.
But where it was due to lack of thoughtful interest in the action depicted,
the result was the direct reverse. Prayers and wonder-working pictures
having been relegated to papyri, the mural scenes either comprise enlargements from the vignettes of such, or are merely decorative, decoration being conceived as bright color and display. The deceased has no
history save as the founder of a family, and his children are merely
potential ministrants. Upon inexactitude of aim and execution, inexactitude of statement is sure to follow. Late tombs cannot be relied on
to give faithful records of events, or of the form and color of objects
depicted.
The arrangement of subject matter in later tombs tends to be less
unified and thought-out than previously, and the whole is often a conglomerate of items which there was some reason for including. Hence,
while in earlier tombs excerpts lose by their isolation, this is often a distinct advantage to Ramesside groups. Since the looser drawing and the
crowded detail of the pictures need space, those cast on a large scale are
the most attractive. But when the incomparable miniatures of the casket
of Tutankhamon are expanded fifty times by the decorators of Rameses
II, with the changing shadows of incised figures as outlines and the harsh
hues of painted sandstone as coloring, one feels they have been vulgarized.
The former are jewels; the others an advertisement.
The painting of the period may easily be undervalued owing to the
rarity of examples which are in a good state of preservation. But this
vulnerability is itself one of its demerits. On the other hand, modern
tendencies in art may be inclined to judge too favorably experiments that
xvm
INTRODUCTION
are in fact nine-tenths failure, the more so as they afford a welcome relief
from the long monotony of the ancient forms.
If these were the features of the painter's art after the Restoration
and before its complete decadence, there was also a short transitional
period, reaching well into the reign of Rameses II, during which the permanent influence of the school of Akhetaton on Ramesside painting was
doubly strong and carried over enough of the humanities, as well as of
high artistic instincts, to produce works meritorious in themselves and
an interesting addition to the limited art forms which Egyptian history
records. The two tombs presented in this volume are among the few
surviving exponents of this phase. That of Userhet, though considerably
the earlier, makes no use of this advantage, for, if one of its subjects shows
the new type at something like its best, others exhibit the worst side of
Ramesside painting. Whether this is due to different hands or periods
of execution, or is merely a lack of steadfastness and industry, is an open
question. In the latter case we should have to forgive the artist's sins
because he really loved a little. In the tomb of Apy, on the other hand,
nearly everything has merit of one kind or another, and, what is rarer,
individuality; though what is now lost seems to have been more commonplace. The difference may be explained by the one being the tomb of a
priest, the other that of an artist, pointing to two Theban schools, one in
closer touch with the church, another at Deir el Medineh, which preserved
some independence under royal patronage. The running comment on
the scenes will afford further estimates of value.
Tombs 19 and L\O might have been ranged with these as showing some
exceptional power along with much that is of only average rank and, outside Thebes, the mortuary temple of Sety I as proving how colored
sculpture at its best might steep a noble building in radiance. It is difficult to find in the mass of Ramesside tombs any which stand out as typical
of the best efforts of the period; they would probably lie at Deir el Medineh
(e.g., Tombs 1, 3, and 290). The tomb of Queen Nofretari might perhaps
best serve the purpose, and, after it, those of the kings of the time. But
these form to some extent a type apart.
XIX
The
transitional
period
Outstanding
examples
CHAPTER I
CHAPTER I
e t ^ b of
The
exterior
and entrance
Tomb 5i. See Gardiner and Weigall, Topographical Catalogue of the Private Tombs of Thebes, p. 20 and
Pl. V. It was discovered by Bobert Mond in 1903 (Annates du service des antiquites de VEgypte, VI, p. 69),
and the work of tracing and painting its scenes was begun by me in the spring of 1909 (Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, March, 1911, pp. 49, 58, b%). The only object found in the clearances I made was a
charred wooden shawabti figure of a 1
2
A few of the lowest steps of a rock stairway in the southeast corner of the court exist, and suggest that
it was at first entered in this way. Debris still obscures the true approach.
The interior
Provision
for sepulture
been one of a pair supporting a porch of some sort, or might even be one
of four carrying a portico along this side of the court. The rock is here so
poor that it can be loosened with the hand; but at that date may have
been firm enough to have borne light roofing blocks, though there is no
trace of a bed for them on the cliff. In front of the doorway there is a pit
in the rock, and beside it a raised sill, the purpose of both these provisions
being to hold back the water with which any torrential rain would flood
the sunken area. Inside this sill a wooden door was fitted, as a surviving
pivot block shows. The sandstone framing of the doorway has disappeared,1 but the lower course of the masonry lining of the reveal remains
on the east side, and three sandstone slabs were found which evidently
belong to it (Plate XIX, 3 and 5), showing a painted figure of the owner
entering the tomb, salutations to the setting (?) sun, and assurances that
the deceased "shall take possession of his pyramidal tomb . . . and hand
over his staff to the coffin" (that is, shall lie down to rest).
Entering the tomb, we descend by a step of some height into a small
transverse chamber, brightly painted on both sides (Plate IV), and then
pass through a second doorway in the axis into an undecorated hall,
square in shape and feigning to have its roof supported on four rock
pillars and architraves. The framing to the entrance of this room was
probably only in plaster; the present brick lining of the eastern reveal is
a later addition. The pillars and cambered ceiling of this inner room are
smeared roughly with mud.
At the far end of this hall a third doorway, framed in plaster like the
second, leads to a small and low room, which forms an antechamber to
the sepulcher proper. The entrance to this is of the smallest dimensions,
and is preceded by a tiny enclosure of brick, which, if original, may have
formed a sort of shrine before the walled-up door. Through this one drops
into a low and rough gallery, which has a knee-shaped bend and ends
with a ledge for the reception of the coffin. Two other places of burial
are provided in the pillared hall. One in the southwest corner is merely
a narrow loculus at floor level, the other, in the northwest corner, consists
1
We may have a relic of it in five or six small inscribed fragments found in the debris.
For the design, which is the same on both sides of the midrib, see Pl. XVIII, B. Black whorls start
from a green center on a yellow ground and leave fields occupied by rosettes which are on a red or, in alternate
diagonals, on a blue ground. Where the rosette is against red, its heart is blue, and vice versa. Its rim is white,
with black outlines and divisions. Where the design is left incomplete, the green center (without whorls) on a
yellow field alternates with a blank field, the red lines of the drafting squares being visible in places. For variant
forms of the design see my Five Theban Tombs, Pl. X X ; Tomb of Puyemre at Thebes, I (vol. II of this series),
Pl. XXIX, E; Tomb of Two Sculptors at Thebes (vol. IV of this series), Pl. XXX, F. The soffit of the entrance
carried the same pattern (from two sandstone fragments). For the texts, see p. 29.
Provision for
sepulture
The
ceilings
The mural
subjects
The worship
of Osiris
The two panels which fill the back wall in the right (east) bay have
as their main subject the worship of Osiris and his train (Plate V, upper
half), and of King Thothmes I and his queen (lower half). These scenes
are almost counterparts, and yet at every point slight differences of coloring or detail have been introduced as pleasant variations. The picture is
bordered at the top by a heavy frieze of a Ramesside type, formed of alternate symbols of the guardians of the necropolis, Anubis and Hathor, separated by a single kheker ornament in its later form.1 Hathor is represented
by her head, set on a neb basket, and wearing a crown of feathers, indicative, perhaps, of a southern origin; Anubis by the dog, watchfully perched
on his eminence in the necropolis.2 The base line is formed by a yellow
band within a double border of red, and the two pictures are separated
by a garland of petals which serves as a frieze to the lower scene an
unpleasant innovation which, happily, did not find much favor.
The naos of Osiris (Plate V) stands below a ridiculously light baldachin, which it completely fills. Its heavy entablature is hung with bouquets and garlands wherever the artist can find space for them. The
symbolic skin stands on its post before the god, its red jar before it.3
The passion of the artist for ornament has turned the pedestal of the
shrine into a lake from which two papyrus stems, entwined with graceful
weeds, spring, as well as the mystic lotus, whose offspring is the four
genii of the dead. The gods in attendance, Hathor-Semyt, Ma r et (?),
and Anubis, vie in their attentions to the god, supporting his shoulders,
his arms, and his whisk. Osiris, whose green complexion betrays his
origin as a god of vegetation, sits on a throne adorned with bright bands
of blue, red, green; his crown has the same rainbow hues. His necklace
of beads has a square clasp or pendant which serves also as an amulet
for his back. A broad collar, a heavy pectoral decorated with figures of
1
The string of dates hanging from the stand is a somewhat unusual feature, strange to say. The artist
must needs combine fruit in its green, yellow, red, and black stages on the same bunch.
2
Formerly the back aspect of the skin was shown: see Davies-Gardiner, Tomb of Amenemhet, Pl. XXXV.
Here, both views are combined. The tail, of course, hung down between the legs behind. The stars are in the
form of the word-sign for the underworld, whether they have that significance or not.
3
Cf. note i, p. 44-
The worship
of Osiris
Userhet's
dress
Its evidence
of date and
function
Its decorative
merit
Userhet's
wife
name of the reigning king indicates the vice-regal functions of the priest;
the royal presentation of a skin would be a formal conferment of the dignity. The apron has the same significance; for it carries the legend, "The
good god, lord of the two Egypts, lord of ritual, great of might, beautiful (?) of justice in front of Amon, king of South and North, lord of the
two Egypts, Menpehti-Re, son of Re, lord of diadems, Ramessu (Rameses I), to whom life is given like Re." The prenomen is repeated on the
border of the apron.1 The ultimate and interested aim in depicting this
act of sacrifice is naively disclosed by the scribe when he adds above the
figure of Userhet, "For the ka of Userhet, chief priest of the royal spirit,
Akheperkere."
We have spoken with strong disapproval of the aesthetic judgment
of the Ramesside decorator; but his treatment of the softly rippling white
gowns, of which we have here some of the earliest examples, goes very
far to make amends for it. Up to now the natural pleats into which the
garment falls had been indicated by fine red lines; but these, being judged
to give too hard an effect, were now reserved for the deep gathers at the
waist, etc., the folds being continued as enlarging stripes of a faint gray
tint, which becomes a delicate rose where the flesh color is supposed to
shimmer through. This pleasant practice is general henceforth, and serves
as a much-needed mitigation of the garish coloration of the scenes of the
period.2
The figure of Userhet's wife is made very attractive by the gently
curving stem of papyrus which she carries, no longer shaped by stiff
convention but following the real growth, with feathery head and with
luxuriant weeds twined round its bare stem. Her heavy wig is no doubt
artificial, as we seefinetendrils of natural hair escaping from under it about
the face (Plate VII).3 The cessation at the knee of the faint flesh color by
1
In Tomb 106 the forehead of the leopard bears the name of Sety I, under whom Paser was vizier. There
is little doubt, therefore, that Userhet also lived under that king (see below) and his short-lived predecessor,
Barneses I. But Apy's robe (p. 4o) carries in the same place the name of a long-dead king whose cult he
served; so the test cannot be relied on implicitly.
2
See also p. 45. It may have been introduced by the school of El Amarna, but is not found in the fine
painting of princesses there. Its retention, at least, must be put to the credit of Bamesside artists. Observation
of the play of light and shade on the waves of sculptured skirts led to this representation in color.
3
The meshwork of hair is too delicate and faint to appear in Pl. V.
Userhet's
wife
Other
relations
Lower scene.
Worship of
Thothmes I
Userhet,
priest of
the cult
His female
relations
for the north.1 The garlands which hang from the neck of the column,
the architrave, the chair, and the vase of offerings are tasteless additions.
The reverence paid to Thothmes is perhaps due less to his importance
in history than to the benefit his cult had brought to the family of Userhet, in which the high-priesthood was as good as hereditary. The offerings
laid before the deified pair are heaped up in a handsome golden bowl, demonstrating on what an exaggerated scale the pile is drawn. Userhet
presents a duck on a hand-brazier. He wears the wig and the short beard
that goes with it. The priestly skin carries the cartouches of Sety I on
the shoulder, and they are repeated on the apron, as in the picture above.
The inscription runs, "The good god, lord of the two Egypts, master of
the ritual of the great ones of eternity, of Re, and of the (other) gods,
the king of South and North, lord of the two Egypts, Menmatre, bodily
son of the sun, his beloved Sety, [given] life like [Re]."
Userhet is followed by "his mother, house-mistress and singer of
Amon-Re, king of the gods, Henet-tawi." 2 This lady carries in one hand
three ducks, a sistrum, and a menat of the new form, showing the royal
head and collar at one end of the handle. A fanciful bouquet, made up in
the shape of the sign which stands alike for "life" and "bouquet," hangs
from her elbow. As in the picture above, the following lady, "his wife,
house-mistress and singer of.. .,"3 is painted much less conspicuously, her
sistrum being scarcely visible and her dress less elaborate (Plate VIII). She
is accompanied by a little daughter, whose shaven head retains only two
side-locks, or perhaps a narrow postiche which takes their place.4
1
The triple form shown on Pl. XXIV is in favor of a composite capital, however. For an earlier occurrence, see Davies, El Amarna, II, Pis. XXXII, XXXVII, and VI, Pl. VI. The reversed uraei at the left end
of the cornice were noticed in Tytus Memorial Series, IV, p. L\I, note i.
2
In the superscriptions the cartouche and the name of Userhet, as well as the name and titles of Henettawi from "Amon" onwards, have been written on superimposed plaster. Henet-tawi, if authentic, must be
the mother-in-law, for Userhet's own mother was named Ta-usret. The latter was a singer of Mont; hence,
perhaps, the correction begins with the name of the god.
3
The name of this wife has been expunged, like the preceding one, and has never been replaced, or rather,
as far as I can see, no name had ever been put in, though a note of it may have been. It thus corresponds with
the case above, and this second wife either did not exist, or has been consigned to oblivion by Hatshepsut.
Beyond the second column one can detect a very doubtful text in faint red ink
h, .. [I JH
" [daughter]
/WWW U
\\
Yet Userhet had two or three other sons (p. 29) for whom this would be the natural place. Were they
sons by a second wife, and ignored by Hatshepsut? But, in that case, why was even the mention of this wife
suffered by her?
