Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
By Reed Miller
Copyright 2009
Centreville, VA
Reedmiller31@verizon.net
http://shalomcommonwealth.blogspot.com
1
The Mennonites and Tunkers(Brethren) are well known for being
Mennonites and Tunkers believe that Christ forbid all Christians from
Constitution.
new nation in 1774, followed shortly by the War of 1812. The real
the Civil War, when the first national conscription acts were adopted
Mennonites in both the South and North were forced to petition their
during the Civil War. This special challenge was the issue of
slavery.
2
people should "love thy neighbor as thyself" feel about the
did they draw a color line under which only certain neighbors were
important because the answers may or may not add two groups to the
list of Americans who had the courage to speak out against slavery
clearly defined for church members by the time of the Civil War. The
been kept of the meetings, and the great majority of these records
3
The earliest written example of the issue of slavery being
within the minutes that year. The minutes state, "It has been
John Van L. is later advised that if the negro woman does not wish to
leave Van L.'s family, Van L. is to free her and then enter into a
contract with her for wages. The Tunkers, therefore, had indeed
when the stance was recorded in the minutes of their annual meetings.
unusual for the times since very few Americans advised the education
it. Even if the case of John Van L. took place in northern states
1
Minutes of the Annual Meetings of the Church of the Brethren
(Elgin, Il. : Brethren Publishing House, 1909), 7.
2
Ibid., 7.
3
Ibid., 7.
4
on, however, northerners rarely sought to provide freed slaves with
Tunker denomination which was rarely seen among other segments of the
paper will seek to address whether or not the Tunkers and Mennonites
sympathy.
Virginia to "scout out the land."4 The immigration was caused by the
Pennsylvania and Maryland, where state laws had been passed against
records that by the year 1787, at least 45 families had migrated from
4
D.H. Zigler, A History of the Brethren in Virginia (Elgin,
Il. : Brethren Publishing House, 1908), 30.
5
Ibid., 41-42.
5
Mennonites began immigrating from Pennsylvania into Virginia in 1728.
that same year. When Penn died, his sons had inherited his land, and
immigrate into the state.6 The Mennonite immigration lasted into the
occurred just after 1785, when the Virginia General Assembly passed
Virginia.
the Brethren denomination in the United States had just migrated into
a state with a slave economy. Since the invention of the cotton gin
and the rest of the South, as slave-owners felt more blacks were
6
Harry A. Brunk, History of Mennonites in Virginia 1727-1900
(Staunton, Va. : McClure Printing Co., 1959), 10.
7
Zigler, Brethren in Virginia, 36.
6
More importantly for this discussion is the fact that the
already been decided that the Tunkers would not own slaves, for
example, the question of whether they could or not was again raised
minutes reiterate that: "It was considered good, and also concluded
and in case a brother or sister had such, he (or she) has to set them
been changed from the 1782 minutes regarding slavery. The minutes
record that: "if they (the slaves) have children, they shall stay
with the brother as servants until they are twenty-five years old; he
is to have them taught reading and writing, and then bring them up in
the fear of the Lord, and when they enter on their twenty-sixth year,
to let them go out free with a good suit of clothing (frei kleid)."9
The release age of slave children, therefore, has been changed from
upon Tunker thought. The changing of the release age from 21 to 25,
extra four planting seasons. The change may even have been a ploy,
8
Brethren Minutes, 18.
9
Ibid., 19.
7
therefore, to make the Tunker church more attractive to southern
from the minutes of the same Tunker meeting during which the release
about the release age of slaves, but about what to do with slave-
The issue of the release age of slaves and the issue of what to do
upon, in fact, in "Article 1" of minutes, as if they were one and the
sentiment by making the release age later. They hoped that this
southern members.
10
Ibid., 19.
