Muslim Kinship Terminology in Urdu

Author(s): Aziz Ahmad

Source: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Oct., 1977),
pp. 344-350
Published by: BRILL
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3631962
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Journalof the EconomicandSocialHistoryof the Orient,Vol. XX, Part III

MISCETJANEA
MUSLIM KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY IN URDU )
Similaritybetween Hindu and Muslim kinship terminology has been pointed out
by Vreede-de Stuers 2). This similarityhas, however, certain significantlimitations.
Several Muslim kinship terms are of extra-Indian (Arabic, Persian or Turkish)
origin: others though also derived from Sanskritare differentfrom those generally
used by the Hindus, such as for mother. In other cases of a number of terms of
address used by the Hindus only one or two are used by Muslims, as in the case of
son or daughter.
Muslim kinship terminology varies in severallanguagesspoken by large groups of
Muslim populations in various parts of the sub-continent, such as Bengali, Punjabi,
Sindhi and Gujarati. Compared to Urdu, which is the main urban and cultural
language, Muslim kinship terminology in these regional languages tends to approximate much more closely to the Hindu usage with only minor differences.In Urdu
alone thereare still traces of what must have been the kinshipterminology of Muslims
in Indo-Persianunder the Delhi Sultanateand the Mughal period: the former being
probably the age of large-scale conversions from Hinduism, and the latter that of
social mobility of the occupational 'castes' through claiming so-called 'ashraf' 3)
lineages, change of occupation, soldiering and migrationfrom ruralto urbancentres
or from one urban centre to another.
The best way to analyse the Muslim kinship terminology as crystallisedin Urdu
seems to be to analyse these terms one by one and in the course of this analysis to
try to see whether the divergence or the differencefrom the correspondingHindu
term, if there is any such divergence or difference,throws any light on the kinship
organization of the literate ('ashraf')Muslim society.
In North Indian Hindu terminology the terms for father fall into two categories:
those of Sanskriticorigin: pit, piu; and those of non-Sanskritic origin: bapa,bapu,
babii,which according to Irawati Karve had their origin probably in Rajputanaand
Gujaratin the seventh andeighth centuries4). These latterterms spreadall over North
India and graduallyreplaced the Sanskriticterms. The superseded Sanskriticterms
do not seem to have been used by Muslims speaking Indo-Persianor Urdu; but the
Balochipith 5) seems to be influencedby Sans.pitd.Persianbabaseems to be a cognate
of non-Sans. bapaand was used as the term both of referenceand of addressin IndoPersian. It has survived as a term of address for father, and some times for the
father's older brother. Bap < bapais used in Urdu only as a term of reference; the
literaryterm of referencebeing the Arabic wdlid.But the Sans. termpiu has survived
I) I am gratefulfor the adviceI have receivedfrom my colleaguesProfessorsEleazar
Birnbaum,TourhanGandjeiand N. K. Wagle.
Ashrafde l'Inde
2) CoraVreede-deStuers,'Terminologiede parentechezles musulmans
tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde,119 (1963), 254-66.
Nord'. Biijdragen
3) For a sceptic attitude towards ashraf-ajldfdichotomy from the viewpoint of social

anthropologysee ImtiazAhmad,'The Ashraf-AjlafDichotomyin MuslimSocialStructure

in India', IndianEconomicand Social History Review,III/3 (1966), 268-78.
4) Irawati Karve, KinshipOrgani.ationin India, Bombay 1968, 109.
5) Robert N. Pehrson, SocialOrganiZation
of the Marri Baluch,Chicago I966, 35.

