Brunt Stoicism and Principate

Stoicism and the Principate
Author(s): P. A. Brunt
Source: Papers of the British School at Rome, Vol. 43 (1975), pp. 7-35
Published by: British School at Rome
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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE1

To thememory
ofHughLast
I
The wide circulationof Stoic ideas among Romans of the upper class fromthe
timeof Panaetiusin the secondcenturyB.C.to the reignofMarcus Aurelius(a.d.
161-80) is a familiarfact.Few Romans of note can indeed be markeddown as
committed
Stoics,and eventhoselikeSeneca whoavowedlybelongedto theschool
borrowedideas fromotherphilosophies.Still,evenifeclecticismwas themode,the
Stoic elementwas dominant.Stoicismpermeatedthe writingsof authorslike
Virgiland Horace whoprofessedno formalallegianceto thesect,and becamepart
oftheculturethatmenabsorbedin theirearlyeducation.One mightthinkthatit
exercisedan influencecomparablein some degreewiththat whichChristianity
has oftenhad on men ignorantor careless of the nicer points of systematic
theology.It has oftenbeensupposedthatitdid muchto humanizeRoman law and
ofwhichI shouldbe rathersceptical,butitis not
That is a contention
government.
the effects
that Stoicismhad on men's
I
to
examine
theme.
propose
my present
created
theessentiallymonarchicalformofgovernment
attitudesto thePrincipate,
to
have
been
them
we
Prima
yetit is not
significant,
facie mightexpect
byAugustus.
were.
At
the
outset
an
what
to
discern
they
very
apparent
exactly
easy
confronts
us: Stoicsseemto be bothupholdersand opponentsofthe
contradiction
regime.
ofTarsus,was an honouredcounsellorofAugustus,2
The Stoic,Athenodorus
1 In substancethis
theinaugurallectureI deliveredat Oxfordin May 1971as
paperrepresents
of AncientHistory.I have omittedthe formalproemrequiredby the occasion,
Camden Professor
reinstatedpassages whichthe clock compelledme to abbreviateor omit,revisedsome othersand
added the notesand Appendix.My intention
the materialin a book in
was, and is, to incorporate
whichsome themeswill be morefullyexpoundedand manyrelatedmattersconsidered.But this
projectadvancesslowly,and theremaybe someadvantagein thepublicationofwhatis stilla sketch.
It is dedicatedto the greatscholarwho stimulatedme to investigate
the influenceof Stoicismat
Rome,whenI was a studentat theBritishSchoolat Rome in 1946-7.
On Stoic philosophyM. Pohlenz,Die Stoa,1948,is fundamental.
There is now a brief,reliable
I agreewithhis viewthat
surveyin'Englishby F. H. Sandbach, TheStoics,1975,withbibliography.
E. V. Arnold,RomanStoicism,
1911,1958,is 'unreliableand oftenmisleading';forthebesttreatment
= AF, and forthelate Stoa the
see M. Pohlenz,Antikes
ofPanaetiusand Cicero,deofficiis^
Fiihrertum,
u.
worksofA. Bonhoffer,
die
and
Die
Ethik
des
1894= Bonhoffer
I and
Stoikers
Stoa,
1890,
Epictet
Epictet,
II (thereis a commonindex). E. Zeller,Die Philosophie
derGr*,1909,III 1, citedas Zeller,is useful
inter
alia forlistsof Romanswho werein some degreeStoics (589 n. 3, 606 n. 1 and 711 n. 2). My
articlesin Proceedings
1973,9 ff.('AspectsoftheSocial Thoughtof
oftheCambridge
Philosophical
Society
Dio Chrysostomand of the Stoics') and in JRS LXIV, 1974, 1 ff.('Marcus Aureliusin his
are citedas BruntI and II. Also citedby author'snameonly:J.Branger,Recherches
sur
Meditations1)
r Aspectideologique
du Principat,1953; R. Syme, Tacitus,1958; C. Wirszubski, Libertasas a PoliticalIdea at
OxfordD.Phil, dissertation
on Seneca.
Rome,1950.1havebeenhelpedbyreadingMiriamGriffin's
2 PIR2A 1288,cf.P. Grimal,REA XLVII, 1945,261 ff.

P. A. BRUNT
Seneca thepreceptorofNero and thenone ofhis chiefministers,

Marcus Aurelius
a philosopheron thethrone.Seneca exaltedtheautocraticpowerofthePrinceps;
underNero,a rulervigilantforthesafetyofeach and all ofhissubjects,anxiousto
Rome (he claims) enjoyed
securetheirconsent,and protectedby theiraffection,
'the happiestformof constitution,
in whichnothingis lackingto our complete
freedombut the licenseto destroyourselves'.We may always suspectSeneca of
insincererhetoricand specialpleading,but his approvalofmonarchyin principle
was sharedby the honestMusonius,and Marcus clearlyassumedthatit was by
divineprovidencethathe had beencalled to exerciseabsolutepower.3
And yetthatperfectStoic,as Seneca called him {Const.Sap. 2, 2), theyounger
and
Cato, had died in defenceoftheold Republic,whichCaesar had overthrown
of
viewed
as
Stoics
exemplaryby
Augustushad replaced,and hisconductwas still
a
the Principate.4
Thrasea Paetus wrotehis life,5and he was thecentreof circle,
includingHelvidius Priscus and Arulenus Rusticus, which offeredthe most
intractableopposition to certain emperors,opposition which was certainly
ascribedto Stoicteaching.Nero's suspicionsofRubelliusPlautus,a kinsmanand
to thePrincipate,wereenhancedbytheallegationthathe had
potentialpretender
the
Stoics'
adopted
presumptuouscreed,whichmade menturbulentand avid for
soon
afterwards,Seneca himselfadmits that some thought,
power.6Writing
that
the votariesof philosophywere'defiantand stubborn,
thougherroneously,
menwho heldin contemptmagistrates,
and
kingsand all engagedin government',
he advises Lucilius to devotehimselfto philosophy,but not to boast of it,'since
philosophyitself,associatedwitharroganceand defiance,has broughtmanymen
intodanger;let it removeyourfaultsand notreproachthoseofothers,and let it
not recoil from social conventions ('publicis moribus'), nor produce the
appearanceofcondemningwhat it does not practise'.7Though Seneca speaks of
'philosophy' in general, the context shows that he has in mind only that
philosophyin whichhe thoughtthe truthresided,the Stoic. The secondpassage
indeed may suggestthatwhat endangeredStoics was not so much resistanceto
authorityas censureof the behaviourcommonin the world,whichmade them
generallyunpopular.Seneca had also admittedearlierthat the Stoics had the
in hisviewundeserved,
ofexcessiveharshness,whichwas heldto make
reputation,
themincapableofgivingwiseadviceto rulers.8
3 Clem.I 1, 8 cf.4. Absolute

3, 4;
power:1 passim.Vigilance:3, 3 cf.n. 88. Consentand affection:
4, 3; 8, 6 f.; 13, 4; 14, 5 f.; 15, 5; cf.Benef.II 20 ('cum optimusstatuscivitatissub regeiustosit'),
writtenafterSeneca's fallfrompower.The necessityof limitingfreedomwas a commonplace,cf.
fr.VIII
Tac, Hist.I 16, 4; Dio LVI 43, 4. Musoniusheldthatthegood kingmustbe a philosopher,
Hense.
4 Const.2, 2, butcf.
vivaimago'.Cato foughtfor'libertas'orthe
Tranqu.16, 1: 'Cato illevirtutum
'res publica', a 'bona causa' (Prov.3, 14), yetthe argumentin Benef.II 20, cf. ep. 14, 13 and the
fragmentin Lactant.,Div. Inst.VII 15, 4 suggeststhat Seneca thoughtthe cause hopeless.Cf.,
however,M. Griffin,
C( 1968,373 ff.,on ep.14, 12 f.
3 Flut.,LatoMinorb and 36 t. 1hrasea
usedtheliteo Cato byhistnend,Munatius
presumably
Rufus(cf.also Val. Max. IV 3, 2), whichPlutarchperhapsknewonlyfromThrasea's work.
6 Tac, Ann.XIV 57,3, cf.XVI 22, 4 on whichsee 29.
p.
7
73, 4 and 10);
ep. 73, 1 (Seneca assumesthatphilosophersare personslivingin retirement,
103,5.
8
ep. 5 and 14, 7 ff.;Clem.II 5, 2. Despiteallegationsby theircritics{Ann.XVI 22; Suet.,Nero
37), respectableStoics like Euphratesand Thrasea were carefulto censurevices,not individuals
(Pliny,#.110, 7; VIII 22, 3).

STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE
It was under Gaius,9 Nero, Vespasian and Domitian that Stoics certainly
sufferedpersecution; the last two emperors actually expelled professional
philosophersfromRome and Italy; Epictetuswas amongtheexiles.10Yet he too
repudiatesthe chargethat Stoics wereopposed to authority.By reconcilingthe
interestsof the individual,trulyconceived,with those of society,Stoicism,he
claimed,producedconcordin a stateand peace amongpeoples; it taughtmento
of'kings',thoughin hisviewneither
obeythelaws,butnotto despisetheauthority
laws norkingscould giveor take away anythingessentialto a man's blessedness.
On theotherhand,the Stoicwouldnotcomplywiththeordersof'tyrants',which
conflictedwith his own moral purpose. We mightthen inferthat it was not
nor monarchyas such, that Stoics rejected,but those rulers
politicalauthority,
and thatwhattheyadmiredin Cato was
whosevileconductmade them'tyrants',11
nothis fightforthe Republicbut his rectitudeand constancy(cf.n. 5). However,
Vespasian was neverreproachedwithtyranny,and Helvidius Priscusat least,
whomDio called a Republican(n. 138), and whomVespasianput to death,must
have had convictions
by whichan emperorcould be judged in politicalas well as
moralterms.
in the Stoic attitudeto monarchyis nottheonly
The apparentinconsistency
the
state. Seneca meets the charge of political
to
in
their
relations
ambiguity
to rulerswhopreservepeace than
thatnoneare moregrateful
defianceby replying
life
to the nobleractivityoftranquil
from
retired
who
have
public
philosophers
Much
Stoic
and
writingsuggeststhat theirteaching
teaching.12
contemplation
butentirewithdrawalfrom
tendedto promotenotactiveresistanceto government
as menproneto
19-21
of
ff.).
Quintilianspeaks philosophers
politicalactivity(pp.
to Seneca's own
referred
P.
had
Suillius
civic
duties.
their
contemptuously
neglect
'studia inertia'.In the verypassage in whichTacitus marksout Helvidiusas a
Stoiche saysthat'fromearlyyouthhe devotedhisbrilliantmindto deeperstudies,
name (ofphilosophy)a
notas so many('plerique') do, to makethe high-sounding
in
to undertakepublic
but
order
screenforindolentretirement
otium'),
('segne
in hisjudgement,
fortune'.
of
the
strokes
duties,whilefortified
Evidently,
against
the generaltendencyof philosophictrainingwas to rendermen unfitforpublic
careersby makingthem preferthe lifeof contemplation.Hence an ambitious
mother,like Agricolas, would restrainher son fromdrinkingtoo deeplyat the
Indeed all Stoicwritingsillustratea certaintensionbetween
philosophicspring.13
9 Kanus Iulius (Sen., Tranqu.14; Plut.fr. 140 Bernadakis);perhapsIulius Graecinus(Tac,
4
Agr. withSen.,ep.29,6). Seneca impliesthatsomeStoicshad beenin troublebeforeNero(n. 7).
10 Dio LAVI 13; LXVll 13; Suet., Dom. 13, 3; lac, Agr. 3; niny, ep. Ill 11. Upictetus lile; t.
Millar,
J/tfLV,1965,141ff.
11
tpict. 1 12, /; lv, 11 it.; ZV, / it.; IV !), 35; /, 5 t., ci. Loeb index under 'tyrants . ee Lj.
Boissier, LVppositionsousLes Csars,1875, 102 ff.;Wirszubski, esp. 127; 140.
12ep.73, 2 tf.Ct. 14, 14: hos toicosqui a republicaexclusi(perhapsbecausethey

regardeditas
ad colendamvitamsineulla
so badlygovernedas to givethemno place in it,cf.p. 18 ff.)secesserunt
offensa';98, 13 forSextius,a nearStoic (Zeller695 ff.),who'honoresreppulit'though'ita
potentioris
natusut rempublicamdeberetcapessere';nn. 7 and 69. Seneca's brother,
Mela, at firstrejectedan
nihil
II pr. 3 ('hoc unumconcupiscentem,
officialcareer,probablyforsuch reasons,Sen., Controv.
concupiscere');Helv.18,2.
13Quint.,pr. 15; XII 3, 12 (principally
aimedat falsephilosophers);lac, Ann.XIII 42, 3; Hist.
IV 5; Agr.4, 3 (withwhichcf.Suet.,Nero52; Musoniusfr.XVI; Epict.Ill, 39; 26, 5). NoteCicero's
veramillamet antiquam,quae quibusdamotiesseet
remarkto Cato (Fam.XV 4, 16) : kphilosophiam
in forumatque inipsamaciempaenededuximus'.
desidiaevidetur,

10
P. A. BRUNT
theclaimsofpublicactivityand thoseofstudyand meditation(infra).We mustof

course distinguishsharplybetweenStoics who deliberatelychose 'segne otium'
fromthestartand thoselikeThrasea who retiredfrompoliticsin sucha wayas to
manifesttheirdisapprobationof the government,
even thoughsuch retirement
could be justifiedby argumentsthat mightratherhave persuadedthe believer
to the
neverto enterthe politicalarena. The formermightby theirindifference
statedepriveit ofusefultalent,but theyconstituted
no dangerto theregime.But
we may wonder how a creed which encouragedsuch quietismcould also be
accusedofmakingmenturbulent
enemiesofthePrinceps.
To understandthese apparent contradictionsin the politicalattitudesof
Stoicsunderthe Principate,we mustlook morecloselythanhistoriansgenerally
do at the moralprinciplestheyembraced.All I can attempthereis naturallyno
morethana ratherimpressionistic
sketchofthoseaspectsofStoicteachingwhich
seemto me mostrelevantto theiractual politicalbehaviour,in office,
oppositionor
This is no place fora systematic
retirement.
expositionofthelogicaland physical
oftheirmoralcreed,and indeedthe Stoicsofour periodevinced
presuppositions
no keeninterestin the dialecticalsubtletiesand doctrinalcoherenceofthesystem
theearliermastersoftheirschoolhad evolved.Rhetoricand devotionhad largely
continuedto
replacedinquiryand argument.None thelesstheirmoralconvictions
howeveruncriticallyaccepted.14
reston metaphysicaldogmata,
II
Like otherancientphilosophersthe Stoicsassumedthateach man does and must
his lifeto
pursuehis individualhappiness.This he can secureonlyifhe conforms
nature,his own natureand thatoftheuniverse,ofwhichhis own is ofnecessitya
part. In the impulsesof animals and of childrenwe can see how natureherself
directslivingbeingsto seekwhatis conduciveto lifeand to avoidwhatis contrary.
Lifeitselfand all thatassiststheproperfunctioning
ofthelivingcreaturebelongto
thecategoryofthingsthatare naturaland therefore
can be describedas 'thingsof
include
and
health
all
that
men generallymake their
value'; they
wealth,
nearly
of
endeavour.
Now
man
is
endowed
with
reason,and reasonshowsthathe
objects
cannotlivein isolation;we are bornforone another,and it is properto our nature
to prefer
thingsofvalueforourfellowsas wellas forourselves.
However,experienceteachesus thatsuch thingsmaynotbe in our power.If
then our happiness, or that of our fellows,were to depend at all on their
possession,itwouldnotnecessarilybe withinour grasp,our mindswouldbe filled
with anxiety,and our failuresto obtain what we desire would seem to be
limitationson our freedom.But no man can be happy ifhe is not securefrom
anxietyand free.Now naturemusthave designedour happiness,forall Beingis
permeatedby a substancethe Stoics describedas reason or God; this ruling
elementin the world,whichcauses all thingsto worktogetherforgood, is also
presentin our souls, and it is its presencethat enables us in some measureto
orderof the Universe.Our reasonshouldalso be the
apprehendthe providential
14Workscitedin n. 1 document
o Stoicmorals.
mysummary