2
These mourning women seem out of place in a rite which appears to be performed after, not at, burial.
3
My own suggestion is that this conspiracy was plotted by his mother Ta-usret and her nephews, or
step-nephews, she having taken this Nebmehyt as a second husband after the death of Userhet's father. Nebmehyt's title, as given in the tomb of his son, Khons-To (Tomb 3i, of the time of Barneses II), is connected with
the mortuary service of Amenhotep I I I ; but that of Thothmes I ran also in his family, apparently through one
Neferhotpe\ who may have been a brother of his or of his wife Ta-usret. There would, then, have been an
attempt, on the death of Userhet, to keep the high-priesthood of Thothmes I in the family of the nephews of
Ta-usret (or of Nebmehyt), instead of letting it run in the earlier family also and descend to Userhet's sons.
Nebmehyt here would, then, be Userhet's stepfather, and To either be To (alias Khons), son of Nebmehyt and
"Ta-usret, singer of Mont," or a younger To, apparently a priest of Thothmes I, who is likewise mentioned
in Tomb 3i. The appropriation of the benefit of a rite by the performer as well as the recipient is common
in Tomb 3i (cf. p. 8).
II
Four
inharmonious
additions
The first
two rites
The third
rite
South wall,
east side.
Worship of
Mont
Binding on the onion as a tie was a ritual act. In Tomb 54 the dead pair are seen solemnly sitting, with
onions hanging round their necks like flowers. Cf. p. 75.
2
Under the arms of the two priests is a note which may read,'' The servants of one whom the west favors,
or "The priest, Hesamentet." A continuation of it may have been expunged. Note that where the recipient
is bald, so also are the priests.
3
For a detailed discussion of this form of lamp, see Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, X, p. 9.
4
Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pl. XXVII. It is hard to imagine any real counterpart of this altar,
unless there were two (or four) opposed pairs of arms, or unless the arms were merely engraved on its top surface.
5
The names of both deities are written on an overlay of the usual sort, and are scarcely legible.
12
South wall,
east side.
Worship of
Mont
In the upper picture Osiris is attended in the kiosk by the gods who
assist him in his court of justice, "Thot, lord of Hermopolis, the just
scribe of the company of gods," and "Anubis, foremost in the sacred
shrine, in attendance (?) on the great god, lord of eternity, who made
heaven and earth."4 Thot wears the combined forms of the full and crescent moon, whose movements his science regulates and records, and carries, instead of a real palette, a badly drawn pictograph for it. The speech
he is said to be making is taken for granted. The Egyptians, like other ancient peoples, found it hard to compass the idea of an absolutely supreme
Upper scene.
Osiris the
judge
Originally there was another column of text behind Meryt-seger's crown, ending in W crP .
Tomb 3i suggests, however, that there could be several contemporary high priests of the cult, or that
they changed rapidly. Perhaps this king had more than one cult-place.
3
Nebmehyt's name is entered on an overlay of plaster, as is also the royal name within the cartouche.
Something, if only a rough note, has been suppressed just below the line beneath these two priests' names (indicated by an asterisk); it seems in both cases to have begun with M\ "born of."
4
The title of Anubis is very faint and does not appear in the plate.
2
i3
Userhet's
purification
His prayer
to his judges
and invulnerable godhead; so that Osiris, weak too through his former
mortality, has to rely on the magic properties of a pectoral and needs the
support of his entourage. A figure of Userhet is placed at the other end
of the scene, as if he did not venture to sit down near the gods until he
had undergone ritual purification. The real reason may be that the designer of the scene was graveled for lack of matter, and dully filled up
the space with a second figure "adoring Osiris... ruler of the living
"
The customary injunction, "Pure, pure (four times)," is reflected by
the eight figures of priests with eight vases, who, after all, manage to
throw only four streams of water. The candidate for purification kneels
on a white pedestal, which we may imagine to be a slab of alabaster, insulating him from the impurities of earth. He clasps anxiously to his
bosom the heart-amulet with its reassuring inscription, as if he foresaw
the future. For his friends proved treacherous: the text, which put into
the mouth of the priests on either side the formal words, "Pure, pure, for
the Osiris Userhet, justified and assured of honorable retirement in peace,"
has been tampered with. On both sides the name has been blotted
out, and the names of Akheperkereseneb and "his son . . . " inserted on
an overlay.1
Userhet, fresh from the purifying rite and relying all the more on the
ostentatious liberality of his gifts to the gods, squats contentedly in the
presence of Osiris with a little reservation of food for his own use. His
piety is far better than his syntax, for his prayer is a stuttering affair.
"Said by Osiris for the ka of the chief priest of the royal spirit Akheperkere, Userhet, the justified one. He says, 'Homage to thee, lord of eternity
and to (?) the princes (?) of endless eternity, that they may grant a happy
life in following thy ka, and, after old age, proper burial on the west of
Thebes, in the Place of Justice, to the ka of the chief priest, Userhet.' " 2
1
1 think that I can detect the name of Userhet underneath in both cases. The two cartouches also have
been overlaid, and that on the right has been left vacant, but it is almost certain that it was originally that of
Thothmes I. For Akheperkereseneb, see above and p. 22.
2
The signs " ft O 8 have been painted out by a censor as inadmissible; but a reference to other gods is
needed to justify the plural pronoun which follows. He would have done better to strike out the opening words
"Said by" and "for the ka of." The speech is some evidence that the "Place of Justice," so often heard of,
includes this part of the necropolis.
i4
separate halls. Their presence is no doubt called for, but the array of
gods and of altars is a blot on the scene. The addition of Osiris to the
groups turns two of these ogdoads into enneads. The first house contains
"Osiris, (head)1 of the gods of the eastern heaven, lords of eternity; of all
the gods who rest in the necropolis; and of all the lords of eternity in the
presence of Onnofer." In the second group, Osiris presides over the companies of gods of the southern, the northern, and the western heavens.
The third ogdoad is a made-up lot, amongst whom Userhet can only recognize the four genii of the dead (Plate XVII, A).
The end wall of the east bay (Frontispiece and Plate IX) presents us
East walL
The
with what is perhaps the most meritorious example of Theban painting hospitality
of the Ramesside era, though some features detract from its effect and
it has suffered considerable injury. The hospitable reception of the dead
by Nut, the goddess of the sycamore, is a very common subject after the
Eighteenth Dynasty and is often attractively treated, but generally on a
small scale, and with the goddess issuing, like a dryad, from the limbs of
the tree.2 Our artist, however, had the merit of perceiving that the subject was aesthetically worthy of being carried out on large lines, and that,
as the human interest outweighed the rather obscure personality of the
goddess, the tree, under the shade of which her guests rested, would serve
better as a background to their figures than as her abode. Moreover, he
employs the unusual method of setting his figures against a yellow ground,
thus giving solidity to the sparse foliage of the tree. The rich effect of
this part of the picture is indeed set in too violent a contrast with the
empty columns of the space beyond, and its graceful curves are spoilt by
the harsh figure of Nut, the absurd travesty of a tree on her head, the
geometrical ponds, and the circular garnishing of the dish below the
chair. Its creator evidently had not mental energy enough to make the
1
i5
The
guests
whole of the picture harmonize with the happily conceived group on the
left. He may have judged that the accidentif accident it waswhich
had left the frieze a careless sketch and the adjacent scenes unprepossessing as well as light in tone, provided a useful foil for the rich and
detailed coloring of his picture; but he had not the power to make the
surroundings finished yet helpful accessories, to cast the goddess in a
form which should be in keeping with the rest, or to find a better alternative to a tightly packed text than its empty scaffolding. The subscene,
however, is a praiseworthy conception. Its solidity and quiet movement,
its stiff symmetry relieved by the curves of the boats and the graceful
lines of the floral decorations, make it a frame which successfully cuts off
the main picture from the bars of crude color below. (For the incomplete
ceiling-decoration and friezes in the vicinity, see Plates IV, A and X, A.)
The imposing figure of Userhet (unnamed) is in gala dress. He wears
,
Cf. the decorated cone in Davies, El Amarna, VI, Pl. I. On the other hand, see p. 44They are thus seen to be "His wife, house-mistress and singer of Amon, Hatshepsut" and "(His) mother,
singer (of) Mont, Ta-usret." The text is just legible on Plate X, B. | ^ ^ " J r f j r i l tl I a n d ^
"^
^ ^ s==5 t k o % "' R ^ Jj -^ J %>. I t is unusual to find mother and wife seated together thus, but there is
an example of mother and sister seated with the man in Tomb 3i, and of a wife and her mother seated facing
him in Tomb 56. Mummies found at Thebes by our Expedition show that the writing of texts on the upper
arm was not unknown; so a fitting place has been chosen for it.
2
16
The
The
goddess
or what is meant for it, on her head, while the platform under her feet
is transformed into a pool in token of her mission of refreshment.1 She
is clothed in a robe of cerise red with a net of oblong blue beads, alternating with tiny gold ones, thrown over it. She carries a vase with a
device of an offering to Osiris on it, and a mat of loaves and fruit
grapes, figs, a pomegranate, and a melonresting on a thick pad of
foliage.2 A round dish of the fruit, set out on a gay napkin, is also placed
on a garlanded stand by the side of Hatshepsut, the dish being tilted up
so as to show its full shape and contents.3 The guests of the goddess sit
on richly ornamented chairs, and their feet rest on simple wooden footstools.4
1
For the goddess in this form, see Davies, Tomb of Nakht at Thebes (vol. I of this series), Pl. X. The
careless painter has given to her feet a sickly yellow hue that goes ill with the warm color of her arms. With the
6a-birds it is the faces which are too pale.
2
What looks like a cut melon might be a honeycomb, in which case it would be wild honey, and also the
product of the tree. Cf. Pl. V.
3
Cf. Pl. XXV.
4
The addition of the five toes to the outer foot, as seen by the eye in echelon, has a curious history. It
appears at Thebes in the reign of Thothmes IV (Tombs 38, 54) in single instances. Yet it is not found in the
fine sculptured tombs of the time of Amenhotep III (once in the painted tomb, No. 8), though regularly at El
Amarna. It is by no means common even in the finest Bamesside tombs and thus wears the character of a
questionable innovation, the experiment being first made on the body of a common person, such as a dancing
girl, and confined to a single figure in a tomb. The large figures almost all have it in the tomb of Apy (Pis.
XXII-XXV).
i7
and graded
color
this picture, for the first time in Egypt, so far as I know.1 The indications are very slight, consisting of deepened color on the cheeks of the
ladies and of Userhet, under the chin, between the lips, under the heel of
Hatshepsut, and, to a slight degree, under the eyebrow. This might be
taken as merely an observation of local accentuation of color, not of
shadow, refusing to the artist the discovery of how modeling is indicated
by light and shade. But the tomb of Queen Nofretari exhibits a more
advanced use of these devices on the person of the rosy-fleshed queen,
though not on the gods and goddesses. It is clear that the artist there
observed the play of light and shade on the reliefs he was painting and
reproduced this to some extent, yet not so softly or exactly that the effect
is generally pleasing.2 In Userhet's picture the variations of color which
the large scale of his figures invited are very unobtrusive, but, none the
less, they amount to an aesthetic heresy, which, if followed up, would
have completely altered the fundamental character of Egyptian art. In
other respects also our artist gives rein to an unusually keen color sense.
In the hands of the Egyptian painter color was more often conventional
than imitative, complexions, among other things, coming under this
rule. But a real appreciation of the tone of the Egyptian skin is shown
in the flesh color of Hatshepsut here, and this breach of convention is
reflected also in the vivid yellow, blue, and orange on the bole and
larger limbs of the sycamore. The painter has noticed with pleasure
how the smooth bark of certain trees takes on hues which are far from
1
This innovation was to some degree a development. Already in Tomb 69 (of the reign of Amenhotep
III) we see the deep dimple in the corner of the mouth indicated by a black spot. The nostril was soon marked
in the same hard way, and the two are an unpleasing feature of Bamesside art. Inner form was being increasingly
shown in the lines about the mouth, the fold of the eyelid, the muscles of the arm and leg, the saliences of the
knee and the ankle, the creases of the neck and abdomen. These fines needed only to be softened into a shadow,
as the lines of the skirt were being expanded into soft stripes. A similar feature may be observed in the figs in
this picture. The dimpled eye of the fruit, which in reliefs is indicated by a depression, rightly observed in
perspective and so placed on the fruit, is imitated here by a black oval ring. Facial lines are used in Tomb g3
(on monkeys) and in Tombs 49 and 181. Muscles, knees, and ankles are shown by line in Tomb 1. Cf. Pis.
X X I I I - X X V and Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pl. XIV.
2
This, too, may well have been a product of the heterodox movement, but I cannot agree that the painting
in the Ashmolean Museum affords clear evidence of shading, still less of the emphasis on the high lights which
Prof. Petrie claims to be, or to have been, visible. See J.E.A., VII, pp. 4. 221, 225; and Bulletin of M.M.A.,
Dec. 1922, Part II, p. 52.
l8
"(The sycamore has) fruits that are redder than jasper. Its foliage is like malachite and is . . . as
glass. Its wood has a hue like that of feldspath" (Erman, Die Literatur der Aegypter, p. 312).
2
From Tomb 106. This traditional speech may have been omitted the more readily by our designer as
it came better from the dryad goddess than from one in completely human shape. One sees from it that the
owner of a tomb was theoretically so happy as to have the goddess as a permanent denizen of his garden. No
tomb yet found, however, shows more than an apology for such a pool, and the garden seems often to have
amounted only to a stunted shrub (p. 35).
19
Speech
of Nut
The subscene
Features of
the west bay
West wall.
A scene of
recreation
The family
adore Mont
tinue those of the east bay. As we had there the adoration of Mont and
of Thothmes I, the refreshment of Userhet in the garden, and his purification before Osiris, so here we find the worship of Mont repeated (Plate
XV), Userhet and his wife disporting themselves again in their garden
(Plate XV), the cult of the statue of the king, and the judgment and rewards of Userhet (Plates XIII and XVI).
If Userhet's natural interest in his own personal story and fate inspired the great picture on the end wall of the east bay, the same impulse
seems to have been operative in the design which occupies the lower part
of the opposite wall (Plate XV), though it is unhappily in a state of ruin.
