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THE
ANCIENT HISTORY
MEDES and PERSIANS,
EGYPTIANS,
CARTHAGINIANS,
MACEDONIANS
ASSYRIANS,
AND
BABYLONIANS,
GRECIANS-
BY MR
HOLLIJV,
LATE PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS, PROFESSOR OF

ELOQUENCE IN THE ROYAL COLLEGE, AND MEMBER OF
THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF INSCRIPTIONS
AND BELLES LETTRES.
TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH,

IN EIGHT VOLUMES.
VOL.
IV.
THE TWELFTH EDITION.

ILLUSTRATED WITH MAPS.
BOSTON
PUBLISHED AND SOLD BY HASTINGS, ETHERJDGE, AND BLISS^

No. 8, State Street.
AND BY SAID ETHERIDGE, WASHINGTON HEAD,
CHARLESTOWN.
1808.
CHARLfcSTOWN, (MASS.)
PRINTED BY S. ETHERlDGE.
CONTENTS
OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.
BOOK
IX. CONTINUED.
THE HISTORY OF THE PERSIANS AND GRECIANS.
CHAPTER
IV.
PAGE.
XXISTORY of Socrates
abridged,
Sect. I. Birth and education of Socrates,

II.
Of the demon,
IV. Socrates devotes himself
mankind by the
-
oracle,
14
entirely to the instruc-
tion of the youth of Athens,
16
applies himself to discredit the sophists
in the opinion of the
VI. Socrates
or familiar spirit of Soccates,
III. Socrates declared the wisest of
V. Socrates
is
young Athenians,
27
accused of holding bad opinions in re-
gard to the gods.
He
is
condemned
to die,
VII. Socrates refuses to escape out of prison.
He
50
drinks the poison,
VIII. Reflections on Socrates
passed upon
him by
and
the
sentence
the Athenians)
66
CONTENTS,
BOOK
X.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE GREEKS.

Chap,
Of political government,
I,
ARTICLE
Of
PAGE<
76
I.
the government of Sparta,
78
Sect. I. Idea of the Spartan government,
Love of poverty
II.
Laws
III.
Sect.
I.
instituted at Sprta,
established by
Minos
ARTICLE
Of
in Crete,
89
101
Foundation of the government of Athens,
Of the
84
IL
the government of Athens,
II.
102
...
inhabitants of Athens,
106
III. Of the council, or senate of five hundred,
IV. Of the Areopagus,
V. Of the magistrates,
Of
trials,
IX. Of the revenues of Athens,

X. Of the education of the youth,
Chap.
Sect.
II.
I.
Of war,
People of Greece in
II.
117
118
121
124
127
129
all
114
^-
138
times very warlike,
ib.
Origin and cause of the valor and military virtue

of the Lacedemonians and Athenians,
III.
111
VIII. Of the Amphyctions,
VI. Of the assemblies of the people,

VII.
ib.
Of
140
the different kind of troops which composed

the armies of the Lacedemonians and Athenians,
145
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
Of maritime
IV.
Sect.
and naval
affairs, fleets,
V. Peculiar character of the Athenians,
Common
VI.
150
forces,
158
character of the Lacedemonians and
Athenians,
166
BOOK XL
THE HISTORY OF DIONYSIUS THE ELDER AND YOUNGER,
TYRANTS OF SYRACUSE.
Chap.
Sect.
The
I.
I.
history of Dionysius the elder,
Means made use
of by Dionysius the elder to pos-
sess himself of the tyranny,
Commotions
II.
Sicily
in
Dionysius.
He
and
finds
at
Various success of
IV.
means
to dispel
it,
The history
His
his court,
Banishment of Dion,
Dion
217
of Dionysius the younger,
vites Plato to
III.
186
201
He in-
ib.
248
sets out to deliver Syracuse.
IV. Character of Dion,
tutes wise laws.
257
His death,
288
V. Dionysius the younger reascends the throne,

VI. Timoleon restores
235
Dionysius the younger succeeds his father.
II.
them,
Violent passion of Dionysius for poesy.
II.
I.
ib.
Syracuse against
death and bad qualities,
Sect.
Dionysius declares war against the Carthaginians.
III.
Chap.
174
liberty to Syracuse,
His death,
and
-
291
insti-
303
CONTENTS.
v*
BOOK
THE HISTORY
XII,
THE PERSIANS AND GRECIANS.
Oi"
PAGE.
Chap.
I.
Sect.
I.
State of
Greece from the treaty of Antal-
cides,
Sect, II. Sparta's prosperity.
Character of two illustrious
Thebans, Epaminondas and Pelopidas,

Til.
Sphodrias
forms a
New
324
design against the
Pi-
raeus,
IV.
317
troubles
338
in
Greece.
The Lacedemoni-
ans declare war against Thebes,
V. The two Theban
generals, at their return, are
accused and absolved.
Sparta implores aid of
...
Athens,
345
363
VI. Pelopidas marches against Alexander, tyrant of

Is killed in a battle.
Pherse.
of Alexander,
Tragical end
-
371
VII. Epaminondas chosen general of the Thebans.
His death and character,
387
Admi-
VIII. Death of Evagoras, king of Salamin.
IX. Artaxerxes
Mnemon
403
rable character of that prince,
undertakes the reduction of
407
Egypt,
X. The Lacedemonians send Agesilaus

Tachos.
XI. Troubles
His death,
at the court
his successor*
to the aid of
412
of Artaxerxes, concerning
Death of that prince,
419
XII. Causes of the frequent insurrections and revolts

in the Persian empire,
422
CONTENTS,
BOOK
mi
XIII.
THE HISTORY OF THE PERSIANS AND GRECIANS.

PAGESect.
I.
Ochus ascends the throne of Persia,

Revolt of several nations,
War of the allies
II.
III.
Demosthenes
cruelties.
429
against the Athenians,
Death of Mausolus.
432
Athenians for war.
excites the
Grief of Artemisa his
wife,
His
441
IV. Expedition of Ochus against Phenicia, Cyprus,

-
and Egypt,
V. Death of Ochus.
life
BOOK
birth and infancy
II.
III.
The
The
466
fitting
out fleets by
475
XIV.
THE HISTORY OF
quests.
-----
the Athenians,
The
463
of Demosthenes,
VII. Digression on the manner of
I.
451
Arses succeeds him,
VI. Abridgment of the
Sect.
PHILIP.
His
of Philip.
con-
first
birth of Alexander,
4&7
Sequel of the history of Philip, 512
sacred war.
Demosthenes harangues the Athenians against

Philip.
That prince takes Olynthus,
IV. Philip declares
He
for
Thebes against the Phoceans.
seizes on Thermopylae,
V. Philip extends
Thrace.
his
519
533
and
conquests into Illyria
Character of Phocion.
His success
against Philip,
544-
CONTENTS,
viii
PAGE.
Sect.
VI. Philip appointed generalissimo of the Greeks.

Athenians and Thebans unite against
him.
He
gains a battle at Cheronea,
569
VII. Philip declared generalissimo of the Greeks

against the Persians.
VIII. Memorable
actions
Good and bad
His death,
592
and sayings of Philip,
qualities of that prince,
598
BOOK NINTH, CONTINUED.
H ISTORY
PERSIANS
AND
GRECIANS.
CHAPTER
IV.
HISTORY OF SOCRATES. ABRIDGED.
S the death of Socrates
is
one of the most consid-
erable events of antiquity, I thought
me
it
incumbent on
to treat that subject with all the extent
In this view
I shall
it
deserves.
premise some things which are nec-
essary to the reader's having a just idea of this prince
of the philosophers.
Two
authors will supply
have to say upon
both disciples of Socrates,

indebted for
many
having
nothing
left
account of
and death.
a
all
me
principally with
this subject, Plato

It is to
what
and Xenophon,
them
posterity is
of his discourses,* that philosopher

in
writing,
and for an ample
the circumstances of his condemnation
Plato was an eye witness of the whole, and
Socrates, cujus ingenium vaviosque sermones immortalitati scriptis
suis Plato tradidit, literam
vol. 4.
nullam
reliquit.
Cic, d orat.l.
iii.
n. 57.
HISTORY OF SOCRATES.
his
in
relates,
Apology, the
accusation and defence
make
manner of Socrates^s
in his Criton, his refusal to
his escape out of prison
in his Phaedon, his
admirable discourse upon the immortality of the soul,
which was immediately followed by

ophon was absent
after the expedition of
Artaxerxes
and upon
at that time,
Xen-
his death.
his return
young Cyrus against his brother
so that he wrote his apology of Socrates
only upon the report of others
but his actions and
memorable
discourses, in his four books of
repeats from his
own knowledge.
has given us the
life
things, he
Diogenes Laertius
of Socrates, but in a very dry and
abridged manner.
SECTION
I.
BIRTH AND EDUCATION OF SOCRATES.
Socrates was born
at
Athens
in the fourth
year of
His father Sophro-
the seventy seventh Olympiad."
niscus was a sculptor, and his mother Phanarete a
Hence we may observe,
midwife.
birth
is
no obstacle to true merit,
glory and real nobility consist.
comparison Socrates often used
he was neither ashamed of

profession.
employ
his
He was
so
little
* A.
c
meanness of
which alone solid

appears from the
in his discourses, that
his father's
or mother's
surprised that a sculptor should
whole attention
into the likeness of a
in
It
that
to
mould an
insensible stone
man, and that a man should take
pains not to resemble an insensible stone. d
M.
3533.
Ant.
Ibid. p. 110.
J. C. 471.
Diog. Laert. in Socrat.

* Plat, in
p. 100.
Theatet. p. 149, &c.
He
would often
say, that he exercised the function of
midwife with regard to the mind,

forth
all its
He
treated subjects in so simple, nat-
and pure an order, that he made those with
he disputed say what he would, and

themselves to
He
at first
all
his
find
whom
an answer
the questions he proposed to them.
learned his father's trade, in which he
Mercury and the Graces
workmanship
and
made
In the time of Pausanias, there
himself very expert.
was
bring
it
thoughts, which was indeed the peculiar tal-
ent of Socrates.
ural,
making
in
it
is
to
be seen
to
be presumed, these
Alliens o
at
would not have found place amongst those of
statues
the greatest masters in the art, if they had not been
thought worthy of
f
Criton
is
father's shop,
it.
reported to have taken
him out of
from the admiration of his
the opinion that
was inconsistent
it
fine genius,
for a
his
and
young man,
capable of the greatest things, to continue perpetually
employed upon stone with a

the disciple of Archelaus,
chisel in his hand.
who
He was
conceived a great
affec-
Archelaus had been pupil to Anaxa-
tion for him.
goras, a very celebrated philosopher.
His
first
study
was physics, the works of nature, and the movement of

the heavens, stars, and planets
according to the cus-
tom of those times, wherein only that part of philosophy

was known, and Xenophon e assures us of his being
very learned in
Pausan.
1.
fc
it.
after
having found by his

f
596.
ix. p.
But
Lib.
iv.
Mem.
Diog-. p. 101.
p. 710.
Socrates primus philosopliiam devocavit e clo, et in urbibus collo-
cavit, et in
domos etiam
introduxit, et coegit
qie bonis et malis quscrere.
de
Cic. Tusc. quxst.
1.
vita et moribus, rebus*

v. n. 10.
Socrates mihi videtur, id quod constat inter omnes, primus a rebus

ccultis, et ab ipsa natura involutis, in quibus
omnes ante eum
philoso.
how difficult, abstruse, intricate, and

same time how little useful that kind of learning
ovvn experience,
at the
was
to the
generality
of mankind, he was the
first,
who conceived the thought of

down philosophy from heaven, to place it in
and introduce it into private houses human-
according to Cicero,
bringing
cities,
izing
and rendering
to use that expression,
it,
familiar,
more
useful in
common
life,
reach of man's capacity, and applying
might make them more

x
vivacity of his mind,
it
in
it
more
within the
solely to
what
and virtuous.
rational, just,
was a kind of folly
Iie found there
more
devoting the whole
and employing
all
his time, in in-
quiries merely curious, involved in impenetrable dark-
and
ness,
human
of
absolutely incapable
happiness
and
self in the ordinary duties of life,

is
contributing to
whilst he neglected to inform himin learning
conformable, or opposite, to piety,
probity
consist
in
what
what
the rules of
is
sequel the use he
was so
duties of a
all
government, what
qualities are necessary for
We
ruling well.
all
shall see in the
made of this study.
from preventing him to discharge the
far
good
citizen, that
it
was the means of mak-
ing him the more observant of them.

as did
and
temperance, and wisdom
the end of
and what
it,
commanding and
It
fortitude,
justice,
what
the people of Athens
and elevated motives.
He
bore arms,
but with more pure
He made many
campaigns,
phi occupati fuerunt, avocavisse philosophiam, et ad vitam communem

ut de vinutibus et vitiis, omninoque de bonis rebus et malis
adduxisse
quxreret
vel si
autem vel procul esse a nostra cognitione censeret,

cognita essent, nihil tamen ad bene vivendum conferre.
rlestia
maxime
Cic. acad. quaest.
1.
n. 15.
i.
Xenoph^ Memorab.
1. i.
p. 710.
many
and always distinguished
was present
in
himself by
his valor and fortitude.
wards the end of
actions,
He was
seen, to-
which
his life, giving in the senate, of
he was a member, the most shining proofs of his zeal
by the greatest
for justice, without being intimidated
present dangers.
He had accustomed
laborious
men
life
himself early to a sober, severe,
without which
seldom happens, that
it
are capable of discharging the greatest part of the
duties of
good
citizens.
to carry the con-
It is difficult
tempt of riches and the love of poverty farther than he

k
did.
in
He
looked upon
want of nothing
it
as a divine perfection to
and believed, the
less
we
be
are con-
we approach to the Divinity,

pomp and show displayed by luxury in
tented with, the nearer

1
Seeing the
and the
certain ceremonies,
and
employed
silver
in
infinite
them.
"
quantity of gold
How many
things"
said he, Congratulating himself on his condition, "

I not
want
!"
do
Quantis non egeo!
His father
left
him eighty mina,
that
is
to say,
four thousand livres, which he lent to one of his friends
who had occasion
for that
friend having taken an
ill
sum.
But the
affairs
of that
and
turn, he lost the whole,
suffered that misfortune with such indifference and

tranquillity, that
n
We
estate
find
in
Athens were
much
as complain of
Xenophon's Economics,
amounted
hundred and
he did not so
no more than
to
fifty
livres.
his friends,
The
five
that his
it.
whole
mina, or two
richest
persons of
who could never prevail upon
Xenoph. Memorab. 1. i. p. 731.

pompa, cum magna vis auri argentique ferretur
!t
Socrates
in
snulta non desidero, inquit
m Liban,
in
Apolojj. Socrat.
Cic. Tusc. Qiixst.
1.
p. 640.
Quam
5.
Xenoph. Econ.
p.
822
t>
him
was
he
want of any thing, he was not ashamed to
in
declare
it
'*
had money," said he one day
If I
assembly of his friends, "
He
When
to accept any share of their wealth.
me
should buy
in
an
a cloak.
did not address himself to any body in particular,
but contented himself with that general information.
His disciples contended
for the
him
which was being too slow,
this small present
says Seneca
their
own
honour of making
observation ought to have
prevented both the want and the demand.
He
generously refused the offers and presents of Ar-
who was desirous of having
chelaus king of Macedonia,
him
at his court
adding, " that he could not go to a
man, who could give him more than
power
return," says Seneca, " to undeceive
of grandeur and magnificence
with a contempt for riches

of them
in a
was
in his
Another philosopher does not ap" Was it making a prince a small
to return."
prove this answer.
ideas
it
to instruct
him
in his false
to inspire
show him the
to
in the great art
how
word, to teach him
him
to live
him
right use
of reigning
and how to die
But," continues Seneca, " the true reason which prevented his going to the court of that prince was, that
he did not think
tary servitude,
him
fer
tem
is
it
consistent for
whose
to enjoy."
him
to seek a volun-
liberty a free city could not suf-
Noluit
ire
ad voluntariam $e)-vit li-
cujus libertatem e'witas libera ferre non potnit. v
Socrates, amicis audientibus
Jiaberem.
Neminem
poposcit,
Einissem, mquit, pallium,
omnes admonuit.
bitus fuit Post hoc quisquis properaverit, scro dat

it.
Scnec. de benef.
24.
1.
vii.
Senec. de benef.
1.
v. c. 6,
si
nummoc
quo acciperet, am;
jam
Socrati defu
%
The
peculiar austerity of his
him gloomy and morose,
as
life
7
did not render
was common enough with

r
the philosophers of those times.
In
company and
conversation he was always gay and facetious, and the
and
sole joy
of the entertainment.
spirit
Though he
was very poor, he piqued himself upon the neatness of

his person and house, and could not suffer the ridiculous affectation of Antisthenes,
He
and ragged clothes.
who always wore

him once,
told
dirty
that through
the holes in his cloak, and the rest of his tatters, abund-
ance of vanity might be discerned.
One
was a
of the most distinguishing qualities of Socrates,
tranquillity of soul, that
injury,
no
no accident, no
believed, that he
no
Some have
treatment, could ever alter.
ill
loss,
was by nature hasty and passionate,
and that the moderation to which he had attained, was

the effect of his reflections and endeavours to subdue
and correct himself; which would

8
Seneca
prize
tell
still
add to his merit.
he had desired his friends to ap-
us, that
him whenever they saw him ready
them
passion, and that he had given
to
fall
into a
that privilege over
him, which he took himself with them.
Indeed the
best time to call in aid against rage and anger, that
when
have so violent and sudden a power over us,
is
we
the
signal, the least
tone, or
was
Xenoph.
"
Finding himself in great emotion

I
would beat you," says
in conviv.
s
Contra potens
nostri
first
animadversion, he either softened his
silent.
against a slave
At
are yet ourselves, and in cool blood.
Senec. de
malum
sumus, advocemus.
et
ylian.
Ira.
iii.
1.
iv. c. 11.
15.
et
he,
"if I
ix. c. 35.
apud nos grattosum, dura conspicimusj e?
HISTORY OF SOCRATES*
:" u
were not angry
Caderem
Hay-
te, nisi irascerer.
ing received a box on the ear, he contented himself

v
with only saying, with a smile,

to know when to put on an
Without going out of
enough
It is
helmet.
own
his
to exercise his patience in
tippe his wife put
a misfortune not
house, he found
all its
to the severest proofs
it
Xan-
extent.
pricious, passionate, violent disposition.
It
fore he took her for his companion, that he
by her caseems, be-
was not
ig-
norant of her character; and he says himself in Xeno-
phon, w that he had expressly chosen her, from the

conviction, that
insults, there
if
would be nobody, though ever so
whom
to endure, with
woman
he should be capable of bearing her
he could not
Never was
live.
of so violent and fantastical a
and so
spirit,
There was no kind of abuse
bad a temper.
difficult
or injuri-
ous treatment, which he had not to experience from
She would sometimes be transported with such
her.
an excess of rage, as to tear

street
x
;
and even one day,
off his cloak in the
after
having vented
open
all
the
reproaches her fury could suggest, she emptied a pot
upon
his
" That
head
so
at
much
which he only laughed, and

thunder must
needs
said,
produce a
shower."
y
Some
ancient authors write, that Socrates married
who was
a second wife, named Myrto,
the grand-
daughter of Aristides the Just, and that he suffered exceedingly from them both,
who were
continually quar-
relling with each other, and never agreed, but

"
Senec. de Ira.
w Xenoph.
y
?.
Plut, in Aristi
105.
1. i.
c.
v Ibid.
15.
x
in conviv.p. 876.
.
p. 335.
Athen.
1.
Diog
xiii.
555.
1. iii.
in load-
c. 11.
in Socrat. p. 112.
Diog. Laert, in Socrat
ing him with reproaches, and doing him

they could invent.
They
all
the offence
pretend, that during the
Peloponnesian war, after the pestilence had

great part of the Athenians, a decree
s went off
was made, where
bv, to retrieve the sooner the ruins of the republic,
each citizen was permitted to have two wives
same time, and
new
solely
Those authors found
law.
upon
a passage in a treatise
to Aristotle.
at the
that Socrates took the benefit of this
But besides
that,
this
on
circumstance
nobility, ascribed
according to Plutarch
himself, Panetius, a very grave author, has fully refut-
ed
opinion
this
neither Plato nor
were well acquainted with

ter,
all
Xenophon, who
that related to their
mas-
say any thing of this second marriage of Socrates
and on another
side,
odorus Siculus,
ticulars of the
Thucydides, Xenophon, and Di-
who have
treated at large
Peloponnesian war, are alike
all
the par-
silent in re-
gard to the pretended decree of Athens, which permitted bigamy.
We may see
in the first
Memoirs of the Academy of Belles

tation of
in
Monsieur Hardion's upon
volumes of the
Lettres, a disser-
this subject,
where-
he demonstrates, that the second marriage of Soc-
rates,
and the decree upon bigamy,
are supposi-
titious facts.
SECTION
II.
OF THB DEMON, OR FAMILIAR SPIRIT OF SOCRATES.
Our
knowledge of Socrates would be defective,
if
we knew nothing of the genius, which, he said, had assisted him with its council and protection in the greatvol.
4.
10
est part of his actions.
what
this genius was,
It is
not agreed
commonly
among authors
The demon
called "
word 1
of Socrates," from the Greek
that signifies
something of a divine nature, conceived as a secret

voice, a sign, or such an inspiration as diviners are sup-
posed to have had.
This genius diverted him from
when they have been prehim, without ever inducing him to act any
the execution of his designs

judicial to
thing
um
a
:
Esse divinum quoddam, quod Socrates dmoni-
semper
appellate cut
ipse paruerit,
nunquam impel-
lenti,
sape revocanti.
"
the genius of Socrates," repeats the different sen-
Of
Plutarch, in his treatise entitled,
timents of the ancients upon the existence and nature

b
of this genius.
I shall
confine myself to that of them,
which seems the most natural and reasonable, though

he does not lay
much
We know that
knowledge of
its
stress
upon
it.
the divinity has a clear and unerring
futurity
that
man
cannot penetrate into
darkness but by uncertain and confused conjec-
tures
who succeed
that those
are such, who,
best in that research,
by a more exact and studied comparison
of the different causes capable of influencing future

events, distinguish, with greater force and perspicuity,
what
will
be the result and issue of the
conflict of
those different causes in conducing to the success or
This foresight
miscarriage of an effect or enterprise.
and discernment has something of divine in
it,
exalts
us above the rest of mankind, approaches us to the

Divinity, and
his councils
makes us
participate in
some measure
in
and designs, by giving us an insight and

a
z Axi/Atvtov.
<>
Page 580.
Cic.
de Divin.
I. i.
n. 122.
prescience, to a certain degree, of
11
what he has ordain-
Socrates had a just and
ed concerning the future.
piercing judgment, joined with the most exquisite pru-
He might
dence.
c
call this
judgment and prudence,
" something divine," using indeed a kind of equivo-
cality in the expression,
without attributing to himself,
however, the merit of his wisdom in conjecturing upon
The Abbe
the future.
same opinion
Fraguier comes very near the
in the dissertation
this subject in the
he has
us upon
left
Memoirs of the Academy of Belles
Lettres. d
e
The
effect,
or rather function of this genius, was to
stop and prevent his acting, without ever inducing
He
to act.
communicated
related,
when
received also the same impulse,
were going
friends
it
to
to
engage
him
in
any bad
affair,,
wherein they found themselves very unfortu-
signification
Now
can be given to
this,
what other
than that
it
under mysterious terms, a mind, which, by
intended to lessen in his
And
if
own person
unerring judgment, by attributing

;
implies,
its
own
and the knowledge of mankind, has attained a
sort of insight into futurity ?
stinct
his
and
and several instances are
nate from not having believed him.
lights,
him
it
Socrates had not

the merit of an
to a kind of in-
bottom he had desired any thing
if at
to
be un-
derstood, besides the general aid of the divine wisdom.
which speaks
in
every
man by
the voice of reason

f
would he have escaped, says Xenophon, the censure

of arrogance and falsehood ?
c
Aa/yMov;ov.
Plat, in
Theag.
p. 128.
Tom. iv. p. 368.