11
rulingelementin ourown nature,as it mustbe capable ofdirectingus to thattrue

happiness,securityand freedomwhichnatureimpelsus to seek,and which,given
ofnature,it mustbe in ourpowerto attain.Hence
and beneficence
therationality
the so-called'thingsof value' cannotbe trulygood, simplybecause theyare not
alwaysand necessarilyin our reach. By contrastnothingcan everpreventus from
willingto do whatis right,eventhoughtheresultantactionsmayfailto
constantly
are externalto ourselvesand do notor
effects
the
intended;theseeffects
produce
shouldnotaffectthatpermanentdispositionofthe soul in whichour blessedness,
are to be found.
and freedom
security
The only true good, which reason prescribes,lies then in a virtuous
thatflowsfromit,and theonlytrueevilis thelackof
dispositionand in theactivity
such a disposition,whilethe 'thingsof value' and theircontrariesmustalike be
to us. Yet thisleavesno
classed,to use the technicalterm,as things'indifferent5
and
theparticularacts thegood or wiseman willperform,
foridentifying
criterion
thatcriterionhas stillto be suppliedby 'the thingsof value'.15The acts which
and in Latin officia,
weretermedin GreekKccW|kovtcc
acts incumbenton men,which
we mayrenderas 'duties',eventhoughthewordhas perhapsexcessivelyKantian
overtones,consistin promotingstates of affairswhichwill containas much as
possibleofsuch secondarygoodsas health,wealthetc.,and as littleas possibleof
theircontraries.We are bound to make the best calculationswe can on the
them,
consequencesofouracts,and to exertourselvesto theutmostin performing
in our mindsthatwhatwe seekmay
butwe shouldalwaysact withthereservation
not be attainableand that its actual attainmentis notperse good. A fatherwill
jump into deep water to rescue his child; but the goodnessof his act is not
enhanced if the child is saved, nor diminishedif it drowns.Indeed, since the
Universeis providentially
ordered,the deathofthe child,ifit occurs,mustbe for
is
the best. Chrysippus quoted by Epictetus as saying that 'so long as the
consequencesare notclearto me,I clingto whatis bestadaptedto securingthings
that accord withnature;forGod has createdme such that I shall choose these
things;but ifI actuallyknewthatitwas nowordainedforme to be ill,I wouldaim
at beingill'.16
Victrixcausa deis placuit,sed vieta Catoni
As a good Stoic, Cato should not have foughtagainstCaesar, ifhe could have
he could stillbe subjectively
foreseenCaesar's victory;but lackingthisforesight,
could
a
Stoic
the
admiration
express for Cato was not in itself
right; and
of
the
with
regimefor which Caesar's victoryhad
acceptance
incompatible
the
way.
prepared
ofnatureso complete
For the Stoicsonlythewiseman has an understanding
is notright,and only
what
he
will
never
do
that
so
a
and disposition unchangeable
the
others
or
'successful'
are
hisactions truly
mayperform same actions,but
good;
n.
flawed
is
somehow
in a way that
(cf. 15). However,the wise man, as Seneca
15 So
Chrysippus argued against Aristn of Chios, cf. SVF I 361-9; III 26 f. For KadifaovTaibid.
when performedby the wise man; in myjudgement these differ
Ill ch. VIII: they are K<xrop8ci>ncxTcc
which theyare performed;the objective contentofthe acts is the
in
mind
of
the
state
of
in
only respect
same.
16 See
e.g. Sen., Benef.IV 33 f.; Chrysippus ap. Epict. II 6, 9 f. ; Epictetus himselfcontinually
tells men to act peO*CnTEâipoECOS
(BonhofferII 267).

12
P. A. BRUNT
remarked,is as rareas thephoenix;noteventhegreatStoicteacherspretendedto

thetitle.17
Most oftheirstatements
about his conductmaythenbe understoodas
thepresentation
ofa modelforothers,and in facttheStoicsdid nothesitatefrom
the firstto lay down rules for the guidance of ordinarybeings. In such
theycontinuedto attachvalue onlyto thepurposeofmoralactivity,
prescriptions
The fullestdiscussionwe possess of their
and not to success in performance.18
thefirsttwobooksof
in Cicero'sdeofjciis,
found
on
men's
duties
is
to
be
teaching
whichare avowedlybased on a treatiseofPanaetius.But thoughPanaetius,who
departedin variousways fromthe doctrinesof his predecessors,did not care to
describethe ideal sage and expresslyturnedto thedutiesofmenin whomperfect
wisdom was not to. be found but whose conduct might still manifest4the
semblancesof virtue'('similitudineshonesti'),his concernwiththis topic was
certainlynot new. Moreover,thereare some indicationsthatStoicsextrapolated
theconceptofperfectvirtuefromtheconductofordinarymenwhichcommanded
universalapproval.Horatiuson thebridgecould notbe calledtrulybrave,because
he was no sage, yet his heroismgave an idea by analogyof what truecourage
would be.19Thus Stoic practicalmoralitywas foundedon commonlyreceived
opinions.
theparticularservices
Whileeveryman is boundtobe ofserviceto hisfellows,
he should rendervarywith his special relationshipsto them.20From the first
orthodoxStoic thinkersenjoined specificduties on the husband,father,slaveownerand so forth.21
Tacitus alludes to thispracticewhenhe describesHelvidius
as steadyin performing
all the dutiesoflife,as citizen,senator,husband,son-inlaw and friend.22
Epictetusand othersconceivesuchdutiesas arisingfromtheplace
in theworld,the stationor militarypost ( tocis,
statio)to whicheach individualis
appointed, and which may limit, as it always defines,the kinds of action
incumbenton him;thougha lifeofvirtueis open to all, evento slaves,whata man
can do determines
whathe oughtto do; forinstance,ifhe is poor,he cannothold
officeor endow his citywithfinebuildings{Ench.24).
17 42, 1, cf. SVF I 44; III 526; 545; 668;
ep.
Epict. IV 12, 19. Cf. Pliny,ep. Ill 11, 5 on
'virumaut sapientemaut proximum
Artemidorus,
simillimumque
sapienti'.
18 Imitationofthe
sage: see e.g. Hieroclesap. Stob. IV 502, 9 f.The earlyStoicshad prescribed
dutiesforordinarymen: see BruntI 23 f.The doctrinethatit was thepurposethatcountedevenin
from
theiracts goesbackto Cleanthes,cf.Sen., Bene/.
VI 11,1 f.,and is everywhere
implicitin writers
Panaetiusonwards,see e.g. n. 24. (For a contrary
view,whichI cannotdiscusshere,see I. G. Kidd in
A.A. Long,Problems
inStoicism,
1971,eh. VII.) FromPanaetiusStoicsare mainlyconcernedwiththe
conductofimperfect
and e.g. Sen., Tranqu.7, 2; 11, 1; Bene}.II 18 and
mortals,see Cic, Offpassim,
31,1, especiallythosewho are makingmoralprogress,a commonthemein Seneca's letters,notably
II 144-53.
75, 8 ff.Cf. Bonhoffer
'" Cic,
Off.Ill 13. Extrapolation:Cic, Fin III 33 with37 f.; Sen., ep. 120; Musoniusfr.XVIII
Hense; Diog. Laert.VII 91 (Posidonius).Cf.Cic Fin.II 45 (Panaetianaccordingto Pohlenz,AF2).
-"
Appendix,paragraph3 f.
-1 See
esp. Sen. ep.94 .
22 Tac, Hist.IV 5. Tacitus is
(and endorsing)theStoiclaudationon Helvidius
surelyfollowing
O. Murray,HistoriaXIV, 1965,57) that
by HerenniusSenecio {Agr.2). I would conjecture{contra
this is also trueof his following
remark:kerantquibus adpetentiorfamaevideretur,
quando etiam
ratherthanordinarymen,who
sapientibuscupido gloriaenovissimaexuitur';it was philosophers,
disapprovedof an 'excessivelust forglory' (cf. Agr.4, 3), Stoics regardinggloryas one of the
ofnoble
'indifferent
things',yetevenMarcus Aureliusfoundit hardto put away 'thatlast infirmity
mind',cf.BruntII 14.

13
these specificduties,whichare givento us by our

But how do we identify
'If
in
the
world?
are
a town-councillor'
you
says Epictetus,'rememberthat
place
if
are
that
are
are
one; you
you
young,ifold, thatyou are old, ifa
young,
you
each nameinvariablysuggeststhe
on
reflection
are
a
that
father;
father,
you
I
These
tasks
tasks'.23
can, think,onlyhave been regardedas obvious
appropriate
iftheywerethoseconventionally
expectedfromthepersonsso designated,and in
All that
factStoicsseldomrecommendacts thatwouldhaveviolatedconventions.
a
is
to
himself
tells
render
to
provincialgovernor
Epictetus
just decisions, keephis
and to see no beautyin anotherman's wifeora boyor a
handsoffothers'property,
piece ofgold or silverplate.24He does notgo farbeyondthemaximsofabstinentia
and integritas,
bytheRoman rulingclass. In fact
alwaysaccepted,ifofteninfringed,
he adds that we oughtto look fordoctrinesthat agree withbut giveadditional
to such commonnotionsof duty.'The greatmind' as Seneca puts it,'is
strength
intenton honourableand industriousconduct in that station in which it is
placed'.25The goodman does notchangetherules,butobeysthemmorestrictly.
In anothermetaphorthe Stoicsemployedtheworldwas viewedas a stagein
whicheach man had to playa part(persona,
).26Panaetiusexploitedthis
TTpacoTrov
from
seems
he
himself
to have transferred
with
a
doctrine
in
connexion
metaphor
aestheticto ethicaltheory,thatthereis a kindof moral beauty,called in Greek
evenin thatof
which'shinesout' in virtuousactivity,
and in Latin decorum,
irpiTov
in wisdom.27It would not be germaneto my themeto
the man stillimperfect
attemptto expoundthisdoctrinein full,buttwopointsare important.28
to the
First,just as thephysicalbeautyofa livingcreaturemustbe attributed
due relationofall the partsto thewhole,so the moralbeautyofa man's activity
lies in the orderand coherenceofall his wordsand deeds,and just as thecorrect
delineationof a figurein a drama dependson the suitabilityto his characterof
theconsistency,
whathe does and says,so in reallifemenmustaim at maintaining
the
dramatistmay
But
while
conduct.
of
their
or 'aequabilitas',30
'constantia'29
to play the
life
we
all
bound
of
are
the
on
stage
properlyportraythewickedman,
ofthe
the
manner
None
the
moral
law.
to
the
roleofrationalbeingssubject
less,
common
to
which
is
the
role
man.31
Besides
to
from
man
mustvary
performance
23 II 10, 10 f.; IV 6, 26; 12, 16. Musonius fr.II implies that all men know what is right.
24 III 7, 21 f.; Brunt, HistoriaX, 1961, 215 ff.Epictetus of course attaches importance to the
man's state ofmind as well as to his overtactions, in somewhat the same way as Matthew 5, 27 f.
25
6/7.120, 18, cf. Benef.V 14, 5.
26
Appendix,paragraphs5-9 (bpictetus);Z (Seneca;.
27 Off.I 98: ut enim pulchntudocorpons apta compositionemembrorum
movetoculos et
sic hocdecorum,quod
delectathoc ipso,quod interse omnespartescumquodamleporeconsentiunt,
ordineet constantiaet
elucetin vita(cf.102; II 32), movetadprobationem
eorum,quibuscumvivitur,
is
moderatanedictorumomniumatque factorum'.Cf. I 14 f.; 17; 66; 95 f; 126; 130; II 37 (decorum
of
in
the
control
Ci.
Orator
most
manifest
and
in
action,
passions).
virtue,
though
every
every
present
70-74,and see n. 48.
28 For Panaetius'doctrines
see R. Philippson,Philol.LXXXV 357 ff.;M. Pohlenz,Kl. Schr.I 100
see off.I 93-151 passim.
ff.and AF passim; L. Labowski, Die EthikdesPanaitios,1934. For decorum
2y 1 97 t. l(Jonstantia ; 14; 1 /; /I; 1U; en., Lonst. passim, et. tne old toic use o aneronrrcoros
and&pmos(SVF IV Index).
JU1 111: aequauilitascum universaevitaeturnsinguiarumacnonum; in nis commentary
on
theStoicnoAoyoiiEVOS
Tuse.Disp.II 65 Pohlenzsuggeststhatitrepresents
pos.
31 I 98; 107,cf.Epict.Ill 23,4 ff.(Quint.XI 1,8-14is reminiscent
ofthis.)
-ir\
-w
* * *
".
"
a*_
5."