The figures in it are clumsy, but its freedom of treatment makes it stand
out from the scenes around it, like its companion picture. On the left,
Userhet and his wife sit together under a pergola, between the columns
of which a vine spreads its pleasant shade. Shepsut squats comfortably
on a hassock behind her husband, who is provided with a stool. The right
arm of Userhet is bent back, presenting a fishing rod and line to his wife,
which "the favorite of Hathor" grasps, at the same time holding out
something to her husband.1 The vine is treated freely, yet with great
decorative effect. The leaves are for once real vine leaves, and, when it
suits his design, the artist introduces also the folded leaf.2 A large white
hound can just be detected under the stool. What lay beyond the pair is
destroyed, but two little fragments found in the rubbish show a wreathed
column which can only come from this scene. Close to the pergola, then,
was a pond, the banks of which were planted with flowering shrubs.3
The scene above this is interesting only for the text accompanying it,
for its execution would do little credit to the cheapest monument of the
1
The scene can be interpreted, thanks to a parallel picture in Tomb 324, though it is equally damaged.
There the owner is fishing with two rods and double lines. With the one he has caught two fish; the other he is
holding back, as here, and his wife is putting new bait on the hook for him. This design is repeated in Tombs
i57 (Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, II, p. n5) and 2i5. In both these cases the
wife also assists, no doubt by baiting the line. The scene is a pendant to the hospitality of Nut, both pictures
depicting the enjoyment of their garden by the owners. For the attitude, see Steindorff, Bliitezeit des Pharaonenreichs (1926), p. i85. His head and titles, as well as the edge of the pool, are on fragments replaced by me.
For the use of rod and line, see Klebs, Reliefs des alten Reiches, p. 76, and Tomb g3.
2
Cf. Pl. XXXIII and Davies, El Amarna, II, Pl. XII.
3
Painted in yellow against the black of the banks. So in Tomb 324 and in the northern palace at El
Amarna (Bulletin of M. M. A., Dec. 1926, Part II, p. i4).
20
The original design provided the god with high plumes. The parts of hjs figure below the breast, as well
as the four stands supporting the offerings, are fragments fitted up by me.
2
The later origin of the names is evidenced also by the addition of the stroke to the ntr and hm signs, a
feature seen also in one of the superimposed names on Pl. XI.
3
Legrain in Annates du service, VIII, p. 258.
4
Weil, Die Veziere Aegyptens, p. 68; Sethe, Urkunden, IV, p. 472, 1. 1.
21
The family
adore Mont
An involved
genealogy
Userhet's
father
North wall,
west side.
Anniversary
of the
burial of
Thothmes I
however, the relation is possible.1 At the best, then, this list seems to
be based on family traditions, and devoid of historical value.
Imhotpe's father was a tutor of the children of Thothmes I and very
unlikely to be "Khensem . . . , high-priest of Amon." This man, then,
must be Userhet's own father, through whom he is connected with these
distant dignitaries, and thus Ta-usret's husband. We have as yet no
other record of his holding this office (under Harmhab?). Our trust in the
story is not increased by the additional name of Neferhebef given here,
and here only, to Userhet; but it may be supplied to give weight to a
semi-legal document.2 Userhet has "revivified" the names of his ancestors
very insufficiently and unsatisfactorily.3
The scene on the west side of the back (north) wall (Plate XVI) is
divided into three registers, and it is not easy to say whether they deal
with one subject only. The upper scenes probably depict a celebration
of the anniversary of the king's burial, at which the rites were reenacted
by land and water, the statue here taking the place of the coffined mummy.
The lowest scene is concerned with the presentation of burial furniture,
but, though Plate XXXVII shows such equipment being made for the use
of a dead king, and though a cartouche is seen (in a title?) near the recipient on the left, the figure is scarcely compatible with that of a monarch.
X
A vizier Hapu existed (Tomb 66 and Daressy, Recueil de cones funeraires, No. 270) and was buried
close to Hapuseneb; but we can only suppose this to be Hapuseneb's father if we presume that his title was
challenged and that he speedily died, leaving the office to his son, who also only held it brieflyfor the latter
does not claim the rank either for himself or his father in his tomb. It may be that Hapu and his son were
made viziers by Hatshepsut against the will of other parties in the State, that both paid for it with their lives,
and that neither was acknowledged as such by the triumphant party or afterwards. Hence the silence here also
as to the vizierate of Hapuseneb, the title given him being that which he commonly uses.
2
A record in the tomb of Hapu that his eldest son was a web-priest of Amon, Neferhebef, gives weight to
suspicion. Perhaps "called Neferhebef" on Pl. XV belongs to Hapuseneb's name and has been misplaced.
3
The question of a trumped-up genealogy is affected by a similar occurrence in the closely related tombs,
Nos. 31 and 324, where a hitherto unknown vizier, Usermont, is introduced without its being clear how he is
related to the families. Yet he appears to be authentic. Thus, though a family might make use of a distant
member for its glorification, that does not involve it in mendacity. Hapuseneb had a son Akheperkereseneb,
high-priest of Thothmes I (Griffith in Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 1889, p. i n ) . Though
this name would be easily assumed by any one in the service of that king, the like-named person twice introduced on these walls may well be he, and meant to be a forced spokesman for the family, like Imhotpe and
Hapuseneb. Probably the same is true of Amenmose' (p. 27), who seems to be of the same early date. Thus,
Nebmehyt on Pl. X I may have followed Akheperkereseneb at the same distance in time that intervenes between
Khensem . . . and Hapuseneb, and so be of Userhet's own period.
22
When depicted in person the king is red (Pl. V). The figures of kings supporting insignia of gods, etc.,
in works of art are very often black: cf. Naville, Xlth Dynasty Temple at Deir el-Bahari, Part I, Pl. I. For
royalties of black complexion, see Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, p. 33. A fragment which shows the head of
the king (Pl. XIX, 4) must be that of the royal ka, carried on a pole behind the statue. For a photographic
record of the scene, see Wreszinski, Atlas zur altagyptischen Kulturgeschichte, Sheet 173 (wrongly attributed to
Tomb 5o). The separating borders of blue petals stop half-way across the wall simply because there was scanty
headroom for the desired scene beyond this point.
2
Is Ahmose an ancestral vizier againhe of the time of Hatshepsut? In the last column of text all but
hip is on an overlay.
23
The mortuary
bark
Perambulation of the
statue
Userhet's
own burial
provision
South wall,
west side.
His hopes in
death
bank drag the bark round the piece of water. A swimmer keeps the towrope clear of weeds.1 Frail booths, surrounded by a paling of canes, such
as are provided for the entertainment of the dead on the day of burial,
are dispersed among the trees of the garden.2
It is not inappropriate that Userhet, who had so often repeated
masses for the soul of Thothmes I, should in this lower picture link his
hopes for fitting burial with those of the king. On the left we may imagine Userhet ("chief priest of Akheperkere in the temple Chnemetankh") seated, for his hand is stretched out to touch the specimen gifts of
a pectoral (?) and a cartonnage mask which "his son . . . who immortalizes his name" brings. Behind this son are other donors with offerings
of food, and an array of furniture. This includes collars, ritual outfits,3
a censer, braziers, and a libation vase, three masks, several complete
mummy coverings, coffins, or statuettes, and further supplies of food.
The west side of the south wall (Plate XIII) is occupied by what
amounts to a pictorial epitaph in three such phrases as "Honored in life
by the king; mourned in death by his friends; welcomed in heaven by
his god." The Egyptian was as far as can be from regarding life as a
many-colored stain on the white radiance of eternity. For him, on the
contrary, life set the norm of all future existence, which he hoped might
differ from it only in greater intensity and diversity, though he often
yielded to fears that it would prove a duller and darker shadow of earth.
It is not strange that in the gracious recognition of services by a monarch a promise, and even a security, was found for generous treatment
from the king of eternity; so that Userhet sets the royal rewards in
closest connection with his summons to the presence of Osiris.4
This proof of royal favor is shown in the lowest register and is modl
T h e landing stage of the T-shaped pond is close to the temple door in the parallel scene in Tomb 3i.
For the rite as applied to private persons, compare scenes in Tombs 87 and 100 (Virey in Memoires de la mission
archeologique francaise au Caire, V, p. 3i9, and Pl. XXXVIII).
2
Cf. Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pl. XIX. The figure in the first booth has been obliterated without
obvious reason.
3
For the outfits, see Davies, Ibid, Pl. XXIV. Small masks, suitable only for statuettes, were found in
the tomb of Amenhotep II (Daressy, Fouilles dans la Vallee des Rois, Pl. XXVI).
4
Apy also links life and death in the same way (Pis. XXVII, XXVIII).
24
Cf. Davies, El Amarna, II, Pis. XI, XXXVI; V, Pl. IX; VI, Pis. V, XX, XXX; also Bulletin of M.M.A.,
Nov. 1921, Part II, pp. 21-23.
2
The statues are still less suitable to a dwelling of Userhet, which, besides, would be on the left. Whether
the two statues are balanced by a pair wearing the crown of Upper Egypt cannot now be determined with certainty.
3
Cf. Davies, El Amarna, I, Pl. VIII; III, p. i3.
4
This detail is on a corner piece of sandstone from the lining of the west reveal of the entrance.
25
His
rewards
in life
His honors
in death
His burial
rites
Userhet
welcomed
by the West
Great bouquets like columns (reminding us that the Egyptian column is,
after all, a bouquet, simple or elaborate) stand at the four corners and
are connected by gay garlands. By the side of the route are stands of
water jars, festooned with flowers, which take the place of the booths
shown on Plate XVI. The coffin is followed by mourners in threes, who
place the hand before the mouth in token of respectful silence, or in fear
of offending the ritual purity of the dead. The first three are identified as
the web-priests, Userpehti and Amenhotpe, and the overseer of the
workshop of Amon, Nebmose. The second trio are the web-priests,
Neferhebef and Nebseny, and the scribe of the treasury of the god,
Nakht. 1 The third group is classed together, but the title is illegible.
Their dull dirge runs, " 0 Userhet, high-priest in Chnemet-ankh, who renewest life! 0 Userhet, high-priest of the royal spirit Akheperkere!"
Two men walk beside the cattle, carrying chests of burial equipment
and fans. It makes a poor show in comparison with the varied gifts
customary at an earlier period; but to it we must add the presents previously chronicled (Plate XVI).
The cortege is met by a band of seven mourning women, who pour
dust on their heads so liberally that they are streaked (bluish gray) with
it from head to heel. They are very badly drawn, an enormous eye being planted almost in the middle of the face and at an absurd angle.
Two other women, meant, no doubt, for the mother and wife of Userhet,
turn towards the two coffins (white, with yellow bands) set up before
the tomb,3 while a lector reads the hotep dy nisut formula, and a priest
officiates. A table before them contains food and sixteen vases for the
needed libations (four purifications repeated four times).
Only a bouquet behind the coffins separates death from life, for on
the far side we see the dead man, already endowed with renewed vitality,
1
These names are added faintly where they could be squeezed in. That of Nakht (omitted from the plate)
lies below the name of Neferhebef. The last legend may be "the artisans who . . . . "
2
The first name of Userhet is a palimpsest and seems to replace the cartouche of the king and the name
of Userhet written with two crossed signs.
3
Despite the beard, which is generally omitted in such cases, the second coffin is certainly intended for
the wife, in anticipation of her day of burial. Actual coffins of women are generally marked by the absence of
the beard and by open, instead of clenched, hands crossed on the breast.
26
Userhet
welcomed
by the West
His
salvation
endangered
by a
usurper
The identification of this pyramid with the tomb, notwithstanding its dissimilarity, is favored by the
word "tomb" being determined by a similar erection: see Pl. XIX, 5.
2
This priest is known: see Daressy, Cones funeraires, No. g3. The cartouche also has been rewritten.
27
The last
judgment
pected here.1 A devouring monster with crocodile's head, the fore limbs
judgment
The steia
of a dog, the hind parts of a hippopotamus, and the color of none of them,
abides the result; but as always, the scales weigh level, and Userhet escapes the horrible jaws. Hence we see him, in apparent indifference to the
fate of his wife, kneeling, an acquitted soul, before the throne of Osiris.2
The god, a glaring figure in as garish a naos, is hedged round by the arms
and feathered wings of the goddess of the West, a charming device newly
adopted, as if in compensation for the swift rejection of that other symbol
of divine solicitude, the cherishing hands of the sun.3
Userhet, having passed the scrutiny of the divine balances, becomes
one of the Westerners (Plate XIV). He is welcomed by their goddess as
he reverently kneels before the sacred hills, knowing that they are the
portal through which the declining sun passes to his kingdom of night.
They are here represented in primitive simplicity of form, and in a hue
of yellowish pink, which, startling as it is, the Egyptian mountains can
assume at sunset. The brute creation, no less than the bipartite spirits
of Buto and Nekhen, join in this act of adoration. The baboons, curiously
enough, are painted in so faint a tint that they seem to be ghosts, whereas the spirits are conspicuous. The goddess (whose symbol has been left
incomplete) receives the newcomer with the customary gesture of divine
welcome (nini). The slovenly drawing and coloring can scarcely be forgiven a draughtsman who had given proof of such high capacity, or had
its fruits before his eyes.
As the inner chamber is undecorated, some supplementary material
alone remains to be considered. The last rites at the interment were again
shown on the stela in the courtyard (Plate X I X , 6). Here the single
coffin of Userhet is seen, bewailed by his wife IJatshepsut and two sons,
1
As the heart in our picture is of an unusual form, the artist may be expressing an idea that the man is
measured against the standard weight of the gods. Cf. Naville, Funeral Papyrus of Iouiya, Pl. XXII.
4
Instead of Userhet, the first draft seems to have shown the four genii on the lotus, as on Pl. V. Hence
they are on the side of the man, and not on that of the god. Cartouche and name in the inscription have been
reinserted, or changed without obvious reason. The amulet on the sash of the god has cartouches filled with
mock hieroglyphs.