Memorab. 1. i. p,
708.
12
g
God
me
has always prevented
from speaking to
you, says he to Alcibiades, whilst the weakness of
your age would have rendered
But
to you.
conceive I
my discourses ineffectual
may now
enter into dispute
with you, as an ambitious young man, for
way
laws open a
whom
to the dignities of the republic.
the
Is
it
not visible here, that prudence prevented Socrates from

treating Alcibiades seriously, at a time
severe conversation would have given
when grave and

im a disgust,
of which he might perhaps never have got the better?

h
And when,
in his dialogue
upon the commonwealth,
Socrates ascribes his avoiding public business to

spiration
in-
from above, does he mt an any thing more
than what he says in his Apology, that a just and good
man, who intermeddles with the government

rupt state,
not long without perishing ?
is
who were
he appears before the judges

him, that divine voice
it
deem
his age,
and
knows what
upon
uted
it
the reason
him
a misfortune for
concerted,
wise man,
it
it,
who
He
may
1.
vi. p.
496.
Annlno- Snr
ill
easily
without the aid of a de*
e Plat, in Alcib. p. 150.
de Rep.
attrib-
sees an affair
moil's inspiration.
h Plat,
he
be the inspira-
to
and conducted with passion,
prophesy upon the event of
that
had been long before,
demon, and declared
tion of that spirit.
is,
Every body
in his circumstances.
his prognostication
to his
when
condemn
to die, especially
the unfortunate expedition of Sicily.

it
If,*
not heard to prevent him, as
was upon dangerous occasions,
did not
at
is
to
in a cor
Apolog. Soc
r.
A.0
p. 31, 32,
It
must be allowed, however,
gives
men
genii
18
that the opinion
which
and angels to direct and guard them,
was not unknown even to the pagans.
Plutarch cites
the verses of Menander, in which that poet expressly

says, "
That every man
at his birth
has a good genius
given him, which attends him during the whole course

of his
life
as a guide and director."

*'
A7T!tVrt SLl/UW
Eubi
3tl'lT|<
o-vy.7r4.pzctTii
yivojuitva, {Au-a.yayo
tu
,ix
Aya.bc;,
may be believed with probability enough, that the

demon of Socrates, which has been so differently
spoken of, and thereby made it a question whether it
It
was
good or bad angel, was no more than the force
and rectitude of his judgment, which, acting according

to the rules of prudence,
and with the aid of a long
experience, supported by wise reflections,

fort- see
the events of those things
made him
upon which he was
either consulted or deliberated himself.

I
conceive
at
the
same
the people should believe

futurity
by any
effect
time, that he
him
was not sorry
inspired, or that he
of the divinity whatsoever.
opinion might exalt him very
him an
Athenians, and give
much
in the sense
authority, of
knew
That
of the
which the
greatest persons of the pagan world were very fond,
and which they endeavoured

k
Lycurgus and
vance their credit.
De
to acquire
by secret com-
anim. tranquil, p. 474.
Solon had recourse to the authority of oracles to adZeleucus pretended, that his laws had been dictated
to him by Minerva.
Numa Pompilius boasted his conferences with the
goddess Egeria. The first Scipio Africanus made the people believe
that the gods gave
thing divine in
i\.
him secret
counsels.
Even
Sertorius's hind
had some-
14
munications, and pretended conferences with some

divinity
but
it
drew
the jealousy of
many
of the
citi-
zens upon him.
SECTION
III,
DECLARED THE WISEST OF MANKIND BY THE ORACLE
iiOCRATES
OF DELPHOS.
This
declaration of the oracle, so advantageous in
appearance for Socrates, did not a

the inflaming envy, and stirring
him, as he
tells
little
contribute to
up of enemies
against
us himself in his Apology, wherein he
recounts the occasion, and true sense of that oracle.
Cherephon,
a zealous disciple of Socrates,
happen-
demanded of the
whether
ing to be at Delphos,
there
was a wiser man than Socrates
priestess replied there
was none.
zled Socrates extremely,
hend the sense of it
for
who
oracle,
in the
on the one
wisdom in him and, on

;
the
could scarce compreside,
he well knew,
says he of himself, that there was neither

tle
world
This answer puz-
much
nor
lit-
the other, he could not sus-
pect the oracle of falsehood, the divinity being incapable of telling a

tively,
it.
lie.
He
therefore considered
it
atten-
and took great pains to penetrate the sense of
At first he
applied himself to a powerful citizen, a
who passed for one

and who was himself as
statesman, and a great politician,
of the wisest men of the city,

much convinced of his own merit
as any body.
He
found by his conversation that he knew nothing, and
much to himself in terms

which made him extremely
insinuated as
sufficiently in-
telligible
odious to that
Plut, in Apolog. p. 21, 22,
citizen,
and
who were present. He
all
same profession
several others of the
15
did the same
and
all
by
the fruit
of his inquiry was, to draw upon himself a greater
number of enemies. From

himself to the poets,
the statesmen he addressed
whom he
found
still
fuller
of self
esteem, but really more void of knowledge and wis-
He
dom.
pursued his inquiries to the
artisans,
and
could not meet with one, who, because he succeeded
own
in his
and
fully
did not believe himself very capable,
art,
informed
in all that
was great besides
presumption was the almost universal
As
Athenians.
which
failing of the
they had naturally abundance of wit,
they pretended to be
knowing
every thing, and be-
in
lieved themselves capable of pronouncing
upon
all
His inquiries amongst strangers were not
things.
more
successful.
Socrates afterwards entering into, and comparing

himself with
all
those he had questioned," discovered,
that the difference
they
and
all
believed they
that, for his part,
From
rance.
truly wise,
or, to
knew what
they did not know,
he sincerely professed his igno-
thence he concluded, that only
God
is
and that the true meaning of his oracle was
to signify, that
all
human wisdom was no
speak more properly, was nothing
naming me,
to the oracle's
by way of
n
between him and them was, that
it
me up
setting
great matter,
at all.
no doubt did
for
And as
so, says he,
an example, as
if it
Socrajes in omnibus fere sermonibus sic disputt, ut nihil affirmel
ipse, refellat alios
ceteris,
unum
quod
illi,
nihil se
scire
dicat, nisi id ipsum,
quae nesciant, scire se putent
eoque prsestare
ipse se nihil scire id
mum
sciat, ob eanique rem se arbitrari ab Apolline omnium sapientissi

esse dictum, quod haec esset una omnia sapientia, non arbitrari c,
scire
quod
nesoiat,
Cic
acad. quaest.
1-
i.
n, 15, IS.
**>
intended to declare to
he,
is
who knows,
wisdom
in
men, The wisest among you
all
like Socrates, that there is
no
real
him.
SECTION
IV.
SOCRATES DEVOTES HIMSELF EN IRELV TO THE INSTRUCTION 0?

THE YOUTH OF ATHENS.
I
After
life
having related some particularities
of Socrates,
his character
mean
time to proceed to that in which
it is
and peculiarly consisted
principally
the pains he took to instruct mankind, and par-
ticularly in
in the
He
forming the youth of Athens.
common
seemed, says Lybanius, the
father of
the republic, so attentive was he to the happiness and
But
advantage of his whole country.

difficult
change principles who revere the errors
virtue in a soil
more
He had no
in
fit
to
produce the
open school
benches prepared,
He
very
which they
sow the seeds of
like
of
fruits
the rest
philosophers, nor set times for his lessons.
chair.
is
grey, he devoted his labours principally to
the instruction of youth, in order to
it
make people
and to
to correct the aged,
have grown
as
it.
of the
He had no
nor ever mounted a professor's
He was the philosopher of all times and seasons.
taught in
all
and upon
places,
walking, conversation,
midst of the camp,
in
he philosophiz
In Apol. Socrat. p. 641.
occasions
in
the public assemblies of the
senate or people, in prison itself

the poison,
all
meals, in the army, and in the
at
d,
an;l
says
Plut, an seni
sit,
when he drank
Plutarch,
and
ger. resp. p. 79&-
And from
mankind.
instructed
17
thence
same
the
judicious author takes occasion to establish a great

principle in point of
him had placed
fore
man, says he,
in
be a public
not necessary to be actually in
is
it
To
in all its light.
be-
<i
wear the robe of judge or magistrate, and
ornoe, to
sit
government which Seneca
to
the highest tribunals for the administration of
Many do
justice.
the fine
who, though honoured with
this,
names of orators,
pretors,
and senators,
want the merit of those characters, ought
if
they
to be regard-
ed as private persons, and often confounded with the
But whoever knows
lowest and vilest of the populace.
how
to give wise counsel to those
to animate the citizens to virtue,
who
and
consult him,
to inspire
them
with sentiments of probity, equity, generosity, and

love of their country
this
is,
says Plutarch, the true
magistrate and ruler, in whatsoever condition or place
he be.
The
Such was Socrates.
services he did the state,
by the instructions he gave the'r youth, and the disciples he formed, are inexpressibly great
master a greater number, or so
never had
Upon
the
magnus animus.
Ita.
though alone, were worth a multitude/

1
Habet ubi
se etiam in privato late explicet
delituerit (vir ille) ut ubicuiique otium
suum
absconderit, prodesse velit
et singulis et universis, fngemo, voce, consilio.
prodest,
set,
Plato,
illustrious.
Nee enim
in
solus reip.
candidates extrabit, et inetur reos, et de pace belloque cen-
qvii
sed qui juventutem exliorutur, qui
in
fanta
bonorum prxceptorum
inopia virtute instruit animus, qui ad pecuniam luxuriamque cursu

tes prensat ac retrahit,
cum negotium
agit.
et
An
si
ille
nihil aliud
men-
certe moratur, in privato publi-
plus prresiat, qui inter
peregrmos
aut urbanos prretor adeunlibus adsessoris verba pronunciat
et cives,
quam
qui
quid pietas, quid patientia, quid fortitudo, quid

mortis contemptus, quid'deorum intellectus, quam gratuitum bonum sit
docet, quid
sit justitia,
conscientia
Senec de
tranquil, anim.
r
vol.
4.
iii.
Plut, in Mario, p. 433.
18
point of death he blessed and thanked

things
that he
had endued him with a
that he
was born a Greek, and not
that he
had placed
Xenophon had
it,"
It is said, that
in the street,
and stopping
It
was not
difficult to
answer this
But Socrates having demanded
men
learned
question put
him
and
asked him whether he knew where
provisions were sold ?
place
rational soul,
a barbarian,
same advantage.
the
his staff,
question.
for three
his birth in the lifetime of Socrates.
one day Socrates met him
him with
God
in
what
and seeing
virtue,
to a stand
this second
" If you desire to know
continued the philosopher, " follow me, and you
be informed."
shall
was afterwards
the
Which he did immediately, and

first who collected and published
his master's discourses.

1
Aristippus,
upon a conversation with Ischoma-
chus, in which he had introduced
some
strokes of
Socrates's doctrine, conceived so ardent a passion to
become
effect
his disciple,
of
imbibe
it,
his
till
fill
that
he grew lean and wan in
he could go to the fountain head, and
of a philosophy that taught the knowl-
edge and cure of evil.
What
is
better
still
reported of Euclid the Megarian, explains
how
high the passion of Socrates's disci-
ples ran, to receive the benefit of his instructions. 11
There was
at that
time an open war between Athens
and Megara, which was carried on with so much
ani-
mosity, that the Athenians obliged their generals to take
an oath to lay waste the territory of Megara twice a

year,
and prohibited the Megarians
Diog-. in
Plut, de curios, p. 516.
Xenoph.
to
set foot
p. 120.
u Plut, in Pericl.
p. 168.
in
upon pain of death.
Attica,
IP
This decree could not

v
"extinguish nor suspend the zeal of Euclid.

his city
with a
in
veil
the evening in the disguise of a
upon
He
left
woman,
and came to the house of
his head,
Socrates in the night, where he continued
till
the ap-
proach of day, when he returned in the same manner
he came.
The
was
ardour of the young Athenians to follow
They
incredible.
renounced
to him,
left
and mother, and
father
parties of pleasure, to attach themselves
We may judge of
and to hear his discourses.
this in the
fiery
all
him
example of Alcibiades, the most ardent and
The
of all the Athenians.
philosopher, however,
never spared him, and was always ready to calm the

sallies
was
of his passions, and to rebuke his pride, which
his great disease.
have before related some
instances of this temper of his.
One day when
Alcibiades was boasting of his wealth, and the great

estates in his possession,
which generally blow up the
him
to a
geographical map, and asked him to find Attica.
It
pride of young people of quality, he carried
was so small
draught
could scarce be discerned upon that
he found
however, though with some
it,
but upon being desired to point out his

" It is too small," says he, " to be
estate there
difficulty
own
it
distinguished in so
plied Socrates, "
little
how much you
imperceptible point of land."
have been urged
much
Attica compared to
'
Aul. Ge\. Noct.
AU.
all
1.
yL
" See then," re-
a space."
are affected about an
This reasoning might
farther
still.
For what was
Greece, Greece to Europe,

c. 10.
JEXi&n.
1.
iii.-
c.28.
20
Europe
to the
whole world, and the world
itself to the
vast extent of the infinite orbs which surround
What
an insect, what a nothing,
is
it
the most powerful
prince of the earth in the midst of this abyss of bodies
and immense spaces, and how much of

occupy
does he
it
The young
people of Athens, dazzled with the
glory of Themistocles, Cimon, and Pericles, and
full
of
a wild ambition, after having received for some time

the lessons of the sophists,
who promised
make
to
them very great politicians, conceived themselves capable of every thing, and aspired at the highest employ-
ments.
One
named Glauco, had taken
of these
it
so strongly into his head to enter upon the administra-
though not twenty years
tion of the public affairs,
old,
that none of his family or friends were able to divert
him from
a design so
capacity.
Socrates,
who had
upon account of Plato

Meeting him one
"
hearing.
You
to
"
You
change his resolution.
engaged him
he
in
your power
give
to
are desirous then
to
him
govern
" True," replied
cannot have a more noble design,"
answered Socrates
it
and
him
was the only person
the republic," said he to him.
Glauco.
for
he accosted him so happily
clay,
with discourse, that
an affection
his brother,
upon him
that could prevail
the
consistent with his age
little
" for
you succeed, you
if
to serve
your friends
will
have
effectually,
to
aggrandize your family, and to extend the confines of
your country.
You
will
make
only to Athens, but throughout
yourself
all
known
Greece, and per-
haps your renown, like that of Themistocles,

*
Xenoph. Memorab.
1. iil
p.
not
772774.
may
21
spread abroad amongst the barbarous nations.
wherever you
short,
are,
you
will attract the respect
In
and
admiration of the whole world."
So smooth and insinuating
young man, who was taken by
pleasing to the
blind
press
He
side.
him on
oured, no doubt your view
" Tell
?" " Certainly."
name
of the gods, what
and the conversation con-
is
is
to
me
the
be useful to the pub-
then,
first
beg you,
sa)-,
"
You
to
"My
augment its revenues."
a loss,
at
and meditated upon what he should answer

sume," continues Socrates, " it is to enrich
to
in the
service you propose
As Glauco seemed
render the state ?"
to
gave no occasion to
staid willingly,
that account,
his
" Since you desire to be esteemed and hon-
tinued.
lic
was extremely
a prelude
"
it,
I pre-
that is
very thought.''
are well versed then undoubtedly in the reve-
nues of the
state,
You
amount.
and know perfectly to what they may
have not
to
failed
make them youi
particular study, in order that if a fund should happen,

to
by any unforeseen accident, you might be able
fail
supply the deficiency by another."
"
plied Glauco, " that never entered into
" At
least
republic
you
will tell
amount
for
me
to
I protest," re-
my
must
till
little
informed
thoughts."
what the expenses of the
you must know the importance
of retrenching such as are superfluous."
am as
to
"
in this point as the other."
own I
" You
therefore refer your design of enriching the state
another time
Wiiilst
you
for
it is
impossible you should do
are unacquainted with
its
it,
revenues and ex-
penses."
" But," said Glauco, "there
which you have not mentioned.
is still
another means
may be
state
en-
22
enemies." " You are in the

" But that depends upon its
right," replied Socrates.
riched by the ruin of
being the strongest

losing what
engaging
sides
otherwise
incurs the danger of

talks of
ought to know the forces on both
own
that if he finds his
it
For which reason, he who
has.
it
in a war,
its
party strongest, he
boldly advise the war, and,
people from undertaking
weakest, dissuade the
if
Now
it.
may
do you know the
strength of our republic, and that of our enemies,

sea and land ?
Have you
so kind to
me
let
"
said Glauco.
a state of them in writing ?
"
see it."
I
w ar,
shall not presently enter into a
quiries to
you
upon
ran over in this
less important, with
unacquainted
till
if
you
to
we
are charged
in
go through, before
it."
manner
several other articles
no
which Glauco appeared equally
how
he brought him to confess,
ridiculous those people were,

to intrude into
not at present,"
you have abundance of
make, and much pains
will resolve
He
for
it
said Socrates, " that
see then,"
with the government
have
by
Be
who have
the rashness
government without any other prepara-
tion for the service of the public, than that of an high
esteem
for themselves,
and an immoderate ambition of
rising to the first places
and
"
dignities.
dear Glauco," said he to him, "
lest a too
Have
a care,
warm
desire
may
of honours should deceive you into pursuits, that
cover you with shame, by setting your incapacity and

slender abilities in full light."
Glauco improved from the wise admonitions of Socrates,
and took time to inform himself
fore he ventured to appear in public.

for all ages,
stations
in private, be-
This
is
a lesson
and may be very useful to persons
and conditions of
life.
in all
23
HISTORY OF SOCRATElS.
Socrates did not urge his friends to enter early
upon public employments

success in them.
"
to take pains for
first
knowledge necessary
the attainment of the

z
but
A man
to their
must be very simple,"
said he, " to believe that the mechanic arts are to be
acquired without the help of proper masters, and that

the knowledge requisite in governing states, which is
human prudence, demands no
the highest degree of
His great care in
previous labour and application."
regard to those
was
to
form
who
their
aspired at public employments,
manners upon the
probity and justice
solid principles of
and especially to inspire them
with a sincere love of their country, with the
most
ardent passion for the public good, and an high idea of
power and goodness of the gods
the
out these qualities,
der
all
because, with-
other abilities serve only to ren-
men more wicked, and more
Xenophon has transmitted
to
capable of doing
evil.
us a conversation of
Socrates with Euthydemus, upon providence, which
one of the
finest
is
passages to be found in the writings of
the ancients.
" Did you never
within yourself," says Soc-
reflect
rates to Euthydemus, "
taken to
how much
bestow upon man all that
nature ?"
" Never,
precious that
us."
" Without
be
gift
it,"
were dead
necessary to his
"
how
necessary light
You
is,
and
of the gods ought to appear to
added Euthydemus, " we should
and
like the blind,
is
assure you," replied he.
see," continued Socrates, "
how
care the gods have
all
nature as
but because
we have
if it
were
not, or
occasion for sus-
pense and relaxation, they have also given us the night

y
Xenoph. Memorab.
1.
iv. p.
800.
Ibid. p. 792.
24
for
"
our repose."
we ought
to render
giving.
They have
and luminous
tinguish
its
You
are in the right, and for this
them continual
praises and thanks-
ordained that the sun, that bright
should preside over the day, to dis-
star,
different parts,
and that
its
light should not
only serve to discover the wonders of nature, but to

dispense universal
they have
life
commanded
and heat
and
moon and
the
same time
at the
stars to illumi-
nate the night, of itself dark and obscure.
any thing more admirable than

situde of
day and night, of
labour and rest
good of man
and
?"
all
Is there
and
vicis-
and darkness, of
light
this for the
convenience and
Socrates enumerates in like manner
the infinite advantages
occasions of
in the
this variety
we
life
receive from
fire
and water
and continuing to observe
upon the wonderful
attention of providence in
regards us, "
say you," pursued he, " upon the
What
all
that
sun's return after winter to revisit us, and that as the
new
ones to succeed them ? That having rendered man
this service, he retires, lest he should incommode him
fruits
of one season wither and decay, he ripens
by excess of heat
and then
after
having removed to
a certain point, which he could not pass without putting us

in the
m danger of perishing
same track
to
resume
with cold, that he returns
his place in those parts
the heavens where his presence
us
And
or heat,
if
of
most bent ficial to
is
because we could neither support the cold
we were
to the other,
to pass in an
instant
do you not admire,
from the one
that whilst this star
approaches and removes so slowly, the two extremities

arrive
a
by almost insensible degrees
p*c c/p/moTlxa-n ngo tkto Trugûv,
eti
/utv
Is
a y.ovov
possible not
it
cTso^ti3"*
7rQhK A
25
to discover in this disposition
of the seasons of the
and goodness, not only
year, a providence
attentive
our necessities, but even our delights and enjoyments ?"