1_ "
.._ ___ _ -
A. _ - _ _
_ __
14
P. A. BRUNT
all Panaetius distinguishedthreeothers.The firstarises fromthe individual's

whichhe mustdevelopto the full,so faras theyare
special inbornendowments,
with
his
naturaldisabilities,whichlimitwhathe can do,32
and
virtue,
compatible
the second fromhis positionin the world,thethirdfromthechoiceofa vocation
thathe is bounclto make on the basis of his capacityand ofthe resourcesat his
Thus a Roman ofrank
disposal,but whichtendsto commithimforthe future.33
mightchoose to be a philosopheror a jurist,an oratoror a soldier;havingmade
his decision,he shouldnormallycarryitout to theend. For Panaetiusit is onlyby
and
the potentialities
and limitations
recognizing
imposedby his own personality
in conductwhich
circumstances
thattheindividualcan avoidthoseinconsistencies
would marthemoralbeautyofhis life.'It is ofno avail to contendwithnatureor
to pursuean end youcannotreach'. Similarlyin Epictetus'view,'ifyouassumea
role beyond your ability, the result is that you performit disgracefully
and neglectthe roleyou wereable to fill'.34
(f|cJxrmvr|CTas)
To thineownselfbe true,
And itmustfollow,as thenighttheday,
Thou canstnotthenbe falseto anyman.
Secondly,accordingto Panaetius,moral beauty,like physical,attractsthe
approvaland love ofothermen. Indeed thatapprovalcomesto be regardedas a
'decorum'.
criterion
fordetermining
whetherparticularactionsreallydo manifest
We ought to respectthe opinionsand feelingsof others.35Hence deportment,
politeconversationand othermattersof social etiquettebecome the subjectsof
moral precepts.Manual labour is condemnedas unbefitting
the freeman, and
In
even the liberalprofessions
are pronouncedbelow the dignityofaristocrats.36
and
Panaetius
of
the
both
the
conventions
class
to
which
general
upper
society
Cicerobelongedare unquestioningly
accepted.We are toldthat'foractionsto be
performedin accordance with custom and civic practices no rules need be
prescribed;thesepracticesarethe rules,and no one shouldmake the mistakeof
thathe has thesame licenseas Socratesor Aristippusto transgress
them;
thinking
it was onlytheirgreatand superhumanvirtuethatgave thatprivilegeto them'.37
32 I 107 ff.;119 f.Cf.
Epict. Ill 21, 17 ff.;22, 50-2 and 86.
33 I 115 ff. ; 120 f.
34 I 111-14;
Epict., Ench. 37. Cic, de Orai. I 169 illustratesthe moral obligations that ensue from
assumine a personaby one's own choice.
35 Cf. n. 27: Cicero
proceeds (I 99): 'adhibenda est igiturquaedam reverenda adversus homines
et optimi cuiusque et reliquorum. Nam neglegere, quid de se quisque sentiat, non solum arrogantis
est, sed etiam omnino dissoluti.' His usage of 'reverenda' or 'verecundia' in Off.implies this view:
al8cos, by contrast,in Musonius (e.g. fr.XXX) and Epictetus means 'self-respect'.
36 I 103 f.; 127;
129-140; 144 f.; 150 f. I believe the last passage to be basically Panaetian (Brunt
I 26-34), but 127 illustrates how Romans could make duties out of their own conventions, which
differedfromthe Greek. Epict. I 11, 12 f.could indeed deny that the conventionsin some (non-Greek)
societies were KOkccIrrpoon'iKovTa.
37 I 148, cf. Ill 63
(Hecaton); I 128, against Cynics and any Stoics who are 'paene Cynici', no
doubt an animadversion on some views in Zeno's and Chrysippus' books irspi TroArrelas,cf. Diog.
Laert. VII 33 f.; SVF III 743-56. Epictetus, who allows men with a special vocation to become Cynics
(III 22), implies everywherethat most men should followconventional moral rules. Cf. Hierocles ap.
Stob. Ill 733 f.: one mustobey the laws ofone s own cityand resistany attemptto violateor overturnthem,
tcov irotAaicov.
ou yp ccyaOvTrnT|8evuairXei8i* anuas ynevoi vuoi kocIT va irpoKptvuEva
He approves Zaleucus' law that any one proposing a legislative change should do so with a rope

15
This teachingjustifiedRomans in treatingtheirown traditionsas equivalentto

moral laws. It is no accident that the Stoic Rubellius Plautus 'respectedthe
maxims of old generations'in the strictnessof his household,or that Seneca
admiresthemores
antiquiin whichRomans had alwaystendedto findthesecretof
had a
to renderKgcOtjkov
Rome's greatness.38
The veryuse of the termofficium
In commonspeechofficium
could meanboththekindofservicewhich
similareffect.
social conventionsexpectedone man to renderanother,and the functionof a
magistrate,forexample,or a senator.39Its use in ethicaltheorysuggestedthat
moralobligations.
constituted
suchservicesand functions
Cicero illustratedPanaetius' doctrineof the special duties imposed by a
fromthe suicideofCato in 46. Not everyone would
man's individualpersonality
have been rightto kill himselfin such circumstances,but Cato was justified
becausehe had alwaysheldthatitwas betterto die thanto seteyeson a tyrant;his
on a first'constantia'lefthimno choice.Plutarch,whodrewdirectlyor indirectly
hand account,showsthatCato consciouslyacted on thisview.For himselfdeath
was the onlyway out; his son mightlive,but beingalso a Cato, shouldnot serve
Caesar; othersmightmake theirpeace withthe victorand incurno blame. An
anecdotein Plutarch'slifeofCicerotellsus thatCato also heldin 49 thatwhilehe
could nothonourablyhaveabandonedhisconsistent
himself
oppositionto Caesar,
would have done betterto
Cicero,whose past conducthad been verydifferent,
remainneutralin thecivilwar.40
Cato's conceptionswerecertainlyknownto thecircleofThrasea,whoseown
lifeofthe heromay be Plutarch'simmediatesource.Whentheydebatedwhether
Thrasea shouldappear in thesenateto answerthecapitalchargesagainsthim,the
('deceret')forhimto take,ifhe
questionwas essentiallywhatcourseit was fitting
wereto 'be trueto the courseofbehaviourhe had pursuedwithouta breakforso
manyyears'; a youngerman even withinhis circlewas not bound to the same
Similarly,his friend,Paconius,said thatanyone whoso muchas
intransigence.41
thoughtofgoingto Nero's games shouldgo, but his own 'persona' did notallow
As we shall see, Helvidius Priscus was for
him to considerthe possibility.42
This sortof
Epictetusthe shiningexampleofa man who was trueto his persona.
the
embraced
to
have
are
not
known
conceptionis indeed ascribedto men who
in
Stoiccreed,43
just as the word'persona' is sometimesused unphilosophically a
t<5c
kgcr 8t)(pucncrov
around his neck. Further,ov8v5'^ttov twv vpicov
y* vtcosTrTpia KociTxa
rrvTcov
TTOvirpeo-pTEpa
kocItwv vpicovotc&v; such customs are based on ii\v iw ypa>\xkvoav
eapoTnoiv.For Marcus see Brunt II 16.
3* Tac, Ann.XIV 57, 3. Cf. Sen.,
Tranqu.9, 2.
39
E.g. Caesar, BC III 90, 1 ; 5, 4. Hence eventually'office'in our sense, Suet., Aug. 37.
4U
UJj. 1 112, Flut., Lato Minor W; 66; Lie. 38, 1. Although Munatius Kutus (n. 6) did not
accompany Cato in the civil war, he obviously could, and surely would, have obtained first-hand
reportson Cato's attitude and conduct, and Plutarch's testimonymay be taken as reliable. Cf. Sen.
Prov.2,1 Of.
41 Tac, Ann. XVI 26, 5, cf. 25, 1, where friends who recommended him to defend himself
'securos esse de constantia eius disserunt'. Tacitus' source may well be Rusticus' Life (Agr. 2), the
workof an eye-witnesswho shared Thrasea 's ideas. Note also XIV 56, 2.
42
Epict. 12, 12-18.
43 Tac, Ann. Ill 6,1 (Tiberius' edict): ' non enim eadem decora
principibus viris et imperatori
populo quae modicis domibus aut civitatibus'; VI 48, 1 (L. Arruntiusjustifyinghis suicide): 'non
eadem omnibus decora respondit.'

16
P. A. BRUNT
way compatiblewith Panaetius' doctrinebut not derivedfromit;44these are

further
indicationsthat his doctrinecorrespondedcloselywiththe thoughtand
behaviournaturalto traditionalRomans. The conceptis foundin Horace (n.48)
as well as in all the laterStoic writers,Seneca, Musonius,Epictetusand Marcus
(and indeed elsewhere);thoughsometimestheythinkmoreofthe special duties
thatwereimposedon theindividualby his place in theworldor hisvocationthan
ofthosewhichflowfromhis inbornpropensities
and disabilities,a fewtextsshow
The idea ofdecorum
thatthatpartofPanaetius' doctrinewas notwhollyforgotten.45
also survivesin the attentionstilldevotedto etiquette,to seemlywaysofwalking,
talking,laughing,dressing,behaviourat the table and even in bed, forall such
of the dispositionof the
behaviourwas consideredan outward manifestation
soul.46It is characteristic
thatEpictetuswouldratherhavediedthanshavedoffthe
In all thesepreceptswe findthe
beardthatsymbolizedhis roleas a philosopher.47
of traditionally
accepted
assumptionthat the moral law requiredperformance
duties and respectforconventions.Aftertellinghis readersthat the poet can
discoverhow to treathispersonae
by learningthe dutiesthatbelong
appropriately
to the citizen,friend,father,brother,host, senator,judge and general,Horace
adds:
iubebo
respicereexemplarvitaemorumque
et vivashincducerevoces.48
doctumimitatorem
Ill
FortheStoicsa virtuousdispositionnecessarilyissuedin virtuousactivity.All had
to perform
theirdutieswithinthatCityofGods and menwhichwas nota cityin
any ordinarysense,nor a world-statethatmightone day be broughtintobeing,
buttheprovidentially
orderedUniversein whichall livehereand now.49However,
be includedamongtheseduties.Fromthefirstthe
could
certainly
politicalactivity
Stoic fathershad taughtthat the wise man would take part in public affairs,if
therewereno hindrance.Indeed it was a famousStoicparadoxthatonlythewise
man was a kingor statesman;he alone possessedtheartofruling,whetheror not
he had anysubjects,just as onlythedoctorhas theartofhealing,evenifhe has no
His principalaim in politicswould be to restrainvice and encourage
patients.50
44
E.g. Cic, Har. Resp. 61; Phil. VIII 29; Tac, Agr. 9, 3. Plin., ep. I 23 does indeed reflect
philosophical opinion ('plurimum interestquid esse tribunatumputes, quam personam tibi imponas;
quae sapientiviroita aptanda est ut perferatur').
45
Appendix, paragraphs 5-9; 12.
46 See
e.g. Sen., ep. 5; 92, 11 f.; 94, 5; Musonius tr. Vili (35, 3 Hense): philosophyTîv kocI
kccIgost 4v kiv^cxbi.
kccIaycBi -npnov; Epict.,Ench.33, 2, 8, 11
KaiiovkccIcaxnnoauviivirepnroieT
and 14; 36; 40 f.; 45-8; Marcus I 7 f.; 16, 4 f. and 8 etc. Epictetus insists on the duty of cleanliness,
partly foraesthetic reasons (IV 11, 25 ff.,cf. Appendix 11) and partly to avoid offendingothers (ib.
14 and 32 f.).
47 I 28 f.,cf. Musonius 88, 5 ff.(Hense); A.C. van
2,
Geytenbeck,MusoniusRufusV 3.
48 ArsPoetica304 ff.He names Panaetius in OdesI 29.
49
E.g. SVF III 333-9; Sen., Otio 4, 1 ff.It is a misunderstandingto ascribe to this metaphysical
doctrine political and practical import.
50 SVF III 694-700, cf. 61 1-24.

17
virtue,51
althoughhe wouldalso necessarilybe concernedwiththe'thingsofvalue'
and would treatwealth,fame,healthetc. as if theywere goods.52But it could
hisattitudeto suchobjectsofendeavourthathe was always
hardlyfailto influence
thathisefforts
to promotethemmightfail,and thatfailureor success
to remember
were
nottrulygoods.As Epictetusobserved,'Caesar seems
was unimportant;
they
to provideus withprofoundpeace . . . but can he giveus peace fromloveor sorrow
orenvy?He cannot5.And yetblessednesscomesonlyfromsuchspiritualpeace.53
were
In the real world,accordingto Chrysippus,all laws and constitutions
if
a
bad
that
the
wise
statesman
said
He
once
policy
pursued
faulty.
despairingly
he would displease the gods, if a good policy,he would displease men. So too
Seneca could suggestthattherewas no statewhichcouldtoleratethewiseman or
securehistoleration.54
thefinaljudgementoftheStoa. It
However,suchpessimismdid notrepresent
was recognized,mostemphaticallyby Panaetius,thatthe stateansweredhuman
material needs and fulfilledmen's natural and reasonable impulse for cooperation.55It would hardly have been consistentwith the Stoics' faith in
evil. Did not the
providenceifall or mostexistingstateshad been irremediably
mere existenceof any given formof institutionsperhaps imply that those
serveda worthypurposein thedivineeconomy?Atanyratethereis no
institutions
evidencethat Stoics condemnedany politicalsystemas such; forinstancewhat
theydisapprovedofin the tyrantwas not his absolutepowerbut his abuse ofit.
We are told that it was particularly(though not exclusively)in states that
thatthe wise man would be active;56
exhibitedsome progresstowardsperfection
in
a
moral
here
be
construed
must
sense,ofstatesthattendedto imbue
progress
theircitizenswithvirtue.
Old Sparta apparentlyevoked Stoic admiration,because of the strictand
simple life prescribedby Lycurgus.57Sparta was also most oftencited as an
whichwon the approvalofmany
instanceofthatmixedor balanced constitution
In the individualstabilityof
ancientthinkers,
perhapsabove all forits stability.58
59
purposewas forSeneca a markofmoralprogress, and perhapsstabilitywas also
a Stoic criterionfor judging constitutions.Certainly we are told, without
Panaetiusis often
a mixedconstitution.60
explanation,thattheold Stoicspreferred
held,withno certainproof,to have commendedthe Republicansystemat Rome
51 Ibid. 697.
52 Ibid. 698.
53 III 3, 9 ff.
54 SVF III 324; 694; Sen., 0/w8,3.
55 Cic, Fin. Ill 62-4; 68 reflects
earlierStoicteaching;forPanaetiuscf.OffI 11 f.; 17; 50-8; II
12-18and probably(cf.n. 19) Fin.II 45.
56 SrFIII611;690f.
57 Plut.,
Lye.31. Cf.Musoniusfr.XX (113Hense).Epict.I 2, 2 apparentlyapprovedoftheritual
scourgings.
58Thus
Polyb.VI 3, 7 f.; 10; 48-50,thoughcritical,admitsSpartato havea mixedconstitution,
underwhichmanyvirtueswere instilledinto the citizensand whichpossessedlong stability.In
cf.Walbankadlocc.
principlehisviewsare quitetraditional,
59
E.g. Otto1,2; ep.35,4; 120,19 ff.
60 Diog. Laert.VII 131.