MISCELLANEA

345

in Punjabi and Sindhi and is used by Muslims speaking those languages. In Urdu
by far the most common term of addressused for father is abbaor abbuderived from
Arab. ab 6). One of the old Turkish (Tiibiit) terms for father was aba7), but it is
unlikely that it had any influence on the Indo-Muslim usage, as the substitution of
abbafor Pers. babaseems to have occured in the early eighteenth century when Urdu
replacedPersianas the social language of North Indian Muslim 'ashraf',and for some
obscure reason, possibly due to the momentum of religious and mystic activity
under the influence of Shah Wali-Allih and Mirza Mazhar Jan-i Janan. Possibly
somewhat earlierbiba was vulgarized as bawdin Gujaratand Deccan and came to be
used as a term of reference.Babahas survived in Bengali and Marathi.
For mother, the Urdu term of referenceman,is a nasalisationof Hindu terms ma,
madi;but the Prakrit and Hindi term mdta < Sans. mdtr,is not used by Muslims
generally but may have influenced the Balochi term math8); while in Balochi the
term ama is used only for stepmother. The Hindu term of address ammi < Sans.
ambais again nasalisedin Urdu as ammdn.Its dimunitive ammi,much in use by the
Muslim urban society9) as a term of greater affection,is derived from Sans. ambia
form found in the Vedic literature10).The Turkish terms ana or anga,well in use
in the upper stratum of Indo-Muslim society in North India, and familiar to the
students of Indian history because of the influence of MahamAnga, Akbar's fostermother, in the earlyyearsof his reign, came to have a lowering of meaningin Muslim
India by being applied exclusively to the wet-nurse and became annain Urdu. It
may or may not be related to the term annai still used for mother by Hindus in
South India n). Sindhi has still preserved, like some other Indian languages like
Marathi,the term ji, derived like aiyaand d'i (no longer used in modern Hindi) from
Sans. rya > Prakritayaj 12).In Urdu and in Anglo-Indian usage this term underwent
a deteriorationof meaning by becoming ayd,a maidservantlooking after a child.
The term for father father's may have been derived from the Turkish (Oghuz)
dddd13). The same eclectic terms are used both by Hindus and Muslims for father's
father's father (parddad),mother's father (nana)14) mother's father's father (parnana),
father's mother (didi), father's father's mother (pardddi),mother's mother (ndni)16),
and mother's mother's mother (parnmni).
6) In pre-IslamicArabiaab was originallyused in the sense of 'progenitor'or 'nurturer'
in EarlyArabia,London 1903, I42).
(RobertsonSmith,KinshipandMarriage
7) MahmiidKashghari,DiwanLughdtal-Tiirk,Ankara 1941, p. 55; Robert Dankoff,
Ottomanicum,
'Kasgharion the Tribaland KinshipOrganizationof the Turks',Archivium

IV (1972), 39.

8) Cf. Pehrson,35.
9) Vreede-deStuers,op. cit., 256.
io) Karve, 28.
ii) Cf. Ibid., 231.

12) Ibid., Io9.

13) Kashghari, (1941), 542.

14) Karve (p. 28) points out that in Vedic literaturethe term ndnawas not used for
mother'sfather,but for motherherself,though extremelyrarely.
5) Among the KashmiriPanditsboth the father'smotherand the mother'smotherare
calledndni,T. N. Madan,'Kinshiptermsusedby the Panditsof Kashmir',EasternAnthropologist, VII/I (1953), 42.

346

MISCELLANEA

Of the Sanskriticterms for father's elder brother: tdu, taid,patriydandjeth-moJay