to
" All these things," said Euthydemus, " make
me
doubt, whether the gods have any other employment

than to shower
There
kind.
stand, which
down their
is
is,
gifts
and graces upon man-
one point, however, that puts
me
to a
that the brute animals partake of all
" Yes," re" but do you but observe, that all
these blessings as well as ourselves."

plied Socrates
these animals subsist only for man's service ?
The
most vigorous of them he subjects
at his
strongest and
will,
he makes them tame and gentle, and uses them
successfully in his wars, his labours,
and the other
occasions of life."
"What
if
we
consider
man
himself?" Here
in
Socrates examines the diversity of the senses, by the

ministry of which
man
excellent in nature
force of his reason,
enjoys
all
that is best
and most
the vivacity of his wit, and the
which exalt him infinitely above
all
by the
means of which we communicate our thoughts recipother animals; the wonderful gift of speech,
rocally, publish
" From
our laws, and govern
all this,"
says Socrates, "
states.
it is
easy to dis-
cern that there are gods, and that they have

their particular care,
by
his senses.
through
strikes
perceive the thunder, whilst
things which oppose
it
them
vol.
4.
in our
view ? Our soul

5
itself,
it
Do we
distinguish the winds, whilst they are tearing
before
in
though he cannot discover them
Do we
all
man
up
all
with which
26
we
are so intimate, which
visible ? can
we behold
to the gods, of
whom
none are
visible in the distribu-
The Great God
tion of their favours.
these words are
it
moves and acts ub, is it

It is the same with regard
himself,'*
remarkable, and demonstrate that
Socrates acknowledged one supreme God, the author
of
being, and superior to
all
all
others,
who were only

who has
" this great God,
the ministers of his will,
formed the universe, and supports the stupendous

work, whose every part
goodness and harmony
is
finished with the utmost
he who preserves them per-
petually in immortal vigor, and causes
them
obey
to
him with a never failing punctuality, and a rapidity not

to be followed
by our imagination
this
God makes
himself sufficiently visible by the endless wonders of
which he
is
not see, and
corporeal eyes,
ially let
but continues always invisible in
let
us supply the defects of our
by using those of the soul
we
to the divinity,
whose
homage,
him
please
b
but espec-
will
it
seems to
should have no other perception of
than by his effects in our favour.

this
us learn to render the just homage of respect
and veneration
be, that
Let us not then refuse to believe even what
himself.
we do
author
Now this adoration,
consists in pleasing him,
in
and we can only
doing his will."
In this manner Socrates instructed youth
are the
them
him
these
principles and sentiments he inspired into
on the one
side, a perfect
submission to the
laws and magistrates, in which he made justice consist
on the
b
other, a profound regard for the divinity,

Xenoph. Memorab.
1.
iv. p. 803-,
et 805.
which constitutes
27
In things surpassing our
religion.
understanding, he advises us to consult the gods
and as they impart themselves only to those that please

them, he recommends above
them propitious by a
c
all
things the
" The gods are wise," says he, " and
them
either to grant
it
depends upon
what we ask, or
to give us the
He
directly reverse of it."
from an anonymous poet
cites
an excellent prayer
" Great God, give us, we
beseech thee, those good things of which
we
need, whether
from us
we
all
those,
crave them or not
we
The
stand in
and remove
which may be hurtful to
implore them of you."
there are things
making of
wise regularity of conduct.
us,
though
vulgar imagined, that
which the gods observe, and others of
which they take no notice

the gods observe
all
but Socrates taught, that
our actions and words
that they
penetrate into our most secret thoughts, are present in

all
our deliberations, and that they inspire us in
all
our
actions.
SECTION
V.
SOCRATES APPLIES HMSE1P TO DISCREDIT THE SOPHISTS IN THE

OPINION OF THE YOUNG ATHENIANS.
Socrates found
young people
for
some time
arose,
T<*v*vTjat
in
<ty.
necessary to prejudice the
Greece.
who ranking
Greece, Were
it
against a bad taste, which had prevailed
sect of
assuming
themselves as the
first
entirely the reverse in their
Plut, in Alcib.
1. ii.
p. 148.
men
sages of
conduct
28
for, instead
of being infinitely remote from
and ambition,
others
like
who made
avarice
all
Pittacus, Bias, Thaes, and the
the study of wisdom their principal
men were
occupation, these
ambitious and covetous,
entered into the intrigues and
affairs
of the world, and
made
a trade of their pretended knowledge. 11
were
called sophists,
and wandered from
They caused themselves to be
They
city to city.
up
as oracles, and
walked about attended by crowds of
their disciples,
cried
who, through a kind of enchantment, abandoned the

embraces of their parents,
ers,
whom
to follow these
proud teach-
they paid a great price for their instruction.
There was nothing these masters did not profess
theology, physics, ethics, arithmetic, astronomy, gram-
mar, music, poetry, rhetoric, and history.
They knew
Their
every thing, and could teach every thing.
greatest supposed skill lay in philosophy and eloquence.
Most of them,
like Gorgias, valued themselves
giving immediate answers to
be proposed
body
else
questions that could
Their young disciples acquired
to them.
nothing from
themselves,
all
upon
their precepts, but a silly
and an universal contempt
esteem for
every
for
so that not a scholar quitted these schools,
but was more impertinent than when he
first
entered
them.
It
bad
was necessary
logic of these
young Athenians.
to decry the false eloquence
proud teachers
To
d Plat, in
attack
and
in the sense of the
them
in front,
and
dis-
Apolog.p. 19, 20.
Sic enim appellantur hi, qui ostentationis aut quxstus causa philoso
phantur.
Cic. in Lucul. n. 129,
29
pute with them in a direct manner by a continued

discourse,
was what Socrates could well have done,
he possessed in a supreme degree the talents of
for
speaking and reasoning
but
this
was no means
to
succeed against great haranguers, whose sole aim was

to dazzle their auditors with a vain glitter,
He
flow of words.
and rapid
therefore took another course
and employing the turns and address of irony/ which

he knew how
to apply with
wonderful art and delicacy,
he chose to conceal, under the appearance of simplicity,

and
affectation of ignorance,
Nature, which had given him so
force of his genius.

fine a soul,
the beauty and great
all
seemed
to have
formed
his outside ex-
pressly for supporting the ironic character.
very ugly, and, besides
that,s
He was
had something very
blockish and stupid in his physiognomy.
The whole
of his person, which had nothing but what was
air
common and
very
ponded with
When
very poor in
it,
perfectly corres-
that of his countenance.
he happened to be in the company of some
one of the sophists, he proposed his doubts with a

f
Socrates in ironia dissimulantiaque longe omnibus lepore atque hu-
manitate prxstitit.
g
Cic.
1. ii.
de
orat. n. 270.
Zopyrus pbysiognomonstupidum esse
Socratem dixit et bardum.
Cic. de Fat. n. 10.

h Socrates
de se ipse detrahens
in disputatione,
plus tribuebat
iis,
quos
volebat refellere. Ita, cumaliud diceret atque sentiret, libenter uti solitus
est
ilia
iv. n.
dissimulatione,
quam
Graeci gv*v vocant.
Cic. Acad. Qusst.
15.
Sed
(Gorgiam) et cxteros sophistas, ut e Pla=

Is enim percontando atque interrogando elicereisolebat eorum opiniones quibuscum disserebat,
ut ad ea, qu* ii respondissent, si quid videretur, diceret.
Cic. de Finibet ilium quern nominavi
tone intelligi potest, lusos videmus a Socrate.
^.ii.n.3.
30
and modest
diffident
air,
a plain manner, and, as
expressing himself
if
asked simple questions in

he had been incapable of
otherwise,
made use of
trivial
comparisons, and allusions taken from the meanest
employments.
attention,
fell
The
sophist heard
him with
into his
common
places,
and talked a great deal
without saying any thing to the purpose.

after
a scornful
and instead of giving him a precise answer,
Socrates,
having praised, not to enrage, his adversary, en-
treated
him
to adapt himself to his weakness,
and
to
descend so low as him, by satisfying his questions in a
few words
memory were
retaining so many fine
because neither his wit nor
capable of comprehending or
and exalted notions, and
that all his
knowledge was
confined to question and answer.
This passed
tific
in a
numerous assembly, and the
person could not recede.
When
once got him out of his intrenchment,
b}'
and
self,
after
to the
him
him on
obliging
to answer his questions succinctly, he carried
from one to another
scien-
Socrates had
most absurd consequences ;
having reduced him either to contradict him-
or be
silent,
man
The young
he complained that the learned
would not vouchsafe to instruct him.
people however perceived the incapacity of their master,
and changed their admiration for him into con-
tempt.
Thus
the
name of sophist became odious and
ridiculous.
It is
ter,
easy to judge, that
of which I have
credit with the great,
men
of the sophists' charac-
now spoke, who were in high

who lorded it among the youth
of Athens, and had been long celebrated for their wit
and learning, could not be attacked with impunity
ol
and the rather, because they had been taken in the
two most sensible points,
their
fame and
their interest.
unmask
Socrates, for having endeavoured to
their
vices, and discredit their false eloquence, experienced,
from these corrupt and haughty men,
all
that could
be
feared or expected from the most malignant envy, and

the
most envenomed hatred
to
which
it
now time
is
to proceed.
SECTION
SOCRATES
IS
VI.
ACCUSED OF HOLDING BAD OPINIONS IN REGARD TO

THE GODS. HE IS CONDEMNED TO DIE.
Socrates was accused
little
before the
first
year
fifth Olympiad, soon after the expulsion

k
sixty ninth
of the thirty tyrants out of Athens, in the
of the ninety
year of his
life
but the prosecution had been pro-
The
jected long before.
oracle
of Delphos, which
had declared him the wisest of mankind
the contempt
which he had brought the doctrine and morals of
into
the sophists of his time,

tation
who were
then in high repu-
the liberty with which he attacked
all
vice
the singular attachment of his disciples for his person
and maxims, had
all
concurred in alienating people
against him, and had
drawn abundance of envy upon
him.
1
His enemies having sworn his destruction, and
perceiving the difficulty of the attempt, prepared the
way
;
for
it
at
a distance, and at
k
Plat, in Apol. p. 23.
^lian.
1. ii.
c.
1^.
Plat, in
first
A. M. 3602.
attacked him
Ant.
Apolo. Socrat. p.
J.
19.
C. 402.
IMSTORY OF SOCRATES.
32
in the dark,
and by obscure and secret methods.
said, that to
to Socrates,
him
to cite
sound the people's disposition

and to try whether
it
would ever be
tophanes to bring him into the theatre
against
first
safe
in a
comedy,
seeds of the accusation meditated
him were sown.
It
Aristophanes was suborned by

Socrates's enemies, to
against him.
It is
regard
they engaged Aris-
before the judges,
wherein the
in
It is
not certain whether
is
Any tus, and the
compose
rest
of
that satirical piece
very likely, that the declared con-
tempt of Socrates for
all
comedies
in general,
and for
those of Aristophanes in particular, whijst he professed
an extraordinary esteem for the tragedies of Euripides,
might be the poet's true motive
However
for taking his
revenge
it
were, Aristophanes,
to the disgrace of poetry, lent his
pen to the malice of
of the philosopher.
Socrates's enemies, or his
own
resentment, and
em-
ployed his whole genius and capacity to depreciate the

best
and most excellent man
that ever the
pagan world
produced.
He composed
in
a piece called "
The Clouds," where-
he introduced the philosopher, perched in a basket,
and hoisted up amidst the
air
and clouds, from whence
he vents maxims, or rather the most ridiculous

ties.
A very
close
pursuits of his creditors,
subtil-
aged debtor, who desires to escape the
comes
taught the art of tricking them at law
him
to
be
to prove
by
to
unanswerable reasons that h owes them nothing ; and,

in a
word, of a very bad, to make a very good cause.
But finding himself incapable of any improvements

from the sublime lessons of his new master, he brings
his son to
him
in his stead.
This young man soon
S3
after quits this learned school, so well instructed, that

at their first
him by
meeting he beats his father, and proves to

1
subtile,
but invincible arguments, that he has
him
reason for treating
that
in
makes him
scene where Socrates appears, the poet

utter a thousand impertinences,
against
and
the gods,
He makes him
In every
manner.
and as many impieties
particular against Jupiter.
in
man
talk like a
of the greatest vanity
and opinion of himself, with an equal contempt for

others,
who
out of a cruel curiosity

in the heavens,
what passes
abysses of the earth
means
make
to
who
injustice
and
is
all
for penetrating
for diving into the
boasts of having always the
triumph
and who
own
contented with keeping those secrets for his
not
is
use,
but teaches them
to
youth.
attended with a refined raillery,
and
All this
a salt,
is
others,
which could not
fail
and thereby corrupts
of pleasing a people of
who
so quick and delicate a taste as the Athenians,
were besides naturally invidious

merit.
They were
so
to
all
transcendent
much charmed
with
it,
that
without waiting the conclusion of the representation,

they ordered the
above those of
Socrates,
name of Aristophanes
all
who had been informed
down
to be set
his competitors.
'
that he
was
to
be
acted in the theatre, went thither upon the day to see

the comedy, contrary to his
common
for
him
to
go
custom
for
it
was not
to those assemblies,
when some new tragedy of Euripides was

performed,
who was
his intimate friend,
unless
to
be
and whose
pieces he esteemed, upon account of the solid principles
of morality he took care to intersperse
in
them.
was however observed, that he had not patience

vol. 4.
6
It
to wait
34
the conclusion of one of them, wherein the actor had
began with a dangerous maxim, and went out immediately, without considering the injury his
withdraw-
He
never went
ing might do his friend's reputation.

to
comedies,
him
forced
bounded
when Alcibiades and
unless
Critias
thither against his will, offended at the un-
which reigned
licence
in then),
and incapa-
ble of seeing the reputation of his fellow citizens publicly torn in
He was
pieces.
present at this without
the least emotion, and without expressing any discontent
and some strangers being
in pain to
know who
the Socrates m intended by the play was, he rose up
from his
seat,
and showed himself during the whole
He
representation.
and were amazed
who were
told those
near him,
and patience, that
at his indifference
he imagined himself at a great entertainment, where he
was agreeably laughed
at,
and
that
it
was necessary
to
let raillery pass.
There
is
no appearance, as
have already observ-
ed, that Aristophanes, though he

friend,
had entered
enemies, and had any

destruction.
It
is
was not Socrates's
into the black conspiracy of his
thought of occasioning his
more probable,
that a poet,
who
diverted the public at the expense of the principal
magistrates and most celebrated generals, was also

willing to
opher.
make them laugh
All the guilt
was
at the
envied him, and his enemies,
making
expense of a philos-
on the side of those
who were
in
great use of the representation of this
against him.
conceived
The
with
artifice
skill.
Plut,
who
hopes of
comedy
was indeed profound, and
In acting a
de educ.
liber, p, 10.
man upon
the
he
stage,
is
only represented on his bad, weak, or am-
That view of him
biguous sides.
ridicule
ridicule
of his person
for the
35
followed with
is
accustoms people to the contempt
and contempt proceeds to
injustice
world are naturally bold in insulting, abusing,
and injuring a man, when once he becomes the object

of their general contempt.
These were the
served as an essay and
ed against him.
It lay
not break out,
blows struck
first
of the great
trial
at
him, and
affair
meditat-
dormant a long while, and did
twenty years afterwards.
till
The
troubles of the republic might well occasion that long
delay
Sicily
for
it
was
in that interval the enterprise against
happened, the event of which was so unfortunate,
Athens was besieged and taken by Lysander,
that
who changed
form of government, and established
its
who were not expelled

the affair we speak of.
the thirty tyrants,
small time before

n
till
a very
Melitus then appeared as accuser, and entered a
process in form against Socrates.

consisted of
The
two heads.
first
His accusation
was, that he did
not admit the gods acknowledged by the republic,
and introduced new
divinities
the second, that he
corrupted the youth of Athens
inferring, that sentence of death
ought to pass against
and concluded with
him.
Never had accusation so

or foundation as this.
Socrates had
made
Athenian youth.
secret,
and
in
it
It
probability, pretext,
was now
forty years that
his profession to instruct the
He had
the dark.
little
A. M. 3603-
advanced no opinions in
His lessons were

Ant.
J.
C. 401.
given
36
HISTORY OF SOCRATES,
publicly, and in the
view of great numbers of auditors.
He
had always observed the same conduct, and taught
the
same
motive for
How
What
principles.
then could be Melirus's
this accusation, after
came
such a length of time?
his zeal for the public good, after
been languid and drowsy
for so
many
on a sudden, and become so violent?
warm and worthy
for so
years, to
Is
it
appear, to have continued
mute and
them with
that
it
is
into them,
would
inactive, whilst
city,
by
in-
and by inspiring
a disgust and contempt for the established
government
when
maxims
awake
pardonable,
a citizen as Melitus
any one corrupted the whole youth of that

stilling seditious
having
For he who does not prevent an
in his
commits
power,
it.
tion of his, called
is
Libanius speaks thus
in a
him
declama-
Apology of Socrates.
the
evil,
equally criminal with
But,
continues he, though Melitus, whether out of distraction, indifference, or real avocation
of his
affairs,
never
thought for so many years of entering an accusation

against Socrates,
like
how came
it
to pass, that in a city
Athens, which abounded with wise magistrates,
and, what
is
more, with bold informers, so public a
conspiracy as that imputed to Socrates, should escape

the eyes of those,
try,
either the love of their coun-
or invidious malignity, render so vigilant and
attentive ?
void of
p
whom
As
all
Nothing was ever
less feasible,
or
more
probability.
soon as the conspiracy broke out, the friends of
Socrates prepared for his defence.

able orator of his time,
Lysias, the most
brought him an elaborate
kiban. in Apolog, Socrat. p. 645

p
Cicer.
I.
i.de orat
n.
648.
231, 233.
37
discourse of his composing, wherein he had set forth

the reasons and measures ofSocratesinall their light, and
interspersed the whole with tender and pathetic strokes/1
capable of moving" the most obdurate hearts.

rates read
but as
it
it
with pleasure, and approved
was more
it
very
Soc-
much
conformable to the rules of rhetoric
than the sentiments and fortitude of a philosopher, he
him
told
frankly,
that
it
which Lysias, having asked how
same manner,
it
was possible
same time not
well done, and at the
suit
me
him
to be
in the
said he, using, according to his custom,
a vulgar comparison, that an excellent
bring
Upon
did not suit him.
workman might
magnificent apparel, or shoes embroidered
with gold, to which nothing would be wanting on his

part,
but which however would not
fit
me.
He
per-
sisted therefore inflexibly in the resolution, not to de-
mean
himself by begging suffrages in the low abject
manner common
nor the
artifice
course either to
He employed neither
glitter of eloquence.
He had no resolicitation or entreaty.
He brought
at that time.
neither his wife nor children to incline the judges in

his favour
by
and
their sighs
tears.
Nevertheless/
though he firmly refused to make use of any voice but

his
own
in the
in his
defence, and to appear before his judges
submissive posture of a suppliant, he did not
behave
in that
tribunal.
It
manner out of pride, or contempt of the
was from
a noble
and intrepid assurance,
resulting from greatness of soul, and the consciousness
of his truth and innocence

3
Quint.
1.
so that his defence had
xi.c. 1.
His et talibus adductus Socrates, nee patronum qusesivit ad judi.

ciuni capitis, nee judicibus supplex fuit: adhibuitque liberam contumar
ciam a mignitudine animi ductam .non

lib. 1.
a superbia.
Cic. Tusc. Quaest.
38
nothing timorous or weak in
His discourse was
it.
bold, manly, generous, without passion, without
emo-
of the noble liberty of a philosopher, with no
tion, full
other ornament but that of truth, and brightened universally with the character
Plato,
who was
and language of innocence.
present, transcribed
it
afterwards, and
without any additions composed from
which he
it the work
Apology of Socrates, one of the
calls the
most consummate master pieces of antiquity.
make an extract from it.

