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Christopher L. Drake
Reeshad S. Dalal
George Mason University
Sleepiness, the biological drive to sleep, is an important construct for the organizational sciences. This
physiological phenomenon has received very little attention in the organizational science literature in
spite of the fact that it influences a wide variety of workplace behaviors. In this article, we develop a
framework through which sleepiness can be fruitfully studied. We describe (a) what sleepiness is and
how it can be differentiated conceptually from related concepts such as fatigue, (b) the physiological
basis of sleepiness, (c) cognitive and affective mechanisms that transmit the effects of sleepiness, and (d)
the behavioral manifestations of sleepiness in the workplace. We also describe (e) job demand characteristics that are antecedents of sleepiness and (f) individual differences that moderate the aforementioned
relationships.
Keywords: sleepiness, job performance, job demands, affect, physiology
Workplace psychology has expanded its focus to include research aimed at understanding the impact of nonwork variables on
workplace outcomes. One area of particular interest is the role of
sleep in workplace outcomes. Most people spend the majority of
their time as adults either working (7 hr/weekday, 2 hr/weekend day; Basner et al., 2007) or sleeping (6.68 hr/night; Barnes,
Wagner, & Ghumman, 2012). Despite the significant amount of
time people spend engaging in these two activities, organizational
psychologists know very little about the relationship between
them. Sleep is inherently a physiological phenomenon. Thus, when
one is studying the relationship between sleep and work variables,
physiology provides useful models with which to examine connections among such variables. The approach taken in the present
article is similar to that adopted by previous influential articles that
have used a physiological framework in order to explain relationships among workplace variables. For example, Heaphy and Dutton (2008) used a physiological framework to explain the role of
social interactions on physical health and work engagement.
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SLEEPINESS AT WORK
television watching (Basner & Dinges, 2009; Hamermesh, Myers, & Pocock, 2008) and family obligations (Barnes et al.,
2012). When full-time workers perceive that there is not enough
time for personal and family obligations, they tend to choose to
reduce the amount of time spent sleeping.
One of the most common and disabling immediate consequences of sleep problems is sleepiness (e.g., Pack et al., 2006;
Swanson et al., 2011). In the most basic sense, sleepiness can be
defined as a craving or desire for sleep (Dement & Carskadon,
1982, p. S57). Although related to the common notion of fatigue,
sleepiness is a more precise term that reflects a universal physiological homeostatic need state, comparable to hunger or thirst, that
is associated with increased sleep pressure and that leads to decrements in function (Drake, 2011; Roehrs, Carskadon, Dement, &
Roth, 2011). Sleepiness in the general population results from
reductions in quantity or quality of sleep, circadian rhythms, drugs
that act upon the central nervous system (CNS), or the presence of
a CNS disorder (Roehrs et al., 2011) and is associated with
memory lapses, decreases in performance, and increases in the rate
of accidents (Carskadon et al., 1986; Drake et al., 2010).
The amount of sleepiness one experiences can range from full
alertness on one extreme to a debilitating state known as excessive
daytime sleepiness (EDS) on the other. Roughly half of patients
seen by physicians in sleep centers and at least 11% of the general
population experience EDS (Carskadon et al., 1986; Drake, 2011).
Although many sleep researchers and clinicians focus their efforts
on studying the EDS extreme of the sleepiness spectrum, the sleep
research community recognizes that subclinical sleepiness, which
affects an additional 33% of the general population, deserves
empirical attention as well (Drake et al., 2010). The importance of
sleepiness in the general population and workforce was perhaps
best expressed by Dinges (1995): As a daily biological curtain on
waking function, sleepiness is the most ubiquitous regulator of
performance capability experienced by our species (p. 12). Because individuals are often unaware of the impairments in neurobehavioral functioning that result from sleepiness, it is wrongly
assumed that sleep restriction is benign (Banks & Dinges, 2007;
Van Dongen, Maislin, Mullington, & Dinges, 2003).