only taya < Sans. taia is used in Urdu. This term might have been influenced by
the Old Turkish term tagagh16) which however is used for mother's brother. The
Arabic term 'amm17) in use in Islamic India under the Delhi Sultanate18), is sometimes, though rarely,used in Urdu with the suffixjan 19)= 'ammujan.The terms for
father's younger brother chachdand kdkd, the former of which is generally used
in Urdu is derived from kdka which is still used in Hindi but not in Urdu and is,
curiously enough closer to its Turkish origin. The term kdka had an interesting
history. The term qd was borrowed from Chinese through Uigur in Old Turkish
in the compound term ka kadesh20)meaning family and kinsmen. In Ottoman
Turkish kaka (qaqa)was used for older brother or foster-brother21) but not for
father's brother. It came to be used in the latter sense in Indo-Persian,probablyin
the Mughal period, but was also used for the older brother or an old slave as a fictive
term 22). The explanation may be found in the status of father's brother in IndoMuslim society who had something of the father's authority though the mother's
brother was held in greater affection. This attitude, which must have been very
strong in the upper-classMuslim society of the Mughal period, in which the father's
brother took care of the orphanednephews, as the Mansabdarisystemwas not hereditary, seems to have influenced the Muslim society, in which as in the Hindu
society such care was binding in the extended family system. The father's brother's
authority is also reflected in the Urdu terms bardabbd(big father) and chottaabbd
(little father) used respectively for the father's older and younger brothers23). Even
among the Nawiyat, one of the communities of South Indian West Coast claiming
Arab patrilinealdescent and retaining traces of certain matrilinealpractices which
are undoubtedly of local South Indian rather than pre-Islamic Arabian origin, the
rich terminology for father's brother reflects his great importance in the kinship
network. The Nawayat use five different successive terms for father's first five
brothers: wodeppdfor the eldest and then successivelygoreppd,awppd,hakappaand
kocheppa.The Konkani suffix -ppa is the dimunitive form of bdppd(father), while
the general term for the father's brothers (baptlyo)is also from the same root 24).
Both Hindus and Muslims use the indigenous feminine forms ta'i and chachifor
the wives of older and younger brothers of the father; while the Sanskritic terms
jethi-maand khldi are not used by the Muslims.
i6) Kashghari (ed. I94I), 550. The corresponding terms in Chaghtay Turkish are Tagha,

in Azari,daye(HiiseyinKazimKadri,TirkLugeti,Istanbul1928-43,II, 706;III, 401)

Taghay,
andin OttomanTurkishtayeor daye(YeniRedhouse
Sioliik,Istanbul1968,176);
Titrkfe-IngliZce
borrowedas ddiin Mod.Persian(A. RezaArasteh,ManandSociety
inIran,Leiden1964,I39.)
17) Accordingto RobertsonSmith it was a comparativelylate term in pre-Islamic
Arabia,which cameto be used afterpatrilinyhad replacedmatriliny(p. 72).
I8) Amir Khusraw, I'jaz-i Khusrawi,Lucknow I876, II, I67.
19) For the suffixjdn see infra.
20) A. von Galian, Alttiirkische Grammatik,Leipzig I950, 325; Gerard Clauson, An

Dictionary
Turkish,Oxford I972, 578.
Etymological
of Pre-Thirteenth
Century
21) YeniRedhouse,583.
22) Cf. Steingass, I007.

23) Vreede-de Stuers, 26I.

24) Victor D'Souza, The Navayat of Kanara: A Studyin CultureContact,Dharwar I953,
IOO-OI.

MISCELLANEA

347

Of the several Sanskriticterms for father's sister (phuva,bhuva,phuphi,pufl, pivasi,

and its variantphupph areused by the Muslimsin most languages.
pisi-m, onlypuphph
In comparison to Arabic or Turkish terms for older male patrilineal relatives like
father and father's brother, the use of an indigenous term for the father's sister
suggests the deep Indianization of the harem and the zenana during the Mughal
period. Only in literary Indo-Persian texts and hardly ever in Urdu one comes
across the Arabic form 'amma,still commonly used in Iran 2).
It is thereforesurprisingthat the Arabic term khalafor mother's sister should have
survived as the exclusive term in both Indo-Persianand Urdu. Originally the term
khal (translatedas mother's brother) was used in pre-IslamicArabiafor any member
of the mother's kin 2). The terms khal for mother's brother and khalafor mother's
sister seem to have been generally in use under the Delhi Sultanate27). Of these
khal in the sense of mother's brother was replaced by the indigenous term mamt,
a nasalisationof the Sanskriticmiaa; but khblawas retained for mother's sister in
Indo-Persian and Urdu alone while it was replaced by the Sanskriticterm mwsiin
other regional languages spoken by the Muslims such as Sindhi and Punjabiand was
even borrowed in Balochi 28).The term khala,therefore, survived only in the highly
'literate'culture representedby the speakersof Indo-Persianand Urdu. Its survival
may have been purely accidental.Or it may representan effortat raising of the status
of mother's kin as under the Delhi Sultanateand in the early Mughal period hypergamous marriageswith Hindu women of lowerj]tis must have been quite common.
But this latter hypothesis seems to be untenablein view of the fact that the term khal
ceased to be applied to the mother's brother. Mother's sister's husband came to be
called khialuin Persianand in Urdu. For father'ssister'shusbandthe indigenous form
phuphawas retainedin Urdu. So also for the mother's brother'swife the term mami,
or its dimunitive mummni
remained in use in Urdu while other Sanskritic terms,
mami-m
d mamin came to be discardednot only in Urdu but also in Hindi 2).
Of the Hindu termsfor brotherbha'iand its dimunitivebhayyaareused by Muslims;
but never the term d&dawhich is used exclusively for father'sfather. The third term
bir < Sans. virais used by Muslims of the Rampurregion as a term of fictive kinship.
The Pashtu term lali used generally by the Pathans of the frontier is not used in
Urdu; possibly because in Persian it had a derogatory meaning and was used as a
term for addressing a slave or an eunuch 30).
The North Indian Hindu terms for sister: bhain,bon,behanand behenare all of
Sanskriticorigin. Of these terms the form bahenis generally used by Muslims. The
Hindu terms of address for the older sister, didi and jii are never used by the
Muslims. The Hindus never use the corresponding Muslim terms of address, gpa
and baji,both of Turkish origin and probablyin use since the Delhi Sultanateperiod.
The terms pa
'used by the QarluiqTurkmans and iab by the Oghuz Turks were
originally used for the mother, whereas the standard terms of reference for the
25) Arasteh,