8
Upon the day assigned,
menced in the usual forms
I shall
here
the proceedings
the parties appeared
before the judges, and Melitus spoke.

cause, and the less provided
more occasion he had
He
weakness.
it
for address
The worse
was with
and
his
proofs, the
art to
cover
its
omitted nothing that might render the
adverse party odious
and instead of reasons, which
him, he substituted the delusive shine
could not but
fail
of a lively and
pompous eloquence.
ing, that
com-
he could not
tell
Socrates, in observ-
what impression the
dis-
make upon the judges,

he scarce knew himself, they
course of his accusers might
owns, that for his part,
had given such
and likelihood to
artful colouring
their
arguments, though there was not the least word

truth in
*
all
of
they had advanced.
have already
of two heads.
said, that their accusation consisted
The
first
regards religion.
Socrates
inquires out of an impious curiosity into what passes

in the
denies
*
heavens, and in the bowels of the earth.

the
gods
adored
Plat, in Apotog-. Socrat.

1
Xenoph.
Plat, in
by
in
his
country.
Apolog. Socrat. et
Apolog.
p. 24.
in
He
He
Mempr,
39
new worship; and, if he

may be believed, an unknown god inspires him in all
To make short, he believes there are no
his actions.
endeavours to introduce a
gods.
The second head

ment of the
instilling
them
relates to the interest
Socrates corrupts the youth, by-
state.
bad sentiments concerning the Divinity into
by teaching them
contempt of the laws, and
order established in the republic
the
and govern-
by declaring
openly against the choice of the magistrates by
lot
u
;
by exclaiming against the public assemblies, where he

never seen to appear
is
by teaching the
art of
making
the worst of causes
good; by attaching the youth to
himself out of a
of pride and ambition, under the
spirit
pretence of instructing them

dren, that they
He
may abuse
and by proving to
and believes himself
glories in a pretended oracle,
the wisest of mankind.
He taxes
and condemns without reserve

actions
all
all
constituting himself by his
others with folly,
their
maxims and
own
authority the
general censor and reformer of the state.
standing which, the effects of his lessons

in the persons of Critias
timate friends,
chil-
their parents with impunity.
Notwith-
may
be seen
and Alcibiades, his most
who have done
in-
great mischiefs to their
country, and have been the most wicked of citizens,
and the most abandoned of men.
This concluded with recommending to the judges

to
be very
much upon their guard
Socrates in reality
He
against the dazzling
did not approve this manner of electing' the
when a pilot, a musician, or an archiwanted, no body is willing to take him at a venture ; though the
faults of these people are far from being of the great importance of tho9?
errors, which are committed in th'; administration of Ifaft repub4 .T
magistrates.
tect
observed, that
is
Xanoph. Memorab.
i.
p.
712
40
eloquence of Socrates, and to suspect extremely the

insinuating and artificial turns of address, which he
would employ
v
to deceive them.
Socrates began his discourse with this point, and
declared that he would speak to the judges as
custom
his
say, with
is to
to talk in his
He
much
common
simplicity,
conversation, that
and no
it
be alleged that he does not ac-
knowledge the gods of the republic

been often seen to
in the
temples? Can
divinity,
he
own
sacrifice in his
who
house, and
is
it
made
a crime in
new
deities?
nothing more than

in divination,
him
received counsels from a certain
and thence concluded that he aims
troducing
has
be doubted whether he uses
it
divination or not, whilst

to report that he
art.
Upon what
proceeds to particulars.
then
foundation can
was
it
But
the
at in-
he innovates
who, putting
others,
observe
in
this
their faith
of birds, consult
flight
the entrails of victims, and remark even words and

accidental
encounters
different
means which the
gods employ to give mankind a foreknowledge of

the
Old or new,
future.
Socrates acknowledges
of even Melitus himself,

that
it
who
who
still
is
the offspring of the gods.
evident, that
by the confession
in his
he believes demons, that
spirits,
is
divinities,
information avers
to say, subaltern
Now
every
man
believes the offspring of the gods, believes the
gods.
x
As
to
what
relates to the
natural things imputed to
Plat. p. 17"
impious inquiries into
him
Xenoph.
Plat
without despising
p. 27.
p. 710.
Xenoph.
p. 703.
41
condemning those who apply themselves
or
to the
study of physics, he declares, that as for him, he had
devoted himself to what concerns moral virtue,
entirely
the conduct of life,

a
knowledge
and he
to
forth
more
infinitely
upon
calls
come
and the rules of government, as to
and
all
those
who have been
him
belie
useful than any other
if
his hearers,
he does not say what
is
true.
"
am
accused of corrupting the youth, and of
dangerous maxims into them, as well
instilling
in re-
gard to the worship of the gods, as the rules of govern-
You know,
ment.
my
Athenians, that
profession to teach
against
in this respect,
ready to
my
have an undeniahle evidence for
me
which
or poor, and to give

I
it
with ever having sold
my poverty.
my thoughts
Always equally
is
communicate
answer me,
made
nor can envy, however violent
me
me, reproach
instructions.
of
never
them
either to the rich
entire leisure to question or
lend myself to every one
becoming virtuous and
if
who
is
desirous
amongst those who hear
me, there are any who prove
either
neither the virtues of the one,
nor the vices of the
which
other, to
ascribed to me.
have not contributed, are to be
My
whole employment
suade the young and old against too

body, for riches,
good or bad,
and
all
much
affection
which ought
to per-
other precarious things of
whatsoever nature they be, and against too

for the soul,
is
love for the
to
for I incessantly
little
regard
be the object of their
urge to you, that virtue
does not proceed from riches, but on the contrary

riches from virtue
vol.
4.
and
7
that
all
the other goods of
42
human life,
as well public as private, have their source
same
in the
principle.
" If to speak in
this
manner be
confess, Athenians, that I
punished.
If
me
convict
of
am
to corrupt youth, I
and deserve to be
guilty,
what I say be not
true,
my
see here a great
num-
they have only to appear.
But
falsehood.
ber of my disciples
it is
most easy
perhaps the reserve and consideration for a master
to
who
has instructed them, will prevent them from declaring

against
me
and uncles
at least their fathers, brothers,
cannot, as good relations and
good
With their not standing forth to
citizens, dispense
demand vengeance
the corrupter of their sons, brothers,
against
But these
nephews.
are the persons
who
take
and
upon
my defence, and interest themselves in the success of my cause.

y "
Pass on me what sentence you please, Athenians
but I can neither repent nor change my con-
them
duct.
which
must not abandon or suspend
a function,
God himself has imposed on me. Now

me with the care of instructing my
charged
If after having faithfully kept
citizens.
wherein
phipolis,
was placed by our generals
and Delium, the
all
he has
fellow
the posts
at Potidea,
Am-
fear of death should at this
make me abandon that in which the Divine Providence has placed me, by commanding me to pass my
time
life
in the
study of philosophy, for the instruction of
myself and others
desertion indeed, and
this
would be a most criminal
make me
highly worthy of being
cited before this tribunal, as an impious
does not believe the gods.
man, who
Should you resolve to
y Plat. p. 28, 29,
HISTORY'OF SOCRATES.
me
acquit
4S
for the future, I should not hesitate to
make
honour and love you, but
I shall
answer, Athenians,
choose rather to obey
God
than you, and to
breath shall never renounce
my
my latest
philosophy, nor cease
to exhort
and reprove you according to
my
custom,
by
each of you when you come in
my way,
"
telling
My
good friend, and citizen of the most famous

world for wisdom and valor, are you not
city in the
ashamed
have
to
no
other thoughts than that of
amassing wealth, and of acquiring glory,

dignities, whilst
truth,
and wisdom, and take no pains
your soul as good and perfect as

being
b
"
and
credit,
you neglect the treasures of prudence,

in rendering
capable of
is
it
?
I
am
reproached with abject fear and meanness
of spirit, for being so busy in imparting
my
advice to
every one in private, and for having always avoided to
be present
my
in
country.
your assemblies, to give

have
I think I
my
counsels to
proved
sufficiently
courage and fortitude both in the
field,
where
my
have
borne arms with you, and in the senate, when I alone
opposed the unjust sentence you pronounced against
who had not taken up and interred

those who were killed or drowned in the
the ten captains

the bodies of
sea fight near the island Arginusa
more than one occasion,
opposed the violent and
cruel orders of the thirty tyrants.

that has prevented
blies ? It is that
The *Greek
obliging
me from
demon,
signifies,
What
it
then
which you
that voice divine,
O best of
is
appearing in your assem-
men, u
manner of accosting.
b
and when, upon
Plat. p. 31.
agi-e
kT^wv
which was
k\i
44
have so often heard
much
en so
ed
itself to
me
mention, and Melitus has tak-
That
pains to ridicule.
me from my
when
I never hear, but

sisting in
me
something
infancy
a voice,
would prevent
it
any thing.
It is
when
to undertake
intermeddled in the
me
have resolved, for
ing that has always opposed me,
horts
for
never ex-
the
same be-
would have
and that
should have been
amongst the dead long ago, had
which
from per-
it
of the republic
affairs
with the greatest reason
has attach-
spirit
it is
been concerned
in
the measures of the state, without effecting any thing
Do
to the advantage of myself, or our country.
take
it ill,
beseech you,
if I
my
speak
thoughts with-
out disguise, and with truth and freedom.
man who would

either
not
Every
generously oppose a whole people,
amongst us or elsewhere, and who
inflexibly
applies himself to prevent the violation of the laws, and
the practice of iniquity in a government, will never
so long with impunity,
It is
him who would contend
absolutely necessary for
for justice, if
thoughts of living, to remain
in a
never to have any share in public

c
ger
" For the

I
now am
who upon
rest,
>
less
Athenians,
do not
do
if,
he has any
private station, and
affairs,
in the
extreme dan-
imitate the behaviour of those,
emergencies have implored and suppli-
cated their judges with tears, and have brought forth

their children, relations,
and
friends,
it is
not through
pride and obstinacy, or any contempt for you, but

solely for
You
those
your honour, and
for that of the
whole
city.
should know, that there are amongst our citizens,
who do not
regard death as an
e
Plat. p. 34, 35.
evil,
and
who
give
that
name only
45
At my
and infamy.
to injustice
and with the reputation true or false which
would
be consistent for me, after
it
age,
have,
the lessons I
all
have given upon the contempt of death, to be afraid of

it
my last action all the

my past life ?
speaking of my fame, which I
myself, and to belie in
princi-
ples and sentiments of
" But without
extremely injure by such a conduct,
should
do not think
it
allowable to entreat a judge, nor to be absolved by

supplications
he ought to be persuaded and con-
The judge does
vinced.
show favour by
where
you
it is
He
whom
to
it
upon the bench

do justice
to
in
does not swear to discharge
he pleases
but to do justice
We ought not therefore to accustom
due.
you
to perjury, nor
customed
sit
violating the laws, but to
conforming to them.
with impunity
not
to suffer yourselves to
for in so doing, both the
be ac-
one and the
other of us equally injure justice and religion, and both

are criminals.
"
Do
that
which
upon
not therefore expect from me, Athenians,
should have recourse amongst you to means
I believe neither
wherein
this occasion,
by Melitus.
For
honest nor lawful
you
would be undeniably evident,
believe in the gods
and even
fying myself, should furnish

against
I
am
am
me, and prove
accused of impiety
should influence you by
if I
prayers, and thereby induce

it
especially
my
to violate
that I teach
in
to
defending and justi-
no
arms
But
am more
divinity.
very far from such bad thoughts.
my
accusers,
abandon mvself to
God and
convinced of the existence of God than

I
you not
adversaries with
that I believe
and so convinced, that
my
your oaths,
46
you, that you
may judge
for yourselves
and me."
Socrates
pronounced
His
and intrepid tone.

expressed
of me as you shall
nothing
this discourse
of the
best
with a firm
action, his visage
his
air,
deem
accused.
He seemed
the master of his judges, from the assurance and
greatness of soul with which he spoke, without, how-
ever losing any thing of the modesty natural to him.
So noble and
majestic a deportment displeased and
gave offence.
It is
common
for
judges,
who
upon themselves as the absolute dispensers of
look
life
or
death to such as are before them, to expect out of a

secret tendency of mind,
their presence with
that they should appear in
humble submission and
respectful
awe an homage which they think due to their supreme

;
authority.
This was what happened now.
had not
Melitus however
at first the fifth part of the voices.
We have
reason to suppose that the judges assembled upon

this occasion
might amount
reckoning the president.

accuser to pay a
had not the
fifth
fine
to five hundred, without
The law condemned
of a thousand drachms/
part of the suffrages.
been wisely established
to
pudence of calumniators.
to pay this fine, if
the
if
he
This law had
check the boldness and imMelitus had been obliged
Anytus and Lycon had not joined
him, and presented themselves also as the accusers of

d
Socrates ita in judicio capitis pro se ipse dixit, ut non supples aut
reus, sed magister aut
dominus videretur esse judicium.
Cic.
1. i.
de
orat. n. 231.
e
Odit judex fere
tacitus,
litig-antis
securitatem
Teverentiam postulat.
Quint.
f
500
1.
cumque jus suum
iv. c. 1.
livres-,
intelligat.
Their credit drew over a great number of
Socrates.
voices,
and there were two hundred and eighty against
Socrates, and in consequence only
two hundred and
He wanted no more
twenty for him.
have been acquitted
to
47
two hundred and
fifty
he would then have had
for
one,
than thirty one s
which would have been the
majority.
By
this first sentence the
judges only declared Soc-
rates guilty, without decreeing
him any
penalty.
11
For
when the law did not determine the punishment, and.
when
a crime against the state
which manner
the person found guilty had a
right to choose the penalty
Upon
his
in question, in
conceive Cicero's terms, frans capita-
may be understood,
Us,
was not
he thought he deserved.
answer the judges deliberated a second time,
and afterwards passed
was informed
their final sentence.
Socrates
he might demand an abatement of
that
the penalty, and change the condemnation of death

into banishment, imprisonment, or a fine.
He
replied
generously, that he would choose neither of those pun-
ishments, because that would be to acknowledge him-
" Athenians," said he, " to keep you no
self guilty.
longer in suspense, as you oblige

self according to
having passed
for
your children
e
The
what
me
deserve, I
to sentence mycondemn myself
my life in instructing yourselves and
for
having neglected with that view
text varies in Plato
it
says, 33 or 30
whence
it is
probably
defective.
h Primis sententiis statuebant
rent.
quasi pnse aestimatio.
batur reus,
tut.
tantum judices damnarent an absolve

si fraus capitalis non esset,
Erat autem Athenis, reo damnato,
Gic.
quam
1. i.
de
Ex
sententia,
cum
judicibus daretur, interroga-
quasi aestimationem commeruisse se

orat. n. 231, 232,
maxime
confitere.
48
my
domestic
dignities
affairs,
all
public employments, and
having devoted myself entirely to the
for
and
my country, in labouring incessantly to renmy fellow citizens virtuous I condemn myself, I
service of
der
say, to be maintained in the
Prytaneum
of the republic for the rest of

k
my
much
demned him to drink the hemloc,
much in use among them.
answer so
at the
life."
expense
This
last
offended the judges, that they cona
punishment very
This sentence did not shake the constancy of Soc" I am going," said he, addressing
rates in the least.
himself to his judges with a noble tranquillity, " to

suffer death
by your
demned me from
my
th
order, to
which nature had con-
moment
first
of
my
birth
but
accusers will suffer no less from infamy and injus-
Did you expect from
by the decrees of truth.
tice
me,
that to extricate myself out of your hands, I should
have employed, according to the custom,

pathetic expressions, and the timorous
behaviour of a suppliant
an honest
man ought
But
life.
and creeping
in trials, as well as
not to use
the preservation of his
It is
all
and
flattery
sorts of
war,
means
for
equally dishonourable
It appears in Plato, that after this discourse, Socrates, without

doubt to remove from him all imputation of pride and contumacy, modest'
ly offered to
pay a
that is to say, one

indigence
and that at the instances of his friends, who had
for him, he rose in his offer to thirty mina.
Plat, in
38.
But Xenophon positively asserts the contrary, p.
fine proportionate to his
mina (fifty livres

bound themselves
;
;)
Apolog\ Socrat. p.
This difference may be reconciled perhaps, by supposing that
Socrates refused at first to make any offer, and that he suffered him*
self at length to be overcome by the earnest solicitations of his friends.
705.
Cujus responso
sic judices exarserunt, ut capitis
tissimum condemnarent.
Cic.
1. i.
de
orat. n. 233.
Plat. p. 39.
hominem
innocen-
both in the one and the other, to ransom
prayers,
and
and
tears,
all
49
by
only
it
those other abject methods,
you see every day practised by people in
my
present
condition."
Apollodorus,
his
who was one
of his friends and disci-
having advanced to him to express his grief for
ples,
dying innocent
" What," replied he with a smile,

guilty ?"
" would you have had me die

m
Plutarch, to shew, that only our weakest part, the
body,
power of man
in the
is
but that there
is
another infinitely more noble part of us entirely superior

to their threats,
and inaccessible to their
inflictions, cites
words of Socrates, which are more

applicable to his judges than his accusers, " Anytus
these admirable
and Melitus may
As
if
kill
me, but they cannot hurt me."
he had said, in the language of the pagans
me of my
for-
my health, and my
tune
may
life
but I have a treasure within me, of which no
deprive
goods,
violence can deprive me, I

fortitude,
mean
virtue, innocence,
and greatness of mind.
This great man,
fully
convinced of the principle he
had so often inculcated to his disciples,

only evil a wise
man ought
that guilt
is
to fear, chose rather to
deprived of some years, which he might have to

than to
life,
in
forfeit in
the
be
live,
an instant the glory of his whole past
dishonouring himself for ever by the shameful
behaviour he was advised to observe with his judges.

m De
n
anim. tranquil, p. 475.
Maluit vir sapientissimus quod superesset ex vita sibi perire, quam

praeterisset i et quando ab hominibus sui temporis parum intellige-
quod
batur, posterorum se judiciis reservavit, brevi detrimento
senectutis aevum seeulorum
vol. 4,
omnium
consecutus.
Quint.
I. i.
jam ultimo
c- 1.
HISTORY OP SOCRATES.
50
Seeing that his
own
times had but a slight knowledge
of him, he referred himself from
and by the generous
posterity,
vanced
life,
to the
it
judgment of
sacrifice of a
very ad-
acquired and assured to himself the esteem
and admiration of all succeeding ages.
SECTION
VII.
SJDCRATE3 REFUSES TO ESCAPE OUT OF PRISON.
HE DRINKS THE
POISON.
After
the sentence had been passed
Socrates, with the
same
upon him,
intrepid aspect, with
which he
had held the tyrants hi awe, went forward towards the

prison,
entered
which
it,
name, says Seneca, when he
lost that
and became the residence of virtue and
probity. His friends followed
him thither, and
continu-
ed to visit him during thirty days, which passed between

his condemnation and death.
The
cause of that long
delay was, the Athenians sent every year a ship to the

isle
of Delos, to offer certain sacrifices
and
it
was
prohibited to put any person to death in the city, from

the
time
the
poop of this
of Apollo had
priest
vessel, as a signal of its departure,
same vessel should return.
So
it
was necessary
thirty days,
till
the
that sentence having
been passed upon Socrates the day

began,
crowned the
after that
ceremony
to defer the execution of it for
during the continuance of this voyage.
Socrates eodem illo vultu, quo aliquando solus triginta tyrannos in

ordinem redegerat, carcerem intravit, ignominiam ipsi loco detracturus.
Neque enim poterat career, videri, in quo Socrates erat. Senec. in consol
ad Helvet. c xiii.
Socrates carcerem intrando purgavit, omnique honestiorera curia
.
reddidit.
Id.
de
vit.
beat.
c.
xxvii.
51
In this long interval, death had sufficient opportunity

to present itself before his eyes in
all its
and to
terrors,
put his constancy to the proof, not only by the severe
and the irons upon his
rigor of a dungeon,
but
legs,
by the continual prospect and cruel expectation of an

which nature
event, of
is
always abhorrent.
In this
1*
sad condition he did not cease to enjoy that profound
of mind, which his friends had always
tranquillity
admired
in
him.
He
entertained
them with the same
temper he had always expressed, and Crito observes,

that the evening before his death,
he slept as peaceably
He composed
as at any other time.
also an
hymn
in
honour of Apollo and Diana, and turned one of Esop's

fables into verse.
The day
to arrive
before, or the
same day
that the ship
was
from Delos, the return of which was to be
followed by the death of Socrates, Crito, his intimate

friend,
know
came
that
to
him
early in the morning, to let
bad news, and
at the
depended only upon himself

the jailer was gained
open, and offered

rates
er he
laughed
him a
not die."
that
him
that
to quit the prison
it
that
he would find the doors
safe retreat in Thessaly.
at this proposal,
knew any place
pressed
same time,
Soc-
and asked him, "wheth-
out of Attica, where people did
Crito urged the thing very seriously, and
him
opportunity,
to take the advantage of so precious
an
adding arguments upon arguments to
induce his consent, and to engage him to resolve upon

his escape.
Without mentioning the inconsolable
grief he should suffer for the death of
how
such a
friend,
should he support the reproaches of an infinity of
Plat, in Criteos
52
people,
who would
have saved him, but
believe that
was
it
he would not
that
sacrifice a small
Can
the people
man
as Socrates
part of his wealth for that purpose ?
ever be persuaded that so wise a
would not quit
his prison,
power to
in his
when he might do
with
it
all
Perhaps he might fear to expose
possible security ?
his friends, or to occasion the loss of their fortunes,
Ought
even of their lives or liberty.
or
there to be any
thing more dear and precious to them than the preser-
Even strangers themselves dispute

that honour with them
many of whom have come
expressly with considerable sums of money to pur-
vation of Socrates ?
chase his escape
and declare, that they should think
themselves highly honoured to receive him amongst
them, and to supply him abundantly with
have occasion
Ought he
for.
enemies,
who have
unjustly,
and can he think
own
cause
Is
it
to
all
he should
abandon himself to
occasioned his being condemned

it
allowable to betray his
not essential to his goodness and
justice, to spare his fellow citizens the guilt of inno-
cent blood
and he
But
if all
these motives cannot alter him,
not concerned in regard to himself, can he be
is
insensible to the interests of his children ? In
condition does he leave

father, to
them
remember only
And
can he forget the
the philosopher ?
Socrates, after having heard
him with
attention,
praised his zeal, and expressed his gratitude

fore he could give into his opinion,
whether
it
was
just for
what a
him
was
for
but be-
examining
to depart out of prison
The question
man condemned
without the consent of the Athenians.