Survey research has shown that sleepiness has a significant
impact on organizations. For example, when asked with regard to
the past month, 29% of respondents reported having fallen asleep
or become significantly drowsy at work, 12% were late to work as
a result of sleepiness, 4% left work early, and 2% did not go to
work as a result of sleepiness and sleep problems (Swanson et al.,
2011; see also Lger, Massuel, Metlaine, and the SISYPHE Study
Group, 2006). Furthermore, reduced sleep duration contributes to
many health-related outcomes such as obesity and metabolic disturbance (Spiegel, Leproult, & Van Cauter, 1999; Wolk & Somers,
2007) as well as hypertension, heart disease, and cardiovascular
mortality (Newman et al., 2000). The combined effects of lateness,
absenteeism, health problems, and the aforementioned increase in
accident rates and decreased performance provide compelling evidence that sleep loss and resulting sleepiness have a substantial
financial impact on organizations (Culpepper, 2010). The economic burden of sleepiness in the United States is estimated
annually at $14 billion in medical expenses (Walsh & Ustun,
1999), between $53 billion and $69 billion in vehicle accidents,
and between $18 billion and $24 billion in work-related accidents
(Lger, 1994). Thus, organizations have a vested interest in pre-
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1098
Figure 1.
has not yet been tested. Second, organizational policies and interventions can potentially be developed to reduce these demands and
subsequently reduce sleepiness. Finally, we describe (f) the individual differences that likely moderate the aforementioned relationships.
Sleepiness
Sleepiness Defined
Sleepiness can result from (a) low sleep quality, (b) low levels
of sleep quantity, (c) circadian rhythms, (d) CNS-acting drugs, or
(e) the presence of a CNS disorder (Dinges, 1995; Roehrs et al.,
2011). Although sleepiness can be measured as a subjective feeling
(i.e., self-report), objective measures of sleepiness that are rooted
in physiology, specifically electrophysiology, are considered the
gold standard (e.g., the Multiple Sleep Latency Test, or MSLT; see
Carskadon et al., 1986). The definition of sleepiness presented here
and the propositions that follow are based on objective measures of
sleepiness. Sleep researchers usually define quantity of sleep as the
amount of total sleep per 24-hour day (Roehrs et al., 2011).
Reductions in the quantity of sleep include not only partial and
total short term sleep deprivation but also the accumulation of
sleep loss from longer term restriction of the number of hours slept
(Van Dongen, Masilin, et al., 2003). Sleep debt, the increased
pressure for sleep that results from an inadequate amount of
physiologically normal sleep (Van Dongen, Rogers, & Dinges,
2003, p. 6), can result from restriction of sleep over a period of
days; the accumulation of sleep debt results in sleepiness (Durmer
& Dinges, 2005).
Reductions in sleep can occur through reduced sleep opportunity (i.e., sleep deprivation and sleep restriction) as well as reduced
sleep quality. One way in which sleep quality may be reduced is
through sleep fragmentation, which represents brief arousals that
occur during sleep. Fragmentation can occur both in the presence
of a sleep disorder (e.g., sleep apnea) and in nonclinical populations such as older adults (Roehrs et al., 2011). Furthermore, sleep
quality may be reflected by the amount of slow wave sleep, such
that a reduced quantity of slow wave sleep may indicate reduced
sleep quality (e.g., see Bonnet, 1987). Subjective sleep quality
refers to tiredness on waking and throughout the day, feeling
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SLEEPINESS AT WORK
1099
Manifestations of Sleepiness
Sleepiness is characterized by physiological changes that have a
direct effect on information processing and on affect. The behavioral manifestations of sleepiness can occur through these information processing and affective pathways. Recall the first takeaway message: sleepiness has the potential to significantly
influence workplace outcomes, largely through physiological
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1100
changes that manifest through information processing and affective mediating mechanisms. In this section, we discuss the immediate physiological bases and effects of sleepiness and how such
changes impact information processing and affect. Because the
physiological bases and effects of sleepiness on information processing and affect have considerable empirical support, the conclusions from this research are presented as lemmas. Next we build
upon the lemmas and present a discussion of the work-related
behavioral manifestations of sleepiness (job performance, task
performance, adaptive performance, contextual performance, accidents, and withdrawal and deviant work behaviors). Although
some sleep research supports the relationships between sleepiness
and workplace outcomes, this support is insufficient, primarily due
to differences in operationalization of work-related constructs.
Here, we aim to extend the literature and thus provide propositions
denoting future research directions that incorporate operationalizations more consistent with those in the organizational sciences.