3
A graffito has been written across the figure of the goddess in black ink: see Pl. XIX, 2. It runs, "Made
by the web-priest, Kyiri, warden of the temple of Usermare'-Setepenre (Barneses II), the temple of Amon-Be,
king of the gods on the west of Thebes. He says 'Osiris is my Day.' "
28
The stela
This and the other two ceiling inscriptions break off short without naming the recipient of the divine
benefits, as is the rule in all such texts.
2
The two moon-gods, Khons and Thot, are associated so closely at times as almost to become a composite god: see Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, II, p. 37; Lanzone, Dizionario di mitologia egizia, Pl. CCCXLI.
29
ma
"All things good and pure." No age can better the words, though
each will fill them with a content dictated by its ideals.
1
The serpent erect on its tail stands at times by symbolic writing for "to stand," or for its homophone,
"duration of life." So in Boeser, Beschreibung der Aegyptischen Sammlung, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden,
VI, Pl. IV; Bergmann, Hieroglyphische Inschriften, Pl. V; Berlin Museum, No. 2293; Zeitschrift fur dgyptische
Sprache, 57, p. 122. Here it is by error made feminine, as it is also in the same phrase in Tomb 324. I owe the
above equation and the references to Dr. Alan Gardiner. The closing words of each text have been put in in
black paint instead of. in blue. The incompleteness of the decoration, therefore, has the air of being deliberate.
3o
CHAPTER II
CHAPTER II
33
Its location
The exterior
painted fragments came to light, most of which must have come from
the tomb. This involved me in an immense amount of labor, most of
which has been very unproductive, for very few of the fragments came
from the existing scenes or could be fitted into new ones. The thieves
who cut out the most attractive pieces of the upper parts of the walls
had evidently removed them more or less bodily, and only one group has
ever appeared in the market, so far as I know. The fragments retrieved
by me do, however, enable us to divine something of the character of the
scenes which perished long ago and add exact knowledge of the coloration both of these parts and of those of which the French publication has
given some account. The most interesting of the former will be found
on Plates XL-XLII and will be dealt with on pp. 72-76.
v
The tomb (Plate XX) is one of a series cut in the slope of the hill
beyond the temple of Deir el Medineh, just under the crest. Immediately
to the south of it is another well-shaped tomb,1 but for some distance after
that only remains of insignificant sepulchers now exist on this level. To
the north the courts are contiguous, each being on a higher level, following
the rising ground, and each somewhat later in date than that to the south
of it, for each courtyard has had to take in a burial place thrown out to
the north from the court of the tomb below. The forecourts are enclosed,
the entrance being in the middle of the front wall, which thickens in the
middle to form a portal or pylon. A path, common to the tier of tombs,
must have passed outside and connected them; this has fallen away as
tombs were excavated below them, so that the front walls now hang on
the edge of a declivity. (For plan and section, see Plate XXI.)
The court of Apy is enclosed on all three sides by walls of rubble
faced with mud plaster; the fagade and side walls have a slight batter.
Besides the main entrance there is a narrow side opening on the north.
The court seems to have been formed at the same time as that next to
it on the north (Tombs 266, 267), as the party wall is set against a wider
1
This tomb consists of two chambers, the first vaulted in brick axially, the second transversely. Its walls
were stripped, but I excavated it to the floor and planned it. There was no clear proof that it had been painted.
This and all the tombs to the north have since been cleared thoroughly by M. Bruyere for the Institut Francais,
and the results of his excellent work are being published yearly in its Rapports.
34
The exterior
Its arden
Mr. Mond found a somewhat larger one before a tomb near Tomb 106.
In the court of the next tomb but one (No. 6) three neat little basins are cut in the rock pavement,
plastered with mud, and painted white. They are 3o inches long, 24 broad, and 3 or 4 deep, thus sufficing only
for a faith with the multiplying power of mustard seed. For three sacred pools in the ritual of burial see Virey,
Le Tombeau de Rekhmara, Pl. XXIV.
2
35
Provision
for ritual
The entrance
The interior
a block of sandstone let into the top surface. A stela must have been
painted on the wall behind it, or set up there. Opposite this platform,
and so close to it that there was scarcely room to pass, is an oblong
mastaba made of loose stones and brick, held together by a little mud
and a smear of plaster outside. It is now half gone and only a few inches
high; but it appears to have been solid and not an enclosure, though in
two other tombs of the row (Nos. 216, 266) similar free-standing edifices
have the appearance of flimsy shells.1
The entrance to the tomb chambers was by a narrow vaulted brick
passage in the center of the fagade, roughly plastered and paved with
stone. The raised stone sill and plain limestone jambs are shoddy, yet
a pivot-hole shows that an outer door was fitted. There is a curious
widening of the passage on the south side, into which perhaps a second
door, opening outwards, was thrown back. The north wall at the farther end was decorated with a figure of Apy leaving the tomb, executed
in white outlines on a mud surface. Only the feet and the final hieroglyphs are now visible; the latter seem to mention sons, among them
one Nakhtamun.
The chapel lies a few inches lower than the passage and is paved
with brick. Only the lower parts of the walls now remain. It was
constructed of brick within the rock, the only possible method on the
site. This first room must have been a transversely vaulted one.
The spring of the arch may, perhaps, just be detected on the highest
point preserved; but nothing is left of the lunettes at either end. The
walls were coated with mud, on which a background of yellow paint
was directly laid. From this room, the only decorated one, another
vaulted passage, in a direct line with the first, leads to chambers beyond.
The opening to it is flanked, within the chapel, by two low pedestals
which jut out into the room and once supported statues of Apy and his
wife, standing with one foot advanced. These were molded in brick
and mud and were attached to the wall behind. The mud figure was
1
1 unearthed a flat slab of sandstone with a cavetto cornice cut on the edge, which might have been one of
many crowning the fagade, or covering the supposed mastaba.
36
The interior
The inner
rooms
Inscribed
stones from
the excavations
to rough caves on each hand (Nos. VIII, X). No. VIII seems to connect
with the narrow tunnel to the east (No. 6). The debris in these rooms
was quite unfruitful, so far as it was worked over; but a fatal accident
that had recently occurred in a tomb close by made it inadvisable to
clear it to the bottom. At the end of corridor II a pit (No. 7) had been
sunk in the fairway to accommodate a burial, or to delay and disconcert
thieves, as in royal tombs. This, as also perhaps the caves VIII, IX, and
X, may be of a subsequent period. Corridor III was originally of greater
width, but the rock gave way, and a new wall had to be built inside it.
The sides of passages II and III, though marked on the plan as rock, are
often made good with rubble and mud which the plaster conceals. The
rock within which the chapel was built has collapsed, so that the tomb
now lies in a recess of the cliff (Plate XX).
Objects found during the excavations were not of great importance.
Of stonework there came to light:
(1) Two pieces of a slab painted light yellow, on which a scene is
incised; probably from the lintel of the outer door (Plate XL, 1). In
the center is a stela or cella with a god (Re?) seated in it, worshiped on
both sides by Apy and his wife.
(2) Part of the left jamb of the tomb of Anhur-kha r (No. 299), showing on the face hotep dy nisut prayers to Ptah-Sokar and Harakhti-Atum,
and, on the cheek, the figure of the deceased entering.
(3) Fragments of a pyramidion with a man adoring Re.1
(4) Part of a libation table with a prayer to a goddess ".. .Khent(et)Amentet, that she may give entrance and exit in the necropolis."
(5) The right-hand part of a stela, depicting Apy, "sculptor in the
place of Justice," and Dowesmiset, adoring; possibly from the altar in
the court (p. 36). Above is a bark.
(6) Part of another stela, showing the adoration of Osiris-Khentamentet and Isis.
1
M. Bruyere has since found the rest in the vicinity (Deir el Medineh, Part II, pp. 32-34 and Pis. VII,
VIII). It may be the tip of a pyramid which surmounted the chapel or the entrance. On the east face is the
bark of the rising sun; on the north and south, figures of Apy adoring it; on the west, Apy worshiping the
sun as he moves to his setting from the south.
38
Inscribed
stones from
the excavations
Other objects
The chapel,
west wall.
Scenes of
worship
T h e temple "Millions of years" of Barneses III is Medinet Habu (Breasted, Ancient Records, IV, 19);
but a temple of Barneses II of that name (the Bamesseum?) also occurs (Spiegelberg, Hieratic Ostraka and
Papyri, Nos. 3i8, 320, and in Petrie's Six Temples at Thebes, p. 29). The "pylon (or "tower") of the Syrians"
one would take to be the gateway of Medinet Habu, but this is ascribed to Barneses III. Had it, then, a
predecessor in the palace south of the Bamesseum ? Or does the term refer to the pylons of the Bamesseum,
on which Syrian wars are depicted ?
2
Dr. Stapf, keeper of the Herbarium at Kew, kindly examined these and pronounced them to be husks
of wheat and barley, the grain having been eaten probably by a rodent. The wheat spikelets "exhibit characters
pointing to their belonging to some rather primitive race."
3
Cf. p. 7, note 2.
4
Does this signify that in old age he was, or would be, faithful to his allegiance; was hair actually powdered; or is this a dumb prayer for that happy old age before the god which all men sought?
6
For the flowers apparently attached to the plant, though botanists will not admit the connection, see
also pp. 43, 75.
4o
The five toes are shown on the near foot in all large human figures in this tomb. The ball of the hand
is indicated here and in Pl. XXV by a double curve, perhaps for the first time. See note 4, p- 17.
2
The letter M of his name is perhaps seen close to the column.
3
The shape of the dish is derived from that of ponds (Pl. I). It receives the waters of libation and so
keeps the flowers and garnishing fresh and pure. Or does its red color in this case indicate wine? For the shape
see Theban Tombs Series, III, Pis. VIII, XII; Petrie, Qurneh, Pl. XLV; Sethe, Urkunden des agyptischen Altertums, IV, p. 63g.
4
Cf. Pl. V.
4i
Apy's
relatives
surmounting all (these details being learnt from fragments found). The
deities are in this case "Osiris [Khent] Amentet, . . . great god, lord of
Justice" and "Hathor, mistress of the western necropolis." Osiris stands
on a blue pedestal and is clothed in white cerements. He has a bright
green complexion, and two cobras hang round his neck in readiness to
dart their fangs at any enemy. As in his mortal existence, he owes his
happiness to woman's devotion, for Hathor watches over and supports
him, wearing on her head the mark of her identity with the hawk of
the West. Her blue hair is divided into locks by white lines. In front of
each divinity the waterskin, symbol of the infernal gods, hangs on its pole.
The rows of relatives which contribute to the monotony of Ramesside paintings occupy in this tomb the upper registers of three of the
four remaining walls under a lost horizontal band of text. They face
inwards. The series appears to have been headed, perhaps on each wall,
by Apy and his wife, distinguished from the rest only by their appended names. The groups conform to those of their hosts on the
south wall, where their coloration, costume, and posture may best be
studied.1 Married pairs follow one another in interminable dullness, sitting on backed chairs with their feet on footstools. As there is only
one butler to each of the three walls, the file is uninterrupted even by
the figures of serving-men and maids, who, at an earlier period, would
have broken the uniformity. Each lady embraces her husband with
both arms, as if claiming him for all eternity. The wearisome repetition is (or was, rather) relieved by one touch of humor: under the chair
of the last lady on the north wall a bird is engaged in a quarrel with
a cat.2 These guests must be taken as assisting at the scenes of worship
just studied.
The upper part of the south wall is occupied by a row of the guests
1
PL XXXVI exhibits what remains of the scene on the north and east walls; that on the south wall is
seen in the photograph on Pl. XXVI. The largest of many fragments from these scenes are incorporated in the
. former. If, as appears likely, fragment 33 (Pl. XLII) fits on to that added (but not in position) on the extreme left of Pl. XXXVI, "his beloved daughter (?) Urner" made offerings of flowers there to "Osiris, the
servitor Apy" and "his wife, the house-mistress . . ., Dowesmiset."
2
Another version is extant in Tomb io, as well as the full-faced cat (Pl. XXV). See Bulletin of M.M.A.,
July, 1920, Part II, p. 3i.
4a
In this plate I have deviated from my almost invariable practice by making wide restorations without
indication. The wall is defaced by innumerable pittings and widespread abrasion, yet retains so much of its
original color and fines that it was possible by restoration to present a picture closely resembling the very
attractive original as it came from the hand of the artist, while a facsimile would have been of little value. In
the main the restoration consists in joining up existing lines and continuing color over small injuries, and this
can largely be controlled by the photograph on Pl. XXVI. The profiles of the wife and daughter, where lacking,
follow that of Apy; the earring and wig of the wife, those of the daughter. The hair of Apy and his son have less
guarantee, and the form of the cats has had to be completed without aid. The hieroglyphs have sometimes been
made good from small indications and are not free from doubt.
2
The original intention to include these children in the picture has not been carried out.
3
Many jars of this type have been found on the site.
4
Dowesmiset has slight shading on the chin, nose, and lip, leaving the throat, lower lip, eye socket, and
brow lighter. This is less marked on Apy's face, but the eye socket is distinctly fighter. The artist may be
following observations made in sculptured tombs where the chief fighting is by reflection from the floor.
43
South wall.
The meal
of the dead
Details
s ecial
strung on a white thread. Among them a black and white bead is prominent. As many as seven separate strings are worn on forearm and
wrist, but Apy wears only the divine eye as a charm. One hangs from
his neck by a chain of beads, others are bound round his wrists. 1 The
chairs are padded with red cushions, and their joints are lashed for
greater strength with interwoven thongs. The skin worn by the son is
again decoratively treated, but in a somewhat different manner and
tone from that on Plate X X I I I .
Loaves of a fancy shape 2 are ranged on a dresser, and on its shelf is
features
stained
a plate of fruit. By the thoughtfulness of the artist, who has shown its
contents in elevation, we can see t h a t it was spread with a m a t of woven
petals and piled with cucumbers, dates, and figs. Finally we have the
delightfully quaint cat and kitten. The former sits solemnly, as if stuffed,
under its mistress's chair. I t has a ridiculous, full face, and the affection lavished on it is betrayed by a silver ring passed through its ear. 3
With the temerity of youth, the kitten has climbed on to Apy's lap,
where it plays happily with the flapping sleeves. Their color is evidently
meant to be the usual tawny hue (Plate X X V ) .