18
P. A. BRUNT
forits balance,61and the historicalworkof his illustrioussuccessor,Posidonius,

At SpartaCleomenesIII,
was probablybiased in favouroftheRoman aristocracy.
both the old austeritiesand the old political
who professedto be re-establishing
Cato could probablyhave
balance, enjoyedthe assistanceofa Stoic counsellor.62
citedStoictextstojustifyhisstruggleto preservetheRepublic.
On the other hand Stoics did not condemn monarchyin theory.Some
No doubtrule
scholarsevensupposethattheygave it theirspecial approbation.63
That
in
best
of
have
been
their
the
form
a
Stoic
would
government.
eyes
by
sage
on
wrote
treatises
be
of
the
Stoic
masters
one
reason
several
why
early
may
a
remote
have
seemed
the
it
must
the
of
Yet,
rarity
sage,
kingship.64
given
possibilitythat if he emergedat all, he would also happen to obtain sovereign
authority.Probablythesetreatiseswereintendedto depictthe perfectruleras a
their
modelforcontemporary
kings.Conceivably,like Seneca in the dedementia,
authorsdid not insistovermuchon the gulfthatdividedactual rulersfromtheir
ideal. Moreover,a philosopherhad the best hope, so it mightseem,ofeffecting
ofan autocrat,and sincekingsenjoyedgreat
whathe thoughtrightas theminister
power in the Hellenisticworld, Stoics who were ready to engage in political
activityenteredtheirservice;thiswas onlynatural.However,once thearistocratic
Roman Republichad becomedominant,theywereno lesspreparedto attendand
advisemenofinfluenceat Rome. Panaetiuswas an intimateofScipio Aemilianus,
and Tiberius Gracchus and Cato had their Stoic counsellors.65Only after
Augustusdid monarchybecome the one systemtowardswhich forpractical
purposesa Stoic neededto definehis attitude.The preceptsand examplesofthe
earlymastersofthe schooldid not requirehim to rejectit on doctrinalgrounds;
how indeed could he have done so, withoutimpugningthe dispensationsof
concededthatitwas in
Providence?
Ata merelyempiricallevelTacitusreluctantly
the interestofpeace thatall powershouldbe conferred
on one man; he had been
anticipated,a centuryearlier,by Strabo, who was an avowed Stoic.66Seneca
arguedthatthe struggleforRepublicanfreedomhad been futile(n. 5), and not
only his career but those of Thrasea and Helvidius,men of firmerresolution,
indicatethattheirprinciplesdid notlead theseStoicsto condemnthe Principate
as such.
in publiclifeby any
The wise man would notbe hinderedfromparticipating
of
he had a higher
under
he
conceive
that
form
form government,
yet
any
might
to
a
vocation
of
fellows
and
his
duty
byprecept
philosophicinvestigation teaching
61
Many scholars have assumed that his ideas lie behind those of Polyb. VI or Cic, Rep. or both.
But cf. e.g. Walbank, Commentary
on PolybiusI pp. 296, 640 f., 644; V. Poschl, Romischer
Staat u. gr.
Staatsdenken
beiCicero,
1962passim.,
esp. 23; 118.
62 Plut., Cleom.10
f.; 13; 16 (the Stoic Sphaerus assisted in reorganizingthe agoge; forhis books
on Sparta cf. SVF I 620; 629 f.; note also Persaeus' PolitelaLakomke,ib, 435, 454 f.).
63 Wirszubski 145 f.is reasonable.
64 Persaeus, Cleanthes and
Sphaerus all wrote such works, SVF I 435, 481, 620, Musonius, fr.
VIII, may give some idea of their contents. Persaeus actually served Antigonus Gonatas (SVF I 43944) and Sphaerus Ptolemy Philopator (624 f.) as well as Cleomenes III. .
65 Panaetius
(Pohlenz, RE XVIII 422), Blossius of Cumae (D. R. Dudley, JRS XXXI, 1941, 94
Athenodorus
ff.),
Cordylio and Antipater of Tyre (Zeller, 606 n. 1). Cicero too had the Stoic,
Diodotus, livine in his household (Zeller I.e.).
66 Hist. I 1; Strabo VI 4, 2, cf. Zeller 608.

19
theobligationsofprivatelife.67
and example,besidesfulfilling
And underanyform
he mightalso see thathe had no opportunity
foreffective
politicalaction,because
of the wickednessof those in high places at the time. The doctrinethat the
and notin
goodnessofeveryact lay in thedispositionfromwhichitwas performed
doomed to failab
its resultsdid not requireStoics to engage in an undertaking
enlist
initio;thewiseman wouldnottakea leakingshipto sea, nor,ifunfitto fight,
he simplycouldnotdo anyservice.
inthearmy.68
Undera tyranny
As fortheordinaryman,therewerereasonswhyhemightabstainfrompublic
affairswhich did not apply to the sage. By definitionthe latterhad already
and virtueto whichothersat bestaspired.
attainedto thatperfectunderstanding
ofthemselves
to
ofa busypubliccareermightbe sufficient
Butthepre-occupations
men fromeverreachingthat goal. Seneca could hold at times
preventimperfect
thatit was justifiablefora man to retirefromlongpublicserviceto privateduties
and to care ofhis own soul,at timesthatthewholeofhis lifewas nottoo longfor
thistask,all themorebecause his examplecould be beneficialto others.The sage
too was impregnablein his virtue,whichhe could hardlylose, but in othermen
moralprogressmightbe impededby what St. Paul calls 'evil communications'
(I Cor.xv33).69 Moreover,even when arguing that a man should normally
undertakepublic duties, Seneca concedes, in a way reminiscentof Panaetius'
emphasison individualendowments,thathe mightbe debarrednot onlyby his
physical,intellectualor pecuniaryresourcesbut also by his temperament;he
pliable forlife at court,too prone to
mightbe too sensitiveor insufficiently
indignation,or to untimelywitticismsthat showed high spiritand freedomof
speechbutwouldonlydo thespeakerharm.Again,as Panaetiushad also held,he
mightbe suited only to contemplation,not to public affairs;and 'reluctante
natura,irrituslabor est'. None oftheseconsiderationsapplied to the sage, who
and imperviousto what otherswould regardas insultsor
was omnicompetent
injuries.70
but
ofa politicalcareerare self-contradictory,
Seneca's viewson thepropriety
the assumption that these contradictionscan be explained simply by the
otium
thathe recommended
onlywhenhisownpoliticalprospectswere
hypothesis
hardly
impairedand politicalactivityonlywhenhimselfengagedin publicaffairs,
fitsthe factthatwe findthe same antinomyin the sermonsof Epictetusand the
one important
ofMarcus. Seneca's advocacyofquietismreflects
Meditations
aspect
ofStoicinfluence.
thedutiesthat
Epictetusrecognizesofcoursethatmenare bound to perform
on
theultimate
much
more
insistent
he
is
but
their
social
from
arise
relationships,
in
world is
the
which
to
those
of
all
worthlessness
activity
secondarygoods
but
it
is
take
should
station
a
certain
A
man
of
directed.
office,
wrongfor
inevitably
from
its
freedom
or
on
it
on
either
heart
his
him to set
cares; it is
holding
61 Panaetiushimselfdefendedas well as exemplified
thisvocation,cf.Cic, Off.I 69-73;92 (cf.
Pohlenz,AF 55).
68 Sen., Otio\ 3.
69
E.g. Ottopassim;Brev.Vit.18-20;ep. 19; 22; 28, 6 ff.;29, 10 ff.;41, 8; 53; 68; 72, 3; 73; 103,4
19, 10 f.,cf.Epict.Ill 16; IV 2.
f.;'evilcommunications':
70 Tranq.6, cf. 1, 11 {Const.19, takesa different
viewsin
view).The discussionofAthenodorus'
and subtlegradationsofStoicopinionon theproblemofpoliticalactivity.
3 ff.illustrates
thediversity

20
P. A. BRUNT
thathe shouldthinkit necessaryto warnhis pupilsagainstyieldingto

significant
boththesekindsofdesire.Officeis likea driedfig;ifitfallsintomylap, I takeitup
and eat it.71But in practicethegood man is less likelyto advancein politicallife,72
no doubt because no good man would submitto the humiliationson which
advancementdepends;73the fewwhose aim is to bringthemselvesinto a right
relationwiththedivineearnthemockeryofthecrowd,and theycan hardlypursue
slavewithno
theiraim as procurators
ofCaesar.74Epictetuswas himselfa former
chance of a public career,but it is plain that his audiencesweremainlydrawn
fromthe upperclass, someofthemaspirantsto a careerat Rome, liketheyoung
Arrianwho tookdown his words.75In factEpictetus'own low social stationand
theacademiccharacterofhis way oflifemayhave made himless consciousofthe
than Seneca had been, even thoughtwo of his
dangersof evil communications
diatribesare devotedto the theme(n. 69). We also finda greaterserenityin his
teachingthanin Marcus' reflections.
When Marcus lookedback to the timeof Vespasian or of Trajan, he saw a
worldin whichmen wereengagedin flattery
and boasting,suspicionsand plots,
prayingforthe death of others,murmuringat theirown lot, givento sexual
passions,avariceand politicalambition.It was the same in his own court.More
thanonce he dwellswithloathingon the darkqualitiesofthosewho surrounded
him,theemptinessoftheiraims,theirlongingforthedeathofctheschoolmaster',
thoughhe had so greatlytoiled,prayedand thoughton theirbehalf;indeeddeath
wouldbe a release,themoremerciful,
theearlierit came.76However,Marcus had
his dutyto perform;
he was setovermankindas theramovertheflockor thebull
overtheherd(ibid). No othervocation(CnroOecris)
thatis
is so suitedto philosophy,
to say,to the exerciseofa reasonwhichhas accuratelyestablishedtherationality
ofnatureand ofall thatlifecontains.But it is evidently
that
by a consciouseffort
Marcus reconcileshimselfto the place Providencehas assignedhim,and he can
also say that his role impedeshim in the pursuitof philosophy.77
The general
characterofhis Meditations
showsthathis inclinationwas to ponderon thedivine
orderand his own relationto it ratherthanto consumehis energiesin 'the daily
round,the trivialtask' which,nonetheless,furnishedhim on his own principles
withall his reasonrequiredhimto ask. Those principlestaughthimthatthewise
man would servethe state,iftherewereno externalhindrance.But an autocrat
could plead no hindrance,so longat least as his naturalcapacitiespermitted
him
to render good service. All the same we can see how a man of Marcus'
temperament,set in some lower station, must have preferredthat life of
whichintheend Seneca had pronouncedthebest.
contemplation
Thus the more seriouslyStoic teachingwas accepted,the more ardentin
some minds must have been the desire forretirement
and meditation,at most
combinedwith the performance
of inescapable privateduties. WhetherStoics
71
Appendix paragraph 3 cf. I 29, 44; II 23, 38 f.; Ill 7, 21 ; 24, 99; IV 4, 19-33; 7, 24.
72 III 15, 8-13; IV 3, 8 f.
73 III 7, 31 ; IV 1,
40, 48, 95 and 148; 7, 19-24; 10, 20 ff.
74 II
14, 25 ff.;11115,1 If.
7S Cf. Brunt, Athenaeum
(forthcoming).
76 Brunt II 10 ff.with fulldocumentation.
77 Med. XI
18, 1. cf. XI 7; X 31, 2; VIII 1.

21
commonlyyielded to this desire, as some of theircriticsaverred(p. 9), we

cannot say; our recordscan hardlybe expectedto commemoratelivesof quiet
seclusion;Sext'iusis a rareexample,knownby name (n. 10). It is withothersthat
be concerned,men who thoughtthemselvesbound by their
we musthenceforth
to
enter
public life,who believedwhat Seneca once said (ep. 96, 5),
principles
'viveremilitareest', and who triedto play the part,or to occupythe station,to
whichtheyhad beencalled bybirthand ability.
IV
This Stoic conceptof the individual'sstationwas applied, as Koestermann
showed long ago, to the emperorhimself.Augustusseems consciouslyto have
thiswas known
oftheStoicAthenodorus;
adoptedit,probablyundertheinfluence
to suchpanegyricalwritersofthetimeas Ovid and Velleius.Claudius too appears
to have spokenof his station,and in his reignand Nero's the notionis foundin
to Vespasian'sstation,Plinyto Trajan's. Pius
Seneca and Lucan. Tacitusreferred
himselfalso employedthe term.It survivedintothe fourthcentury.78
Curiously,
Koestermannfailedto observethat the idea is implicitin Marcus' Meditations.
Pius,accordingto Marcus,alwaysacted in thewaywhichhad been appointedfor
him.He exhortshimselfto letthegod withinhimbe lordofa livingbeing,whois a
male,a Roman,a ruler,who has takenup his post,as one who awaitsthe signal
fromlife,fullyprepared.He has to carryout thetaskset himlikea
forretirement
thebreach.Similarlyhe speaksofhis'place' in theworld,or ofhis
soldierstorming
'vocation';likeall men,he has tasksto perform,79
properto his own constitution
and nature,and 'as Antoninus,my cityand fatherlandis Rome'; he must be
strenuousin doinghisduty,actsofpietyand benefitto men,likePius beforehim.80
He is a sortofpriestand servantofthe gods,and thismakeshim,ratherlikethe
Pope, a servantof men; he regardshis lifeas a 'liturgy'or as 'servitude'.Long
before,AntigonusGonatas underStoicinfluencehad describedkingshipas 'noble
and Seneca had appliedthisto Nero'sposition.81
servitude',
78 Philol.LXXXVII, 1932,358 ff.and 431 ff.Augustus:Geli. XV 7, 3; Claudius: Suet.,Cl. 38;
also citedOvid, Tr. II 219; Veil. II 124,2; Lucan I 45; Tac, Dial.
Pius: Fronto168 N. Koestermann
4
be added]; HA Ver.1, 6; Comm.1, 8; Clod.Albin.2, 3; Avid.
should
Pan.
7,
86,
3;
3;
Plin.,
[10,
17;
Cass.7, 1; Ael. 1,1.; Eutrop.IX 27; Amm.Marc. XV 8, 14,and he collectedmuchevidenceforthe
to the
cf.also H. Emonds,Anhang
conceptthatotherstoo had each his statioin a sortofhierarchy,
1963 editionof A. von Harnack,MilitiaChristi;it goes back to Plato, Phaedo61E; Apol.28D and
ForStoicusagecf.Appendix9 and 12. NotethatHerodianoftenrefers
probablyto thePythagoreans.
to an emperor,1 15,7; II 5, 4; III 13, 1; 14, 1; V 7, 5.
or unfitting
toconductfitting
(irprov)
79 I 16, 9; 1115; VII 7; 45 (quotingFlato). <Jt.A 25; AI V on 'deserters'.'Flace , Al ZU,.
V 1; VI 2; 30, 1; VIII 2.
VIII 1; X 31; XI 7 (cf.Epict.II 5, 11). Tasks (gpycc),
'Vocation'(rrfcots),
80 Cf.
cl. 10,Z; 1A
esp. I 16 and VI 30 torFius as his model;also VI 44 (torthe I5la KcrrccoKEVft
tojusticeand 'social activities;e.g. VI 7, relatein his
26); XI 18, 1 andfin.The numerousreferences
as ruler.
ofa kinddetermined
case toactivities
byhisfunction
81 Med. Ill 4, 3; V 31; Vili 3. Cf. Sen., Clem.I 8, 1; torAntigonus,Aelian, VH 1120; W. W.
Gonatas,1913, 256. Cf. Musonius fr.VIII; XXXI; XXXIII; Dio Chrys.Ill 75
Tarn, Antigonus
as 'onerosamservitutem'
(Suet., Tib.24, 2), but itwas
(probablyStoic). Tiberiusregardedimperium
fame;see othertextsin Branger,175ff.Cf.Appendix12.
obviously'noble'too,bringing