therefore here
to die,
is,
to
know whether a
though unjustly, can without a crime, escape
from justice and the laws.
53
do not know whether,
even amongst us, there are not many persons to be
who
found
believe that this
may be made
a question.
Socrates begins with removing every thing foreign
comes immediately
to the subject, and
of the
"
affair.
to the
bottom
should certainly rejoice extremely,
you could persuade me
most dear
Crito, that
this place,
but cannot resolve to do so, without being
what the people

that
We
persuaded.
first
is
ought not to be
say, but for
just or unjust shall
what the
upon
in pain
sole
pronounce upon
All the considerations
to quit
Judge of all
and that
us,
you have alleged,
alone
is
as to
money, reputation, family, prove nothing, unless
truth.
you show me,
that
It is a received
what you propose
men may
this principle
and
fatal to
say, or
be consequential of
from
and lawful.
and constant principle with us, that
injustice is shameful,
whatever
is just
it.
whatever good or
We
all
him who commits
it,
may
evil
have always reasoned
even to our
latest days,
never departed in the least from
it.
and have
Would
possible, dear Crito, that, at our age, our
it
be
most serious
discourses should resemble those of infants,
who
say
yes and no almost in the same breath, and have nothing

of fixed and determinate ?"
At each
proposition he
waited Crito's answer and assent.
" Let us therefore resume our principles, and en-
deavour to make use of them

always been a
able,
tice,
maxim
at this time.
with us, that
upon any pretence whatsoever,

not even in regard to those
return evil for evil, and that
it
to
is
It
has
never allow-
commit
injus-
who injure us, nor to

when we have once
engaged our word, we are bound to keep it inviolably;
54
no
interest being capable to dispense with
the time I should be ready to
make my
Now if at
it.
escape, the laws
and republic should present themselves in a body before
me, what could
answer to the following questions
which they might put

do, Socrates ?
To
fly
to rne ?
What
from justice
are
in this
you going to
manner,
is it
aught else but ruining entirely the laws and the republic?
Do you
believe, thata state subsists, after justice is
not only no longer in force in
it,
but
is
even corrupted,
subverted, and trod under foot by particulars ? But,

say
I,
the republic has done
tenced
would
me
reply, that
you
me
and has sen-
injustice,
Have you
wrongfully.
forgot, the laws
are under an agreement with
us to submit your private judgment to the republic ?
You were at liberty,
if
our government and consti-
tutions did not suit you, to retire and settle yourself
But
elsewhere.
city
of seventy years in our
a residence
sufficiently denotes, that
our plan has not
pleased you, and that you have complied with
an
knowledge and experience of
entire
choice. In effect,
sess to
for
all
it
you owe
all
you
are,
it,
and
it
dis-
from
and out of
all
you pos-
and establishment
birth, nurture, education,
these proceed from the tuition and protection of
the republic.
Do you
believe yourself free to break
through engagements with her, which you have confirmed by more than one oath
Though
she should
intend to destroy you, can you render her evil for evil,
and injury
for injury ?
manner with your

know,
that
Have you
father
a right to act in that
and mother
your country
is
more
and do you not
considerable, and
more worthy of respect before God and man, than either

father or mother, or
all
the relations
irj
the world
55
sogether
your country
that
is
be honoured and
to
revered, to be complied with in her excesses, and to
be treated with tenderness and kindness, even in her
most violent proceedings
by
to be reclaimed
word, that she
? In a
is
either
counsels and respectful
wise
remonstrances, or to be obeyed in her commands, and
murmuring
suffered without
As
in all she shall decree ?
your children, Socrates, your friends
for
der them
all
the services in their
Divine Providence
will not
power
who have
tice
so shall
given you
Re-
and take the

birth, nurture,
Set not so high a value upon your
and education.
children, your
be wanting to them.
sign yourself therefore to our reasons,
counsel of those
will ren-
at least the
life,
it
or aty thing in the world, as jus-
come
to pass, that
before the tribunal of Pluto,
you
when you appear
will not
be
at a loss
to defend yourself in the presence of your judges.
But
if
you demean yourself otherwise, we
tinue your enemies as long as

affording
you
you relaxation or repose
live,
shall
con-
without ever
and when you are
dead, our sisters, the laws in the regions below, will
be as
little
favourable to you
knowing
that
you have
been guilty of using your utmost endeavours to destroy

us."
Socrates observed to Crito, that he seemed to have
a perfect sense of
his reasons had
all
he had
made
said,
and that the force of
so strong and irresistible an im-
pression on his mind, that they entirely engrossed him,
and
left
him
neither thoughts nor words to object,
Crito agreeing in effect that he had nothing to reply,
continued
silent,
and withdrew from his friend*
56
At length the
was
in a
The
next day
all
his
signal for the death of Socrates.
magistrates,
them
who was
the morning.
The
friends, except Plato,
sick, repaired to the prison early in

jailor desired
to wait a
who had
because the eleven
little,
the direction of the prisons,
at that time signifying to the prisoner,
same day.
die the
that he
ting by Xantippe his wife,
As soon
dren in her arms.
up
you
made
my
this
was to
who
off,
sit-
held one of his chil-
as she perceived them, set-
great cries, sobbing, and tearing her face and
hair, she
" Oh,
were
Presently after, they entered, and
found Socrates, whose chains had been taken
ting
which
ship 'returned to Athens,
fatal
manner the
the prison resound with her complaints,
dear Socrates,
day for the
last
friends are
yofttf
He
time !"
come
to see
desired that she
might be taken away, and she was immediately carried
home.
Socrates passed the rest of the day with his friends,
and discoursed with them with

and
The subject
tranquillity.
his usual
most important and best adapted

juncture, that
What
is
cheerfulness
of conversation was the

to the present
con-
to say, the immortality of the
soul.
gave occasion
to this discourse,
was a question
introduced in a manner by chance, whether a true philosopher ought not to desire and take pains to die ?
This proposition, taken too
might
ion, that a philosopher
shows
that
that nothing is
At Athens,
kill
implied an opin-
himself.
more unjust than
man, appertaining
i
literally,
to
Plut, in
was unbound, and considered
Phxd.
as
this notion,
and
God, who or med and placed

p. 59,
&c
was pronounced upon a criminal, he

the victim of death, whom it was no
as soon as sentence
tonger lawful to keep in chains.
Socrates
him with
abandon
his
it
own hand
57
he possesses, cannot
in the post
without his permission, nor depart from
What
without his order.
is it
life
then that can induce a
philosopher to entertain this love for death ?
It
can be
only the hope of that happiness, which he expects in
another
life,
and that hope can be founded only upon
the opinion of the soul's immortality.
Socrates employed the last day of his
upon
taining his friends
this great
life
in enter-
and important sub-
from which conversation Plato's admirable diaHe

logue, entitled " The Phsedon," is wholly taken.
ject,
explains to his friends
all
the arguments for believing
the soul immortal, and refutes
all
the objections against
which are very near the same as are made
it,
day.
This
abstract of
s
treatise is
too long for
me
at this
to attempt an
it.
Before he answers any of these objections, he de-
plores a misfortune
common enough among men, who,

who con-
in consequence of hearing ignorant persons,

tradict
is
and doubt every thing,dispute,and believe there

" Is
nothing certain.
it
not a great misfortune, dear
Phaedon, that having reasons which are true, certain,
and very easy to be understood, there should, however,
be those
in the world,
who
are not at
all
affected
with them, from their having heard those frivolous

things appear sometimes true and
disputes, wherein
all
sometimes
These unjust and unreasonable men,
false ?
instead of blaming themselves for these doubts, or
charging the narrowness of their sense with them, from

ascribing the defect to the reasons themselves, proceed
at length to a detestation of
*
vol.
4.
them
Plut. p. 90, 91.
and believe them-
HISTORY OF SOCRATES."
58
more knowing and judicious than
selves
all
others, be-
cause they imagine they are the only persons
comprehend
who
that there is nothing true or certain in the
nature of things."
Socrates demonstrates the injustice of this proceed-
He observes,
ing.
tain,
it
that of
two things equally uncer-
wisdom
consists with
to choose that
"
most advantageous with least hazard.
"upon
vance," says he,

proves true,
death
from
it
it,
it is
proves
good
been
to believe
of Socrates,
real
and true
is
I ad-
less
it
and
after
if
my
always have the advantage

sensible here of the evils
which generally attend human
which
what
the immortality of the soul,
false, I shall
to have
If
This reasoning
life."
which, " we are to suppose," can be only

in
remarkable.
If
what
whilst I hazard very
on the contrary,
mouth of
the
little
am
a Christian,
is
very
I say is true, I gain all things,

;
still
and
if false, I
lose nothing
a great gainer.
Socrates does not confine himself to the mere speculation of this great truth, that the soul is
immortal; he
draws useful and necessary conclusions from

conduct of life
py
eternity
in explaining
it
for the
what the hope of an hap-
demands from man,
that
it
be not frustrat-
ed, and that, instead of attaining the rewards prepared
for the good, they

allotted for the
do not experience the punishment
wicked.
forth these great truths,
The
philosopher here sets
which a constant
though very much obscured by
fiction
and
always preserved amongst the pagans: the
ment of the righteous and wicked

1
tradition,
fable,
had
last judg-
the eternal punish
Monsieur Pascal has expatiated upon this reasoning in his seventh

and deduced from it a demonstration of infinite force.
article,
HISTORY GF SOCRATES.
59
a
ments to which great criminals are condemned
end
for
the
souls
without
that
joy
place of peace and
;
and innocence, or which, during
retain their purity
this
have expiated their offences by repentance and
life,
satisfaction
and an intermediate
state, in
which they
purify themselves, for a certain time, from less considerable crimes, that have not been atoned for during
this
life.
"
My friends, there is still one thing, which
ry just to believe
if
be cultivated with
the time of
eternity
life,
attention, not only for
but for that which
and the
the soul be immortal,
is
gainers in
evils,
it,
call
mean
may be at-
to follow, I
were the
If death
of being, the wicked would be great
and
their vices
but as the soul
is
im-
has no other means of being freed from
it
nor any safety for
and very wise

its
ve-
by being delivered at once from their bod-
ies, their souls,
mortal,
it is
requires to
what we
least neglect in this point
tended with endless consequences.

final dissolution
it
for
it
but in becoming very good
away with
carries nothing
good or bad deeds,
commonly
it,
its
its
virtues or vices,
it,
but
which are
the consequence of the education
it
has re-
ceived, and the causes of eternal happiness or misery.

v
"
When the
dead are arrived
rendezvous of departed souls, whither their demon w conducts them, they are
passed their lives
in a
all
judged.
manner
at the fatal
Those,
who have
neither entirely criminal
nor absolutely innocent, are sent into a place where

they suffer pains proportioned to their faults,
Plat,
w Demon
us, angel.
p
is
107.
Greek word; which
till
being
Plat. p. 113, 114.
signifies spirit,
genius,
and with
66
purged and cleansed of
and afterwards
their guilt,
restored to liberty, they receive the reward of the
Those who are
actions they have done in the body.
judged
to
good
be incurable upon account of the greatness
of their crimes,
who from
commit-
deliberate will have
ted sacrileges or murders, and other such great offen-
judgment upon them,
ces, the fatal destiny that passes
hurls
them
But those who
depart.
from whence they never
into Tartarus,
are found guilty of crimes,
great indeed, but worthy of pardon
who have com-
mitted violences in the transports of rage against their
some one
father or mother, or have killed
and afterwards
emotion,
repented,
same punishment, and
in the
but for a time only,
till
in
a like
these suffer the
same place with the
by
last
and sup-
their prayers
plications they have obtained
pardon from those they
have injured.
" But for those who have
passed through
life
with
peculiar sanctity of manners, delivered from their base
eanhly abodes as from a prison, they are received

on high
pure region, which they inhabit
in a
without their bodied through
and delights
ries of joys
it
and which the shortness of
me to
What
mit
"
and as
has sufficiently purified them, they
philosophy
explain
I
more
have said
is
live
eternity, in a se-
all
not easy to describe,
my
time will not per-
at large.
will suffice,
conceive,
to
prove that we ought to endeavour strenuously, throughout our whole

for
you
hope
is
see,
lives, to
how
great a reward, and
proposed to us.
The
acquire virtue and
And though
resurrection of the body
was unknown
wisdom
how
high an
the immortal-
U> the pagans.
ity
of the soul were dubious, instead of appearing a
certainty as
of
more
it
does, every wise
it
himself, that
lief
61
it is
in this
man ought
to assure
well worth his trouble to risk his be-
And
manner.
We
glorious hazard ?
selves with this blessed hope
indeed can there be a
ought to enchant ourfor
which reason
have
lengthened this discourse so much."
Cicero expresses these noble sentiments of Socrates

y
with his usual delicacy.
ment
Almost at the very mo-
that he held the deadly
talked in
draught
in his
hand,
he
such a manner, as shewed that he looked up-
on death not as a violence done to him, but as a means
He
bestowed upon him of ascending to heaven.

clared, that,
upon departing out of this
are open to us
life,
de-
two ways
the one leads to the place of eternal
misery, such souls as have sullied themselves here be-
low
in
shameful pleasures and criminal actions
the
other conducts those to the happy mansions of the
who have retained their purity upon earth, and

have led in human bodies a life almost divine.
gods,
When Socrates
had done speaking, Crito
ed him to give him and the
desir-
rest of his friends his last
instructions in regard to his children,
and other
affairs,
Cum
pene in manu jam mortiferum illud teneret poculum, locutus

non ad mortem trudi, verum in coelum videretur ascendere.
duas esse vias duplicesque cursus
Ita enim censebat, itaque disseruit
animorum e corpore excedentium.
Nam, qui se humanis vitiis cony
ita est, ut
taminassent, et se totos libidinibus, ddissent quibus coarctati velut

domesticis vitiis atque flagitiis se inquinassent, ils devium quoddam iter
esse, seclusum a consilio
deorum qui autem se integros castosque ser.

minima cum corporibus contagio, seseque
;
vavissent, quibusque fuisset
ab his semper sevocassent, essentque
deorum,
his
ad
illos,
Cic. Tusc. Quscst.
in
corporibus humanis vitam imitati
a quibus essent profecti, redditum facilem patere
1, i.
n. 71, 72.
I Plat. p.
115118.
62
that,
by executing them, they might have the consola-
tion of doing
nothing to you
than
selves.
nor do
pleasure, " I shall
him some
this
day," replied
have always done, which
You
me and my
recommend
Socrates, " more
is
to take care of your-
cannot do yourselves a greater service,

family a greater pleasure."
Crito
having asked him afterwards, in what manner he

" As you please," said Sothought fit to be buried
crates, " If you can lay hold of me, and I not escape
:
At
out of your hands."
his friends with a smile

to,
that Socrates
is
same time looking upon
the
"
can never persuade Cri-
who converses
he
with you, and
disposes the several parts of his discourse
ways imagines,
in a
little
that I
am what he
is
for he al-
going to see dead
He confounds me with my carcass,

asks me how I would be interred." In
while.
and therefore
finishing these words, he rose up,
and went
himself in a chamber adjoining.
After he came out
to bathe
of the bath, his children were brought to him, for he
had
three,
two very
little,
and the other grown up.
spoke to them for some time,
women who
them.
took care of them,
Being returned
into his
down upon his bed.

The servant of the eleven
stant,
He
gave his orders to the
and then dismissed
chamber, he
entered at the
and having informed him,
laid
same
him
in-
that the time for
drinking the hemloc was come, which was at sunset,

the servant was so
much affected with
turned his back, and
fell
a weeping.
sorrow, that he
" See," said SoSince
my im-
prisonment he has often come to see me, and
to con-
crates, " the good heart of this
verse with me.
He
is
man
more worthy than
all
his fel-
63
How
tows.
This
in
an
is
poor
heartily the
man weeps
might teach those
a remarkable example, and
office
of this kind
prisoners, but
more
how
they ought to behave to
especially to persons
when they are so unhappy as

The fatal cup was brought.
was necessary for him to do.
to
fall
weary, and afterwards
lie
all
of merit,
into their hands.
Socrates asked what
it
" Nothing more," re-
plied the servant, " than as soon as
the draught, to walk about
me!"
for
till
you
you have drunk

find
off
your legs grow
down upon your bed."
He
took the cup without any emotion or change in his

colour or countenance, and regarding the
man
with a
steady and assured look, " Well," said he,." what say
you of this drink
Upon
may one make
a libation out of it ?"
being told that there was only enough for one
dose "At least, "continued he, "

:
ers to the gods, as
make our
exit
it is
from
which is what
our duty
this world,
we may
say our pray-
and implore them to
and our
last
stage hap-
most ardently beg of them."
Af-
py
ter
having spoke these words, he kept silence for some
time, and then drank off the whole draught with an
amazing
tranquillity,
and a serenity of aspect not to
be expressed or conceived.
Till then his friends, with great violence to
selves,
had refrained from
tears
them-
but after he had
drank the potion, they were no longer their own masters,
and wept abundantly. Apollodorus,
in tears
who had been
during almost the whole conversation, began
then to raise great cries, and to lament with such excessive grief,
present.
as pierced the hearts of
all
who were
Socrates alone remained unmoved, and even
reproved his friends, though with his usual mildness
64
"
and good nature.
What
Ah What
to them, " I admire at you.
your virtue
Was
not
fall
into these
have always heard say, that
peaceably, and blessing the gods.
he
said
become of
is
not for this I sent
it
women, that they might

For
you doing ?"
are
away the
weaknesses?
we ought
Be at ease,
to die
I
beg
you, and show more constancy and resolution." These
words
filled
them with confusion, and obliged them
to
restrain their tears.
mean time he kept walking
In the
when he found
his legs
grow weary, he
to
and
laid
fro,
and
down upon
his bed, as he had been directed.
The
When
poison then operated more and more.
Socrates found
began to gain upon the
it
heart,
uncov-
ering his face, which had been covered, without doubt
any thing from disturbing him
to prevent
in his last
moments, "Crito," said he, which were his last words,

" we owe a cock to Esculapius discharge that vow
;
me, and pray do not
for
he breathed
closed his
Socrates
forget
it
;" soon after
which
Crito went to his body, and
his last.
mouth and
eyes.
Such was the end
in the first year of the ninety fifth
and the seventieth of his age.
Cicero
of
Olympiad,
says, he could
never read the description of his death in Plato without

tears.
Plato,
and the
rest of Socrates's disciples, appre-
hending the rage of his accusers was not

that victim, retired to
where they
staid
till
Megara
to the
satiated
by
house of Euclid
the storm blew over.
Euripides,
however, to reproach the Athenians with the horrible

a
Quid dicam de 9ocrate, cujus morti illacrymari soleo .Platonem

De nat. Deor. lib. iii. n. 82.
gens
le.
crime they had committed,
men
upon such
to die
in
65
condemning the best of
composed
slight grounds,
tragedy, called Palamedes, in which, under the
who was also destroyed by
that hero,
ation,
name of
a black calumni-
he deplored the misfortune of his friend.
the actor
came
his
When
to repeat this verse,

the justest of the Greeks to perish ;"
You doom
the whole theatre,
remembering Socrates
in so
dis-
tinct an image of him, melted into tears, and a decree
passed to prohibit speaking any more of him
Some
believe Euripides
in public.
was dead before Socrates, and
reject this circumstance.
However
their eyes
it
were, the people of Athens did not open
till
some time
Their hatred being
after the
satisfied, their
death of Socrates.
prejudices expired,
and time having given them opportunity
for reflection,
the notorious injustice of the sentence appeared in
Nothing was heard throughout the
horrors.
its
but discourses in favour of Socrates.

the
Lyceum,
places,
to reecho the
still
city
The academy,
private houses, public walks, and
seemed
all
sound of
market
his loved
Here, said they, he formed our youth, and
voice.
taught our children to love their country, and' to hon-
our their parents.

rable
lessons,
In this place, he gave us his admi-
and sometimes made us seasonable
more warmly
reproaches, to engage us
of virtue.
Alas
in the pursuit
how have we rewarded him
such important services
Athens was
in
for
universal
The schools were shut

suspended.
The accusers were
mourning and consternation.

up, and
all
exercises
called to account for
vol.
4.
the innocent blood they had
10
66
Melitus was condemned to die,
caused to be shed.
and the
those
rest
Plutarch observes, that
banished.
who had any
share in this black calumny, were
among
in such abomination
would give them
all
fire,
the citizens, that no one
answer them any question, nor
same bath with them, and had the place

cleansed where they had bathed, lest they should be
which drove them into such
polluted by touching it
go
into the
despair, that
b
many
of them killed themselves.
The Athenians,
not contented with having pun-
ished his accusers, caused a statue of brass to be erect-
ed to him, of the workmanship of the celebrated

Lysippus, and placed
it
in
one of the most conspicuous
Their respect and gratitude ros
parts of the city.
even to a religious veneration
they dedicated a
chapel to him, as to a hero and a demi god, which
they called,
that is to say,
" the chapel of Socrates."
SFXTION
VIII.
REFLECTIONS ON SOCRATES, AND THE SENTENCE PASSED UPON HTM