8
to make the Tunker denomination more attractive to southerners can
after all, states that the owners may keep their slaves "so long as
the nearest church may deem that they had earned the money (the
slaves cost), and then, according to the counsel of the church, let
who did not want to automatically release slaves who were over 25
upon the slave-owner's entry into the church. This new measure
until they had regained the money originally spent on the slaves. A
have turned away many a southern planter from the Tunker denomination.
the Tunkers were still one of the only groups in the South against
9
them, he would have to be considered as disobedient, and we could
* * *
From the meeting of 1797 until the Civil War, the subject of
the age of 21 again, while females are to be released at the new age
of 18.12 The release age of females, in other words, was three years
earlier age than the males, and therefore were considered to have
compared with the second possible reason. The better reason for the
change of the release age of females to a lower age than that of the
ages of slaves, but since the males were more valued in the field,
their release age was kept higher than the females' age. At the
11
Ibid., 19.
12
Ibid., 31.
10
overall, but the higher release age of males reflected that southern
This fact may not be that remarkable, however, because at the time,
One can assume that since a full membership was offered to the
blacks involved with this query, the blacks must have been allowed to
come and worship with white church members in Tunker meeting houses.
This assumption is confirmed by what is written later in article
receive our fellow members with the holy kiss, and there is a
this manner, the colored members should bear with that weakness, and
not offer the kiss to such weak members until they become stronger,
and make the first offer, etc."14 It is clear, therefore, that the
13
Ibid., 60.
14
Ibid., 60.
11
Tunkers did indeed plan on allowing black church members to worship
with whites. It is also clear, of course, that the Tunkers were not
devoid of some racist attitudes, but the fact that the Tunkers
they were opening their hearts to other races. The Tunkers had shown
the holy kiss publicly, which was not common among white churches at
the time.
hire slaves from their owners for temporary work. Many historians,
such as Samuel Horst and D.H. Zigler, have noted Brethren and
this practice went against the Bible. The minutes of the meeting
state: "In regard to hiring slaves, (it is) considered but little
better than purchasing and holding slaves, and that it would be best
welcome blacks with the holy kiss. The minutes record that:
15
Ibid., 85.
12
... if colored persons are once received as members into
the church, the members should be at liberty to salute
them (kiss them) in the like member as white members, at
the same time having patience with those who may be weak
in the faith, and can not do so. The assembled elders,
however, consider it as the more perfect way, to which
we should all strive to come, viz., that love, which
makes no distinction in the brotherhood in this respect.
(See James 2: 1-10.)16
James warns the early church against favoritism being given to any
group or tribe among them. James writes that God has proven the poor
members the holy kiss, and to show no favoritism towards whites. The
appears very strange. The new question raised is: "How shall any
the State in which they reside is such that they cannot manumit them
in safety, without transporting them beyond its limits ... ?"17 How,
in other words, are Tunkers to free slaves and guarantee some measure
strange because by 1853 the Tunkers had been freeing slaves for 70
16
Ibid., 85.
17
Ibid., 135.
13
years; why hadn't such a question come up sooner?
In 1850, the Fugitive Slave Law had been passed as a portion of the
ended the slave trade in Washington D.C.; and created the Fugitive
Slave Law. The Fugitive Slave Law itself made it easier for southern
imprisonment.
The problem which made freeing slaves unsafe, however, was that
was paid five to ten dollars per case, so he could stand to make a
collaborating whites. The blacks were then sold back into slavery by
The question for the Tunkers, therefore, was how to keep their
former slaves from being kidnapped after they were freed. It was
decided that the issues involved in this matter were "too important"
set up to study the issues and report on them at the next annual
meeting.18
18
Ibid., 135.
14
was reached by the committee on the matter of freedman safety. The
Just because freedmen are being kidnapped and sold into slavery, in
other words, it does not mean that the Brethren can condone slavery
The Tunkers, in other words, had come up with a way to help their
former slaves reach the slave-free states of the North. They would
pay their ex-slaves money for services rendered by the freedmen after
they had been set free, and hopefully this money would allow the
within their church to "protect" blacks, and had given their freedman
meetings came in the midst of the Civil War. The year was 1863, and
19
Ibid., 143.