22
P. A. BRUNT
But whatweretheparticulardutiesthatStoicsattachedto thestationor role

oftheemperor?Accordingto Seneca he is to be 'vigilantforthesafetyofeach and
all'. He belongsto the state,notthe stateto him.82Seneca recommendsNero to
and
ofspeech,84
winhis subjects'consent,respecting
and freedom
publicopinion83
to observethe laws.85Underthe good rulerjustice,peace, morality('pudicitia'),
securityand thehierarchicalsocialorder('dignitas')willbe upheld,and economic
will be assured.86The greateststressis ofcourselaid, forreasonsnot
prosperity
hardto discern,on dementia.
But it is everywhere
implicitthattheemperorshould
be guided by traditionalstandards and objectivesaccepted by his subjects.
Marcusacceptedsimilarcriteria.
as a pupil of Pius, to emulatehis
Marcus adjures himselfto do everything
his respectforthe opinionsof
justice, beneficence,clemency,piety,frugality,
in makinghis own decisions,the
otherscombinedwith firmnessand foresight
and so forth.
his civilitas,
purityof his sexual life,his mildnessand cheerfulness,
orderofthe
Marcus himselfcontinuallyreflectson two themes,the providential
worldand the dutyincumbenton all men to performacts of fellowship(praxeis
a duty that springsfromman's place in that order.87This creed
koinomkai),
undoubtedlysuppliedhimwitha deepersenseofthevalueofthevirtuesthatPius
had exemplified,
devotionto work.'Rejoice and takethyrest
notleasthis untiring
in one thing,proceedingfromone social act to another,withGod in mind' (VI 7).
There was no noveltyin all this. For instance, Hadrian's procuratorshad
proclaimedthe 'indefatigablecare withwhichhe is unceasinglyvigilantforthe
ofmen'. FergusMillar has illustratedat lengththestandardofpersonal
interests
whichwas expectedofemperors,though(I suspect)notas oftenreached
industry
was
as his moreunwaryreadersmightsuppose.88Dio tellsus thatMarcus himself
who
of
a hard workerwho applied himselfdiligentlyto all the duties his office,
neversaid or wroteor did anythingas ifit wereofsmallaccount,but who would
on theslightest
spendwholedays,withouthurrying,
point,believingthatit would
bringreproachon all his actions,ifhe neglectedany detail.The assiduityalways
expected of an emperor was now grounded in Marcus' own philosophic
convictions.89
Recentlya scholarhas censuredMarcus forspeakingofthe obligationswe
have in the universalcityofgods and menwithouttellingus whattheyare.90But
forMarcus each man has hisownstationin thatcity:hiswas thatofRome's ruler.
He was not writinga treatiseto instructothers,but meditatingprivatelyon his
own duties, and he could have learned these, in conformity
with Epictetus'
the
name
which
he
of
bore; it told him
teaching,by merelyconsidering
emperor
82 C/m.13, 3; 19,8. Cf.n. 88.
83 See n. 3, cf. Bene . V
4, 3; Epict. Ill 7, 33.
84 Clem. I 1,
8; 10, 3; in Benef.VI 30-2 he complains that monarchs seldom permit such liberty.
Cf. n. 150.
85 I 1,4.
86 I 19,8.
8/ Cf. nn. 76, 79 and 80.
F1RA I2 no.
102; Millar, JRS LVU, 1967, 9 ff.,cf. Branger 169-217.
89 Dio LXXI
6, 2, cf. Brunt II 18.
90 E. R.
Stanton, HistoriaXVIII, 1969, 570 ff.

23
thathis taskwas to do whatwas expectedofan emperor.Numerousprinciplesof

are in factimplicitin hisaccountofPius,forinstancein hisallusionto
government
Pius' husbandryof financialresources.The same criticrightlyobservesthat
Marcus' policyand legislationwerelargelytraditional,and concludesthathe was
basicallya Romanratherthana Stoic.91Buttheantithesisis false.I supposethatit
that Stoic teachingon the kinshipof all men as such
restson a presupposition
made
to
have
genuinebelieverscriticaloftheexistingorderand ready,when
ought
had
the
it. But at leastafterZeno and Chrysippus(n. 37) no
they
power,to reform
Stoic thinkerdrew any such practical implicationsfromthe doctrines'of the
school: theiraim was to amend the spiritualconditionof individuals,not their
materiallot,northe social structure.Epictetusheld thatit was man's tasknotto
ofthings- 'forthisis neithervouchsafedus noris itbetter
changetheconstitution
that it should be' but to make his will conformwithwhat happens.92So too
Marcus,vestedwithautocraticpower,tellshimself'notto lookfora Utopia,butto
be contentif the least thinggoes forward,and even in this case to count its
outcomea smallmatter.'93
Marcus' portraitof Pius has special value fortwo reasons. First,as the
it showsus bothwhat Pius
and perfectsincerity,
productof intimatefamiliarity
was in the eyes ofone who had long workedwithhimcloselyand what Marcus
more authoritative
himselfsoughtto be.94It is thus infinitely
testimonyto the
otherrulerin
than
we
for
of
Marcus
the
ideals
and
to
of
Pius
any
possess
practice
thejudgementsofhistoriansor in thepropagandaofpanegyricsand coins.But,in
the second place, if we leave on one side a few merelypersonal traitsand
anecdotes,it presentsa model that correspondsto the conventionalviewof the
good emperorthat we can constructfromsuch evidence. The qualities that
Marcus imputesto Pius are preciselythoseforwhichotheremperorstake credit
and thejudgements
or whichare lauded bytheiradmirersor flatterers,
themselves
of later historianssuch as Tacitus and Dio reflectthe extentto which they
consideredthese claims justified.Augustus himselfprovidedthe prototype.95
There is thus no sign that Marcus recognizedany objectivesthat had not been
pursued by those among his predecessorswho had earned the approvalof the
upper classes, or that his doctrineseitherled him to questionthe established
the
principlesof imperialpolicy or offeredhim any guidance in determining
objectivecontentofhisactions.His philosophyinspiredhimto do whathe thought
to be right,butwhathe thoughtto be rightwas fixedbytradition.His convictions
made himgivethemostconscientiousattentionto eventrivialtasks,butthatvery
absorptioncan have lefthimtheless timeto re-examinethecontentofhis duties;
could be needed.
probablyitneveroccurredto himthatsuchre-examination
91 Cf. Wirszubski138: 'Thrasea acted primarily
as a courageousand uprightRoman senator
whohappenedto be a senatorat Rome',endorsedby
whoheldStoicviews,notas a Stoicphilosopher
both Marcus and Thrasea in performing
the duties
Syme 558. In my view Stoicismfortified
attachedto theirstations.
conventionally
92 112,17.
93 IX 29; contra
Farquharsonad loc. thetextshouldnotbe amended,noris it ironic:Marcus
itsvalue.
ofan actiondoes notdetermine
has in mindtheStoicdoctrinethattheeffect
94 BruntII, 1-6.
95 This cannotbe shownin detailhere.

24
P. A. BRUNT
The principlesand virtueshe admiredin Pius are almostthe same as, for
instance,Pliny had ascribed to Trajan, and Pliny admitsthat theyhad been
attributedto all earlier rulers,Domitian included,thoughwith less sincerity
and truth.96
To take one exampleof the traditionalcharacterof the ideal, Pius'
firmness
ofpurpose,his self-consistency,
recallsthe 'constantia'ofthe Stoic wise
man,97but it was Tiberiuswho had proclaimedto the senatehis wishto be 'farforthepublic
constantin dangers,fearlessofgivingoffence
sightedin youraffairs,
'. And in this same speech Tiberius re-assertedhis policyof treatingall
interest
Augustus'wordsand deeds as havingthe forceoflaw. That was knownevento a
provincialcontemporary;Strabo remarkedthat he had made Augustus the
standardforhis administration
and commands.98It was by that standardthat
a
each ofhis successorswasjudged,and to whichaftereveryaberrationoftyranny
new emperorsoughtor pretendedto return.99
In the systemAugustushad devised
had fromtimeto timeto be made,but it developedslowlyand almost
adjustments
froma sequenceof new expedientsratherthan fromany deliberate
imperceptibly
ofreform.
whose
Deliberateinnovation
was characteristic
pursuit
onlyofthoseemperors
after
policywasreversed
theyhad beenoverthrown.
Thereare certainfeatures
to
in Marcus'imperialidealwhichare highlyrelevant
theattitudes
and
thatRomansofrankmightbe expectedtoadopttowardstheemperor
hisservice.Piushad dislikedpompand adulationand treatedhisfriends
as onegentlemantreatsanother;Marcuswarnedhimself
This civilitas
notto be 'Caesarified'.
may
seemto be no morethana matterofetiquette,
but Panaetiushad alreadyelevated
forthefeelings
ofothersintoa moralobligation
(n. 35),and themoreindessensibility
absolute
the
of
real
the
tructibly
power
emperor
appeared,themoretheupperclassat
Romeprizedthesemblanceofhisbeingno morethanthefirst
citizen.Perhapsnothing
in Domitian's conductso enragedthemas hisclaimto be 'God and Master'and the
behaviourthatwentwiththisclaim.100
Moreover,civilitas
generallyaccompanied
and conducedto somethingofmorepoliticalsignificance,
theemperor'sreadiness
to toleratefreeexpressionsof opinion and to listento advice. Both Pius and
Marcus werenotableforrespectingsuch 'libertas'(eventhoughthereis no good
reasonto thinkthatMarcus did notreservethefinaldecisionto himself).101
Such
was
demanded
of
seen
as
an
and
it
could
be
respect
emperorsby senators,
condition
of
in
the
of
the
their
their
own
role
service
indispensable
performing
state.
In name at least the imperialsenate retainedthe highestresponsibilities.
96
Paneg. 3-4, 1; Trajan really is 'talis quales alii principes futurosse tantum pollicentur', 24, 1.
For Pius this sortofpanegyric was 'tarntritaet adsidua materia' (Fronto 163 N).
97
. . kocIt rrapccTpTTTCs
t
aaXeTCostrr\tgv^Tacmvcov KpiOvTcov
116, 1(t). |V6Tikv
kot* gav nrovenTynKOv
..
ts IttI tg&vtoiovtcov tivcovKcrraiTtaecos
KaTcp; 3: (t) CrrroiieveTtKOv
Kal BBcaov, cf. 7 fin.
98 Tac, Ann.IV 37 f.; Strabo VI 4, 2.
''*' See
e.g. Suet., Nero 10, 1: 'ex Augusti praescripto imperaturumse professus'.
100'Civilitas':
1966, 67 n.
e.g. I 16, 8; 17, 3; VI 30, 1 ; on the textsee A. R. Birley,MarcusAuretius,
4 against P. Maas, JRS XXXV, 1945, 145. See Pliny, Paneg.2, 3; 22, 1; 23, 1; 24, 2 (cf. M. Durry ad
loc.) etc. Note Seneca on Gaius offeringhis foot to an aged consular to kiss: 'non hoc est rem
publicam calcare?' (Benef.II 12), cf. Epict. IV 1, 17.
1U1BruntII13f.cf.n. 150.

STOICISM AND THE PRINGIPATE
25
and itcould evenbe said of

Augustushad pretendedto restoretheold Republic,102
him and of Tiberius that they had revivedthe maiestasof the senate.103On
Republicanprinciples,as statedby Cicero,thatshouldhavemeantthatthesenate
as itsservants;104
was once again therulingorganofthestatewiththemagistrates
could no doubtbe regardedas thefirst.In theoryhe was to be
ofthesetheprinceps
the public choice (cvocatuselectusque a re publica'), and Tiberius expressly
acknowledgedthat it was the senate which had entrustedhim with his wide
but
powers; like Augustus,he would not allow himselfto be styleddominus,
et
et
faventes
as
his
'bons
In
the
senators
dminos'.105
addressed
aequos
actually
outwardappearancethemajestyofthesenatehad been enhancedbynewjudicial,
electoraland legislativeprerogatives,and the privilegesof its memberswere
to desire
sedulouslypreservedorextended.At hisaccessionTiberiushad professed
be
more
should
ofgovernment
thatthe functions
widely
dischargedby Augustus
shared; later he censured the senate for casting the whole burden on the
and at least pretendedthat senatorsshould
he dislikedflattery,107
emperor;106
thereremainedwhatTacitus
under
in
his
as
their
minds;
Augustus,108
reign,
speak
Tiberiusbegan by consultingit on all
calls vestigesoffreespeechin thesenate.109
itwas stillexpectedto be thegreatcouncilofstate.In
howeverweighty;110
matters,
ad. 16 Gnaeus Piso, renovyned
forhis freespeaking,urgedthatitwouldbe proper
and
the
senate
for
('decorum')
Equites to show that they could assume the
in theabsenceoftheemperor.111
burdensofgovernment
The reignsofterrorin Tiberius'lateryearsand underseveralofhissuccessors
in the firstcenturycowed mostmembers,but the emperorscontinued,hqwever
to treattheirconstitutional
rightsas unchanged.Claudius could tell
insincerely,
the senatethatit was 'minimedecorummaiestatihuiusordinis'thatitsmembers
shouldnot all givetheirconsideredopinions.112
Plinytellshow Trajan exhorted
themto resumetheirlibertyand 'capessere quasi communisimperiicuras'; we
been
by Plinyas ithad tactfully
maybe surethat'quasi' was insertedas discreetly
omittedby Trajan. This was notnew,as he remarks;everyemperorhad said the
same,thoughnonehad beenbelievedbefore.113
Thus in theorythe senateremainedthe greatcouncilof state,and just as a
thetraditional
conscientious
emperorcouldconceivethathe was boundto perform
dutiesof his stationas ruler,so conscientioussenatorscould take seriouslythe
102I am not
persuaded by F. Millar, JRS LXIII, 1973, 50 ff.Veil. II 89 ('prisca illa et antiqua rei
forma
revocata')
publicae
surelygives the officialview.
103Veil. II 89, 3; 126, 2.
104Sest. 137.
105Tac, Ann.I 7, 7 (cf. n. 146); Suet.,
Aug. 53, 1; Tib. 27; Dio LVII 8, 2.
106Tac, Ann.Ill (et. Dio LV11 2); 1113i).
107
E.g. II 87; III 65, 3; IV 6.
108Suet.. i4iir.
54.
109Tac, Ann.I 79, 5. Cf. Ill 60, 1 :
'imaginem antiquitatis senatui praebebat'.
110IV 6, 2; Suet., Tib. 30-2.
111Ann.II 35; his 'libertas', I 74; II 43; Dio LVII 15, 9; cf. Sen. Ira I 18, 13 on his 'rigor' which
he took to be 'constantia'; forthe distinctioncf. Epict. II 15.
112FIR A I2 no. 43, cf. Caracalla (!)
ap. Dio LXXVII 20. Tacitus makes Otho call the senate
'caput imperii' {Hist. I 84).
113
Paneg.66.