BY THE ATHENIANS.
We must be very much surprised, when on the one

side
we
consider the extreme delicacy of the people of
Athens, as to what regards the worship of the gods,
which ran so high as
to occasion their
condemning the
most eminent persons upon the simple suspicion of

their failing in respect for them
and on the other,
;
when we
b
see the exceeding toleration, to call
Diog.p. 116.
2xgTy.
it
no
same people hear comedies
worse, with which the
every day, in which
67
the gods are turned into ridi-
all
manner capable of inspiring the highest con-
cule in a
tempt for them.
All Aristophanes's pieces
abound
with pleasantries, or rather buffooneries, of this kind
and if it
was
be
is
know what it
republic, it may
true, that this poet did not
to spare the greatest
said also as justly,
men
he was
of the
less favourable to
still
the gods.
Such were the
daily entertainments in the theatre,
which the people of Athens not only heard without

pain, but with such joy, pleasure,
and applause, that
they rewarded the poet with public honours,
who
Soc-
diverted
them
rates, that
What was
so agreeably.
came near
there
this excessive licence ?
Never
did any person of the pagan world speak of the Divinity,
or of ihe adoration due to him, in so pure, so
noble, and so respectful a manner.
He
did not declare
against the gods publicly received and honoured

religion
more ancient than the
city
by a
he only avoided
imputing to them the crimes and infamous actions,
which the popular credulity ascribed

which were only proper
in the
to depreciate
sense of the people.
sacrifices, festivals,
He
to
them, and
and decry them
did not blame the
nor the other ceremonies of religion;
he only taught, that
all
that
pomp and outward show
could not be agreeable to the gods without upright

ness of intention and purity of heart.
This wise,
ever, with
all
this illumined, this religious
his veneration
regard to the Divinity,
is
man, how-
and noble sentiments
condemned
in
as an impious
person by the suffrages of almost an whole people.
68
i
without his accusers being able to instance one single
avowed
or to produce any proof with the least
fact,
appearance of probability.
From whence
could so evident, so universal, and so
determinate a contradiction arise among the Athenians?
people, abounding in other respects with wit, taste,
and knowledge, must without doubt have had
their
reasons, at least in appearance, for a conduct so differ-
and sentiments so opposite to
ent,
May we
acter.
gods
their
not say, that the Athenians considered
double light ?
in a
their general char-
They
religion to the public, solemn,
as they had received
it
confined their real
and hereditary worship,
from their ancestors, as
it
was
established by the laws of the state, had been practised
from immemorial time, and especially confirmed by

the oracles, augurs, offerings, and sacrifices.
standard they
this
which they could not

ever
it
foundation, that
Socrates
was an enemy
to
them.
popular opinions, and foreign
for this they
abandoned
it
were
little
concerned, and
entirely to the poets, to the
tions of the theatre,
What
were such
and they believed, though without
fable, poetical fictions,
whatso-
was another kind of religion, founded upon
there
customs
against
suffer the least attempt
for these ancient ceremonies they
ardent zealots
But
their piety
by
was of this worship alone they were jealous
it
was
regulated
It is
and
representa-
common conversation.
grossness did they not attribute to Juno and
Venus ? No
citizen
would have been
satisfied, that his
wife or daughters should have resembled those goddesses.
Timotheus, the famous musician, having

d Plut,
de
superstit. p. 170:'
69
represented Diana upon the stage of Athens, trans-
ported with
folly, fury,
and rage, one of the spectators
make
conceived he could not
a greater imprecation
against him, than to wish his daughter might
the likeness of that divinity.
them of this kind

less profane, if
says Plu-
It is better,
no gods, than
tarch, to believe there are
become
to
imagine
open and declared impiety being
we may be allowed
to say so, than so
gross and absurd a superstition.
However
related the
be, the
it
sentence, of which
circumstances,
will,
through
we have
splendor of
its
glorious actions, for
which
ages,
all
cover Athens with infamy and reproach, that

it is
all
the
other-
wise so justly renowned, can never obliterate; and
shows at the same time, what

people, gentle,
is
to be
expected from a
humane, and beneficent
at bottom, for
such the Athenians really were, but warm, proud,

haughty, inconstant, wavering with every wind, and
It is therefore
every impression.
their assemblies
sea
with reason, that
have been compared to a tempestuous
as that element, like the people,
and peaceable of
agitated
As to
itself,
is
by a violence not
Socrates,
it
though calm
subject to be frequently
its
own.
must be allowed
that the
pagan
world never produced any thing so great and perfect.
When we
observe to what an height he carries the
sublimity of his sentiments, not only in respect to
moral virtue, temperance, sobriety, patience

sity,
in adver-
the love of poverty, and the forgiveness of wrongs
but what
is far
more
Divinity, his unity,
considerable, in regard to the
omnipotence, creation
of the
world, and providence in the government of it
the
70
immortality of the soul,

destiny
ultimate end and eternal
the rewards of the good, and the punishment
of the wicked
knowledge,
who
its
when we
we
consider this train of sublime
ask our reason whether
it is
a pagan
thinks and speaks in this manner, and can scarce
persuade ourselves, that from so dark and obscure a
fund as paganism, should shine forth such living and

glorious rays of light.
It is true, his reputation
it
was not without
alloy,
and
has been affirmed, that the purity of his manners did
not answer those of his sentiments.
among
been discussed
not admit
may
see
me
to treat
Abbe
in
it
its
The
my
of the Clouds, which
is
his vile accusers in his
reader
made him upon account

makes
seems a very strong one.

Aristophanes in his comedy
entirely against Socrates, nor
have advanced one word
trial,
impeach the purity of
his
manners
and
not probable, that such violent enemies as these
would have neglected one of

to discredit
him
the
most
likely
methods
in the opinion of his judges, if there
had been any foundation or appearance

of
plan will
The
negative argument he
in his justification,
He observes, that neither
it is
extent.
Fraguier's dissertation in defence of
of his conduct.
that tends to
This question has
the learned, but
Socrates against the reproaches
use of
for the
use
it.
I confess,
however
by him
his disciple, held
upon
that certain principles of Plato
the nudity
games, from which
in
common
with his master,
of the combatants in the public

at the
same time he did not exclude
the fair sex, and the behaviour of Socrates himself,

s
Mmoires de
1'
Acadmie des
insript.
Tom. IV.
p.
372.
71
HISTORY OF SOCRATES.-
who wrestled naked man
to
man
with Alcibiades, give
us no great idea of that philosopher's delicacy in point

f
of modesty and bashfulness.

of his
visit to
What
woman
Theodota, a
shall
eyes of her extraordinary beauty,
snares ?
Do
losopher ?
I
am
wth
own
which was much
and of the precepts he gave her
of,
attraction of admirers,
many
much
in her
with a phi-
the less surprised, after this, that several
him
in regard to purity
of manners, and that they have thought
fit
to apply to
him, as well as to his disciple Plato, what

says of die philosophers
that
ment has abandoned them

that,
for the
other things in silence.
of the fathers have censured
to the
his
and the retaining them
such lessons consist

pass over
say
of Athens of indif-
ferent reputation, only to assure himself
talked
we
most shameful
God by
St.
Paul
a just judg-
to a reprobate sense,
punishment
for their
lusts
and
;
in
having clearly known there was but one true God,
they had not honoured him as they ought, by publicly
avowing
ate
and were not ashamed to associa
their belief,
him with an innumerable multitude of
own
ridiculous and infamous even in their
And in
Socrates,
this,
opinions.
properly speaking, consists the crime of
who was
not guilty in the eyes of the Athe-
nians, but gave occasion for his being justly
ed by the eternal Truth.
pagan world was capable
for
knowledge of God, even
from himself alone.
He
we
~Xenoph. Memor.
1. iii.
p.
783786.
lights,
his soul
of which the
are not ignorant, that
natural, cannot
come but
held admirable principles
with relation to the Divinity.

f
condemn-
had illuminated
It
with the most pure and sublime
all
divinities,
He
agreeably rallied
s
Rom.
c.
i.
v.
1732.
72
the fables upon which the ridiculous mysteries of his
He
age were founded.
often spoke, and in the
most
exalted terms, of the existence of one only God, eternal, invisible, creator
of the universe, supreme director
and arbiter of all events, avenger of crimes, and rewarder

of virtues
mony
but he did h not dare to give a public
He
of these great truths.
testi-
perfectly discerned the
false and the ridiculous of the pagan system, and never-
theless, as
Seneca says of the wise man, and acted him-
he observed exactly
self,
all
the customs and cere-
monies, not as agreeable to the gods, but as enjoined
by the
He
laws.
acknowledged
at
bottom one only
and worshipped with the people that mul-
divinity,
titude of infamous idols,
which ancient superstition
had heaped up during a long succession of ages.
He
held peculiar opinions in the schools, but followed the
multitude in
the
As
temples.
a philosopher, he
despised and detested the idols in secret
as a citizen
of Athens and a senator, he paid them in public the
same adoration with

to be
condemned, says
others
St.
by so much the more
Augustin, as that worship,
which was only external and dissembled, seemed to

the people to be the effect of sincerity and conviction.
h Qjix omnia, (ait Seneca) sapiens servabit tanquam legibus jussa, non
tanquam diis grata Omnem istam ignobilem deorum turbam, quam
iongo xvo kmga superstitio congessit, sic, inquit, adorabimus, ut memi.
neriraus cullum ejus magis ad morem, quam ad rem, pertinere.
Sed
iste,
quern philosophia quasi liberum fecerat, tamen, quia illustris senaquod reprehendebat, agebat quod arguebat, quod cul-
tor erat, colebat
pabat adorabat
ageret, ut
civit.
!
Dei.
Eorum
tientes, et
eo
eum
1.
damnabilius, quo
ilia,
qux mendaciter
populus veraciter agere existimaret.
S.
agebat, sic
August,
de
vi. c. 10.
sapientes, quos philosophos vocant, scholas habebant dissen-
templa communia.
Id, lib.
de ver
rel. c.
i.
And
it
73
cannot be said that Socrates altered his con
duct at the end of his
or that he then expressed
life,
In his defence before the
a greater zeal for truth.
people, he declared, that he had always received and
honoured the same gods as the Athenians

last
and the
order he gave before he expired, was to sacrifice
in his
name
Behold then
a cock to Esculapius.
this
prince of the philosophers, declared by the Delphic

oracle the wisest of mankind,
who, notwithstanding his
one only divinity, dies in the
internal conviction of
bosom of idolatry, and with
the profession of adoring
the gods of the pagan theology.
all
more inexcusable
man
is
expressly appointed by heaven to bear witness to
the truth, he
fails
most
in the
essential
duty of the
glorious commission he ascribes to himself:
ticularly to
avow,
it is
that
had been well placed
been any great

sides as he
was
In this
it
have
determined be-
But, says St. Augustin, k these
the world, nor to bring
true
nor would
difficulty to Socrates,
to die.
philosophers were not designed by
worship of the
par-
which regards the unity of
Godhead, and the vanity of idol worship.
his courage
for if
we ought more
there be any truth in religion, that
the
the
declaring himself a
that
in this,
Socrates
men
God
to enlighten
over from the impious
false deities to the
holy religion of the
God.
We cannot deny
Socrates to have been the hero of
the pagan world in regard to moral virtues.
judge rightly of him,
let
But
to
us draw a parallel between
k Non sic
ista nati erant, ut populorum suorum opinionem ad verum
cultum veri Dei a simulacrorum superstitione, atque ab hujus mundi
vanitate converterent.
VOL.
4.
St.
August,
II
lib.
de ver. rel.
c. 2.
74
this
supposed hero, and the martyrs of Christianity,
who
often were
young
children and tender virgins, and
yet were not afraid to shed the last drop of their blood,
to defend and confirm the
knew, without daring
same
truths,
which Socrates
to assert in public.
compare the so much boasted death of

religion so
much
also
this prince
philosophers, with that of our holy bishops,
done the Christian
mean, the
Let us
unity of God, and the vanity of idols.
of
who have
honour, by their
sublimity of genius, the extent of their knowledge, and

the beauty and excellence of their writings
prian, a St. Augustin,
all
seen to die in the
a St.
Cy-
and so many others, who were
bosom
of humility, fully con-
vinced of their unworthiness and nothingness, penetrated with a lively fear of the
judgments of God, and
expecting their salvation from his sole goodness and
condescending mercy.
sentiments
Philosophy inspires no such
they could proceed only from the grace
of the Mediator, which, "
we
are taught to believe,"
Socrates did not deserve to know.
BOOK TENTH.
HISTORY
OF THE
PERSIANS
AND
GRECIANS,
CONTAINING THE
HE
most
essential part of history,
concerns the reader most to know,
and which
is
that
it
which
explains the character and manners as well of the
people in general, as of the great persons in particular
of whom
it
treats
and
this
sort the soul of history, of
body.
may be
said to be in
which the
have endeavoured, as occasion offered, to
paint in their true colours the
ages of Greece
it
remains for
most
illustrious person-
me to show
and character of the people themselves.

fine
some
facts are only the
the genius
shall
con-
myself to those of Lacedemon and Athens,
who
always held the
first
rank amongst the Greeks, and
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
76
shall
reduce what
three heads
have to say upon
their political
this subject to
government, war, and
religion.
who
Sigonius, Meursius, Potter, and several others,
have written upon
the Grecian antiquities, supply
with great lights, and are of equal use to
matters
it
remains for
me
me
me
in the
to treat.
CHAPTER
I.
OF POLITICAL GOVERNMENT.
HERE
monarchy,
racy,
in
in
government
which a single person reigns
in
which the supreme authority
hands of the people.
The most
aristoc-
which the eldest and wisest govern
democracy,
in the
are three principal forms of
is
and
lodged
celebrated
writers of antiquity, as Plato, Aristotle, Polybius, and
Plutarch, give
the
preference to the
first
kind, as
including the most advantages with the fewest inconveniences.
But
all
agree, and
it
cannot be too often
inculcated, that the end of all government, and the duty
of every one in authority, in whatsoever manner

is to
his
it
be,
use his utmost endeavours to render those under
command happy and just, by
obtaining for
them on
the one side safety and tranquillity, with the advantages
and conveniences of life, and on the
other,
all
the
means
and helps that may contribute to making them virtuous,
OF THE GREEKS.
As the pilot's
happily into
end, says Cicero,
is
army
man who
so a prince, and every
to
remember,
government
suprema lex
the
is
that the
He
his
supreme
good of the
esto.
to obtain victory
governs others, ought
make the utility of the governed
and
to steer his vessel
port, the physician's to preserve or re-
its
store health, the general's of an
to
77
view and motive,

rule of
public,
all
just
Salus populi
adds, that the greatest and
most noble function in the world,

of the happiness of mankind.
is
to be the author
Plato in an hundred places, esteems as nothing the
most shining
if
and actions of those who govern,
qualities
they do not tend to promote the two great ends I
have mentioned, the virtue and happiness of the people
and he refutes
at large, in the first
book c of his
who advanced,
Republic, one Thrasymachus,
that
subjects were born for the prince, and not the prince
for his subjects
and that whatever promoted the
terest of the prince
deemed just and
and commonwealth ought to be
lawful.
In the distinctions which have been

several forms of government,
it
by an happy mixture of
advantages, and exclude

rest
and almost
all
all
made upon
the
has been agreed, that
would be the most perfect which

itself,
in-
should unite in
istitutions,
the
all
the inconveniences, of the
the anc^nts have believed
Tenesne igitur, mnderatorem iXum
reip.
Ut gubernatori cursus secundus. medico
that
quoreferre velimus omnia?
salus, imperatori victoria, sic
huic moderator! reip. betta civiur vita proposita est, ut opibus firma,
Hujus enim operis
copiis locuples, gloria airnla, u'rtute honesta sit.
maximi
Attic.
inter
1. viii.
b Cic.
de
homines atque oitimi ilium esse perfectorem
volo,
epist. 10.
leg.
1. iii.
n, 8.
Polyb.
vi. p.
458, 459.
Page 338342.
Ad-
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
78
the
Lacedemonian government came nearest
to this
idea of perfection.
ARTICLE
I.
OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SPARTA.
From
the time that the Heraclides had reentered
Peloponnesus, Sparta was governed by two kings,
were always of the same two
families,
Heicules by two different branches, as

elsewhere.
despotic
sire
Whether from
power on
have observed
pride, or the abuse of
the side of the
kings, or the de-
of independence, and an immoderate love of
erty on that of the people, Sparta, in
was always involved

would
infallibly
pened
at
its
commotions and
in
have occasioned
its
itself, if
Lycurgus had not prevented

reformation he
large in the
ri e
made
fatal
in the state.
revolts,
ruin, as
which
had hapcities,
the wise foresight of
consequences by the
I
have related
and
of that legislator,
lib-
beginnings,
Argos and Messene, two neighbouring
equally powerful with
who
descended from
shall only
it
at
touch
here upon what regards the government.
SECTION
IDEA OF THE
Lycurgus
SPATA.I
I,
GOVERNMENT.
restored order &nd peace in Sparta
by
the establishment of the senate. It consisted of twenty

e
Book
v. Ar'vii-
OF THE CREEKS.
eight senators, and the
79
two kings presided
in
it.
This
august council, formed out of the wisest and most experienced

to the
men
in the nation, served as a counterpoise
two other
of the people
authorities, that of the kings,
and that
and whenever the one was
for over-
bearing the other, the senate interposed, by joining

the weakest, and thereby held the balance between
body
both.
At length,
ing
power, which was very great, a kind of curb was
its
annexed
to
it,
to prevent this
from abus-
by the nomination of five Ephori, who
were elected out of the people, whose

one year, and
itself
who had
office lasted
only
authority, not only over the
senators, but the kings themselves.
The power
of the kings was extremely limited,
especially in the city,
they had the
command
and
in
In war
time of peace.
of the fleets and armies, and at
However/ they had even
that time greater authority.
then a kind of inspectors and commissioners assigned
them,
who
erally
chosen for that
served as necessary council, and were genoffice,
from
their being out of
favour with them, in order that there should be no con-
nivance on their side, and the republic be the better
served There was almost continually some secret mis-
understanding between the two kings
whether
it
pro-
ceeded from a natural jealousy between the two branches,
or was the effect of the Spartan policy, to which their
too great union might have given umbrage.
The Ephori had a greater authority at Sparta, than

the tribunes of the Roman people.
They presided in
the election of the magistrates, and could call
an account for their administration.

f
Arist.
de
rep.
1. ii.
p.
33L
them
to
Their power
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
extended even to the persons of their kings, and of the
whom
princes of the blood royal,
imprison,
which they
Pausanias.
When
actually
used
in
regard
to
they set upon their seats in the
up when the kings entered,
tribunal, they did not rise
which was a
they had a right to
m irk of respect paid them by all the other
magistrates, and seems to imply a kind of superiority in
the Ephori from their representing the people

is
and
it
observed of Agesilaus, g that when he was seated
upon
came
It is
dispense justice, and the Ephori
his throne to
in,
he never failed to
rise
up
very probable, that before him
to
it
do them honour.
was not usual
for
the kings to behave in that manner, Plutarch relating

this
behaviour of Agesilaus as peculiar to him.
All public business was proposed and examined in

the senate, and resolutions passed accordingly in the
same
place.
But the decrees of the senate were not of
force, unless ratified
by the people.
There must have been exceeding wisdom
in the
laws established by Lycurgus for the government of

Sparta, because, as long as they were exactly observed,
no commotions or
known
in the city,
seditions
of the people were ever
no change
in the
form of govern-
ment was ever proposed, no private person usurped

the
authority by violence, or made himself tyrant
people never thought of depriving the two families, in
;
which
it
had always
been.,
of the sovereignty, nor did
any of the kings ever attempt to assume more power

than the laws admitted.
This
reflection, 11
which both
Xenophon and Polybius make, shows the idea they

had of the wisdom of Lycurgus, in point of his policy,
e Plut, in
Agesil. p. 597.
Xen.
in Agesil. p. 651.
Polyb.
1.
vi. p.
456.
OF THE GREEKS.
and the opinion
we ought
to have of
81
it.
In effect, no
other city of Greece had this advantage, and
many changes and
experienced
all
of them
want
vicissitudes for
of the like laws to perpetuate their
form of govern-
ment.
The
reason of this constancy and stability of the
Lacedemonians
in their
other Grecian
whereas the greatest part of the
cities,
is,
governed absolutely, and with
that in Sparta the laws
sovereign authority
government and conduct
abandoned to the caprice of
pri-
vate men, to despotic power, to an arbitrary and irregular sway, experienced the truth of Plato's saying,*
where the magistrates com-
that the city is miserable,
mand the laws, and not the laws the magistrates.