A problem is presented by the dress of men and women, its white
dresses
being mottled with reddish brown over all the upper part, and as far
down as the knees. Something like this is widely met with in the latter
half of the Eighteenth Dynasty in the depiction of festal garments.
The explanation that it represents white robes soiled by ointment which
ran down from the head, or had been rubbed into the arms and
shoulders, though not attractive, must be accepted in the main.4 The
mind of the artist dwelt, however, not on the stain, but on the revela1
The artist shows only the black design, but not the glazed plaque on which it was painted or cut, and
gravely ties this abstraction on the arm by a thread. It is clear from this that when cartouches are shown on
the body, they represent jewelry, not tattooing.
2
Turin Museum possesses a loaf of this shell-like shape (from Tomb 8 nearby), from which we see that
the decoration in the center is no other than the gaping cut made in it to prevent it bursting in the oven. The
cut in the edge probably served the same purpose. Hence, perchance, the form of the sn sign.
3
So in Tomb io, where the earring even has pendants, like a lady's.
4
Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheets 28b, 39b. Definite proof is found in Tomb 69, where a few dabs of the same
color are also seen on unsoiled parts of the gown, showing that the yellow cannot indicate an overgarment:
Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1922, Part II, p. 54.
44
Their
meaning
is every sign that the use of unguents was continued, on the head at
least; but, though the artist no doubt realized what the coloration signified, some fortuitous advantages which it possessed outweighed, if they
did not replace, the original motive. As was the case with the dust
thrown on the garments by the mourner,1 the stain or yellow shade cast
by the anointed body on a dress was naturally more pronounced in the
folds, and where it was gathered close to the body. It thus came to be
a convenient means of indicating the folds. They had been shown in
earlier times by fine red lines, tailing off as the garment spread smooth,
and in early Ramesside years were continued, where they became mere
soft undulations of light and shade, by faint gray stripes (page 8).
The latter might with advantage have been carried up in a narrowed
and darkened form to supplement, or replace, the lines which represent
the harder folds. Instead of this the artist uses the yellow stain for
this purpose.2 The red lines are retained, but it is the stippled color
which is relied on to indicate the gathers of the dress. Our artist also
uses it to mark off the mantle from the underskirt, prolonging it there
to the very hem, though the stain would scarcely reach it.3 As another
means of preserving outlines amid the mass of color, he leaves a white
edging on the hems and white ties. This festal stain went far towards
creating a colored dress, and this was a new recommendation of it to the
later artist, intemperate as he was in the use of his palette. Hence,
1
Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pis. XIX, XXI; Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet 8.
In doing so, he is only carrying further what his predecessors had practised, for they also made the
yellow color run in waves.
3
This device was not quite new. See Davies, Tomb of Two Sculptors, Pl. V.
2
45
Eastw
^'
its subject
46
the Akhnaton period, when the prospects of the officials who had cast from
^ Amarna
in their lot with the revolutionary king were so closely bound up with
his in life and in death. The persistence of the tradition is evidenced
by the survival of the characteristic picture of the palace forecourt, which
was the more public scene of royal functions during Akhnaton's reign.
This feeling of a closer touch between king and people is indicated in the
later tombs, not only by scenes in which members of the royal line, past
as well as present, are adored, and in which there may lie a protest
against such a snapping of the link with the past as Akhnaton's removal
from Thebes might seem to embody, but also in the survival here and
there of the balcony scene,1 and with it the peculiar phrases that accompany the scene in the tombs of El Amarna. Here, though the royal
dais is made so much less prominent a feature of the picture that the
balance of the composition suffers greatly, it adheres so closely to the
mode created by the school of Akhnaton that Pere Scheil identifies the
monarch with that king in defiance of the anachronism and the portraiture. He may be right, on the other hand, in omitting a figure of
the queen, for this reminder of the human side of royalty survived the
transference of the capital to Thebes, but not the fall of the dynasty.2
Apy, the head sculptor, is not at once recognizable in the group The figure
under the royal stance, where two figures stand side by side, one clothed
in a dress which closely resembles that of a vizier, the other in the contemporary costume of a Theban gentleman or official.3 Both of them
appear, from the objects they carry, to be "fan-bearers on the right
hand of the king"; but the axe and crook,.which high administrators
usually bear besides the fan and sash, are not in their hands. The man
who extends his fan to the king's face must be our hero, and his com^ . g . , in Tombs 49, 5o, 106, i57, and in 55 and 188 of the revolutionary period. In Tomb 4o the new
phraseology is used, but the older picture of the royal throne is retained.
2
Cf. Bulletin of M.M.A., July, 1920, Part II, pp. 26, 3o. It will be noticed that I have given a slightly different pose to the king there. The extant fragments admit of a certain amount of manipulation, and this variation shows its approximate range. A queen, I have since found, is shown in Tomb 157.
3
The vizier's dress, which Legrain has not terminated below the armpit in the usual way, may be compared with that worn by military men in Davies, El Amarna, I, Pl. XIV; III, Pl. XIV; IV, Pl. XXVI.
47
The
., .
distribution
of rewards
occasion, for those following him are having their dress adjusted by an
attendant and wear the golden collars which were the nearest approach
to a monetary reward. A fragmentary text suggests that these additions to the honors-list were scribes, soldiers, and temple servitors:
so that Apy might well be among them, and even the first in his own
estimation. The picture shows the two principal figures followed by
their own, or royal, fan-bearers, and by twelve men in groups of threes,
who have received several gold collars each as well as rations from the
palace, and who show their approval of the institution of kingship by
their upraised arms. Possibly the four bulls driven up behind them are
a return present from them to the royal larder. The inevitable journalists bring up the rear. Further marks of royal favor are displayed in
an upper subdivision of the register. Foremost are seven collars of
gold, large and small, and a pair of gloves2 apiece for the vizier and his
protege, and, next in order of value, three bags of eye-powders (?) and
nine ewers.3 Four oxen, fifteen fish, four tables of bread, and a drinkingvessel have also been provided from the royal storehouses, that a feast
worthy of the occasion may not be wanting. A scribe jots down the
allowance in the interests of the Treasury, and six courtiers await the
king's orders.4
1
Davies, El Amarna, II, Pl. XXXV (where the vizier's seal and ribbon might be restored); VI, Pis. IV,
XVIII, XX, XXIX. In one of these cases two or three men in the distinctive dress of the vizier are present.
That the article of dress resembling the hames of a horse is really the seal of the vizier and its attachment is clear
from Tomb 106, where the cartouche of the reigning king is duly engraved on it.
2
"Mains": Scheil in Mem. miss.francaise, V, p. 6o5. But see Davies, El Amarna, VI, Pis. XXIX-XXXI,
and perhaps also III, Pl. XVII; and Tomb 55 at Thebes.
3
So I venture to translate "trois vases en forme de cornue et neuf bonbonnes a goulot lateral" (foe. cit.).
Cf. my El Amarna, VI, Pl. IV.
4
The parts of the scene missing from Pl. XXVII, but recorded by Pere Scheil, are: Top row:fiverows of
three fish each; four little tables, piled with loaves and fruit; a stemmed vase on a stand; a scribe, clothed in a
long skirt, bending to write on his tablet; six men in long robes, bowing with pendent arms. Main row: four
groups in all of three men each, with uplifted arms and a table of food before each. Beyond this the row divides
into two, but is illegible at the end. Upper half: four black and bay bulls, in charge of two drovers in full dress.
Lower half: three scribes following one another, holding tablets (the first, perhaps, a baton), and raising the
left hand to the forehead.
48
Of this plate, showing the lower part of the wall, only the strip on the right and the bottom are in situ,
but it was most desirable to show the garden of Apy in something like its original setting. Such extant fragments
as it seemed safe to insert are surrounded by an outline. The top register is vouched for only by Pere Scheil's
description and in detail is entirely tentative, save for the datum given by the connection of the sled with the
scene below. Many parts of the restored groups would certainly have been in the more involved style of the
Bamesside era. The middle register is taken from Legrain's copy, altered to some extent to admit fragments
which must come from the scene. Its position in the register is based on the intrusion of the tip of an atef crown,
belonging, no doubt, to one of the rams' heads on the bark below. If it was worn by a ram at the stern, the
garden, and with it the sled above, would have to be shifted far to the left. The length of the wall just admits
of this, if the burial scene was much compressed; but one would not have expected the painting to be so well
preserved so close to the doorway. The diagonal injury would then be more continuous. The extant picture in
the lowest register has been restored considerably, partly on the basis of fragments which seem to have their
origin there. If I have taken advantage of this duplication of the record to present alternative renderings in
order to admit existing fragments, I do not lay undue stress on them, while giving reasons for the liberty taken.
2
It may be the catafalque which will presently be placed on the funeral bark.
3
1 make the lector turn about in deference to Pere Scheil's description, but with hesitation.
4
Scheil has given no idea of the shape of the tomb, except that it had a pyramidal superstructure as
usual.
49
Burial of
Apy
The
procession
Apy's house
ranged before the resting place of the coffin, and is now carried to the
tomb in front of the convoy. In the former position are shown a scribe's
case,1 two backed chairs, two chests, two folding stools, two ceremonial
vases on a cushioned stool, two pairs of sandals,2 a bed, a head-rest, and
two fly-whisks. Farther on, a bed is being carried by one Any (perhaps
the sculptor, son of Apy) behind a group of male relatives, and staves,
two chests, and a chair, in front of them.
Is the picture of Apy's house in the middle register to be connected
with that on Plate XIII, as the home to which he returns in pride from
the king's presence, or with the scene of funeral, when his establishment
would be in preparation for the accompanying feast? It is possible
that the artist himself was not clear on the point, being only intent on
a charming presentation which could be justified on either ground. The
house being shown, the various domestic activities involved when either
a feast or a funeral was in prospect are naturally attached to it. On the
right a small part of the slaughterhouse is preserved, and very likely
the cutting up of an animal was depicted outside it. Curious joints
and entrails (the modern Arab, too, leaves nothing uneaten, save the
horns, hoofs, and skin of the beast) are hung from the rafters, and the
servant in charge is weighing out meat to a recipient, using, as it seems,
a hand-balance for the purpose.3 We must not think of a shop; free
trading would have small place in a state of society where metal was
only used in large transactions and coin was not yet invented. But we
can imagine that the rations issued to each member of the household
were as strictly apportioned as wages are now, and as was the case in
the administration of the palace.4 What we see here, then, may be
assumed to be the reception by the serfs of their allotted portion.5
1
This perhaps ought to be a casket-like "boite a. o^haMis,1' as the eyewitness reports; but see Pl. XXXVI.
2
For sandals in two such aspects, see Theban Tombs Series, III, p. I I , n. 2.
3
For such balances, see Klebs, Reliefs des alten Reiches, p. 84; Petrie, Deshasheh, Pl. XIII; PerrotChipiez, Histoire de VArt, I, p. 32; and Daressy, Revue archeologique, 1905, Pl. XV.
4
See Scharff in A.Z., 57, p. 5i.
6
Butchers' booths are shown in connection with a feast in Tomb 112; with cooking activities in
Tombs 93, 3i8, and that of Barneses III (Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet g3); with a house in Tomb 254; and with
the provision of funeral gifts in Tomb 60. Such pictures are exact reflections of Middle Kingdom models in
wood: see Winlock in Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 20.
5o
5i
Exceptional
beauty of
the scene
Special
features
features
in having a narrow frontage, but not to the actual houses in that city,
which tend to lie foursquare. It is manifestly shown in as simplified a
form as possible. The actual door (which one would have expected to
be yellow) is interesting in that a square is marked out on it in the place
where the pictured, and also the actual, doors of tombs show a panel in
relief, exhibiting the owner at meat or at worship. Were, then, house
doors also provided with such a panel, or is this a reminiscence of the
shutter through which the porter could speak to the would-be visitor?2
The capitals of the papyrus columns show, though not quite correctly,
the sheathing leaves of the calyx between the bundles of inserted stems.3
The pond
52
The modern contrivance is fitted with a pouch of soft leather, which can easily be emptied by a push
from below, but this is being replaced by the horrible kerosene tin. Shadufs are also shown in Tombs 49 and i38.
2
No one seems to have taken the trouble to preserve Legrain's original drawings.
3
The poppy is such a constant companion of the corn-flower and reeds that I have altered the red flower
to this shape, but ought rather to have chosen the alternate variety given by Petrie in Tell el Amarna, Pl. I l l ,
No. 1, in face of the form shown in Pl. XXV.
53
The pond
The
servants
The
garden
A domestic
scene
A religious
festival
were a good deal less stiffly formed even than in Legrain's copy.l The
surface of the pond is covered, as usual, with lotus, the single bloom
of Lotus Nymphaea reflecting, perhaps, the proportionate rarity of its
occurrence so far south. The dull blue of the leaves and sepals, almost matching that of the water, makes a soft and charming foil to
the bright reds and greens above. The unnatural yellow atmosphere
does not displease; unintentionally it conveys an impression of warm
sunlight, softening the reds and bringing out the whites in a very happy
way.
The lowest register still shows domestic labors on the right. White
robes were indispensable to a feast; so washtubs are in request by the
watersideor rather, no such definite provision being made, any receptacle is commandeered. One man seems to have seized on a shaduf
bucket, unsuitable as it is; another has mounted a bowl on the cook's
grinding slab. Their fellows wring out the clothes, or beat them, peasant fashion, on a flat stone, and then spread them out in the sun to dry.2
The artist has exhausted his time or interest on the pretty scene
above and shows his unwillingness to prolong his cramped position on
the floor by drawing the greater part of the register in the crudest way,
and even ending his task on the left hand with monochrome work in
white and pale yellow of the most slapdash sort. On the right the family of Apy (?) is seen making offerings on an altar by the riverside to
three barks. Their sacred character is indicated by the ram's head of
Amon-Re which decorates stem and stern, a familiar feature in temples
and in Ramesside tombs. Each (?) bark holds a naos of the god in
the shape of a miniature temple, complete with obelisks and flagstaff's,
but in reality differing little from a burial catafalque. The royal sphinx
on its stand is a fixture of the boats, and a sign of the intimate relation
of Church and State, as is also the name of the reigning king, protected
by cherubim, which is cut or painted on the walls of the shrine, thus
1
The green trunks are an innovation, but there are traces of this color behind the dog on the right, and
one is seen on Pl. X X X I X .