26
P. A. BRUNT
fulfilment
of the responsibilitiesthat the emperorsthemselvescontinuedto
as
belongingto theirorder.UnderNeroThrasea Paetus
recognise constitutionally
Attheoutsetof
saw itas his dutycageresenatorem',to playtheroleofa senator.114
his reignin 54 Nero declaredthatthesenateshouldretainitsancientfunctions,115
and untiltheconspiracyofPiso in 65 mostsenatorswerefreefromtheterrorthat
had hardlyabated in the previousgeneration;Nero's victimsin these years
consistedalmostwhollyof the fewwho stood too near the throne.Thrasea had
ofSeneca whichlastedtill62, that
somegroundforhope,notleastin theinfluence
therewas nowa place forsenatorialfreedom.
His firstrecordedinitiativeconsistedin unsuccessfuloppositionto a motion
Syracuseto exceed the appointednumberof gladiatorsfora show;
permitting
His criticsurgedthatan advocateof
Thrasea was standingforthe oldorder.116
senatoriallibertyshoulddevotehimselfratherto greatquestionsofstate;Thrasea
replied that by attentionto the smallest mattersthe senate would show its
To a Stoic virtuewas manifestin every
competenceto deal withthe greatest.117
Marcus'
attentionto detailand insistencethatit
and
we
recall
alike,
may
activity
was ofvalueiftheleastthingwentforward(n. 93).
Thrasea also showedhis care forgood government
by assistingtheCilicians
to obtain the convictionof an oppressivegovernorin 57;118yet in 62 he was to
inveighagainst the 'novamprovincialiumsuperbiam',manifestedin the power
some subjects possessed,to secure or preventvotes of thanksto governorsin
provincialcouncils; it was shamefulthat 'nunc colimusexternoset adulamur'.
with
This solicitudeforthe superiordignityofsenatorswas no moreinconsistent
of theirstatus,
the Stoic beliefin the commonhumanityof all men,irrespective
thantheirfailureto challengetheinstitution
ofslavery,or indeedto promotestrict
equalitybeforethe law among freemen. They neverexpresseddisapprovalof
and place', whichweresuchmarkedfeaturesoftheRoman social
'degree,priority
structureand which they could not have regardedas incompatiblewith the
to
orderofthe Universe.Not thatThrasea was showingindifference
providential
et opibus
thetrueinterests
oftheprovincials.It was the'praevalidiprovincialium
nimiisad iniuriasminorumelati' whomhe soughtto check.Tacitus makeshim
need notbe
averhis care forgood government
on thisveryoccasion; his sincerity
to
doubted,and in all probabilityhis motion,whichwas approvedafterreference
Nero, was beneficial.Once*again it only extendedthe principleof a senatus
consultum
ofAugustus'time.*19
Alreadyin 59 Thrasea had walkedout ofthesenateratherthanassentto the
114Ann.XVI 28, 2: forthe
metaphorcf.p. 13 and Appendix5-9and 12.
11> Ibid. X1I14, ct.n. 99.
116Ibid. 49. (For restrictions
imposed at Rome and perhaps elsewhereby Augustusand
Tiberiussee Dio LIV 2; Suet.,Tib.34.)
117Cf. Sen., Benef.
II 18,2; Dio Chrys.XXXVIII 3; Matthew25,21; M. Aur.II 16; also F. lebt.
151; 703.
118Ann.XIII 33; XVI 21, cf.
Pliny,ep.VI 29, 1.
119Ibid. XV 20-2. Cf. Dio LVI 25, 6; Brunt,HistoriaX, 1961, 216.
Chrysippus'defenceof
privateproperty(Cic. Fin. Ill 67) is equally valid as an apologia forsocial distinctions.'Stoic
cosmopolitanism'(Wirszubski140) had no practicalimplications.Epictetus(II 23, 24 f.) ratesthe
use ofa slaveabove thatofa domesticanimalbutbelowthatofa citizen,and thatofa citizenbelow
thatofa magistrate.

27
He also showedless
it proffered
to Neroon Agrippina's murder.120
congratulations
His enemiessuggestedthatit
enthusiasmthan Nero desiredforthe ludiluvenales.
in thegarbofa tragicactorin his
thathe had himselfperformed
was inconsistent
hometownofPadua. But theludicelastiwhichhe had so honouredwereofancient
ascribedto Antenor,and it is verypossiblethatThrasea had done no
institution,
were
morethantraditionrequired.121
By contrast,Nero's histrionic
performances
a hatednovelty.OrdinaryRomanscame to detestNero no less forhis breachesof
conventionthan forhis crimes;'I began to hate you' Subrius Flavus told him:
ofyourmotherand wife,as charioteer,
actor
'once you appeared as themurderer
It was typicalof a Stoic to disapproveof departuresfromthe
and incendiary'.122
Yet Thrasea stilldid not despair; what Seneca could excuse,he might
old mores.
overlook.In 62 he advocateda mildpenaltyforthe praetor,Antistius,accused of
treasonbecause he had publishedpoems libellousof the emperor;the senate
should not imposesentenceof death 'egregiosub principe',when it was freeto
of Nero was
make its own decisionand could opt forclemency.Even flattery
justifiedin a good cause, and in fact Seneca's old pupil was not yet ready to
disregardthemaximsofhismaster.123
Long assiduousin attendingthesenate,Thrasea at lastwithdrewin 63 or 64,
privatedutiesto his clientsin thecourts,in themanner
thoughhe stillperformed
There is no vestigeofevidencethathe conspired,but his
Seneca recommended.124
retirement
corrupt,sincehis
impliedthatin his viewtheregimewas irretrievably
be
set
downto 'ipsius
that
it
could
not
previousdevotionto publicaffairsshowed
his
that
inertiaedulcedo'.125It may seem strange
youngerfriends,Arulenus
not
retirewithhim; but each
did
Rusticus,tribunein 66, and HelvidiusPriscus,
Stoichad to makehisowndecision,trueto hisownpersona.
Thrasea's conduct marked Nero as a tyrant;it could be construed,and
genuinelyfelt,as a threat.Tyrannicidewas esteemedin antiquityas nota crime
but a nobledeed. In an extremecase, accordingto Seneca, it was an act ofmercy
The poet,Lucan, whowas tingedwithStoicism,had been
to thetyranthimself.126
and thatwas the occasion forthe banishmentof
implicatedin Piso's conspiracy,
In general,
Musonius,thoughtherewas apparentlyno evidenceof his guilt.127
the
to
turned
thatStoics
thereis no groundforthinking
plottingagainst emperors
120Ann.XIV 12.
121Ibid. XVI 22. Cf. E. Koestermann, ArchivioVeneto,
LXXVII, 1965, 5-11.
122Ann. XV 67. (K. Wellesley, C/?,XII, 1962, 119 emends 'oderam te' to 'amaveram te', but
vnec' = 'sed non' (Gerber, Lex. Tac. 922 f.), and 'oderam' is needed as the direct answer to the
question and is then taken up by 4odisse' in rhetoricalemphasis.) Cf. XV 68; XVI 5; Dio LXIII 22.
123Ann.XIV 48. Stoics
permittedlying fora good purpose, SVF II 132; 197; III 554; Epict. IV
6,33. But Epictetus would hardly have approved ofThrasea 's flattery,cf. Ill 24, 44-50.
124XVI 22, 1 cf. Sen., T
rang.3 f. Note Tiberius resentmentin a similar case, Ann.II 34.
125
Agr.y
126
Bene}.VII 20, 3 (I doubt ifSeneca meant his readers to thinkof Nero), cf. II 19, 2: Here.For.
923; Cic, Offic.Ill 32. Cf. above all Trajan's reputed direction to his praetorian prefect,Dio LXVIII
kcct*uov XP*W And
nov, &v 8 kcckcos,
16, l2 Aap toOto to <<pos,iva, v uv koAcosapxco, Crrrp
note Marcus' approval of Brutus, I 14.
127Ann. XV 71, 4. Tacitus carefullydistinguishes between geniune conspirators and victimsoi
Nero's mere suspicion or dislike; but after Nero's death men were more likely to have fabricated
complicitythan innocence.

28
P. A. BRUNT
of whom they most profoundlydisapproved.Epictetusmerelyinsiststhat no

truefreedom;a man can alwayschooseto obey
commandsofthetyrantcan affect
Thrasea
God ratherthanCaesar. Thus he onlycontemplatespassiveresistance.128
and perishedon thatgroundalone. UnderDomitiantooArulenus
wentno further,
death merelyforhis
Rusticus,called an ape ofthe Stoics,is said to have suffered
laudationofThrasea, HerenniusSenecio forhis biographyoftheelderHelvidius
and forfailingto pursuethenormalsenatorialcareer,and Helvidius'own son for
his withdrawalfrompoliticsand foralleged libelson the emperor;by whatthey
did not do, and sometimesby what they said, these men had indicatedthat
offence.129
no more,butthatwas sufficient
Domitianwas a tyrant,
The elder Helvidius, Thrasea's son-in-law,undoubtedlywent further.130
Exiledby Nero and recalledby Galba, he was encouragedbyVitellius'practiceof
consultingthe senate even on minor matters to controvertthe emperor's
and new hope was broughtby theaccessionofVespasian,a friendof
proposals,131
Thrasea. At firstHelvidius spoke of him with honour but withoutinsincere
He judged thatthetimehad comeforindependentaction.The senate
adulation.132
should indeed 'capessererem publicam',all the more,as Gnaeus Piso had once
held (n. Ill) because theemperorwas absent.Helvidiusproposedthatthesenate
ofthetreasuryand to
shouldtake immediatemeasuresto remedythedeficiencies
restorethe Capitol,a .taskin whichVespasian mightmerelybe asked to assist.133
By selectingdeputiesto congratulatethenewrulerit shouldmarkout themenon
whom Vespasian should relyforadvice.134Equally the greatdelatorsof Nero's
reign,such as Thrasea's accuser,Eprius Marcellus,shouldbe punished.Perhaps
themotivesforthisdemandmade by Helvidius'friendsas wellas by himselfwere
thatwent
Butwe maysee a justification
we cannotread theirminds.135
vindictive;
and Acts
beyondrancour,one ofthesame kindthatlay behindtheimpeachments
ofa constitutional
ofAttainderthatservedto promotethedevelopment
monarchy
in our own country;the punishmentofwickedministersofthe past mightdeter
theirlikein thefuture.Helvidius'aim was surelyto ensurethatVespasianand his
successorsshould rule by the advice and consentof the senate and of those it
foundinsufficient
trusted.His initiatives
support.136
It was in the same year afterVespasian's returnthat the fatal conflict
128
E.g. I 29 passim; III 24, 103-7; IV 1, 86-90; 7 passim. Socrates' refusal to obey the Thirty
Tyrants' is exemplary: e.g. IV 1,160. Cf. n.ll. Stoics perhaps recommended suicide rather than
resistance to Rubellius Plautus, see Ann.XIV 59.
129PIR2 1 730; H 128 and 60. R. S.
Rogers, Cl. Ph. LV, 1960, 19 ff.is perverse.
130PIR2H 59.
131Tac, Hist. IV 6; II 91 ; Dio LXV 7.

132Hist. IV 3, 3; 4, 3 (cf. Ann.XIV 12, 1 ; Dio LXII 15 on Thrasea); 7, 2.
133IV 9.
134IV 6, 3-8. Cf.
Pliny, Paneg. 62. Here Helvidius admittedly proposed a departure fromusual
practice.
135Hist. II 10; IV 6; 40-4.
Eprius: PIR2 E 84.
136Note
Eprius gibe in IV 43, 2, 'senatum tuum ; 45, 1 indicates that the senate was
disappointed at the failureof Helvidius etc., even though it feared to support him. Nerva did take his
advisers from'the firstmen' (Dio LXVII 2, 3), and Trajan allegedly chose as his friendsthose most
odious to Domitian (Pliny, Paneg.45, 2, cf. n. 134).

29
began.137Accordingto Dio Helvidius incurredVespasian's hatred partlyfor

abusing his friends- that is easy to understand,forEprius was again in high
favour- and stillmoreforturbulencein rousingthepeople withdenunciationsof
That is notto be believed.Long
monarchyand praiseofa Republicansystem.138
to
the
had
consented
serve
Helvidius
Principate;he had recentlyapprovedof
ago
was as alien to Stoic practiceas it was
and
accession,
rabble-rousing
Vespasian's
an ambiguous
futile.ProbablyDio confusedHelvidius' attachmentto libertas,
But the breach was serious: it led firstto
word,with Republican allegiance.139
Helvidius'arrestand thento his banishmentand execution,ofwhichVespasian
himselfis said to haverepented.He mustin theemperor'sviewhavebeenguiltyof
treason.Butin whatway?
Dio, in makingout thatHelvidiusappealed to therabble,probablyassociates
his oppositionwiththe expulsionof Stoic and Cynicphilosophersthatoccurred
about the same time (n. 10). It is highlyprobablythat some Cynicsunderthe
Principatedid assail monarchyand the whole social order. This view indeed
hardlyfitsthe notionthattherewas a 'Cynic-Stoic'theoryofkingship,but that
notionshouldsurelybe discarded.Justas the Cynic 'citizenofthe world'was a
man who rejectedthetiesofcitizenshipin anyparticularstate,so theCynic'king'
freedomthatwas falselyascribedto
was one who trulypossessedthe unfettered
In any case Cynicsand
autocrats;both conceptionsweremoral,not political.140
Stoics ought not to be confused,though some Stoics, notably Epictetus,
to worldlygoods; but noteven
admiredthetrueCynic'sindifference
undoubtedly
Epictetusheldthatitwas right,exceptfora fewpersonswitha specialvocation,to
But just because therewas a
neglectordinarysocial and politicalobligations.141
certainmeasureofagreementbetweenStoicsand Cynics,and because therewere
a fewStoicswhocould be called 'paene Cynici'(n. 37), itwas easy fortheenemies
of theirattitudes.
of aristocraticStoics to resortto maliciousmisrepresentation
Thus the accusersofThrasea had suggestedthathis attachmentto libertywas a
merepretencethat concealed anarchicdesignsinimicalto the Roman peace.142
Tacitus' detailedaccountof his actionsdisposesofthiscalumny.Unfortunately,
Tacitus' evidenceofHelvidius'quarrelwithVespasianis lacking,and Dio, usually
somewhatsimilar
to philosophers,probablyadopted uncritically
unsympathetic
It is notin theleastlikelythata man ofmatureage who
allegationsagainsthim.143
137I inferthe date fromSuet., Vesp.15 on the edictsHelvidiusissued as praetorin 70 which
ignoredVespasian; his attitudeto theemperorhad becomecoldersinceDec. 69 (n. 132). Syme212
putsHelvidius'deathas lateas 74 on thebasisofan argumentfromTac, Dial. 2, 1,butcf.n. 145.
138Dio LXVI 12,2; Suet., Vesp.15. Accordingto Dio he praiseddemocracy, forDio thismeans
theRepublic,see e.g. L 1, 1; LII 9, 5; 14,4; 15,5; LIII 5, 4; 13,5; 17, 11; LVI 43,4.
139Wirszubski124-9and on Helvidius148f.
140 Kaerst, St. zur
derMonarchieimAltertum,
u. theoretischen
1898, 27-33; J.
Begrndung
Entwicklung
J.
andRomeXIII 1944,43 ff.(withwhichin generalI agree); M. P. Charlesworth,

M. C. Toynbee,Greece
CAHXl 9 f.This is nota place to discussrivalviews,e.g. R. Hoistad,Cynic
Hero,1948.
KingandCynic
141III 22 passim.Note thatEpictetuscertainlyaccepted,thoughhe did notstress,theorthodox
Stoicview,whichhad no place in Cynicteaching,thatitwas rightto procure'thethingsofvalue' (n.
II 42-4.
15),cf.Bonhoffer,
142nn.XVI 22, 3 f.;28, 3.
143
LXXII 34-6.In LXVI
SymeII 550 f.Dio's admirationforMarcus was, however,profound,
13 he evidently
adoptsMucianus' chargesagainstStoicsas wellas Cynics,whomMucianusdid not
distinguish.