20
Ibid., 143.
15
during a time of heated sectional division over union and slavery.
The query at this meeting asked, "What should be done with a brother
that would preach that slavery was right according to the Scriptures,
always believed, and believe yet, that slavery is a great evil, and
or three of his fellow church members, who are to try to show him the
error of his ways. If the sinner will not listen to the advice,
slavery who will not stop it upon advice from his or her fellow
church.
least since 1782, and possibly before an annual Tunker meeting held
existed long before that year because the Brethren minutes only go
back to 1778. The position against slavery was softened in 1797 due
21
Ibid., 219.
22
Ibid., 219.
23
The Holy Bible: New International Version (Grand Rapids,
Mi. : Zondervan Bible Publishers, 1978), 826.
16
but was once again hardened in 1813 when the release age of slave
children was dropped back to ages 21 and 18. In 1835 blacks were
of African Americans which was rare among white Virginians during the
encourage their members to greet black church members with the holy
kiss, an act which flew against the dominant mores of the South.
* * *
Mennonites both before and during the Civil War. The reason the
stated that it was during these pre-war years of 1835 to 1859 that
after 1860, and within the memoir of a church member who lived during
24
Minutes of the Virginia Mennonite Conference (Scottdale,
Pa. : Mennonite Publishing House, 1939), 1.
17
slaves. The answer to this question reveals the overall position of
The Mennonites, therefore, could not own slaves, but could hire
money a Mennonite would normally have paid the slave's master was
was borrowing slave labor from a neighbor in return for labor the
because the Tunkers had not only outlawed all hiring of slaves, but
however, does display a sympathy for blacks which was rare in the
they hired temporary work. In this way, the Mennonites would not be
exchange their labor for slave labor, since the slaves' masters would
the answer on hiring slaves, however, is the statement which says the
25
Ibid., 6.
18
Mennonites had "decided since" that they could not own or traffic in
stance against slavery sometime before the minutes began being kept
had.
against slavery prior to the Civil War comes from a personal memoir
come of age during the war, and fled north with General Philip
School. Towards the end of his life, Hartman wrote down his memories
War.
away back, almost one hundred years ago, at least, was opposed to
19
slavery and would not allow any of the members to hold slaves,
neither would it allow them to hire any unless the slaves themselves
work with slave work, but did not hire or own slaves. Slavery was a
1934, his statement would put his projection of when the Mennonites
had taken a firm stance against slavery prior to the Civil War.
demonstrate how this evil worked. The first instance Hartman gives
One day, Hartman reports that he saw Mr. Harrison hit a slave so hard
26
Peter S. Hartman, Reminiscences of the Civil War (Lancaster,
Pa. : Eastern Mennonite Associated Libraries and Archives, 1964),
5.
27
Ibid., 5.
20
he knocked the slave over, and into a fence.28 On another nearby
the Civil War to illustrate the evils of slavery. Most of the memoir
evidence the Mennonites had a sympathy for black Americans which was
* * *
28
Ibid., 6.
29
Ibid., 6.
21
before the Civil War. If either denomination actually had black
members, after all, the fact would have been a visible demonstration
a query was brought before the annual meeting of the Brethren in 1835
membership."30 This fact suggests that at least one black applied for
and received membership at that time, and possibly a great deal more.
research led him to believe there were already black church members
basis of hearsay.
Peter Nead.32 The story of Samuel Weir has become a famous one among
the Brethren. Weir had originally been the slave of Andrew McClure's
family in Bath County, Virginia. When McClure and his wife applied
30
Brethren Minutes, 60.
31
Freeman Ankrum, Sidelights on Brethren History (Elgin, Il. :
The Brethren Press, 1962), 92.
32
Ibid., 75.