2
This incident is extremely rare, probably because it was generally performed by women indoors.
What we see may be fulling rather than washing, as in Newberry, Beni Hasan, II, Pl. X I I I . Our picture has
been reproduced in Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet 57.
54
The third boat is evidenced by a yellow smear on the mud surface, and only the exemplar of the sacred
bark enables us to interpret the daub. The addition of a fragment showing the royal sphinx drawn in the same
style makes the restoration certain. As the first and last boats contain similar shrines, the second also presumably does so. The inserted pieces do not prove this, as they would belong to the first boat, if the suggested
shift to the left were made (p. 49).
2
Cf. Pl. XLI, 23.
3
See pp. 3g, 4o, 42, note i. The fact is almost proved by a fragment of a limestone libation jar in my
possession, showing the left half of a dedication to King Amenhotep (I?) and of the record of the donor " . . .
of Amon (?) in the Place of Justice, Apy."
4
If not, we may regard the episode as a detached record of Apy's official zeal or private piety. The dates
of the wine jars almost preclude the possibility of his having assisted at the burial of Barneses himself.
6
It is already apparent in Tomb 55 under Amenhotep HI.
6
Cf. Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheets 363-367.
55
A religious
festival
East wall,
north side
Winnowing,
storage,
and harvest
The story of the annual round of field labor begins in the upper
register. On the left a ripe crop of flax is shown, which Apy and his
wife are themselves pulling and leaving on the ground in neatly tied
bundles. Next is seen (or was, a few years ago) the deceased pair (?)
preparing the field for a crop of corn, the fields of earth being thus confused with those of the world to come, where labor was to be an exhilarating pleasure that even ladies might share.1 But the artist is not so
taken with the idea but that he presently reverts to menial help. The
narrative of events is both incomplete and told in false sequence, for
the field of corn is nowhere shown2 and the grain is being measured before it is separated from the chaff. An overseer (Apy himself?) directs
the work of the husbandmen and the punishment of delinquents, and
receives the pay sheet from a foreman.3
The next incident in point of time, though not of place, is the winnowing of the grain by men or girls. It takes place on the threshing
floor, a space marked out on the field by a ridge of mud, and is quite
traditional in treatment. The grain seems to have been measured,
however, in a shuneh or store to which it had been carried.4 A part of
this scene still adheres to the wall and exhibits the strange physiognomy
and poses peculiar to this tomb, as also the gratitude of the peasant to
the powers that make the fields fertile. The ingathering of harvest has
been celebrated by the sacrifice of a goat and by other offerings, the re1
The names of the owner and his wife are generally appended to such scenes. There are traces of a
woman's name over the lady, but it does not seem to be that of Dowesmiset.
2
If the green grass is here represented as over man's height, this may be due to error. Some one, wishing
to repair the omission of the cornfield, seems to have painted a green background round the hoes, endeavoring
to turn them into sickles; but the falling away of the overlay has left the outlines in confusion.
3
The additional scene which Pere Scheil describes as involving six men can scarcely be pure phantasy.
Yet the ploughing group can only be squeezed in with difficulty, and leaves scant room for the scamp whom the
man facing left may be supposed to be chastising. A man lazily stretching his arms, a man pretending to hoe,
and a man holding another by the ear are all without parallel into the bargain, though quite in the spirit of Pl.
XXXVII. Either, then, the editor has misread his sketches and notes; or, after all, the two or three missing
figures were squeezed in above the cattle on a much smaller scale.
4
In Tomb 266, where similar scenes of agriculture are shown, the grain is trodden out on an oval floor
like that of the winnowers by four oxen, whose blue hoofs are clumsily drawn en masse (Fig. 5 on Pl. XL, included by kind permission of M. Kuentz, its discoverer). On Pl. XLI, 26, will be seen fragments which
suggest that a second floor may have been shown in our tomb also. Was this, and also, perhaps, a field of standing corn, put in the top register, in sequence to the row of guests?
56
1 have placed in the winnowing scene another tiny fragment which seems to show a hand grasping grain.
It might be that of a harvest deity (Davies, Tomb of Nakht, p. 63), but other interpretations are possible.
57
Winnowing,
storage,
and harvest
Marketing
the grain
Shipmen
on shoreleave
The ships
The
grain-store
58
For kneeling figures holding a patron god, see Legrain, Statues et statuettes de wis et de particuliers,
III, Pis. XVII, XXIII, XLIII, XLVII, LI, and especially Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities in the Possession ofF. G. Hilton Price, II, Pl. XV.
59
The
grain-store
The
gleaning
The yield of
the marshes
Fishing from
the shore
Fishing from
boats
of view is assumed that all objects are seen against a broad expanse of
water, and this, being treated as a light blue surface with angular black
ripples, has a very decorative effect, making a strong contrast with the
gold ground of the land scenes above it. It is, in effect, the extension to
a narrow strip of water of the treatment accorded under the old regime
to broader sheets when rites were being performed upon them.1
On the north wall (Plate XXXVII) a commonplace scene has been
made fresh by a novel style and coloring, and by the introduction of
trees, drawn with the increased naturalism of the later period, when a
greater love of nature was abroad or art was made to harmonize better
with perceived truth. The drawing in of the seine is depicted in the
center of the picture. Though there is no great vigor in the action, the
monotony of the design is broken by the juxtaposition of a solemn
old man and a vivacious young fellow with a shock-head of hair, by the
turning of heads in lively encouragement or reproach, and by the figure
of the naked boy who seizes the fish one by one, as the net emerges
from the water. The fish are pitched into a heap,2 and men and women
pack them in bags and carry them off to where "the fisherman Nia"
and a comrade sit, cleaning them on sloping boards. Three varieties of
trees are shown, whether with accurate portrayal or no does not matter,
for their spreading and supple branches, their hacked trunks, and their
sparse or thick foliage are rendered with such a happy blending of artificiality and truth that they could scarcely be bettered. Two of them,
with willow-like leaves, bear green pods (black at a later stage), like
those of the mimosa. A tree with similar leaf, but without fruit (perhaps
a tamarisk), has been given a light bluish green foliage which well reflects the subdued verdancy of a torrid land (Plate XXXIX). 3
On the east wall the same incident is repeated (Plate XXX), but
in this case, the net is gathered in from two boats, which are drawn tox
2
ground.
3
The end of the scene, torn from the wall when the breach was made in it (p. 35), was found by me in
pieces, lying face down in the last inch of dirt (Pl. XL, 3).
60
Models of two fishing skiffs, with the net stretched between them, have been found by our Expedition:
Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 29.
2
Notice one instance again of the rarer Lotus Nymphaea. Cf. p. 54.
3
The axiom of draughtsmen that everything must be on a base line rendered them false to their own
convention; the base should have been removed below the boat, so that it might rest on water and not be
stranded on shore.
6l
Fishing from
boats
Netting
birds
The
sportsman's
efforts
Treatment of
the catch
A scene of
vintage
keeping with a piece of play-acting, such as it really is. The owl in the
reeds plays a studied part, and the marauding cat is a familiar stage
property. Only the convolvulus is a modern touch, employed to soften
the stiffness of the palisade of reeds. The curious figurehead, which
seems a reflection of the bird which often takes its stand there, strikes
one as an old-world element, though almost unparalleled. The figures
in the boat are duly identified as "Apy, sculptor of Amon in 'The place
of Justice' on the west of Thebes," "His wife, the house-mistress Dowesmiset," and "[His son?], Shemsu." What is left of the color shows that
4it was originally a very attractive scene.
Viticulture, which seems to have been often carried on in the vicinity of fens, is shown in the center of the lowest register of the main
scene. It is mixed up with details of the previous subject, for on the
left of this we see the catch of birds being preserved. When plucked,
they are either cured whole or cut in slices, which, after being hung up
to dry on lines stretched between two posts, are potted in salt. The
artist does not forget to depict the hawk which, scenting the offal from
afar, alights on this fence to secure his share.1 In the lower division of
this same register naked boys are bringing the fish in bags, on the head,
and in the hand, to be cleaned for drying. In the shade of a tree on the
left, an ill-shaven man is making a net. He has pegged to the ground
the end or the throat of the net; another corner is held between his toes,
and, using a finger as a mesh-stick, he works his netting needle along
the edge to complete a new row.2
The picture of the ingathering of grapes (Plate XXXIII) has been
turned into a design unusually decorative in both composition and color,
abandoning with happy result the stiffly arranged trellis-work of older
models and leaving the vine without artificial support.3 Though the
leaves when seen in full view are almost as inaccurate as ever, they
1
A piece of this scene, showing the curing and registration of the catch, was cut out of the wall while it
stood in neglect, but was fortunate enough to reach the Museum of Berlin in fragments, and was published
by Wreszinski in his Atlas (Sheet 385B). Becognizing its provenance, I obtained a tracing by the kindness of
Prof. Schaefer, and have inserted it in my plate.
2
The holes in the net are injuries to the wall, not damages which are being repaired.
3
Davies, Tomb of Nakht, Pl. XXVI, affords a good example of the old style.
62
Cf. Davies, Tomb of Puyemre; I, Pl. XII, and p. 64; also J.E.A., IX, Pl. XXVI, and p. i44Several bowls having two ears in the bottom were found in the vicinity by M. Kuentz, but they are
rather small for the above purpose. Still smaller ones were found at El Amarna (Peet and Woolley, City of
Akhenalen, p. i37 and Pl. XLVIII), and some of the oil jars at Knossos have ears inside as well as outside.
The rod laid across the mouth seems clear in the picture, though its office might only be to give the men power
to keep the bowl from twisting with the net. Of course this press might possibly be connected with the scenes
amongst which it is placed, and be a means of making potted volailte or fish. It occurs in a scene of cooking in
Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, II, p. 32.
3
Nevertheless, Pere Scheil dismisses it with the remark, "Le quatrieme registre figurait les vendanges;
le cinquieme la chasse dans les marais"; and then, after a word or two on the persons engaged in fowling, "Les
deux registres sont en trop mauvais etat pour en tirer autre chose!"
2
63
A scene of
vintage
The winepress
North wall.
Burial
furniture,
royal and
private
Befurnishing
a royal
sepulcher
Form of the
naos
are two large pieces which the inscribed cartouches, as well as the
character of the designs, clearly assign to the temple furniture, or, less
probably, to the tomb equipment of the deified patron of the necropolis, Amenhotep I, dead well-nigh three hundred years (Plates XXXI,
XXXVIII). 1 These are being fitted up and decorated under the superintendence of Apy.2
What, then, was the occasion for this act of piety which by a lucky
chance has been depicted in this tomb, and can we learn from the picture the destination of the furniture? We know from records of King
Harmhab that he undertook a general restoration of temples throughout the land and, in particular, gave orders that the burial, or burial
equipment, of Thothmes IV should be "repeated." It is evident, then,
that during the troublous times of revolution and change of dynasty
the mortuary temples of some of the kings had fallen into ruin and
their tombs had been rifled.3 The reestablishment of the temples and
of the cult would go together, and we may conclude from the records
in the tombs of their priests that what Harmhab had done for Thothmes
IV, Rameses I and Sety I did for Thothmes I (Plate XVI) and Thothmes
III (Tomb 3i), and Rameses II did for Amenhotep I (here and Tomb
19). It is, then, open to us to adjudge this furniture to tomb or temple as best befits it, remembering always that the former affords Apy a
better sanction for the provision of his own burial equipment, a consideration which would naturally be uppermost in his mind.
The two edifices are represented as three times a man's height.
But the feats of agility which the carpenters are performing by holding
on to vertical surfaces by toes and fingers, finding standing-room and
handhold where obviously none exist, while they deliver heavy blows,
are not calculated to give the picture evidential value. The quadruple
catafalque of Tutankhamon has given us an example of a structure as
1
64
We must remember, too, the alabaster sarcophagus, or sleeping chamber, of Mentuhotep, made up of
slabs dragged into the sepulcher at Deir el Bahri. But, if the supposed tomb of Amenhotep I is really his
(Carter in J.E.A., III, p. i4g), the subterranean chamber in which our edifice would be placed is little over
man's height.
2
Maspero, The Struggle of the Nations, Egypt, Syria, and Assyria, p. 3o5; Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire
de Vart dans Vantiquite, I, pp. 4oi-4o3.
65
Form of the
naos
Its decoration
A cubicle
Its use as a
catafalque
Davies, El Amarna, VI, Pis. IV, XIX, XXVIII; with a roof ventilator, I, Pl. XXVI, and III, Pl. XIII;
perhaps with a platform, HI, Pl. XXXIII. Cf. Woolley in J.E.A., VIII, p. 63.
2
Cf. the chapels on the roofs of temples to which the gods were taken in solemn procession.
66
Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, III, p. 445. Cf. also Pis. XIII and XXVIII of the present work.
An extremely interesting picture from the inmost chamber of a tomb is given in Davies-Gardiner, Tomb of
Amenemhet, Pis. XXIV, XXVI. It shows a sleeping place like ours, its yellow domed roof supported on light
columns from which birds hang. The sides are divided into three, as here, the lower part open and revealing the
mummy or coffin on the bier, provided with articles of toilet, the upper two divisions white and red respectively,
consisting of hangings, in all likelihood. A priest censes and purifies it, women mourn, and the dead pair are
at meat behind it. Below this a housemaid spreads a bed. Companion pictures show a banquet, and, below it,
two men playing at draughts and being served with wine. The dead is thus thought of as sleeping until due rites
enable him to awake and begin a day of eating, drinking, and amusement. The cabinet in this case differs
considerably from the catafalque which was dragged to the tomb (ibid, Pl. XII). Is this symbolism, or was such
a cubicle actually placed in that room and the dead supposed to lie in it? The sleeping place in this form must
have had an original, domestic or funerary. It seems probable, then, that it is the burial catafalque, deposited
in the tomb (above or below ground), and regarded on occasion as the dormitory of the dead.