30
P. A. BRUNT
had soughtto upholdtheauthority

been readyto
ofthesenateand had previously
serveemperorsnow threwoverall his past convictionsand engagedin attackson
thewholeestablishedorder.144
Epictetus(n. 152) and Tacitus (n. 22) depicthimas
true to the last to his own role as a senator.We must then look foranother
explanation.
Dio's epitomatorcollocates Helvidius' quarrel with Vespasian with an
incidentin whichVespasian leftthe senate in tears,sayingthat eitherhis sons
would succeed him or no one would. It is an old conjecture,which I would
to pass on his
endorse,thatHelvidiusobjectedto Vespasian's manifestintention
Once Titushad actuallybeen investedwithimperialpoweras
powerto hissons.145
his father'scolleague in 71, Helvidius' protestscould plausibly have been
construedas treason.Ifthisexplanationbe true,we can see thattherewas righton
thechoiceofa princeps
bothsides. Constitutionally
lay withthesenate,and a man
was to be chosenin thepublicinterestas thepersonbestfittedforthetask.There
In practice
was no reasonto thinkthatTitusor Domitianfulfilled
thiscriterion.146
Rome
a seriesof
the successionhad been dynasticfromthefirst,and it had given
The
crimes
rulers,everyone ofwhomin senatorialopinionhad proveda tyrant.
and folliesofNero had resultedin civilwar thatimperilledtheveryfabricofthe
empire.Galba (havingno heir in his family)had allegedlyproclaimeda very
different
principle:the adoptionofthe best man to be markedout by consent.147
Yet fromthe firstFlaviansupportershad seen in thefactthatVespasianhad two
mightcountforlittlein
Dynasticsentiment
grownsons a guaranteeofstability.148
Not
theprovinces.149
armies
and
to
the
the senate,but it made a powerfulappeal
Marcus
factor.
this
to
afford
one of Vespasian's successorscould
disregard
AureliusadmiredHelvidiusas well as Thrasea; fromthemhe had learned,he
bytheprinciplesof
says,theconceptionofa statewithone law forall, adminstered
valued
mosthighly
of
that
all
and
a
and
free
for
alike,
monarchy
equality
speech
We need
his
successor.
son
a
worthless
he
made
thelibertyofthesubjects;150
too
yet
thatitwouldbe
notthinkthatthismust
be explainedbyAristotle'sdryobservation
144Contra
Toynbeeop. cit. (n. 140).
145M. Rostovtseff,
586 n. 16. See Xiphilinus207,26 ff.The
Soc.andEcon.Hist,ofRomanEmpire2
disputeprobablyreachedits climaxin 71 whenthe successionwas settled,as Titus acquiredthe
tribunicianpowerand began to share in Vespasian's imperatorialsalutations.There may be an
oblique forwardallusion in Eprius' speech in Hist. IV 8, 3, where'Vespasianum. . . iuvenum
inthecontext.
liberorum
patrem'is irrelevant
146Cf.Suet.,Titus6-7,1. Forthe
pretencethatevensuccessorschosenfordynasticreasonswere
chosenin thepublicinterest
cf.Suet.,Aug.56,2; Tib.21, 3; Tac, Ann.Ill 56; XII 25; Plin.,Paneg.96,
5.
147Hist.I 16. The choicewas in factmade in a coterie,and Tacitus is no doubtironic,cf.H.
Nesselhauf,Hermes
LXXXIII, 1955,477ff.The descriptionofPiso in Hist.I 14, 2 suggeststhathe
was himselfa Stoic; note that a collaboratorof Helvidius, Curtius Montanus, proposed the
restoration
ofhismemory,
IV 40. Cf.Pliny,Paneg.7, 5: 'imperaturus
omnibuseligidebetex (not'ab')
omnibus';9, 1; 10, 1; yetPlinytooassumesthatifTraan has a son,he willsucceed,96.
148E.g.//.II77;Jos.,7IV596.
149R. M. Geer,TAPALXVII, 1936,47
tracedthesurvivalofthedynasticprinciplein
succinctly
the second century;Severus'strangeclaim to be adoptiveheir of the Antoninesmost forcefully
illustratesits utility.Seneca, Benef.IV 30 f. offersa sortofapologyforit; thus,it was a matteron
whichStoicscoulddiffer.
150Med.1 14.

31
an act above human virtueforan absolute king to disinherithis own son:151

dynasticsuccessionwas part ofthe traditionthatMarcus could thinkit rightto
accept.
Epictetusillustrateshis thesisthateveryman has his own individualroleto
betweenHelvidiusand Vespasian. 'When
play by dramatizinga confrontation
him
to
attend
the
Helvidiusreplied,"It lies withyouto
forbade
senate,
Vespasian
exclude me fromthe senate,but while I am a senator,I mustattend". "Then
attend,but say nothing.""Do "notask myopinionand I willsay nothing."""But I
am boundto ask youropinion. "And I am boundto saywhatI thinkright. "But
if you speak, I shall put you to death." "When then did I tell you that I was
i*You will do yourpartand I mine.It is yourpartto put me to death,
immortal
mineto die withouttrembling,
yourpart to banish me, mineto departwithout
did
Helvidius
What
do, asks Epictetus,as he stoodalone? 'What
good
repining."'
do
the
mantle?
Whatbut this?It shinesout(SionrpTrei)
s
red
does
the
stripe
good
red, and is thereas a fine (kocv) exampleto the rest.Anyonebut Helvidius
would simplyhave thankedVespasian for excusinghis attendance,but then
Vespasian would not have had to issue any prohibition;any one else would have
sat in thesenate,inanimateas a jug, or have heaped on theemperortheflatteries
he wishedto hear.'152
Helvidiushad assumeda role,consciousofwhathispersonality
required,had
to
it
the
And his
resolved
to
last.
to
and
was
himself
it,
play
play
prepared
to
which
determined
constitutional
role
was
of
that
by
principles,
conception
To a
indeedmostmennow renderedonlylip service.His standwas unsuccessful.
Stoic thatwas of no consequence.Similarlyit was no valid criticismofThrasea
that in disapprovingof Agrippina's murder he imperilledhimselfwithout
Not all menhavethesame duties,and in any
thefreedomoftherest.153
promoting
case you could not prescribeanother'sconduct,154nor could it affectyourown
blessedness.
CONCLUSIONS
forany
are correct,Stoicsas such had no theoreticalpreference
Ifmycontentions
monarchicalor Republican.They acknowledged
particularformof government,
the value ofthe state,and theyacceptedthatan individualwhosepositionin the
himto renderthestatesomeservicehad
worldand naturalendowments
permitted
but
in
a duty to take part
only under certain conditions.His
public life,
must
be such as to impairhis spiritual
not
with
politicalactivity
preoccupation
151Pol. 1286b25.
152I 2, 19-24, cf. 18; II 5, 28 f.; Ill 1, 23; IV 1, 40 and 139 f.for Sicnrperrei
cf.Marcus 15
and n. 28; veryPanaetian.
153Ann.XIV 12, 1: I thinkthatTacitus decriestheservility
ofthesenateratherthanThrasea's
XIV 49, 1: 'libertasThraseaeservitium
courage.On anotheroccasionThrasea was moresuccessful,
aliorumrupit'.Agr.42, 4, ifappliedto theStoicopposition,is hardto reconcilewithTacitus' other
on itsindividualmembers;he had, itwouldseem,no single,coherentview.
judgements
154Dio LXI makesThrasea say thattheservility
ofothersenatorswouldhavebeenpardonable,
ifitcouldhaveassuredtheirsafety.Cf.nn.40; 42.

32
P. A. BRUNT
welfare,and eventhoughthevalueofeveryactionderivedwhollyfromtheagent's
stateof mindand not at all fromthe externalconsequencesofthe action,it was
senselessfora man to involvehimselfin public cares, ifit werecertainfromthe
startthathe could achievenothingso longas he actedas a goodman should.Thus
Stoic teachingmay have tendedto induce manyof its devoteesneverto emerge
froma quiet courseofphilosophicstudyand privateduties:it certainlyled others
under
to retirefrompubliclife,or to manifesttheiroppositionto thegovernment,
rulerswhoseconductviolatedmoralrules.These ruleswere,forthe Stoics,those
whichwereendorsedby theirsociety.It did not occurto themthatthe political
principlesthat rulerswere commonlyexpected to observemightneed to be
reviewed.Each man had a roleto perform,
a stationto fill,thedutiesofwhichwere
fixedby generalconsent.The goodemperor,and thegood senator,wereboundto
It was this way of thinkingthat united
carryout these duties conscientiously.
Stoicsin powerand Stoicsin opposition.Hence, as thegood ruler,Marcus could
easilyrecognizethe meritsofgood subjectssuch as Thrasea and Helvidius,who
had donetheirbestto playtheirown,different,
partsin publicaffairs.
Ifin politicssuccessis thestandardofjudgment,therewas littleto commend
whoadmiredabove
in menwhodid notidentify
outwarddefeatwithsheerfutility,
all the 'iustum et tenacem propositivirum'and would have thoughtit praise
enoughto say that
si fractusillabaturorbis
ruinae,
impavidumferient
withouteven admittingthattheremightbe somethingunwelcomein the ruinof
thathistoryoccasionallyrevealsmen
theworld.Moralistsmayfindsomecomfort
in highplaces readyto do or endureanythingforwhattheysupposeto be right.
The historiancan notethatwhatthe Stoicssupposedto be right,whattheycould
devoteor sacrificetheirlivesto doing,was largelysettledby the
conscientiously
ideas and practicescurrentin theirsociety,and thata Helvidiusor a Marcus was
the establishedorder,but to fulfil
inspiredby his beliefsnot to revalueor reform
his place withinthatorder,in conformity
notions
thatmenoftheirtimeand
with
class usually accepted,at least in name, but withunusual resolution,zeal and
fortitude.
P. A. Brunt
APPENDIX
1. This Appendix is intended to give evidence that could not convenientlybe included in the notes
forthe survival of Panaetius' ideas of the irpacoirovand of t irprrov,and forlate Stoic conceptions
ofmen's stations in the world and ofthe special duties appertaining to them.
2. In the Latin-speaking world Cicero's books de officiis,
'volumina ediscenda, non modo in manibus
cotidie habenda' (Pliny, NH pr. 22), were still famous in Gellius' day (NA XIII 28 (27)), known to
Lactantius (Div. Inst. VI 5, 4) and adapted by Ambrose {De offic.ministr.,
passim). Gellius (loc. cit.)
translates a passage direct fromPanaetius' 2nd book On theKathekonta
which was being read in his
circle. It is plainly unlikelythat this work had been forgottenby cultivated Greeks ofhis time, though
there is no express evidence of its survival; citations of his opinion by imperial Greek writersmay be
at second hand. However, Athenaeus 186 A attests that he still had followersc .D. 200. Cf. also 11.
Scholars are rightlyagreed that late Stoic writerstended to revertto dogmas of the old Stoa, where

33
Panaetiusand his successorsofthemiddleStoa had advanced'heretical'opinions;in particularthey

butvirtuecontributed
to eOSainoviabutitdoes notfollowthatnoneof
rejectedtheviewthatanything
Panaetius' ideas had any continuinginfluence.The contraryis demonstrablefor Seneca, and
plausibleforEpictetus.In any event,some of the latter'sopinionsare closelysimilarto thoseof
Panaetius.
3. Accordingto Epictetusthe particulardutiesof each individualare determinedby his social
naturaland acquired;fortheword,oâeis,see II 14,8; and 27; III 2, 4; 3;8; 11,6; 22,
relationships,
69; 24, 79; IV 4, 16; 6, 26; 8, 20; 10, 13 and 15; 12, 16 f.; Ench.30 (cf.Hieroclesap. Stob.IV 672, 20
as males,as sons,as
Hense; Marcus I 12; VI 38; VIII 27; XI 18, 1). Good men'preservet irprrov
and so on in accordancewiththeremaining
(IV 6, 26). Special
fathers,
appellationsofrelationships'
fathersand sons,husbandsand wives,brothers(I 12,
dutiesare attachedto malesas such (ibid.),\to
22; 29, 39; II 10, 7-10; 14, 8; 17, 31; 22, 20; 23, 38 f.; Ill 2, 4; 3, 6; 11,5; 18,5; 21, 5; IV 6, 26; Ench.
and councillors(1 29,
30), toold and young(II 10, 10),to rulersand subjects(II 14,8), to magistrates
44; II 10, 10; 23, 39; III 24, 99; Ench.17), to citizens(I 29, 39; II 14,8; 17,31; 23, 38 f.;Ill 2, 4; 21, 5;
24, 99; Ench.17; 30), to generalsand soldiers(III 24, 99; Ench.30), to neighboursand fellowtravellers(III 21, 6; Ench.30), to strangers(II 17, 31), to friends(II 22 passim),to the masterofthe
household(III 24, 99, cf.Musoniusfr.XII), theteacher(ibid.) and evento thecripple(Ench.17,cf.
9) and the beggar(I 29,44). Most men have dutiesto fatherland,
parents,friendsand thegods (II
22, 18; III 7, 26; 21, 5; 24,44-7and 78; IV 1, 159); butcf. 7 on Cynics.See also Musoniusfr.VII (p.
on hisconducttowardsgods,
31,5 Hense) and on dutieswithinthefamilyXIII-XVI. Marcusreflects
household(V 31).
teachers,tutors,friends,
relatives,
wife,children,
parents,brothers,
4. The conceptionofobligationsarisingfromspecificsocialrelationships
goesbackto theold Stoa.
relations,a
Cleanthes,forinstance(Sen., ep.94, 4), had prescribedrules ('praecepta') fordifferent
citizens,
practicechallengedby Aristn.We hear of the dutiesof fathers,husbands,sons,friends,
ofthekind'sic
and thelike (ibid. 1; 5; 8; 15, cf,ep.95, 37 and 45), evenofinjunctions
slave-owners
notalien
was certainly
ambulabis,iliomanumporriges'(94, 5; 8 etc.,cf.n. 46). This sortofcasuistry
to Panaetius. Cicero refersto the special obligationsdue to or fromparents,children,spouses,
I 23; 32; 53 f), old and young(122 f.;149),friends(55 f.),neighbours(59),
brothersand kin (Offic.
(124 f.; 144; 149), slaves (41, cf. II 24).
magistratesand generals,privatecitizensand foreigners
and may be an importantsourcefor
Panaetius'follower,
Hecaton,treatedthisthemeextensively,
Ill 63.
cf.Prchac'sBude editionXXXI f.and Cic, Offic.
whereitis pervasive,
Seneca's De Beneficiis,
Hieroclestreatedsuccessivelydutiesto the gods, fatherland,
spouses,parents,brothersand kin
(Stob. ed. Wachsmuthand Hense I 63 f.; II 181 f.; Ill 730 ff.;IV 502 f.; 603; 640 if.;660 ff.;671 ff.),
besidesincidentally
others,e.g. to slaves(661,2); in thelastpassagehe advancesa theory
mentioning
thata man has dutiesarisingfromconcentric
beginningwithhimselfand endingwith
relationships,
I 53 and 58 on the 'gradusplures
all mankind.Cf. Plut.,Mor.fr.65. This has an analogyin Offic.
societatishominum',fromwhich originate'gradus officiorum'(100, not fromPanaetius but
to
in theresultantobligations(I 59) can be resolvedbyreference
withhis ideas); conflicts
congruent
cf.also III 19; 90; 93 (Stoic,thoughnotfrom
ofsocialrelationships,
froma hierarchy
theirderivation
In actual lifetheywere
Panaetius);Sen., Ira I 12, 5; Benef.II 18; III 18 etc. alludesto such<rtfat\%.
relevantto the practiceofthe lawsuits,see Quint. V 10, 23-31; Dig. XLVIII 19, 16, 3 and 19, 28.8
(observeuse of'persona').
5. Epictetussays thatin makingpracticaland rationaldecisionswe mustnot onlyevaluate'the
externalthings'but act each in accordancewithour individualirpacotrov
(1 2, 7). This termdoes
as in Panaetius(p. 13 ff.).Seneca uses 'persona'at times
notnecessarilyhavethesame connotations
withothers(Benef.II 16-17,1; III 18, 1; 28, 1;
simplyto referto a man'srolein a specificrelationship
cf.
Hierocles
1
and
mariti',
35,
ap. Stob. IV 640, 6; 692, 20 Hense).
94,
81,
16;
e.g.
'persona
ep.
naturathe physicaland
(II 10), Panaetius'understandsby a man's propria
Accordingto Bonhoffer
menare moreor
different
a
that
as
which
involved
of
the
man,
consequence
individuality
spiritual
ofEpictetusdenotesinparttheman's
in thisor thatvirtue.Bycontrasttheprosopon
lessdistinguished
externalpositionin life,therolehe has to playon thestageoflife,in partthepersonaldignityand
whichindeedis actuallyverydifferent
amongmenbutwhichoughtto
honour,themoralself-respect
be equal forall, as he aUo takesthe viewthatthe educatedman mustbe in a conditionto adapt