39.

26) Robertson Smith, 71.

27) Amir Khusraw, ISjda-iKhbsrawi,II, 166-67.
28) Cf. Pehrson, 37.
29) Cf. Karve, I47.

30) Steingass,

1112.

348

MISCELLANEA

elder sister in Old Turkish were dadand akd 31). But in ChaghtayTurkish the terms
apa and bayukapa came to be used for the older sister also 32). Borrowed in Persian
from Turkish the term apa was used both for mother and sister 33).Baji for elder
sister was used by the Krim Tatars, and in Ottoman Turkish while in Azari it was
igha bdjior abiji; the ChaghtayTurkish form was bdai(bdchi)34).However the form
baji was borrowed into Persian 35), and through it into Urdu 36). The term biji was

perhapsmore in use in the laterMughal period than dpa,as in his dictionaryof terms,
compiled in the eighteenth century Mukhlis records the former term, but not the
latter37). In Urdu the urban 'ashrdf'of North India tend to use the termapa which is
also used in the Deccan while the term baji is used in the rural areas both by the
'ashraf' and the 'ajlaf' (occupational castes). Both are used as fictive terms. The
persistenceof these terms in Indo-Persianand Urdu and the rejectionof corresponding indigenous terms (dids,fiji)is interesting. It may have representedthe attachment
of younger brothers and sisters to the elder sister as the mother-substitutein a
polygamous society. It may also have reflected the raising of the status of women
of the same patrilineal descent even though the mother may be of a lower hypergamous position. The terms hamshir,hamshira(sharer of milk) are used in Persian
for sister, foster-sister,brother or foster-brother38);but in Urdu only as a term of
referencefor sister. By analogy with bhayya,'Indian' dimunitives of apa and baji,as
apydand bajyaare used in Urdu 39)but only if the difference in age between the
siblings is small. In Gujaratapa is used for the marriedelder sister and bajifor the
unmarriedelder sister 40).Younger sisters are called by their names.
In Urdu the term of referencefor the elder brother'swife is bhdwaj,and the term
of address bhabhias in Hindi. The term bhayahumentioned by Vreede-de Stuers41)
is very rarelyused. Sister'shusband is referredto as bahnoiby the Muslims while the
Hindus use this term, as well as another term not used by the Muslims,jlja for the
elder sister's husband only, and call the younger sister's husband bahinjama'i
(literally sister son-in-law).
For brother's son and daughter the terms bhatijaand bhatijiare used respectively
both in Hindi and in Urdu; as are the respective terms for sister's son and daughter,
bhanja,bhanji.Older Hindu terms bhduja,bhdgna,bhaujhiandbhagniare no longer used
either in Hindi or in Urdu.
The term of referencefor cousins uses eitherthe Persiansuffix ad or the indigenous
suffix era added to the basic terms of reference for brother (bha'i) or sister (bahen);
31) Kashghari, ed. 1941, 55-57.
32) Shaykh Sulayman Effendi Bukhari, LughatChaghatd'iwa Turki cUthmini,1298 A.H.,
67.
33) Gerhard Doerfer, Tiirkischeund MongolischeElemente im Neupersischen,Wiesbaden
I963-65, II, 3-4.
der Tirk-Dialecte, IV/2, I523.
34) V. V. Radloff, VersucheinesWorterbuches
35) Doerfer, II, 231-32.