22
told they would have to set Weir free. The McClures complied with
the fact that the McClures gave him material assistance upon his
release, that Weir applied to join the local Tunker church as well.
approved to open this mission, but had to labor until 1865 before he
elder. The story of Samuel Weir, therefore, is not just the story of
one black church member, but the story of a church member who sought
of Weir. Lewis, like Weir, was impressed with the teachings and
Stories about Lewis have become famous like those of Weir. The first
reason for Lewis' fame is that in 1877 Lewis made a daring rescue of
Mrs. General Charles Langdon, her daughter Julia, and a family nurse.
in Elmira, Maryland, and Lewis leapt from his own carriage into the
runaway carriage to save them. The second reason for Lewis' fame is
33
Ibid., 75.
34
Ibid., 118.
23
that through his contact with the Langdons, he became a lifelong
friend of writer Mark Twain. Twain, in fact, once wrote on the back
of a picture of Lewis:
The colored man ... is John T. Lewis, a friend of mine.
These many years - thirty-four in fact. ... I have not
known an honester man nor a more respect-worthy one.
Twenty-seven years ago, by the prompt and intelligent
exercise of his courage, presence of mind and
extraordinary strength, he saved the lives of three
relatives of mine, whom a runaway horse was hurrying to
destruction. Naturally I hold him in high and greatful
regard.35
The stories of Samuel Weir and John T. Lewis are but two
Civil War. They are, in fact, the well known stories, which
should welcome black members with the holy kiss. This fact
not clear whether or not there were many black church members in
Virginia, since Samuel Weir himself left the state and moved to Ohio.
Weir, it was rumored, said he left Virginia because he felt the local
35
Ibid., 119.
24
population would not give him a chance to establish a good life.36
Virginia may have provided a climate which was not very hospitable to
black freedman.
war. This does not mean, however, there were no black church members
before the Civil War, but it does make the possibility less likely.
he mention there were any blacks with the Mennonites and Tunkers when
36
Ibid., 75.
37
Sydney S. Baxter, "Report on the Mennonites and Tunkers,
March 31, 1862" Letters Received, Confederate Secretary of War,
National Archives, 444-B-1862, Record Group 109.
25
Baxter went to conclude that: "All of them are friendly to the South
The fact that Baxter does not mention the Mennonites and Tunkers
as having black men with their party when they were arrested is
important because one would suspect that if this were the case,
report rule out the possibility that there might have been black
additional doubt upon the idea. Furthermore, the report also adds
doubt to the idea that the Tunker churches of Virginia had black
members.
* * *
38
Ibid., 444-B-1862, Record Group 109.
26
form of black members, the question must be asked of whether or not
the two denominations were making any verbal protests against slavery
Mennonites did not even mention their beliefs against slavery when
they were arrested in May of 1863. This fact alone, however, does
not prove the denominations were not trying to persuade the general
One piece of evidence that the Mennonites and Tunkers were not
very vocal regarding their views against slavery comes from a series
the Civil War, but he also took up the causes of the Mennonites in
killing one's fellow man, and they had both descended from Anabaptist
about the letters for this discussion, however, is their entire text
27
Kline's descriptions of the denominations does a mention of their
denominations were completely loyal. The Tunker elder did not wish
military service.
28
made to man. Why then should not that solemn obligation be regarded
by our government, which we have made to our God without any earthly
interest whatsoever? Why not leave that class of men at their homes
who can not, for conscience sake, make soldiers to kill others, that
they may make provisions for the sustenance of life, which is as
necessary to any government as soldiers?
It seems that the late Conscript law made by the Confederate
Congress, whether so intended or not, is made use of to overrule or
nullify our state law. This law was made by our State legislature to
exempt us from military duty provided each one pays a tax of $500 and
two per cent on all taxable property. This, though as oppressive as
it is, we were willing to pay, hard as it went with some. Now as we
are informed through the above cited conscript act of Congress, we
are again to be troubled. Our rights given to us by our kind
legislature, for which we have paid so dearly, is to be made null and
void.
Please use all your powers and influence in behalf of us, so that
the Conscript law or all other Confederate laws be so constructed
that Christian conscience be so protected that the south shall not be
polluted with bloody persecution.