The example of Argos and Messene, which I have
already related, would alone suffice to show how just
and true that
reflection
is.
After their return from
the Trojan war, the Greeks, distinguished
by the name
of Dorians, established themselves in three cities of
Peloponnesus, Lacedemon, Argos, and Messene, and
swore
alliance,
and protection of each other.
three cities, governed alike
the
These
by monarchical power, had
same advantages, except
in
the fertility of the
lands where they were situated, in which the two

latter carried
it
Argos and Messene how-
extremely.
ever did not long preserve
The
their superiority.
haughtiness of the kings, and the disobedience of the

people, occasioned their
dition in
fall
from the flourishing con
which they had been
example proved, says Plutarch,

*
* Plat.
vol. 4
1.
iii.
Plat.
de leg.
1.
p.
iv.
de
and their
after Plato, that
leg. p. 715.
683685.
12
at first
Plut, in Lycurg. p. 4",
it
was
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
82
the peculiar favour of the gods which gave the Spartans such a
man
Lycurgus, capable of prescribing so
as
wise and reasonable a plan of government.
To
support
without change, particular care was
it
taken to educate the youth according to the laws and
manners of the country,
in
order that they might be-
a second nature in them, by being early engraft-
come
The
ed into them, and confirmed by long habitude.
hard and sober manner in which they were brought up,

inspired
them during
the rest of their lives with a nat-
ural taste for frugality and temperance, that distinguish-
ed them from
all
other people, and wonderfully adapt-
ed them to support the fatigues of war.
Plato
observes, that this salutary custom had banished from

Sparta, and
the territory in
all
enness, debauchery, and
ders
insomuch
that
it
all
its
dependence, drunk-
their consequential disor-
was a crime punishable by law
to drink wine to
excess even in the Bacchanalia,
which every where
else
whole
gave themselves up to the
cities
They
also
and
their earli-
an entire submission to the laws, magis-
all
in authority
properly speaking, was no

ship of obedience.
advised
last excesses.
accustomed the children from
est infancy to
trates,
were days of licence, whereon
It
Xenophon
was
and m
their education,
more than an apprenticefor this reason, Agesilaus
to send his children to Sparta, as to
an excellent school," where they might learn the greatest and most noble of all sciences, " to obey and to
command,"
for the
d<?t tv tBd.iS'ua.v
n Ma&Da-o/ueya
Agesil. p. 606,
one naturally leads on to the other.
Plat.
ttvctt
de
1. i.
leg. p. 637.
juikthv miruQu&t.
tv ftaSârav to
Plut, in Lycurg. p. 58.
x,<L\xi?ov t <*.%ittu
kui *g;^ 'v.
Plut.
ift
OF THE GREEKS.
85
was not only the mean, the poor, and the ordinary
citizens, who were subjected in this manner to the
It
laws
but the rich, the powerful, the magistrates, and
even kings
and they did not distinguish themselves
from the others

ence
means
by
in
any thing but a more exact obedisuch behaviour was the surest
convinced that
to their being
obeyed and respected themselves
their inferiors.
Hence came
the so
much
celebrated answers of
Demaratus. Xerxes could not comprehend, how the
who had no master
Lacedemonians,
should be capable to confront
M They are
free
dangers and death.
and independent of
Demaratus, "but the law
mands them, and
that
conquer or die."
all
men,"
replied
above them, and com-
must
law ordains that they
Upon
somebody expressed
is
to control them,
when
another occasion,
their surprise, that
being king
" it is," says
he should suffer himself to be banished

he, " because at Sparta the laws are stronger than the
:
kings."
q
This appears evidently
ready obedience of
in the
Agesilaus to the orders of the Ephori,
when
by them
a delicate oc-
to the support of his country
casion for a king and a conqueror
ed more
than to
but to him
recalled
it
seem-
glorious to obey his country and the laws,
command numerous armies,
or even to conquer
Asia.
Herod.
1.
vii. c.
145, 146.
*3
Idem,
Multo gloriosius duxit,
superasset Asiam.
si
Plut, in
Apoph. Lacon.
p. 220.
in Agesil. p. 603, 604.

institutes patriae paruisset,
Cornel. Nep. in Agesil. c,
iv.
quam
si beljc
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
84
SECTION
IL
LOVE OF POVERTY INSTITUTED AT SPARTA.
To
this entire
submission to the laws of the
Lycurgus added another

less
principle of
state,
government no
admirable, which was to remove from Sparta
luxury, profusion, and magnificence
make poverty
absolutely, to
same time necessary, by
money
for gold
been current.
and
I
all
to decry riches
honourable, and at the
substituting a species of iron
silver coin,
which
till
then had
have explained elsewhere the meas-
ures that were used to
make so difficult an undertaking
succeed, and shall confine myself here to examining
what judgment should be passed on
it
as
it
affects a
government.
The
poverty to which Lycurgus reduced Sparta,
and which seemed

prive
was
ing.
it
of all
to prohibit all conquest,
means to augment
well adapted to rendering
Such a
it
its
force
and to de-
and grandeur,
powerful and flourish-
constitution of government,
which
till
then had no example, nor has since been imitated by
any
state,
argues a great fund of prudence and policy
in a legislator
and the medium conceived afterwards
under Lysander,
in
continuing individuals in their
poverty, and restoring to the public the use of gold and

silver coin,
was
it
not a wise
amendment of what was
too strained and excessive in that law of Lycurgus of
which we
It
are speaking ?
seems,
human
if
we
consult only the
prudence, that
it
is
ner ; but the event, which
common
views of
just to reason in this
is
an
infallible
man-
evidence and
OF THE GREEKS.
arbiter in this place, obliges
me to
85
be of a quite
differ-
ent opinion.
Whilst Sparta remained poor, and per-
sisted in the
contempt of gold and
silver,
which con-
tinued for several ages, she was powerful and glorious,
and the commencement of her decline may be dated
from the time when she began
to break through the
severe prohibition of Lycurgus against the use of gold
and
silver
The
money.
education which he instituted for the young
Lacedemonians,
the hard and sober
recommended with so much

violent exercises of the
abstraction from
all
view was
to
body prescribed by him, the

and
institutions
form a people of
this
But admitting
elsewhere.
that legislator
devoted
do not pretend
it
show, that his
scheme, which had
inconveniences, and I have expressed

it
employment
soldiers, solely
arms and military functions.
justify absolutely
which he
the painful and
care,
other application and
in a word, all his laws
to
life
my
its
to
great
thoughts of
we must confess,
good,
showed great wisdom
in the
means he
took for its execution.
The
trained
almost inevitable danger of a people solely
up
for war,
their hands,
who have always
their
and what is most to be feared,
is
arms
in
injustice,
violence, ambition, the desire of increasing their power,
of taking advantage of their neighbour's weakness, of
oppressing them by force, of invading their lands under false pretexts, which the lust of dominion never
fails
to suggest, and of extending their
as possible
all
in private persons,
life,
but which
bounds
as far
vices and extremes, which are horrid
and the ordinary commerce of
men have
thought
fit
to applaud as
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
8(5
grandeur and glory in the persons of princes and

conquerors.
The
great care of
Lycurgus was to defend
mentioning the other means he made use

ployed two which could not
The
effect.
war
first
was
The
and the
of,
he em-
of producing their
fail
to prohibit
at sea to his citizens.
his
Without
people against this dangerous temptation.
navigation and
all
situation of his city,
commerce, the usual source of lux-
fear lest
ury and depravation, should corrupt the purity of the

Spartan manners, might have a share in this decree.
But
motive was to put
his principal
power
zens'
up within
forbid
for,
which a people, shut
without being masters at sea.
second means,
all
citi-
the narrow bounds of a peninsula, could not
carry very
The
to project conquests,
out of his
it
more
still
efficacious,
was to
use of gold or silver money, and to introduce
a species of iron coin in
which was of great
stead,
its
weight and small value, and could only be current
How
home.
with such
be raised and paid,
money should
out,
fleets fitted
at
foreign troops
and numerous
armies kept up either by land or sea ?
So
that the design of
city warlike,
Lycurgus,
and putting arms into
not, as Polybius observes,*
make them
war
people.
a.u<ri
va.wr*t;
that,
Polyb. 1.
vi. p.
491 .
him, to
carry
shut up within the
iiv&i,
Ktu
left
vavfAcLftv.
them by
their
Plut, in instit
p. 239.
e
was
and subject great numbers of
His sole end was,
KTrueyiro Si
after
who might
extent of the lands and dominion
Lacon.
their hands,
and Plutarch
illustrious conquerors,
into remote regions,
in rendering his
Plut. in. Lycurg. p. 59.
OF THE GREEKS.
ancestors, they should have
no thoughts but of main-
taining themselves in peace, and defending themselves
successfully against such of their neighbours as should
have the rashness to invade them
had occasion
country, and
rate
manner of life, all that was
more
and
for this they
nor silver, finding in their
for neither gold
own
still
in their sober
and tempe-
sufficient for the
support
of their armies, when they did not quit their own, or

the lands of their neighbours.
Now,
says Polybius, this plan once admitted, it

that there is nothing
be allowed,
must
more wise nor more
happily conceived than the institutions of Lycurgus, for

the maintaining a people in the possession of their liberty,
and to secure to them the enjoyment of peace and

In
tranquillity.
effect, let
like that of Sparta, of
to labour,
accustomed to
ageous, intrepid
interests,
its
live
all
little
republic,
the citizens are inured
on a
little
warlike, cour-
and that the fundamental principle
of this small republic,

to disturb
us imagine a
which
is
to
do no wrong to any one, nor
neighbours, nor invade their lands or
but on the contrary, to declare in favour of
the oppressed against the injustice and violence of
oppressors
is
it
not certain, that such a republic,
surrounded by a great number of

extent,
states
would be generally respected by
all
of equal
the neigh-
bouring people, would become the supreme arbiter of

all
their quarrels,
and exercise an empire over them,
by so much the more glorious and

be voluntary, and founded
lasting, as
it
would
solely in the opinion those
neighbours would have of its virtue, justice, and valor ?
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
S3
11
This was the end Lycurgus proposed
Convinced
that the happiness of a
private person, depends
well within
always
itself,
own
wisdom and
virtue,
and upon being
From
it
might
upon
happiness, and act
equity.
of a
city, like that
he regulated Sparta so as
suffice to its
ciples of
upon
to himself..
prin-
thence arose that
universal esteem of the neighbouring people and even
who asked
of strangers for the Lacedemonians,
them neither money,
ships, nor troops,
they would lend them a Spartan to
armies
they paid
him
honour and
but only that
command
and when they had obtained
Greeks of Asia, Lysander,

laus
C allier atidas,
all
the
and Agesi-
regarding the city of Sparta as a model for
of
In this manner the Sicilians
obeyed Gylippus, the Chalcidians Brasidas, and

v
their
their request,
entire obedience, with every kind
respect.
of
all
others in the arts of living and governing.
The epocha
of the declension of Sparta begins with
the open violation of Lycurgus's laws.
do not pre-
tend that they had always been exactly observed

that time,
which was
far
from the case
but the
till
spirit
and genius of those laws had almost always prevailed

with the majority of the persons
who
governed.
sooner had the ambition of reigning over

inspired
all
No
Greece
them with the design of having naval armies,
and foreign troops, and that money was necessary for

the support of those forces, than Sparta, forgetting her
ancient
maxims, saw
to the barbarians,
herself reduced to have recourse
which
till
then she had detested, and
Plut. p. 58.
v
no?
trvfATrtttritv
rnv tuv Swagr/aToii vo\tv, oxrwg TauS'u.ywycv n
<f/<Tsw-
OF THE GREEKS.
make
basely to
89
her court to the kings of Persia,
she had formerly vanquished with so

that only to
draw from them some
troops against
own
their
Thus had
glory
Greece
like
them-
they the imprudence and mis-
money had
vices and crimes which the iron
way
for the
and were the cause of their
all
the
banished,
changes which ensued,
And
ruin.
wisdom of Lycurgus,
exalts the
and
to say,
is
fortune to recal with gold and silver into Sparta,
and to prepare the
money and
brethren, that
against people born and settled in

selves.
much
aids of
whom
in
this infinitely
having foreseen at
such a distance, what might strike at the happiness of

his citizens,
in the
and provided salutary remedies against
form of government he established
Another
legislator,
it
Sparta.
at
who had preceded him several ages,
has a right to share this glory with him.
SECTION
III,
LAWS ESTABLISHED BY MINOS IN CRETE.
All
Lycurgus had formed

laws upon the model of those
the world, knows, that
the plan of most of his
observed in the island of Crete, where he passed a considerable time for the better studying of them.
proper
forgot to
more
should give some idea of them here, having
do
it
in the place
natural, that
Lycurgus and
vol.
It is
4.
is,
when
where
I
his institutions.
13
it
would have been
spoke for the
first
time of
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
90
whom
Minos,
He
lived about one
He was
jears before the Trojan war.

wise, and gentle prince, and
hundred
a powerful,
more estimable
still
moral virtues than his military
his
was the
fable calls the son of Jupiter,
author of these laws.
for
After
abilities.
having conquered the island of Crete, and several

others in
neighbourhood, he applied himself to
its
strengthen by wise laws the
new
of which he had
state,
possessed himself by the force of arms.
which he proposed
was
in the establishment of these laws,
to render his subjects
He
tuous.
from
happy by making them
banished idleness and
his states, and, with
was
them, luxury and vicious
Well know-
justly regarded as the
and that
ious and greatest good,
vir-
voluptuousness
pleasures, the fruitful sources of all vice.

ing, that liberty
The end
it
most prec-
cannot subsist
without a perfect union of the people, he endeavoured

to
establish a kind of equality
the
and basis of
tie
it,
amongst them, which
and very proper to remove
He
envy, jealousy, hatred, and dissension.
undertake to make any
new
self to the uniting of his subjects
He
to
him
did not
divisions of lands, nor to
prohibit the Use of gold and silver.
seemed
is
all
He
applied him
by other
ties,
which
neither less firm nor less reasonable.
decreed, that the children should be
brought
all
up and educated together by troops and bands
in
order that they might learn early the same principles
and maxims.
Their
were accustomed
to
life
be
was hard and sober.
satisfied
with
little,
They
to suffer
heat and cold, to walk over steep and rugged places,

to skirmish with
A. M.
2720.
each other in small parties, to suffer

Ant.
J.
C. 1284.
* Strab.
x. p. 48Q.
OF THE GREEKS.
91
courageously the blows they received, and to exercise

themselves in a kind of dance, in which they carried
arms
in their hands,
the Pyrrhic
and which was afterwards called
in order, says Strabo, that,
might breathe, and form them
diversions, every thing
They were
war.
for,
even to their
made
also
to learn certain airs of
music, but of a manly, martial kind.

y
They were
heavy armour
in
not taught either to ride, or to wear
but in return, they were
made
to excel
drawing the bow, which was their most usual exerCrete
cise.
not a
is
breeding of horses, as
even country, nor
flat
is
that of- the Thessalians,
passed for the best cavalry in Greece
broken country,
full
for
fit
who
but a rough,
of shelves and high lands, where
heavy armed troops could not exercise themselves
But as
the horse race.

soldiers,
fit
to archery
and
light
in
armed
devices and stratagems
to execute the
of war, the Cretans pretended to hold the foremost

rank.
Minos thought proper
to establish in Crete a
munity of tables and meals.
com-
Besides several other
great advantages which he found in this institution, as
the introducing a kind equality in his dominions, the

rich
and poor having the same
his subjects to a frugal
diet, the
and sober
life,
accustoming
the cementing
friendship and unity between
them by the usual gaiety
and familiarity of the
he had also in view the
custom of war,
:
eat together.
which the
in
It
table,
was the public
expenses of these tables.

state, a part
Plat,
de
leg.
soldiers are obliged to
that supplied the
Out of the revenues of
the
was applied to the uses of religion, and the

1. i.
p. 623.
Arist.
de rep.
1. ii.
c. 10.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
92
salaries of the magistrates,
and the
public meals
women,
so that the
of all ages were fed
at the cost,
rest allotted for the
and
and
children,
in the
name
men
of the
In this Aristotle gives the preference to the
republic.
meals of Crete before those of Sparta, wherein private

persons were obliged to furnish their proportion, and
without
were not admitted into the assemblies
it
which was
a
men
After eating, the old
affairs
ally
to exclude the poor.
Of the
state.
upon the history
The
discoursed upon the
conversation turned gener-
upon the actions
oi the country,
and virtues of the great men of it, who had distinguished themselves either by
dom
in peace
their valor in war, or their wis-
and the youth who were present
at
these entertainments were exhorted to propose those

great persons to themselves as their models, for the
forming of their manners, and the regulation of their

conduct.
b
Minos, as well as Lycurgus,
having no other view
in his
reproached with
is
laws than war
a very great fault in a legislator.
It
is
which
is
true, this ap-
pears to have been his principal attention, because he
was convinced
that the repose, liberty,
and riches of
were under the protection, and
his subjects
in a
man-
ner under the guard of arms and militaryknowledge

the conquered being deprived of
by the
only
victor.
made
But he ordained,
for the sake of
peace
from being confined to that
Amongst
was not
I.
those advantages
war should be
that
and
his laws are far
sole object.
the Cretans, the cultivation of the
entirely neglected,
Athen.
all
iv.
p. 643.
and care was taken

b Plat,
de
leg.
1. i.
mind
to give
p. 626.
OF THE GREEKS.
some
the youth
Homer,
of
93
The works
tincture of learning.
much
of
later date than the laws oi Minos,
were not unknown amongst them, though they

small value upon, and
d
They were very
made
was
and, what
is
no small
is
much
Epimenides, who
piqued themselves upon thinking
and speaking
made
foreign poets.
of,
curious in such knowledge as
proper to form the manners

praise, they
use
little
set
little.
The
poet
a voyage to Athens in the time of Solon, and
in great estimation there,
some placed
One
in the
was of Crete, and by
number of the seven
sages.
f
of Minos's institutions, which Plato
was
the most,
to inspire early into the
admires
youth an high
maxims, customs, and laws of the state,

suffer them to dispute or call in o,uestion the
respect for the
and not
to
wisdom of
their institution
as prescribed and
but to consider them not
imposed by men, but as emanations
of the Divinity himself.
Accordingly he had indus-
had
triously apprized the people, that Jupiter himself
dictated
them
He had
him.
to
the
same
attention in
regard to the magistrates and aged persons,
recommended
honour
to
in order that nothing
in a peculiar
if
in the
and,
presence
a wise precaution, and which would be
very becoming in the ordinary practice of life
The government
Minos has
of which
any defects were observed in
them, they should never be mentioned

;
manner
he
might prevent the respect due to
them, he ordained, that
of the youth
whom
of Crete
left
was
at first
a perfect
monarchical,
model
to
all
ages.
According to him, as a most great and excellent

c
L Plat, de leg. 1.
ii.
p.
680.
Plut, in Solon, p. 84.
De
leg.
1. i.
Idem.
p. 634.
1. i.
p. 64X.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
94
man s
observes, the king can do every thing over the
He
people, but the laws every thing over him.
has an
absolute power to do good, and his hands are tied uj6
from doing
The
evil.
laws intrust the people in his
hands as the most sacred of deposits, upon condition
common father. The same laws

single man by his wisdom and modera-
that he shall be their
require, that a
number of
tion shall constitute the felicity of an infinite
subjects
and not that the subjects by
their
misery and
abject slavery, shall be substituted to gratify the pride
and low passions of a single man.
According to him,
the king ought to be abroad the defender of his country
head of armies, and
at the
people, to render
home
at
them good,
wise, and happy.
not for himself that the godb have
he
made him
his
whole time, care, and affection
It is
king, and
He owes
only so for the service of his people.
is
them
the judge of his
and
is
worthy
of the throne only as he forgets and devotes himself

to the public good.
Such is the
sovereignty, of which he
was
idea
a living
Minos had of the
image
in his
own
person, and which Hesiod has perfectly expressed in two
words, by calling that prince, " the most royal of mortal

kings,"
degree
k
It
that
all
is
to say, that
he possessed
royal virtues, and
was a king
it
senators,
In that assembly the public

s
Plat, in
was of no
gave place to a republican
government, as Minos had intended.
composed of thirty
supreme
in all things.
appears, that the authority of a king
long duration, and that
in a
The
senate,
formed the public council.

affairs
were examined, and
Monsieur de Fenelon, archbishop of Cambray.
Min.
p.
320.
k Arist.
j2u.<rrAtvTa.Tov S-vxtwv /3*<t/a*v.
de rep.
1. ii.
c. 10,
OF THE GREEKS
resolutions taken
95
but they were of no force
the
till
people had given them their approbation, and confirm-
The
ed them by their suffrages.
magistrates, to the
often, established for maintaining good order
number
and therefore called cosmi,
in the state,
two
held the
other bodies of the state in respect, and were the bal-
In time of war the same persons
ance between them.
commanded
They were chosen by
the army.
only out of certain families.
Their
Out
istration.
of this
company
but
was
for life,
for their
admin-
office
and they were not accountable to any
lot,
the senators were
elected.
The
made
Cretans
tivate their lands,
certain
annual
the slaves and mercenaries cul-
who were obliged to pay them a

They were called Periasci,
sum.
apparently from their being people in the neighbour-
hood,
whom Minos
had subjected.
As
they inhabited
an island, and consequently a country separate from

others, the Cretans
vassals as the
all
had not so much to fear from these
Lacedemonians from the
helots,
who
often joined the neighbouring people against them.
custom anciently established
whence
it
in
Crete,
was adopted by the Romans, gives us reason
to believe, that the vassals
who manured
the lands,
were treated with great goodness and favour.

feasts of
Mercury, the masters waited on

and did them the same
at table,
from
received from
them the
rest
In the
their slaves
offices
as
they
of the year ; precious
remains and traces of the primitive world, in which
men were
equal, that
that their servants

1
Kaa-y.', ordo.
seemed
all
to inform the masters,
were of the same condition with

m Athen, 1.
xiv. p. 639,
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
96
themselves, and that to treat them with

pride,
n
was
As a
to
cruelty or
renounce humanity.
prince cannot do every thing alone, and is
obliged to associate
co-operators
with
whose conduct he
accountable,
Minos charged
is
himself, for
his
brother Rhadamanthus with a share in the administration of justice in the capital city
which
is
the
most
and indispensable function of sovereignty.
essential
He knew
his probity, disinterestedness, ability,
and
constancy, and had taken pains to form him for so important an office.
Another minister had the care of
the rest of the cities,

year, to
who made
a circuit three times a
examine whether the laws established by the
prince were duly observed, and the inferior magis-
and
trates
officers religiously acquitted
themselves of
their duty.
wise a government, changed
Crete, under so
its
become the abode

we may judge, from
aspect entirely, and seemed to have
of virtue, probity, and justice
what
fable tells us of the
brothers, in
for every
history,
and
as
honour Jupiter did these three
making them
body knows,
the judges of the other world;
that fable
is
founded upon real
though disguised under agreeable emblems
allegories,
adapted to
recommend
truth
by the
ornaments of fancy.
It
was, according to fabulous tradition, a law estab-
lished from
life,
all
times, that
men
in
departing out of this
should be judged, in order to their receiving the
reward or punishment tlue to their good or evil actions.