36) Otto Spies, 'Turkisches Sprachgut im Hindustani', Studia Indologica,Festschrift fur

Willibald Kirfel, Bonn 1955, 327.
37) Anand Ram Mukhli,, Mir'at al-istilbh,B.M. Or. Ms. I913, f. 68b.
38) 'Ali Akbar Nafisi Nazim al-attiba', Farhang-iNafisi, Tehran 1343 shamsi, V, 3965.
39) Vreede-de Stuers, 257.
40) Satish ChandraMisra. MuslimCommunities
of Gujarat,Bombay 1964, I54.
41) Vreede-de Stuers, 258.

MISCELLANEA

349

thus, for instance, father's brother's son is chachaiador chachirdbha'i; mother's

sister's daughter is khalazador khaleribahen.The terms of address for the cousins,
however distantly related, are the same as for brother and sister. Islamic law allows
and Islamic custom regards as preferential,cousin marriage,especially the paternal
parallel cousin marriage. But the Hindu custom of calling one's cousin 'brother'
and 'sister'is retained;and ceases to be a term of addressonly when the two cousins
are formally engaged. In the case of cousin marriagesthe husband and wife would
continue to addresstheir affinalkin by the sametermsthey used before the marriage42).
Of the Hindu terms for bridegroom, vara, bara, dulhaand banra,dulhais most
commonly used by the Muslims. Persian nawshah,and bana< Hindi banrdare less
frequently used. Bar < Hindi bardis used in Urdu in the general sense of a match
for a girl. None of the Sanskriticterms for husband,pati, bhatir,shdmior swami,and
gharwdiwere accepted in either Indo-Persian or Urdu which use the Persian terms
shawharand khJwind< Pers. khuddwand
(?) and the indigenous miyin, probably first
used among the Pathans who had settled in the interior of the sub-continent in the
Lodi period as a term for a gentleman. Similarlynone of the terms, boh,bou,vahti,
gharrt,stri, used by Hindus for wife and of Sanskriticorigin are used by the Muslims.
The Muslim term of address for wife is the Pers. bibi and in the elite Turk. begum.
Bibi's variant biwias well as ahliya(of Arabic origin) are used as terms of reference.
Joru, also used in Hindi is used in Urdu in a derogatory sense. Zawjaused as a legal
term in Persianand Urdu has been borrowed in Hindi asj]ja. A more traditionalway
of referringto one's own or somebody else's wife in Urdu, is gharmen(in the home),
suggesting modesty and respect for the seclusion of women. In the lower strata of
Muslim society wife was referred to as so-and-so's (sibling's name) mother; and
the husband as so-and-so's (sibling's) father.
Father-in-law'shouse is susral < Hindi sasur/l. Mayka remains the term for the
girl's naturalhome as opposed to susral;but of the other terms used for the natal
home by the Hindus, nayhar,pihar and pekd, only the first is used by Muslims of
some rural areas in North India

43).

The common term used by Muslim husband or wife for his or her father-in-law
is the Hindi sasur;but as it has a shade of unpleasantnuance, the Persianterm khusr,
used in India since the Delhi Sultanate44), but not in Iran, is used as a term of
referencefor the wife's father. The husband'sor the wife's mother is sis as in Hindi;
but a more polite term khushddman
(i.e. one with a blessed skirt) was well in use by
the early Mughal period (c. o000 A.H.) 45). Its abbreviatedform was khushiman46).
In Urdu the terms khusrand khushddman
came to be applied only for the wife's
parents, probably because of the higher literacy of men and the preferencefor the
colloquial usage among the secluded women. It is interesting to compare this late
(probablyoriginating in the eighteenth century) development in India with the same
feature in Old Turkish in which a man's and a woman's in-laws were clearly
distinguished, the former being called qadinand the latter tiniir47). Usually the terms
42)
43)
44)
45)
46)
47)