We as a people try to be as little burdensome to the government as
possible. We believe that all the precepts and ordinances of our
Lord should be equally regarded and should be practically obeyed
according as given to us by the Master. We believe it be our duty,
but of love, to contribute to the poor and needy, and consequently we
maintain our poor members and let none of them become dependent upon
the country parish. These are some of our tenants given in general
terms. In brief, we take the New Testament for our guide and Jesus
Christ the man of our religious faith.
Please give this, our request, a candid consideration. At least so
much as to write to me your opinion. If we can not get protection of
our Christian liberty in the south, the home of our nativity, we will
be compelled to seek shelter in some other place, or suffer bonds and
persecutions as did many of our forefathers. For we can not take up
carnal weapons of warfare and fight our fellow man to kill him.
of Kline writing for the Mennonites will be given shortly to show how
29
On the contrary, the Brethren are portrayed as citizens with
perfectly normal southern opinions except for the fact they won't
take up arms. The Tunker elder even writes: "Why not leave that
class of men at their homes who can not, for conscience sake, make
soldiers to kill others, that they make provisions for the sustenance
actually did throughout the course of the war. The elder also makes
obligations, which in our view do not come into conflict with the law
ready and willing to do. Such as paying our dues and taxes imposed
anti-slavery position.
accusations that the two groups contain "Union Men." The letter
30
Mr. Editor of the Register:
In your issue of the 11th inst. I see an article headed Union Men
Taken. In the article several names are mentioned who are known to
have strong Union proclivities. Otherwise, the article made no
nominal charge against us, which of course, it was out of your power
to do but the article carries with it a strong insinuation as though
we had used our influence against the Confederacy. If this has been
so, why not come out and point to the place where, or when and what
the act, or deed, and if this cannot be done, which I know it can
not, then why shut us up in the gaurdhouse? Why make such false
insinuations against good and innocent citizens, and publish them to
the world? Why contrary to the constitution take up men without
their accusers making affidavit that the thing charged was to their
knowledge true? But all that is now necessary, is for some vague
fiend to raise a falsehood and tell it to some of his captains who
have no better principle than themselves, and law and constitution is
at an end. If this is the kind of laws that we are contending for,
then may the Lord save us from it. But I think by the quivolous
movement so far transacted there has been more done to make Union men
and against the South than all the influence of the Union men ever
did, because they were inactive. This influence is active:
1. Because near all those men that are taken are known to be
innocent.
2. It shows to the world that those who are engaged in arresting
such men on nothing but falsehood and misrepresentation are acting
under a cowardly fear of being overcome.
3. It is keeping all such out of employment and usefulness at
home, preventing them from making provisions for man and beast.
4. It is keeping just so many men out of the army as are engaged
in guarding those and weakening the army that much.
5. It makes a considerable expense upon the government which all
could be avoided, besides that many other privledges and usefulness
to both their families and neighborhoods.40
denies the accusation that the Brethren are disloyal to the South.
Kline admits there are a few Union men who are members of the
Brethren church, but say these Union men have been "inactive." He
also says the Tunkers had not used "influence against the
40
John Kline, "30 letter Kline received, ca. 1861" Special
Collections, Alexander Mack Memorial Library, Bridgewater College,
Va.
31
this accusation against them. To reinforce the idea of Tunker
show how the Tunkers were providing aid to the Confederacy. One
and beast." This statement, of course, refers to the fact that the
Tunkers were growing food for the use of the Confederate government.
does Kline mention the Tunkers' views against slavery. The Tunker
possible.
effort to address the issue of Tunker and Mennonite loyalty. "It may
41
Zigler, Brethren in Virginia, 119.
32
not be amiss to state here," the elder writes, "that under the
has not the semblance of truth, in fact, and has doubtless originated
fact, was the document which helped the Confederate Congress push
October 11, 1862. Once again, however, Kline did not mention the two
not preach to the public concerning the issue, and did not exhort the
public to take the same position which they themselves had taken.