Collectively, we draw from the sleep literature to inform future
research directions that will fruitfully develop the understanding of
the manifestations of sleepiness on workplace outcomes.
yond the scope of this article (for in-depth reviews of this topic,
please see Roehrs et al., 2011; and Saper, Cano, & Scammell,
2005).
The immediate physiological changes that occur as a result of
sleepiness impact several cognitive and affective processes. Two
of these processes, information processing and affect, have been
selected for inclusion in this article for four reasons: (a) they are
directly tied to the physiology of sleepiness, (b) they are important
antecedents of workplace outcomes, (c) they are potential mediating mechanisms between sleepiness and workplace outcomes, and
(d) they minimize overlap with previous reviews (e.g., Barnes,
2012). These physiologically based mediating mechanisms are
presented in the next section.
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SLEEPINESS AT WORK
1101
affect the following morning (Sonnentag et al., 2008), and individuals with good sleep habits (e.g., sleeping 6 hr or more a night
on average) experience fewer depressive symptoms and experience a positive sense of purpose in life (Hamilton, Nelson, Stevens, & Kitzman, 2007).
The previous arguments lead to the following:
Lemma 2: Sleepiness results in increased negative affect,
decreased positive affect, impaired emotion processing, and
impaired emotion recognition through reductions in inhibitory
input to the amygdala.
These lemmas act as stepping stones for the propositions that
follow.
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SLEEPINESS AT WORK
1103
Proposition 1: Sleepiness results in decreased job performance including task, adaptive, and contextual performance
through its effects on information processing and affect.
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Antecedents of Sleepiness
Now that we have discussed the behavioral manifestations of
sleepiness, one can clearly see how sleepiness at work can negatively impact outcomes of interest to organizations. In this section,
we discuss the job demands (e.g., work schedules, time pressure,
workload, and perceived control) that can impact a workers experienced sleepiness. Through an understanding of the organizationally relevant antecedents of sleepiness, we as a field can begin
to develop interventions that would reduce the sleepiness of individuals within an organization.
Job Demands
The term job demands refers to physical, social, or organizational portions of a job that require sustained effort (Demerouti,
Bakker, Nachreiner, & Schaufeli, 2001; Karasek, 1979). Job demands can increase strain and the experience of stress, particularly
when resources are low (Demerouti et al., 2001; Karasek, 1979).
Certain job demands such as work load, time pressure, perceived
control, and work schedules are also antecedents to sleepiness,
most likely through the reduced sleep and circadian rhythm causes
of sleepiness. Not only is this important given the behavioral
manifestations of sleepiness, but it is also important because the
restorative act of sleep itself can be viewed as a resource (e.g., Ota
et al., 2009; Sonnentag et al., 2008). In this section, we discuss the
role each of the aforementioned constructs plays in causing sleepiness.
Time pressure, work load, and perceived control. Job demands that include a large amount of time pressure, a heavy
workload, and low perceived control would be more likely to
increase the amount of sleepiness an employee experiences
through a reduction in the number of hours slept, overall sleep
quality, or development of a sleep disorder. Gadinger et al. (2009)
found that job demands and perceived control are related to subsequent impaired sleep quality. kerstedt, Knutsson, et al. (2002)
found that high work demands and the inability to stop thinking
about work while not at work predicted both disturbed sleep and
feeling not well rested upon awakening. Furthermore, they
found that high work demands predict difficulty awakening. De
Lange et al. (2009) found that over time, cumulative exposure to
high job demands and low perceived control was related to an
increase in sleep-related complaints (e.g., trouble falling asleep,
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SLEEPINESS AT WORK
Moderators
Although there is relatively little research on the variables that
moderate sleepiness relationships, there are several factors that
show promise. Moderators should explain under which boundary
conditions the relationships between sleepiness and its antecedents
or its work-related manifestations change in strength. These become particularly important when considering types of interventions to be implemented to reduce sleepiness or when understanding the degree to which certain tasks are impaired by sleepiness
relative to others. Here we present some of the more promising
moderators including demographic differences such as age, individual differences such as morningness versus eveningness, and
the role of type of task (see Figure 2).