Ibid., 264-65.
Ibid., 259.
Amir Khusraw, I'jaz-i Khusravi,II, I67.
Faydi Sirhindi, Maddral-af4al, ed. M. Baqir, Lahore, 1340 shamsi, II, I87.
Steingass, 487.
Kashghari, 203, 603; Dankoff in Arch. Ott., 41.

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MISCELLANEA

of address for the parents-in-lawby both the husband and the wife are the same as
for their own parents.
The Hindi termjeth for the husband's older brother has been taken over in Urdu
and is the only term so used to the exclusion of other Sanskriticterms, bhasurand
ivasuraboth of which suggest some likeness to the status and position of the fatherin-law. Husband'selderbrother'swife isjethiniin Hindi as in Urdu. In both languages
husband's younger brother is diwarand his wife dewrini;husband's sister is nand(or
nanand)and her husband nandoi.In Urdu husband's brother's wife is referredto as
sarhajby analogy with bhawaj(brother's wife). Older affinal relatives of the same
generation are addressedby the same terms as for one's own older brother or sister
(bha'ior apa). This also applies generallyto other affinalrelationshipsas well. Wife's
brother is sila in Hindi as in Urdu, but as it can also be a term of contempt or abuse,
the literaryterm biridar-inisbati(i.e. affinalbrother)is also used in polite conversation
as a term of reference.Wife's sister is called sali by the Muslims, while the Hindus
use this term only for her younger sister and use the'termjethalfor her elder sister 48).
Among the Muslims alone the literary term of reference for the wife's sister's
husband is the poetic compound term hamtulf(sharer of same, i.e. similar lock of
hair).It must have come into use when endogamous (or nearlyso) biihdirishad come
to be formed in the late seventeenth or early eighteenth century and hypergamous
marriageswith low caste Hindu women had become less common due to the much
greater availabilityof the Muslim women of the same kifa'a, with the higher birthrate of the Muslim population. In any case the eighteenth century Persian lexicon
Farhang-iAnandrijrecords this term 49).The term hamZulfwas never used in Iran;
and the corresponding Turkish term bdjindqnever gained any currencyin India.
A woman's co-wife is her sawtor sawkanand though, in a polygamous or bigamous
situation the relationshipis one of extremejealousy, she is addressedas bahen(sister).
Of the Sanskriticterms for son, ptt, chele,and betaonly the last is used in Urdu,
as well as the indigenous term lafki, the common term for a boy. The literaryterms
of referencefor some one else's son are the Persianfar,and and sahibiada.
Of the Hindu terms for daughter,dhi < Sans. duhitr,meye,lardi,nianiand biti only
the last term is used in Urdu, and also lafki which has the general meaning of a girl.
In polite conversation someone else's daughter is referred to as si.hibtidi.
In both Urdu and Hindi son's wife is bahu,;but for the daughter's husband the
Hindi form jami > Sans.jamitr is used only by the lower castes of Muslims. In
the Deccan a close variantformjawa'inis used. Literate'ashrif' Muslim use the term
dimad,a usage that goes back to the period of the Delhi Sultanate.The dichotamy
between the indigenous term 'bahu'and the Persianterm 'damad'suggests hypergamy
and the superiority of the status of the daughter's husband. Urdu and Hindi have
the same terms for the son's son and daughter(potd,poti) and the daughter'sson and
daughter (niwisa,niwasi).
In Indo-Persian,Urdu and Pashtu 50)jan (life, soul) came to be added to the kinship term of the closest kin as a term of endearment,but only for the older relatives.
The term suggests a patron-client relationship within the kin.
Aziz AHMAD

48) Karve, I13.

49) Muhammad Padshah Shad, Farhang-iAnandrdj,ed. Tehran I957, VII, 4614.

o5) Cf. Louis Dupree, Afghanistan,Princeton 1973, I87.