The Tunkers and Mennonites, in short, did not want to jeopardize the
42
Ibid., 119.
33
slavery, but it probably did prevent the churches from receiving
of John Kline which support the hypothesis that the Tunkers and
members who had not complied with the denominational order in 1854 to
free slaves.43 Kline writes in his notes that the meeting decided
slavery was "a very delicate matter to act upon in the present
with what they regard and hold sacred as their line of Christian
the issue quietly unless their church policies were interfered with
Rockingham Register. The articles were written during the Civil War,
43
Ibid., 88.
44
Ibid., 88.
45
Ibid., 88.
34
and fluctuate between claiming the denominations were loyal or
the Tunkers. The Tunkers, in fact, claimed they had only banned
lead to the editors' discovery that the Tunkers were against slavery.
The article is titled "To The Polls: To The Polls!," and focuses on
who will vote for and against secession in Rockingham County. The
only groups who are mentioned within the article as possibly being
article states:
We have heard that some of our peaceful, orderly, law-
loving fellow-citizens, the Germans (Mennonites and
Tunkers), will vote against it, or not vote at all.
They have a right to do this, of course, and we hope
they will do it, so that their names and their record
will be committed to posterity. We would like the world
to know who is true and loyal to Virginia now, in this
day of her trial and her struggle for liberty and
independence.46
enough, the editors write what should be done with traitors. "They
46
"To the Polls: To the Polls!," Register (Rockingham), 17 May
1861, front page.
47
"Beware of Traitors," Register (Rockingham), 17 May 1861,
front page.
35
The Tunkers apparently took offense at the remarks made against
the editors' visit is the one in which the Tunkers state their only
that held by Tunkers in the northern and western states, who are
Tunkers disapprove.
after all, tell the editors of the newspaper they did not interfere
48
"The Tunkers," Register (Rockingham), 24 May 1861, front
page.
36
with anybody who owned slaves. Something else the ministers said,
however, indicates the Virginian Tunkers did not hold slaves. The
ministers said the Tunkers of the South did not own slaves out of "a
explicitly trying to justify why the editors of the Register did not
moral and Scriptural bases, and not on an economic basis at they told
minutes of the meeting show that the Tunker churches of Virginia had
49
Zigler, Brethren in Virginia, 87.
37
banished from among us, as we look on slavery as
dangerous ... and as a great injury to the cause of
Christ and the progress of the church. ... Furthermore,
concerning Brethren hiring a slave or slaves and paying
wages to their owners, we do not approve of it.50
slavery was "a great injury to the cause of Christ." The Tunkers of
did the ministers of Beaver Creek Church later tell the editors of
ministers were simply following the policy the Virginian Tunkers had
asked why Virginian Tunkers did not hold slaves, so they simply
covered up the fact that the Virginian Tunkers had a moral objection
38
in 1861.
are, however, that since the Mennonites let John Kline represent them
during the Civil War, they had a policy similar to the Tunkers' own
however, that the Mennonites were still allowed to hire slaves under
certain conditions during the Civil War. This fact indicates the
Tunkers took.
* * *
stances against slavery long before the Civil War, and continued to
hold these positions throughout the duration of the war. The two
39
that slavery was abolished in their denomination sometime before
1860. Peter Hartman claimed slavery was banned long before this
plight of African Americans which was not commonly found among other
then to provide the freedman with new clothes and travel money. The
Brethren also took the step of allowing blacks to become full members
The Mennonites also showed they had a unique sympathy for the
before the Civil War. "The Mennonite Church away back," Peter
Hartman wrote, "almost one hundred years ago, at least, was opposed
to slavery and would not allow any of the members to hold slaves. ...
slaves, which may indicate they were not as staunchly opposed to the
51
Peter S. Hartman, Reminiscences, 5.
40
opposed to slavery as the Tunkers. No evidence exists that the
state. The odds were stacked against the Mennonites and Tunkers
kept very few records of its activities before 1860. One thing which
vocal stances against slavery in the South, so they simply kept their
End.
41