2
Many of these catafalques were clearly of such weight that they could not be risked on the deck of a
model bark which was to be dragged; hence the sides of the feigned platform were let down over the bulwarks of
the vessel, so that they rested on, or were mortised to, the runners. Or else the boat was a dummy, made up of
two ends only.
3
It is a dirtier shade, due, perhaps, to the color being painted directly on the mud surface, without a
white underlay. The fragments of woodwork found (p. 3g) may be parts of Apy's own catafalque, which, with
due modesty, followed the model of the king's and was deposited in the tomb after the interment.
67
Its use as a
catafalque
Its
construction
Its
decoration
Patterned curtains are very often used to shroud the occupant of such structures, both when funerary,
and when it is a god who is enshrined. They either completely enclose it, hang to the ground from some distance
up, or only cover the middle portion. The entire covering of a late queen's catafalque has been preserved for us.
It is a patchwork of colored leather and is six feet high: see Stuart, Funeral Tent of an Egyptian Queen, pp. 6-9.
Cf. also Pis. IX, XIII, XXVIII.
2
In Tomb 48 the statues of the predecessors of Amenhotep III are presented to him, and below is a series
of cubicles with flat tops, each with a valance hanging from the ceiling and a bed below. These might be the
bedrooms of the palace, but are more likely to be the shrines of these royal persons. Behind them are two figures
each of Bes, Ta-uret, and Sekhmet (?). The bedroom of Amenhotep III at Malgata is also adorned with figures
of Bes, above a dado of u and m emblems: see Bulletin of M.M.A., Oct. 1912, p. 186.
3
The inveterate impulse to punning, which is the lowest form of symbolism, as it is of humor, has turned
the body of the vulture into an eye, because it was of this shape and could be associated with the watchful eye
of Deity. To primitive thought a pun is not merely similarity of sound or form: the likeness proves a connection, even when it is past comprehension. This sapient jest is not made for the first time: see Aegyptische Inschriften aus den koniglichen Museen zu Berlin, II, p. 35.
68
curtain, comprises a long and yielding bed with high footboard, movable
steps for mounting it,1 a head-rest, a copper mirror, and a bunch of figs
on a table, that early refreshment may not be wanting. As the ends of
the head-rest were liable to snap off, they are supported by two symbols
of well-being (j). The form of the mirror is due to another jeu d'esprit.
Its shape naturally recalled the figure of the sun, and, as its weight made
support advisable, the artist bethought himself of the arms of the goddess of the horizon which receive the sinking, or uplift the rising, orb.
Mystic faith was thus added to common sense, and the arms were fitted
to the symbol of stability as to a body. An excellent design resulted;
structurally sound, tasteful, and full of thought.
The figures of the workmen who clamber about the erection, as if
The
workmen
Steps like these, or high footstools, are commonly shown below the couch, yet existing beds have such
short legs that they could not be necessary. But if the bed were near the edge of a low platform they might be
called for.
2
Cf. Bulletin of M.M.A., Dec. 1920, Part II, p. 28.
69
The
destination
of these
objects
Apy's
equipment
of this retired spot to lie down for a snooze. Apy (on the right), however,
has espied him and shouts vituperations, and a comrade tries to awake
him before worse happens. The men on the side from which the master
approaches are, of course, working diligently; but it rather looks as if
another barber had appropriated the steps below. Behind Apy were
other artisans or servants, to judge by a scrap of a figure which remains
beyond the breach in the corner.
On the whole, then, it seems likely that these two pieces of furniture were destined for the mortuary temple of the king, the one being
the naos for its shrine, the other a catafalque in the form of a sleeping
chamber, to replace that used at the interment, or to serve in repetitions
of the burial on anniversaries and festivals.1 Whether, by the close associations here and on Plate XVI, Apy regards the shrines he has made
for the gods as a sanction for his own well-furnished burial, or is only
chronicling such services under a commission from the king, must be
left undecided.
The shallow register above this scene appears to deal with the
provision of burial furniture for Apy himself (Plate XXXVI). On the
left the shipped shrine in which his body will be dragged to the grave
is receiving the finishing strokes. One man drives home the finial of
the recurved poop; another saws off the pin which secures its fellow in
front; and a third fits on the staple which holds the drag-rope. A
fourth is beginning to insert the emblems with which the panels are
to be filled, and which two or three men nearby are completing with
the adze. The two mummy cases which this shrine is to contain are
set up close by; both are bearded, although one must be that of Apy's
wife. We are informed in a naively indirect way that they are the
work of chisel and paint-brush, and are taken back to their origin in a
sycamore tree which is being felled for the purpose and the layers of
J
The ebony shrine of Thothmes II (Naville, Deir el-Bahari, Pis. XXVII-XXIX) forms an almost exact
parallel. The sides were mortised to footing beams or a sled, and it may even have been of the form shown in
our picture, since the more solid timber has been abstracted. The cella was 66 inches high and 44 deep, with
double-leaved half-doors in front. It may be added that it affords evidence that the mortuary chapel of this
king lay on the upper terrace of the temple. Another ebony shrine existed at Dendereh (ibid, p. 2), 5 feet high
and 66 inches deep, containing the bed of Osiris, probably from a bedroom of the god on the roof.
70
71
Apy's
equipment
Probably a
typical one
Fragments
of destroyed
surfaces
of cliff, casts out effectively the spirit of detraction. Some shoddy things,
but also a large proportion of beautiful and substantial ones, were really
buried with the well-to-do dead in periods when good taste and good
workmanship prevailed.
As has been said (page 34), the numerous fragments of painted
plaster found in or about the tomb, most or all of which may be presumed to come from its walls, have not been very productive of definite
information.1 As the destroyed lunettes of the end walls are too restricted
to hold all the scenes thus indicated, and as they appear, more than
once, to duplicate existing subjects, there is every reason to place many
of them on the vault. It is clear from fragments that a horizontal line
of polychrome text ran round the four walls near the spring of the arch,
and that columns of text rising from this divided the spaces into panels
on each side of a plain yellow mock-beam running along the crown of
the vault.2 Such paneled scenes are often found both on the vaults and
on the flat ceilings of neighboring tombs. They are nearly always religious in character, but the least definitely so is one of the most favored,
the picture, namely, of the garden where the deceased kneels to drink
from the pool or to adore its goddess, and sits to receive food and water
from her hands, as in Plate IX.3 The fragments bear witness to scenes
differing widely in scale of treatment. Those on the vault were probably
all of somewhat large type and carried out for the most part in fine
detail and rich color, though there are indications that some of the
panels were left blank or only roughly dealt with. The horizontal band
contains signs to which untraditional and inappropriate colors have
been given, showing how easily the love of gaudy decoration prevailed
over restrictive rules, even at this date.
'The more interesting fragments, other than those introduced into the plates and those of the columns
and cornice of Pl. XXIV, will be found on Pis. XLI, XLII, numbered consecutively and so cited. Though they
are sometimes grouped together for convenience, approximate connection, or interpretation, there is scarcely a
single case where they fit with certainty, and many where they cannot. It must be confessed that none of the
fragments show a curved surface due to vaulting; but few are of a size to make this plain.
2
Cf. Nos. 33, 47- The vertical texts run, "Said by the amakhy . . ., chief of sculptors, Apy . . .."
3
So in Tombs i, 5, 6, 7, 10, 211, 2i5, 290, and on the walls of Tombs 3, 218. By exception ceiling panels
also show the dead playing at draughts (Tomb 7) and reaping the harvest (Tomb 215).
72
73
North
lunette.
The cult of
Amenhotep I
Burial rites
A royal
appearance
South
lunette.
A scene of
sport
Vaulted
ceiling.
The hospitality of Nut
Merits of
the scene
Frontispiece; Wreszinski, Atlas, Sheet i n ; Tomb 290. For the immersed figure cf. Tomb 6.
Perhaps No. 53 belongs to the scene of fowling. A pond on the vault of Tomb 2i5 contains a turtle
and a crocodile.
2
74
The fragmentary character of these remains prevents their being shown in color, but copies will be
preserved in the archives of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, since few examples of Bamesside color work of
this quality are likely to be found. A newly found mural painting in the northern palace at El Amarna furnishes the best parallel.
2
Cf. p. 62.
75
Merits of
the scene
A scene of
offering
Unplaced
fragments
The message
of these
paintings
whose spirit the fear of death and darkness swept in recurrent shocks.
of these
paintings
The apparent duplication of scenes on walls and ceiling may have its
meaning. The frequent appearance of the watered garden and its goddess overhead suggests that a belief in a heaven which lay in the sky,
instead of beneath the western mountain, may have been in force; the
actual garden of the tomb was regarded only as a prototype and forecast
of a surpassing paradise above or beyond.
76
INDEX
INDEX
Abydos, voyage to and from,
Adzes, 70, 71
Agricultural scenes, 56
Ahmose, Prince, 23
Ahmose, Queen, 9
Ai, shawabti figure of, 3
19
Baboons adoring, 28
Bag as winepress, 63
Balances, 5o
Baldachins, 6, 9. See also Naos
Baraize, M., 33
Barber's outfit, 69
Base lines, 6, 59, 61
Batter of walls, 34, 5i
Beads, 6, 16, 17, 39, 4o, 43, 44, 71
Beards, 10, 26, 70
Bedrooms, 66, 68
Bedrooms, furniture of, 69
Bedrooms of gods, 66, 70
Beds, 5o, 58, 66, 67, 69, 71
Beer, 12, 57
Belief in a heavenly world, 76
Birds, 17, 4i, 58, 62, 67
Birds preserved in jars, 62
Black as color of royalty, 23, 73
Boats, 16, 19, 23, 25, 49, 54, 55, 58, 61, 67,
74, 75
Booths, 24, 26, 49, 5o
Bouquets, 6, 10, 23, 25, 26, 43, 57
79
INDEX
Color of backgrounds,- xvii, i5, 20, 36, 37,
5i, 54, 60, 67
Color of decorative designs, 5, 6, 28, 4o, 4i,
45, 54, 74
Color modified for artistic ends, 9, 16
Columns, 3, 9, 20, 65-68
Columns with composite capitals, 9, 4i
Commemoration of a royal burial, 22, 55,
64-70
Cones of ointment for the head, 16
Cones presented, 4i
Corn-flower, 53, 75
Corselet of gods, 4i
Courtyards of tombs, 3, 4, 34-36
Cows as draught animals, 25, 26
Cressets, 12
Crocodile, 28, 74
Crook of herdsman, bg
Crowns, 6, 9, 21, 49, 68
Cubicle, 49, 66, 68
Cult of statue, 20, 73
Curtains, 68
Cushions, 44, 5o
INDEX
Drawing in white line, 36, 54
Dress, 6-10, 16, 17, 23, 47, 48, 53
Dress, stained, decorative treatment of, 44,
45
Dress, striped, 8, 45
Drinking booth, 57
Drinking reed, 57, 58
Dust sprinkled by mourners, 26, 45
Ewers, 48, 71
Eye powder, 48, 69
Family records, small value of, 9,10, 21, 22
Fan, 71
Fan-bearers, 47, 48
Fanes of north and south, 29
Fellahin, pictures of, 53, 60, 63, 69
Festal ointment, 45, 71
Figs, 18, 44, 53, 69
Figureheads of boats, 23, 49, 54, 55, 62, 74
Fish, 48, 58, 60, 61
Fish cleaned, 60, 62
Fishing nets, 60-62
Flagstaff's, 54
Flax harvest, 56
Flesh color, 9, 16-18, 61
Flowers, 20, 4o, 4i, 43, 52, 53, 57, 74, 75
Flute, 59
Fly-whisks, 6, 5o
Foliage, increased attention to,
5i, 74
8l
INDEX
Hassock, 20
Hathor, the goddess, 6, i3, 20, 27, 29, 3g,
42,68
Hatshepsut, Queen, 21-23, 29
Hatshepsut, wife of Userhet, 9, 11, 16-18,
25, 28
Hawk, the divine, 42, 73
Hawk as scavenger, 62
Hawk-headed gods, 12, 21
Head-rests, 5o, 69, 71
Henet-tawi, mother-in-law of Userhet, 10
Heredity in office, 10, 11, 21
Hermonthis, 12, 29
Hesamentet, priest, 12
Hieroglyphs, mock, 28
"High priest of Amon," 21
Hippopotamus, 28, 74
History of Egypt, cleavages in, xv
Hoes, 56
21, 22
Honeycombs (?), 7, 17
Horses, 25
Horus, the god, 39, 65, 68
Hotep dy nisut formula ("Ritual offering"),
12, 26, 29, 38
"House-mistress," 9,10, i3,16, 29,42,43,62
House of Apy, 46, 5o-52
House, raised platform of, 52
Hucksters, 57, 58
Huy, son of Userhet, 29
Mardet bark, 29
Ma r et, the goddess, 6, 27, 39
Mamheka, 23
Man weighed against heart, 27
Marketing, 57
Marsh scenes, 5g-63
Masonry lining to walls, 4
Mastabas (platforms) in tombs, 3, 35, 36
Medinet Habu, temple of, 4o
Menat, 4i
Mentuhotep, temple of, 27, 65
Merymose, son of Apy, 43
82
INDEX
Meryt-seger, the goddess, 12
Milk sprinkled, 49
Mimosa, 60
Mirror, 69
Mond, Robert, 3
Mont, the god, 12, i3, 20, 21
Moon, i3
Mourners, n , 23, 26, 29, 49, 71
Mud as material for statues, 36
Mud, tile of, 3 9
Mummy, coverings of, 24, 3g, 71
Music, 25
Mut, the goddess, Sg, 66
Nakht, scribe, 26
Nakhtamun, son (?) of Apy, 36
Names written on arms, 16
Naos, 6, 9, i3, i5, 25, 28, 4o, 4i, 70
Nebmehyt, overseer, 23
Nebmehyt, priest, 11, i3, 22
Nebmose, an official, 26
Nebnakht, son (?) of Apy, 43, 71
Nebseny, priest, 26
Neferhebef, priest, 26
Neferhebef, son of Hapu, 22
Neferhebef (Userhet), 21
Nekhebet, the goddess, 68
Nephthys, the goddess, 49
Neti (?), water of, 4o
Net-making, 62
Netting needle, 62
Nia, a fisherman, 60
Nlnl attitude, 28
Nofretari, Queen, 73
Nut, tree goddess, i5, 17, 19, 20, 35, 72,74
Paheripedet, vinedresser, 4o
Painting, degeneration of, xvi
Painting, schools of, xvi, xvii, xix
Painting, subjects of, xvi
Palace fagade shown, 25, 46
Palanquin, 39, 73
Palette of scribe, i3
Papyrus as offering or amulet, 6, 8, 4o, 49
Papyrus as ornament, 9
Papyrus as source of designs, xvi, xviii
Papyrus columns, 4i, 52
Pavements, 36, 37
Pectorals, 6, i4, 24, 71
Performer of rite benefited, 8, 11
Pergola, 20
Persea tree (?), 53
Perspective, 18
Pet animals, 42, 44, 53, 74
Pet animals quarreling, 42
Petal garland as frieze, 6, 23
Pictures and models, their similarity, 5o, 52,
61
Pigeons, 4i
"Place of Justice," i4, 38, 39
Plant found in tomb, Sg
Plaster obliterating designs, 9, 23, 26-28
Point of view altered, 59-61
Oars, 61
Obelisks, 54
Objects found in tombs,
Offerings, list of, 75
Ogdoads of gods, i5
3, 38-4o
83
INDEX
Pomegranates, 5i, 53
Ponds, 20, 23, 35, 52, 54, 72, 74
Poppies, 43, 53, 74
Porch, 3, 4
Portable bark, 23
Portico, 4, 52, 65
Priest representing the king, 8, 4o
Priestly influences, xvi, xix
Priests, 11, i4, 23, 26, 27, 29, 4o, 55, 65, 67,
73
Ptah-Sokar, 38, 4i
Punning in Egyptian art, 68, 69
Purification, 5, n , i4, 26
Purification, slab for, i4
"Pylon of the Syrians," 4o
Pyramidal tombs, 4, 27, 49
Pyramidion, 38
Queen, rarer appearance of,
47
42,48
Set, the god, 65
Sety I, King, 3, 8, 10, 64
Shading in pictures, 8, 18, 43, 45
Shaduf, 52, 53
Sheaves, 56, 58
Shemsu, son of Apy, 62, 75
Shepsut, wife of Userhet, 9, n , i3, 20
Ships, sailing, 19, 57
Shrubs depicted, 20, 5i, 74
Side-locks, 10, 4i
"Singer of Amon," 9, 10, 16
"Singer of Mont," 10, 16, 29
Sistrum, 10
Sketches, xvii, 73
Skin, symbol of infernal gods, 6, 42
Skin worn by laborer, 53
Skin worn by priest, 7, 10, 21, 4o, 44
Slaughterhouse, 5o
84
INDEX
Sleeping places of the dead, 66, 69, 70
Sokar, the god, 29, 75
Son as officiant, i4, 21, 24
Soul-birds, 17, 19
Sparrows, 17
Sphinx, 7, 54, 55
Spirits of Buto, 28
Spirits of Nekhen, 28
Staff as burial equipment, 4
Stairways, 3, 65-67, 69
Stapf, Dr., 39
Stars as decorations, 7, 4o
Statues, 19, 20, 23, 25, 36, 37, 65, 73
85
INDEX
No.