Age
The average age of the workforce is increasing because individuals are delaying retirement and thus staying in the workforce
Age
Morningness/
Eveningness
Work
Schedules
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Task Type
Sleepiness
Figure 2.
Performance
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Morningness/Eveningness
Morningness/eveningness was expected to moderate the relationship between work schedules and sleepiness such that the
relationship is stronger when there is a mismatch between work
schedule and circadian preference. Morningness and eveningness
refer to differences in circadian preference (known as chronotype),
and each type is associated with differences in when a person
prefers to carry out various activities. For example, morningness is
associated with going to sleep earlier at night and having an earlier
circadian temperature peak, whereas eveningness is associated
with being more alert later in the day and less alert early in the
morning (Baehr, Revelle, & Eastman, 2000). Morningness is
linked to greater daylight exposure in the early morning, and
eveningness is linked to greater daylight exposure in the evening
(Staples, Archer, Arber, & Skene, 2009). Morningness/eveningness preference affects ones ability to tolerate certain work schedules, specifically those that are desynchronized with circadian
preference (Hrm, 1995). Therefore, we would expect someone
with an eveningness preference to have greater difficulty with a
work schedule that requires morning responsibilities. Likewise, we
would expect someone with a morningness preference to have
greater difficulty with a work schedule that requires evening
responsibilities. This misalignment in circadian preference and
work schedule is likely to increase the amount of experienced
sleepiness. Thus, we proposed the following:
Proposition 7: Morningness/eveningness moderates the relationship between desynchronous work schedules and sleepiness such that the relationship is stronger when there is a
mismatch between work schedule and circadian preference
(morningness/eveningness).
Performance
While the previous moderators target the work-related
antecedentsleepiness relationship, here we suggest that it is possible for some variables to moderate the sleepiness behavioral
manifestation relationship. Specifically, we expected that type of
task would moderate the relationship between sleepiness and performance. Sleep deprivation studies suggest that some types of
tasks are more impacted by complete sleep deprivation than other
types of tasks. For example, tasks that are characterized by requiring a long period of time to perform and being high in monotony,
externally paced and without feedback, newly learned, and reliant
on memory performance are more likely to result in large performance decrements following sleep deprivation than tasks that do
not have those characteristics, in part because of the increased
opportunities for lapses in attention (Bonnet, 2011). High overall
job performance requires successful performance on a variety of
tasks that include the aforementioned task characteristics. When
the type of task includes characteristics that are more affected by
sleep deprivation, we would expect performance to be reduced
Conclusion
In this article, we have presented a framework for the workrelated antecedents and manifestations of sleepiness, as well as
provided evidence for potential moderators of these relationships.
Sleepiness results in a distinct pattern of physiological changes
that contribute to reductions in information processing and
changes in the experience of affect and emotion. Taken collectively, sleepiness reduces various types of performance, leads to
increases in the rate of accidents, and is related to an increase in
withdrawal and deviant behaviors. The work environment and the
job itself can influence the amount of sleepiness that an individual
experiences. Given the complex dynamic between an individuals
work and sleep, it is essential to include sleepiness within the
framework of workplace psychology. Clearly, sleepiness, even
below the threshold for clinical diagnosis, has major implications
for organizations and their employees.
The work-related manifestations and antecedents of sleepiness
have implications for all areas of workplace psychology. For
example, a better understanding of the role of sleepiness would
allow for better design of jobs, better tailoring of flexible scheduling to employee needs, and better wellness program design. It
would also help to reduce short-term performance decrements and
increase overall job performance. It would allow for the development of a healthy workforce that can still meet the demands of a
24/7 global economy. Furthermore, it would allow organizational
scientists to understand how to create workplace climates that
promote not only traditional conceptualizations of safety but also
healthy sleep as a component of workplace health and safety.
The first key message presented in this article is that sleepiness has likely important implications for workplace outcomes
such as performance and that these effects are likely transmitted
through information processing and affect, both of which are
altered on the physiological level in a sleepy individual. Although we do have some understanding of the nature of the
effects of sleepiness on performance from the sleep literature,
organizational scientists do not have a full understanding,
largely due to differences in the conceptualization of workplace
constructs. Future research in the organizational sciences
should focus on exploring these relationships using the fields
conceptualizations of workplace variables in order to develop a
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SLEEPINESS AT WORK
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