34
P. A. BRUNT
himself
to everyexternalsituationin life,and to playeveryrolecorrectly
withdignity.For Epictetus
the moral aim is the same foreveryman: it is simplya questionwhetherhe would be educated
'. In myjudgementthiscontrastis at leastover-drawn.
or uneducated(t8icTT)s)
((piAacxpos)
6. Panaetiusheldthatthevirtuesare intertwined
1 14,cf.63; 66 f.;69; 81); 'decorum'is a sort
(Offic.
ofbloomon themall, thoughmostconspicuousin thecontrolofthepassions(I 94 f.). Althoughhe
stresses the physical and spiritual differences
of individualsand illustratesthis somewhat
in the characterof certainhistoricfiguresof whosemoralityhe can
maladroitly,
by the diversity
hardlyhaveapproved(107 ff.),he also insiststhatall menshouldhaveone 'persona'incommon,that
ofa rationaland moralbeing(107, cf.Epict. I 29, 57, III 22, 69) and thatno one shouldexploithis
with
iftheylead himto vice (110); on thismatterhe was whollyin agreement
peculiarendowments,
Epictetus.
7. In Panaetius'viewa special mentalabilityforphilosophy,or ill-health,
wouldjustifya man in
ratherthanthepracticallife(I 72; 92). But Epictetustoo considersnatural
pursuingthetheoretical
endowmenta criterion
formoralchoices.Each mustact 'conformably
to hisnatureand constitution'
I 6, 15; forthelast wordcf.Marcus' usage,n. 80), and
TflKcrrov
<paeikccIKCCTaoKgvj,
(KoXoOOcos
in awarenessofhis owntrainingand capacity(II 6, 3); he mustuse theresources(q>opns)allotted
to him (I 29, 39), whichare spiritual(I 6,43) as wellas material(III 24, 3). No doubtEpictetushas
in mindmoralresourceswhichare commonto all, but Panaetiustoo did notcontestthat,
primarily
and the veryword <popnoc
seemsto be used by Epictetusherein thesame senseas in Panaetius'
K<pcrecos
96 van Straaten),not,as
definition
ofthetelos(t Jfjv
Konr
Ts 5e8onvasf\\xXv
<popus,fr.
in I 1, 12; 21, 2 in theold Stoic way (SVF IV s.v.). In Epictetus'viewnoteveryman is formedby
toocertain
nature(tûkev) forthesame tasks.The athleteneedsphysicalstrength,
thephilosopher
endowmentsofbodyand character(III 15, 8-13; 21,17 f.); any philosopher,and notonlyCynics,
will lead a lifeofspecial dedicationwhichinvolvesneglectofordinaryactivitiesin which,nonethe
less,otherscan displayvirtue(21, 5, contrast15, 11). A man is excusedfromnormalobligationsto
societyifhe takesup thevocationofa Cynic(III 22, 77 ff.),buthe mustbe equippedwitha readywit
and a strongbodyto be justifiedin doingso (22, 86-90),and he mustbe preparedto play his role
to theend (22, 50-2),likeSocrates(I 25, 31). Assumea 'persona'beyondyourstrength,
consistently
and you willfailin it and disgraceyourself{finch.
37). Epictetus'storiesofPaconiusand Helvidius
(nn. 42 and 152) seem to me to indicatethatit was notnecessarilyevenrightforeverysenatorto
behaveas theydid,cf.also I 2, 8-11.Helvidiusperhapsis an instanceofthatsuperiorkindofperson
whomNatureproducesin the humanspeciesas in everyother(III 1, 23). If Panaetius'ideas were
keptalive,partlybytheexampleofCato in Thrasea's circle(pp. 15 f.),we mightexpectEpictetusto
revealsomething
ofthisin hisallusionto itsmembers,
and in myviewhe does so. Like Panaetius,he
and thepropriety
ofliving'up
clearlybelievedthata man's rolevariedwithhis naturalendowments
to' a deliberatechoiceofroleoncemade. A man withoutthenaturalqualitiesofa Socratesor a Milo
can stilldo his best (I 2, 33 ff.);just so, Panaetiusheldthatifan uncongenialroleis thruston us, we
musttryto perform
it'quam minimeindecore'{Offic.
1 114).
8. It is truethatEpictetusrecognizesthat'oughtimpliescan' and thata man'sdutiesare limitedby
thematerialwhichis givenhimbyGod (I 12, 17; 29, 39; IV 12, 15 with1, 101-3;Ench.17), hencethe
poor man has no dutyto endow his-titywithfinebuildings{Ench.24, 4). But the same viewis
to
everywhere
implicitin Panaetius,except that he ascribesdiversityin materialcircumstances
chance, not God {Offic.I 115; 120). Note, forinstance,the limitationsimposedon liberalityby a
man'smeans(II 52-4).
9. I can thussee no fundamental
difference
in Epictetus'use ofirpacoirov
(I 2 passim;29, 45; IV
2, 10, 12-14;fr.11; Ench.17 and 37) fromthatofPanaetius.More oftenindeed,unlikePanaetius,he
speaksofor alludesto a man's place or stationin theworld:forx^P0 see 19, 16; 13,4; II 1, 39; 4, 322 (cf.tttos: II 4, 5; 6, 25,
5; III 21, 18 f.; 24, 95-99; IV 1, 109(Tf|vxpov t^v Trptnovcjovy.Ench.
and cognatewords,for
OT<Tis:I21, 1; III 15, 13); in thesetextsit is oftenassociatedwithT<$cts
whichsee also I 5, 3; 6, 15; 9, 16 and 24; 16,21; 29, 29 and 39; II 23, 38 f.;Ill 1, 19; 2, 2; 24, 31-6and
112-4;IVI, 98 f.; Ench.30. In hisviewGod has called each man to obediencein a certainstation(I
I 9, 16; III 24,
29, 46-9; II 1, 39) to perform
specifictasks(II 14,27; III 24, 53) or service( Crrnipeaioc,

35
114). If we fail to do our part, men will despise us (IV 12, 17). Cf. Persius III 66-72 (where 'deceat'
38 (connected with e<jyr][x6v<os).But this too is
also appears); Dio Chrys. LXXVII/VIII
fundamentally similar to Panaetius' conception of individual duties, with an added religious
colouring.
10. Marcus employs similar language, cf. nn. 79 f. for his concept of the 'station', which can be
T xepw T&v Kperrrvcov
associated with his conviction (V 30) thatthe mindofthe Universe TreiroriKe
KOClT KpeTTCD AX^XotS

VKV,
OWnptACTeV. p$S TTWS V TT T OC 6, <JU V T OC 8, KOCl TO KOCT* OCV
arveinevKaTois (cf. IV 45: cSoirep auvTxaKTai

auvTpiioa^vcosT vra; VI 16.3:
VII 9: auyKaTaTTOKTai
cra (ot Oeo) Siavnovai koc 8iaT6Txoccriv;
yp kocI
T
TrvTcc
X
toO
aCrrv
Otto
Kanov;
25:tcv
tv
8ioikovvtos
T6TCcyiivcov;XI
auyKoajiel
20, 2; it is wrongforthe soul yavaicreTvttj aurov x^P?* KaTOi oSv ye paioy Torcp -rriTa
ol 0so; VI 10: the world may
Kal qnccvdpcinrcos
tfeTai; XII 5: -rrvTakcxXcs
8iaTavT6S
Kocl-raftskccirpvoia; XII 14:<5nrappaTOs Tfts. Cf. Epict. I 12, 16 f. and 25; III 22, 4.
be IvGXTis
Because all that happens is ordered for good, a man must accept it in a disciplined way
VII 52).
(evrroKTOrepos,
11. Musonius uses irprreivin a veryPanaetian way at least in texts cited in nn. 45, 47, cf. also 58,
2; 104, 15; 105, 3 Hense. It is not so clear whether Epictetus' usage has this nuance, see (also for
and II 1, 21; 11, 3; 23, 15; III 24, 46 and 61; IV
kccKcrrATiAov);
arrpsires)I 22, 1; 25, 14(t TrpTrov
3, 9; 6, 26; 8, 18, and forthe somewhat similar eOoxrmov etc. II 5, 23; IV 1, 163; 9, 5, 9, 11 and 17;
11, 25 fF.12, 2 and 6. Marcus VII 13 is not Panaetian. See Brunt I 20 forsome 'Panaetian' language in
Dio Chrysostom; it is still more marked in Clem. Alex., Paidagogos,e.g. II 10, 1 f.; 13, 1; 31-3; 40, 2;
45-8 (cf. Marrou 's notes); 57-9. Clement's debt to Stoicism is not in doubt, but in ideas as well as
termsthere is a specific Panaetian influence.See also L. Delatte, Les Traitesde la Royante. . . 1942, 266
f.forDiotogenes and Musonius.
12. Panaetian influence is very evident in some passages of Seneca; in de Tranquillitateand de
he was, of course, beholden to middle Stoic thinkers,Athenodorus and Hecaton. In ep. 66,
Beneficiis
with its emphasis on moral beautyand the delight it evokes (4-9, cf. nn. 27 and 35), 92, 3 and 11
(probably from Posidonius) and 120, 10-13 (observe 'enituit' and 'lumen effulsit')he recalls the
Panaetian description of 'decorum'. This word and its cognates also recur in ad Polyb. 6 (as in
Panaetius men's approbation is the test ofrightaction); Ira 1 1,2-5; 6, 3; 15, 3; 19, 2; 20, 3; II 11, 2; 35
f.; 36, 1-2; III 4; Vita Beata 9.4; Clem.I 5, 2-7; 16, 1; 19, 1; Benef.II 16, 1-17, 1. In the firstof these
of Polybius' 'persona' and 'statio' (cf. ep. 120, 12-22), also of his
passages he speaks indifferently
'professio' and 'servitus' (cf. n. 81). The special position Polybius occupies is due to 'fortune',to his
own endowments and to his own choice; it imposes duties on him, the performance of which is
recognized by men's approval. We may compare Benef.II 17, 2: 'Indixisti pecuniae odium; hoc
professus es, hanc personam induisti; agenda est'. Once a choice is made, it is right to carry it
throughconsistently;most men constantlychange their 'personae' (ep. 120, 22). With 'professio' cf.
in Epict. II 9, 1, 8 and 22; 10, 4 and 7 (eirayyEAioc
Trpoaoirou); IV 8, 13 f. Elsewhere Seneca
eirayyeAfcc
oftenuses 'persona' in a sense differentfromPanaetius (cf 5), but here his usage is similar, cf. Clem.I
5, 3 (clemency is a virtueof the ruler). Seneca prefers'statio' or 'locus', cf. also ad Polyb.7, 2; Tranqu.
3, 4 and 4 passim; Const.19, 4; Otio6, 5; ep. 56, 9; 120, 12 and 18; the idea is also in 96, 5; 107, 9; Prov.
5; VitaBeata 15. 'Condicio', 'sors' and 'fortuna' convey much the same idea less metaphorically,e.g.
in Tranqu.4 and 10. That dialogue is particularly redolent of Panaetian concepts, though less of his
language, but 3,1 offersa linguisticanalogy with Panaetius ap. Geli. XIII 28 (27), and the verytitleof
Seneca's essay may represent Panaetius' eOvnoc(Diog. Laert. IX 20), with Athenodorus as the
intermediate source. In deciding on his course of life a man must consider his own individual
endowments (6 passim); it is aso implied in 10 that his 'genus vitae' and its consequential obligations
depend on his position in the world (cf. Const.19, 4); this is reminiscentof Panaetius' second and
third'personae'. The argument that once a choice has been made it can be changed, ifcircumstances
change, but only 'sensim pedetemptimque' (Offic.I 120) is elaborated especially in 4, etc., cf. ep. 120
(supra)forSeneca 's objection to inconsistency.


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Stoicism and the Principate

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE1

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Seneca thepreceptorofNero and thenone ofhis chiefministers,

3 Clem.I 1, 8 cf.4. Absolute

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

12ep.73, 2 tf.Ct. 14, 14: hos toicosqui a republicaexclusi(perhapsbecausethey

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theclaimsofpublicactivityand thoseofstudyand meditation(infra).We mustof

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

rulingelementin ourown nature,as it mustbe capable ofdirectingus to thattrue

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remarked,is as rareas thephoenix;noteventhegreatStoicteacherspretendedto

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

these specificduties,whichare givento us by our

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all Panaetius distinguishedthreeothers.The firstarises fromthe individual's

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

This teachingjustifiedRomans in treatingtheirown traditionsas equivalentto

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way compatiblewith Panaetius' doctrinebut not derivedfromit;44these are

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

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forits balance,61and the historicalworkof his illustrioussuccessor,Posidonius,

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

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thathe shouldthinkit necessaryto warnhis pupilsagainstyieldingto

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

commonlyyielded to this desire, as some of theircriticsaverred(p. 9), we

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But whatweretheparticulardutiesthatStoicsattachedto thestationor role

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

thathis taskwas to do whatwas expectedofan emperor.Numerousprinciplesof

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STOICISM AND THE PRINGIPATE

and itcould evenbe said of

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

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of whom they most profoundlydisapproved.Epictetusmerelyinsiststhat no

131Tac, Hist. IV 6; II 91 ; Dio LXV 7.

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

began.137Accordingto Dio Helvidius incurredVespasian's hatred partlyfor

andRomeXIII 1944,43 ff.(withwhichin generalI agree); M. P. Charlesworth,

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had soughtto upholdtheauthority

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE

an act above human virtueforan absolute king to disinherithis own son:151

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STOICISM AND THE PRINCIPATE