No.
No.
No.
No.
No.
No.
No.
No.
No.
No.
No.
69, 18, 44
80, 52
81, 52
87, 24, 60
90, 52
93, i5, 18, 5o
96A, 52
96B, i5
100, 24, 60
io4, 62
106 (Paser), 8, 19, 35, 47, 48
i n (Amenwahsu), 3
No. 112,
5o
No. i38, 53
No. 157, 47
No. 181, 18
No. 188, 47
No. 211, 72, 75
No. 2i5, 20, 72-74
No. 216, 36, 52
No. 217 (Apy), xix, 8, 17, 24, 33-76
No. 218, 72
No. 254, 5o, 52
No. 266, 36, 56
No. 290, xix, 19, 72, 74
No. 299 (Anhur-kha r ), 38
No. 3i8, 5o
No. 324, 20, 22, 3o
No. 332, i5
Transitional period in art, xix
Trees, i5, 18, 19, 35, 5i, 53, 57, Sg, 60, 62,
xviii
74
Trees, felling, 59, 70
T-shaped pond, 17, 24
T-shaped pond as dish, 4i
Turtle, 74
Tutankhamon, xviii, 64
86
PLATES
PLATE II
SHEIKH ABD EL KURNEH AND TOMB 5i
A. From the east. The rock knoll, Kom el Ahmar, is seen in the foreground. The man
near it stands on the brink of the court of Tomb 5i. In the far distance on the
left, below the crest in the pass, is Tomb 217
B. Nearer view looking into the court on which Tomb 5i opens. The doorway
is the one on the right
(See page 3)
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PLATE III
PLAN AND SECTIONS OF TOMB 5i. SCALE 1:100
The plan is at the top of the page. A longitudinal section on the line indicated is below it, and a cross-section on a
line through the pit in the pillared hall is between them. Cross-hatching indicates brickwork
(See pages 3-5)
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PLATE IV
INTERIOR OF TOMB 5i
A. From the northwest. The steps in the entrance are a modern addition
B. From the east. The contrast between the execution of the scenes on the near and on
the far side of the doorway is clear in both pictures
(See pages 4-6)
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PLATE V
NORTH WALL, EAST SIDE. SCALE 2:11
The upper part shows the worship of Osiris by Userhet and his family; the lower, their
adoration of Thothmes I and his Queen, of whose mortuary cult Userhet was priest.
On the right four ritual acts are performed for Userhet's own benefit
(See pages 6-12 and Plates VI A, VII, VIII, and XII B)
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PLATE VI
A. DETAIL FROM PLATE V
Offerings presented by Userhet and his family. The frieze is here seen in position
at the top of the wall
(See pages 6-9 and Plate VII)
B. DETAIL FROM PLATE XIII
Userhet, risen from the dead, adores the goddess of the West. Part of the burial scene
(See pages 26-28 and Plate XIV)
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AN OFFERING TO OSIRIS. DETAIL FROM PLATE V
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages 6-9 and Plate VI A)
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PLATE VIII
A TRIBUTE TO THOTHMES I. DETAIL FROM PLATE V
Painted by the late Norman Hardy
(See page 10)
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PLATE IX
EAST WALL. SCALE 1:6
Userhet, his wife, and his mother are accepting food and drink from the goddess of the
sycamore, so indicated by the tree on her head. The voyage of the dead to
Abydos and his return are shown below
(See pages i5-i9 and Plates I and X)
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PLATE X
DETAILS FROM PLATE IX
A. The whole east wall, including the unfinished frieze
(See page 6 and Plates VIA and XVIII)
B. The wife and mother of Userhet. The shading on cheek, lip, and chin should be noticed
and the writing of their names on the arms
(See pages i5-i9 and Plate I)
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SOUTH WALL, EAST SIDE. SCALE 2:11
The procession of figures below is in this case directed to the throne of the god Mont and
his consort Meryt-seger. Above is the purification of Userhet, and his appearance
before the judgment seat of Osiris
(See pages i2-i5 and Plates XII A and XVII A)
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PLATE XII
A. DETAIL FROM PLATE XI
The wives (or wife and sisters) of Userhet
(See page i3)
B. DETAIL FROM PLATE V
The rites of lighting the lamp for Userhet and of consecrating a drink-offering to one Nebmehyt
(See pages n , 12)
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SOUTH WALL, WEST SIDE. SCALE i:5
This comprises the acquittal of Userh6t and his entrance into bliss; his burial;
his rewards in life from the king
(See pages 24-28 and Plates VI B and XIV)
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PLATE XIV
ADORATION OF THE DEITIES OF THE WEST. DETAIL FROM PLATE XIII
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See page 28 and Plate VI B)
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PLATE XV
WEST WALL. SCALE 2:11
Above, the reputed ancestors of Userhet adore the god Mont. Below, the dead
pair are angling in a pond
(See pages 20-22)
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PLATE XVI
NORTH WALL, WEST SIDE. SCALE 1:8
Anniversary celebration of the funeral rites of King Thothmes I. Below is the burial equipment of Userhet
(See pages 22-24 and Plate XVII B)
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PLATE XVII
A. DETAIL FROM PLATE XI
Userhet in the presence of the gods
(See pages
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PLATE XVIII
FRIEZE AND DECORATION OF CEILING. SCALE 2:11
A. The frieze. It is fully painted on the left, but only one or two colors are put in on the right
(See Plates VI and X)
B, C. The patterns and texts of the ceiling. They also are unfinished at the same point as the frieze on the wall
and, in part, the picture below it
(See pages 5, 29, 3o)
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PLATE XIX
FRAGMENTS AND GRAFFITI
A. From Tomb 217. 1. Three texts from wine jars. Scale 2:3
(See pages 39, 4o)
B. From Tomb 5i. 2. Graffito. Scale i:3
(See page 28 and, for its position, Plate VI B)
3, 4, 5. Fragments of stone and plaster. Scale i:4
(See pages 4, 23)
6. Stela in the court. Scale i:4
(See pages 3, 28, 29)
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PLATE XX
THE NECROPOLIS OF DEIR EL MEDINEH AND TOMB 217
A. The necropolis from the east. The tomb is just above the standing figure
B. The tomb as cleared and repaired by the Expedition
(See page 34)
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PLATE XXI
PLAN AND SECTION OF TOMB 217. SCALE 1:75
The plan is at the top of the plate. A longitudinal section on A B C D is below. A small
pyramid may originally have surmounted the tomb
(See pages 34-38)
PLATE XXII
INTERIOR OF TOMB 217
A. The southwest corner
(See pages 36, 3 7 , 4i, and Plates XXIV-XXVI)
B. The west wall, north of the entrance to the inner rooms
(See pages 4o-45 and Plate XXIII)
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PLATE XXIII
WEST WALL, NORTH SIDE. SCALE 2:i3
Apy and his wife adore Anubis and Ptah-Sokar. The figure of the lady is on the adjoining north wall
(See pages 4o, 4i, and Plate XXIIB)
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PLATE XXIV
APY AND HIS WIFE ADORE OSIRIS AND HATHOR. WEST WALL, SOUTH SIDE. SCALE 1:7
The figure of the lady is on the adjoining south wall
Painted by H. R. Hopgood
(See pages 4i, 42, and Plate XXII A)
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PRESENTATION OF FOOD TO THE DEAD PAIR BY THEIR CHILDREN. SOUTH WALL. SCALE 1:6
A restoration in color of the main scene
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages 42-45 and Plate XXVI)
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SOUTH WALL AND DETAILS FROM IT
A. The attempt to show the cat en face is very unsuccessful. Note the white ring in its ear
B. A kitten on the lap of Apy
(See page 44)
C. The south wall in its present state
(See pages 42-45 and Plate XXV)
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PLATE XXVII
EAST WALL, SOUTH SIDE. UPPER PART. SCALE 2:9
Apy is rewarded by King Rameses II. The wall is now destroyed and the plate depends mainly on an earlier copy
(See pages 46-48)
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EAST WALL, SOUTH SIDE. LOWER PART. SCALE i:4
The burial of Apy. His house and garden. His functions as priest
of the cult of a dead king
(See pages 49-55 and Plate XXIX)
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APY'S HOUSE AND GARDEN. DETAIL FROM PLATE XXVIII
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages 5o-54)
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PLATE XXX
EAST WALL, NORTH SIDE. SCALE i:4
Agricultural operations, with an aquatic scene at the foot
(See pages 56-63 and Plates XXXI A, XXXII A, XXXIII-XXXV)
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A. EAST WALL, NORTH SIDE
(See pages 55-63 and Plate XXX)
B. NORTH WALL
(See pages 60, 63-7o, and Plates XXXVII-XXXIX)
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PLATE XXXII
A. DETAIL FROM PLATE XXX
The vintage, fishing and fowling
(See pages 6o-63 and Plate XXXIII)
B. DETAIL FROM PLATE XXIV
Apy's daughter, Imamhab
(See page 4i)
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A VINTAGE SCENE. DETAIL FROM PLATE XXX
Painted by C. K. Wilkinson
(See pages 62, 63, and Plate XXXI A)
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GOATS LED TO PASTURE. DETAIL FROM PLATE XXX
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
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THE YIELD OF THE MARSHES. DETAIL FROM PLATE XXX
Painted by Nina de G. Davies
(See pages 59-61 and Plate XXXI A)
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NORTH WALL, UPPER PART. SCALE i:4
Above are guests; below, the preparation of the funeral equipment of Apy
(See pages 63, 70-72)
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PLATE XXXVII
NORTH WALL, LOWER PART. SCALE i:3
Above are two pieces of furniture to equip a temple of Amenhotep I;
below, a scene of fishing
(See pages 60, 64-70, and Plates XXXI B, XXXVIII, XXXIX)
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PLATE XXXVIII
A CATAFALQUE. DETAIL FROM PLATE XXXVII
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages 66-70 and Plate XXXI B)
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A CATCH OF FISH. DETAIL FROM PLATE XXXVII
Painted by N. de Garis Davies
(See pages bg, 60, and Plate XXXIB)
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PLATE XL
FRAGMENTS OF SCULPTURE AND PAINTING
i. A sculptured slab. Scale 1:6
(See page 38)
2. The deceased adoring the goddess Nut. Scale i: 6
(See page 74)
3. Cleaning fish (from the north wall). Scale i:4
(See page 60)
4- Text from the door-framing of the inner room. Scale i:4
(See pages 38, 39)
5. Scenes from Tomb 266 for comparison with Plate XXX. Scale 1:6
(See page 56)
6, 7. Fish. A goose in the prow of a boat. Scale i:4
(See page 74)
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SMALLER FRAGMENTS OF LOST SCENES NOS. 1-26. SCALE i:3
(See pages 33, 34, 3g, 73-75)
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PLATE XLII
FRAGMENTS OF FIGURES, FLOWERS, ETC., FROM LOST SCENES
Fragments 27-46. Scale i:3
Fragments 47-57. Scale i:4
(See pages 33, 34, 73-75)
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