In the reign of Saturn, and in the
first
years of that of
Plut, in Min. p. 320.
Plat in Gorg. p.
523526.
In Asioch. p. 371.
OF THE GREEKS.
Jupiter, this
judgment was pronounced
preceding death, which
left
room
who had been
Princes,
injustice.
97
at the instant
for very flagrant
cruel and tyrannical,
appearing before their judges in
all
the
pomp and
splendor of their power, and producing witnesses to
depose
their favour
in
because, as they were
they dreaded their anger
alive,
still
the judges, dazzled
with this vain shew, and deceived by such
false evi-
dence, declared these princes innocent, and dismissed
them with permission to enter into the happy abodes

The same may be said in regard to the
of the just.
rich
ice
but for the poor and helpless, calumny and mal-
pursued them even to
means
to
and found
this last tribunal,
have them doomed for ever as criminals.
Fable adds, that upon reiterated complaints and
warm
remonstrances made to Jupiter upon this account,
he changed the form of these
them was fixed
be the very
to
The time for

moment after death.
trials.
Rhadamanthus and Eacus, both sons of Jove, were

appointed judges
for the
Europeans
supremely
tribunal
is
the
in cases
first for
the Asiatics, the other
and Minos over them,
to decide
of doubt and obscurity.
situated in a
place called " the
field
Their
of truth,"
because neither falsehood nor calumny can approach
The
it.
greatest prince
he has resigned his
must appear
last
there, as soon as
breath, deprived of
grandeur, reduced to his naked
self,
all
his
without defence
or protection, silent and trembling for his
own doom,
after
having made the whole world tremble for
If he
be found guilty of crimes, which are of a nature
to be expiated, he
vot,. 4.
is
theirs.
confined in Tartarus for a certain
14
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
9S
time only, and with assurance of being released, as soon
But
as he shall be sufficiently purified.
if
his
crimes
are unpardonable, such as injustice, perjury, and the
oppression of his people, he
is
cast into the
same Tar-
The
tarus, there to suffer eternal miseries.
just,
on
the contrary, of whatsoever condition they are, are
conducted into the blessed abodes of peace and joy^

to partake of a felicity
which
shall
have no end.
Who does not see that the poets,

these fictions, ingenious indeed, but
under the cover of

little
to the
honour
of the gods, intended to give us the model of an accom-
whose
plished prince,
his people
first
care
to render justice to
is
and to image the extraordinary happiness
Crete enjoyed under the wise government of Minos

p
This happiness did not expire with him.

he established, subsisted in
Plato's time
his long
conversations for
to
familiarity with
form him
laws
even in
they were considered as the effect of
who had condescended

into a
The
their vigor
more than nine hundred
that is to say,
And
years after. q
all
many
become
him
years with Jupiter,

his teacher, to enter
as with a friend, and to
in the great art of reigning with a secret
complacency, as a favourite disciple, and a tenderly

beloved son.
It is in this
words of Homer
:*
manner Plato explains these
the most exalted praise, according
to him, that can be given to a mortal,
and which that
poet ascribes only to Minos.

P Plat, in
Min.
r
This poetical
say of
Moses
p. 321.
<J
Et Jovis arcanis Minos admissus.

fiction is
And
the
spcaketh unto his friend.

r
Idem.
p. 319.
Horat.
perhaps taken from the holy scriptures, which
Lord spake unto Moses,

Exod. xxxiii
Ato; piyttxis o
*g/r?.
face to face, as a
11.
Odyss. T. ver. 179.
man
OF THE GREEKS.
99
Notwithstanding so shining and solid a merit, the
Athens resounded with nothing so much
theatres of
as imprecations against the
memory
of
Minos
and
Socrates, in the dialogue of Plato I have already often

cited,
observes upon, and gives the reason for them
he makes a reflection well worthy of being

" When either the praise or dispraise of
weighed.
but
first
great
men
is in
he, " to treat
question,
it is
infinitely
proper," says
them with circumspection and wisdom
men form
because upon that depends the idea

selves of virtue and vice,
to
them-
and the distinction they
For,"
ought to make between the good and the bad.
"
God conceives a just indignation, when a
adds he,
person
is
blamed who resembles himself; and, on the
contrary, another praised,
who
is
the reverse of him.
We must not
believe that nothing
and marble."
He
shipped. "
The
is
sacred but brass
speaks of the statues that were wor-
just
man
is
the most sacred, and the
wicked the most detestable, of
all
beings in this
world."
After this reflection,
Socrates observes, that the
source and cause of the Athenians' hatred of Minos
was the unjust and

them,
in obliging
cruel tribute
them
he imposed upon
to send him, every nine years,
seven young men, and as many maids, to be devoured
by the Minotaur
that prince,
with
and he could not avoid reproaching

having drawn upon himself the
abhorrence of a city like Athens,
abounding with
learned men, and of having sharpened the tongues of

the poets against him, a dangerous and formidable race
of men, from the poisoned shafts they never

fly
against their enemies.
fail
to let
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.
100
appears from what I have repeated, that Plato
It
imputes to Minos the imposition of that cruel tribute.

Apollodorus, Strabo, and Plutarch, seem to be of the
same
opinion.
Monsieur the Abbe Banier
alleges
and proves that they are mistaken, and confound the

first
Minos, of
who
grandson,
whom we
speak, with a second, his
reigned after
avenge the death of his
tribute,
all
son Androgeus, killed in
would indeed be
It
inhuman and barbarous
reconcile so
and to
which Theseus put an end by
to
killing the Minotaur.
what
in Crete,
war against the Athenians, and im-
Attica, declared
posed that
him
difficult to
a conduct with
and
antiquity relates of the goodness, lenity,
equity of Minos, and with the magnificent praises
it
bestows upon the policy and institutions of Crete.

It is true the
their ancient reputation,
by an
lutely lost,
becoming
much from
Cretans degenerated very
which
at
length they abso-
change of
entire
their
manners,
avaricious, and self interested, to a degree
of thinking that no gain was base, enemies of labour
and regularity of
that to Cretise
implying to
lie
that St. Paul
life,
professed
liars
and knaves
so
became a proverb amongst the Greeks,

and to deceive. Every body knows
cites against
timony of one of
them
as truth the tes-
their ancient poets,
it
is
believed of
Epimenides, who paints them in colours much to their

dishonour
time
it
but this change of manners,
might
arrive,
does not
in
whatever
at all affect the
of the ancient Cretans, nor the glory of
probity
Minos
their
king.
u
* KgjfTj
Mem. de
ifivâ.t, xetx.cL
liars, evil beasts,
slow
1*
Acad, des Inscrip. Tom.
wâ, yct-iâ ctgym.
bellies.
Tit.
i.
12.
III.
The Cretans
are always
OF THE GREEKS.
w
The most
certain proof of that legislator's
as Plato observes, is the solid
which was the
by
Sparta.
101
effect
wisdom,
and lasting happiness,
of the sole imitation of his laws
Lycurgus had regulated the government
of that city upon the plan and idea of that of Crete,
and
it
subsisted in an uniform
manner
for
many
ages,
without experiencing the vicissitudes and revolutions
so
common in
all
the other states of Greece.
ARTICLE
IL
OF THE GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS.
The
government of Athens was neither so perma-
nent nor so uniform as that of Sparta, but suffered

various alterations, according to the diversity of times
Athens, after having long been
and conjunctures.
governed by kings, and afterwards by archons, assumed entire
liberty,
which gave place however
for
some
years to the tyrannic power of the Pisistratides, but
was soon
dor
by
till
after reestablished,
the Lacedemonians.
thirty tyrants,
tion,
and subsisted with splen-
the defeat in Sicily, and the taking of the city
These subjected them
to the
whose authority was not of long dura-
and gave place again to
liberty,
which continued
amidst various events during a long series of years,

till
the
ed
it
Roman power had subdued
into a province.
"
Plat. p. 320.
Greece, and reduc^
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
102
I shall consider in this place only the
popular gov-
ernment, and shall examine in particular
heads
five
or six
the foundation of the government, according
of which
to Solon's establishment, the different parts
the republic consisted, the council or senate of the five
hundred, the assemblies of the people, the different

tribunals for the administration of justice, the reve-
nues or finances of the republic.
ernment of Athens, than
Sparta, because the latter
is
the
gov-
have been upon that of

almost sufficiently known,
from what has been said of

gus.
be obliged
I shall
more extensive upon what regards
to be
it
in the life
of Lycur-
x
,
SFXTION
I.
FOUNDATION OF THE GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS,
Solon was
not the
first
who established
government at Athens. y
the popular
Theseus long before him
had traced out the plan, and began the execution of
it.
After having united the twelve towns into one city, he
divided the inhabitants into three bodies

nobility,
to
and
affairs
whom
all offices
husbandmen
were confided
and the
that of the
the superintendence in religious
artisans.
the labourers, or
He had
proposed the
establishment of a kind of equality between the three

orders
for
honours and
if
dignities, the
vantage of their
*
Book
the nobles were considerable
utility to
v. art. vii.
by
husbandmen had
their
the ad-
the public, and the necessity

y Plut, in TJies. p. 10,
11
OF THE GREEKS.
there
was
for their labours
103
and the artisans had the
superiority to both the other bodies, in their
did not become
Athens, to speak properly,

state,
till
number.
a popular
whose
the establishment of the nine archons,
authority continued only for one year, whereas before

it
was
for ten
and
it
was not
wisdom of his
Solon, by the
till
many years
after, that
laws, instituted and con-
firmed this form of government.

z
Solon's great principle was to establish as
possible a kind of equality
among
much
as
which
his citizens,
he regarded with reason as the foundation and essential
He
point of liberty.
public employments
had been
till
resolved therefore to leave the
in the
hands of the
rich, as
they
but to give the poor also some
then,
share in the government, from which they were ex-
cluded.
For
this reason
he made an estimation of
Those who were
what each individual was worth.
found to have an annual revenue of five hundred measures, as well in grain as liquid things,
the
is,
first class,
those
in
and called the pentacosiomedimni, that
who had
The second
were placed
class
a revenue of five
hundred measures.
was composed of such
as had three
hundred, and could maintain a horse for war
were called horsemen or knights.
these
Those who had
only two hundred, were in the third class, and were
magistrates
Out of these three only classes

and commanders were chosen.
All
called zugitas.
other citizens,
who were below these

2
the
the
three classes, and
believed they were so called from their being ranked between

the knights and the theti ; as in the galleys those who rowed in the
* It is
middle were termed

and thranits.
zugit
their place
was between the thalamic
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
104
had
were comprised under the name of
less revenues,
or
theti, hirelings,
workmen labouring with
Solon did not permit them
their hands
and
to hold any office,
granted them only the right of giving their suffrages
and
in the assemblies
first
seemed
of the people, which at
trials
a very slight privilege, but at length
found to be a very great advantage, as

the sequel.
will
was
appear in
do not know whether Solon foresaw
it,
but he used to say, that the people were never more

obedient and submissive, than
neither too
much
nor too
when they possessed

b
which comes
liberty
little
very near Galba's expression, when, to incline Piso

to treat the
Roman people with
him
desires
to
remember, d
command men who were
lenity,
he
was going
to
goodness and
that he
incapable of bearing either
entire liberty, or absolute subjection.

e
The
people of Athens, being
become more haugh-
ty after their victories over the Persians, pretended to
have a right to share

magistracy
which
and Aristides,
to prevent the disorders
point.
appears,
It
Xenophon,
however,
way
from
to
them
in this
a passage in
that the people contented themselves with
the offices from
whence some
those which related
ment of the
>
might have occa-
too tenacious opposition
sioned, thought proper to give

f
and the
in all the public offices
state,
more
profit
and
arose,
left
particularly to the govern-
hands of the
in the
rich.
Tacit. Hist.
1. x. c.
16.
Imperaturus es hominibus, qui nee totam servitutem pati possunt, nee

totam libertatem.
e
Plut, in Aristid. p. 332.
Xenoph. de rep. Athen.
p. 691.
OF THE GREEKS.
g
citizens of the three first classes paid every
The
year a certain
treasury
lic
105
sum
the
of money, to be
a
first
talent,*1 the
and the zugite ten mina.
As the
laid
up
pub-
in the
knights half a talent,
proportion of revenue determined the order
of the classes, as their revenues augmented, the people
were allowed
k If
to rise to a superior class.
Plutarch
may
be believed, Solon formed two
councils, which were a kind of double limitation
The
and temper the assemblies of the people.
was
the
Areopagus
but
it
new
was
by augmenting
lustre
its
power.
it,
tribe
and gave
The second
the council of the four hundred, that
dred of each
first
was much more ancient
than his institutions, and he only reformed

it
to fix
is,
for Cecrops, the first
an hun-
king of the
Athenians, had divided the people into four tribes.

long after him changed that order, and
Clisthenes
established ten.
hundred,
in this council of the four
were considered before they were
affairs
all
was
It
we
proposed to the assembly of the people, as
shall
soon explain.
I
do not mention here another division of the people
into three parties or factions,
was
Pisistratus,
which
till
the time of
a continual source of troubles
and
One of these three parties was formed out

of those who inhabited the high lands, and favoured
popular government
the other out of those who lived
seditions.
in the plains,
and they were
third out of the people
the
mean between
Pollux,
1.
upon the
vol. 4.
500
coast,
and the
and these held
both.
h
nii. c. 10.
1
for oligarchy
1000 French crowns.
* In Solon, p. 88.
livres.
15
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
106
It is necessary, for the better
we have now
understanding what
more
said, to enter into a
particular ac-
count of the Athenian people.
SECTION
II.
OF THE INHABITANTS OF ATHENS.
There
were three
citizens, strangers,
sorts of inhabitants of
and servants.
en by Demetrius Phalereus
teenth Olympiad, their
In the account tak-
in the
hundred and
number amounted
six-
twenty
to
thousand citizens, ten thousand strangers, and
one
forty thousand servants.
was almost
under
i.
by
Athens
the
same
The number
"
of citizens
in the time of Cecrops,
and
less
Pericles.
Of the
citizens.
birth or adoption.
Athens,
it
free,
be such
be a natural denizen of
to
be born of a father and
was necessary
mother both
citizen could only
To
and Athenians.
Pericles restored this law to
all its
11
We have seen that
force,
which had not
been exactly observed, and which he himself some

small time after infringed.
fer the
those
freedom of the
whom
The
people could con-
upon strangers
city
they had so adopted enjoyed,
the same rights and privileges as the natural
The
zens.
quality of citizens of
'
The
A. M. 3690.
text says,
Ant.
J.
314.
Allien.
[A.vgw.$*.<; TtTo-a.a.x.iiV'ra,
Book
v art.
1.
vi. p.
400,000s which
error.
vrii
citi-
Athens was some-
times granted in honour and gratitude to those
">
and
almost
who
272.
is
a manifest
OF THE GREEKS.
had rendered great services

pocrates
and
vassed that
even
to the state
as to Hip-
have sometimes
kings
can-
themselves and their children.
for
title
107
Evagoras, king of Cyprus, thought
it
much
to his
honour.
When
the
young men
attained the age of twenty,
they were enrolled upon the

ing taken an oath
and
of citizens, after hav-
list
was only
it
became members of
public and solemn act, that they

the state.
The form
of this oath
is
markable, which Stobeus and Pollux

in the following
words
profession of arms,
I
flight.
and
"
will fight to
my
other citizens, and alone,
it
my
last
exceedingly re-
have preserved
never dishonour the
my
life
by a shameful
breath for the religion
of the state, in concert with the
civil interests
bring
I will
nor save
in virtue of that
if
occasion be.
country into a wcrse condition than
but will use
my
more happy and
utmost endeavours
flourishing.
1 will
be ordained by the
common
shall violate, or
not
found
make
to
all
that shall
consent of the people.
make void
my
To
all
which
I call
Enyalus, Mars, and Jupiter."

his
own
reflections
upon
this
it
fellow citizens,
and I will constantly adhere to the religion of

fathers.
If
the laws, I will not
disguise or conceal such an attempt, but will oppose

either alone or in conjunction with
it
always submit
myself to the laws and magistrates, and to
any one
I will
my fore-
to witness Agraulis,
I leave the
reader to
august ceremony, well
adapted to inspire the love of their country into the

hearts of the young citizens.
Pollux,
1.
viii.
c. 9.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
108
The whole
people at
first
had been divided into
Each
four tribes, and afterwards into ten.
tribe
was
subdivided into several parts, which were called, pagi.

It
was by these two
titles
the citizens were described
Melitus, e tribu Cecropide, e pago
in the public acts.
Pitthensi.
Of the strangers.
ii.
call
by
those
that
who, being of a foreign country, came

Athens,
or
in
Attica,
whether
commerce, or the exercising any

termed,' inquilini.
1
ernment, nor votes
and could not be
sake
of
They were
trade.
They had no
in
to settle at
the
for
name,
share in the gov-
the assembly of the people,
admitted into any
They
office.
put themselves under the protection of some citizen,
we
as
from a passage of Terence,' and upon
find
were
account
that
duties and
services,
as the clients
They were
their patrons.
him
obliged to render
did at
held to observe
They
5
the laws
all its
in default of payment
to sale.
'
cus-
were made slaves*
Xenocrates, the celebrated, but
poor philosopher, was very near experiencing

misfortune, and was carried to prison
farmers of the public revenues

times have been very
little
this
but Lycurgus
him from the
the orator having paid the tax, released
all
to
paid a yearly tribute to the state of twelve
drachms, and
and exposed
Rome
all
of the Republic, and to conform entirely to

toms.
certain
men who in
a kind of
sensible to merit, with
the exception of an exceeding few of their number,,
That philosopher, meeting some time after

V AHJUOt.
Thais patri se commendavit in Hnteam et fidem
Gunuch. Act.
s
5.
Sis livres.
the sons of
ftlTCUOl.
Nobi3 dedit sese,
seen. ult.
Plut, in Flamin. p. 375.
OF THE GREEKS.
them, "
his deliverer, told
me
he has done
him upon
my
Of
in.
of their
was
one,
free,
go
who had
and
either
bought of such as
and not able to get
work, were obliged by the bad

into service
unavoidable
been taken
trafficked
and
The
easy, and not laborious.
was
the world praises
There were two kinds of
who were
their
affairs to
forced,
all
account."
by
their bread
pay your father the favour
with usury, for
the servants.
The
them.
109
their condition
service of the other
these were
state
prisoners
slaves,
war, or
in
publicly in them.
who
of their master's estate consisted in them,
Part
dispos-
ed absolutely of them, but generally treated them

u
with great humanity.
Demosthenes observes,
in
one
of his harangues, that the condition of servants was infinitely
more gentle
There was
for slaves,
in that city
How
where the bones of Theseus had been
glorious
was
it
that one thousand
else.
an asylum and place of refuge
and that asylum subsisted
red,
do
Athens than any where
at
for
inter-
in Plutarch's time.
Theseus, that his tomb should
two hundred years after his death,
which he had done himself during
his
life,
and con-
tinue the protector of the oppressed as he had been

v
When
the slaves were treated with too
and inhumanity, they had

masters,
who were
much rigor
their action against their
obliged to
sell
them
to others, if
They could ransom themselves even against their master's consent,

when they had laid up money enough for that purpose
the fact were sufficiently proved.
for out of
what they got by
Philip. 3.
their labour, after

* Plut,
Plant, in Casta.
de
having
superstit. p. 166.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
110
paid a certain proportion to their masters, they kept
made a stock of it at
persons, when they were
the remainder for themselves, and

their
own
satisfied
disposal.
with their services, often gave these slaves
their liberty
them by
Private
and the same grace was always granted
the public,
obliged the
state
among the citizens.

The humane an
when the necessity of the times

to arm and list them for the war
equitable usage with which the
Athenians treated their servants and slaves, was an
good temper natural
effect of the
to that people,
and
very remote from the austere and cruel severity of the
Lacedemonians
brought
x
in
regard to their helots, which often
their republic to the very brink of destruction.
Plutarch, with great reason,
He
thinks
it
condemns
mercy, even with regard to beasts, were

he, to learn
this rigor.
proper to habituate one's self always to
by
that
means
to treat
men
it
only, says
and
well,
for
the sake of habituating humanity and benevolence.
He
relates
upon
this occasion a
very singular
fact,
and
very proper to explain the character of the Athenians.

After having finished the temple called Hecatonpedon,
they set all the beasts of burden at liberty that had been
employed
in the
work, and assigned them
ages as consecrated animals

of these beasts having
work, and put
and
come
itself at the
it
to
fat
was said,
pastur-
that
one
offer itself at the
head of those that drew
the carriages to the citadel, walking foremost, as
if
to
exhort and encourage them, the Athenians ordained
by a decree,
that the creature should be maintained at
the public expense

*
till its
death.
Plut, in Catone, p. 838,
OF THE GREEKS.
SECTION
Ill
III.
OF THE COUNCIL, OR SENATE OP FIVE HVNDRED.
In consequence of Solon's
institutions, the people of
Athens had a great share and authority

causes
establish
they had a right to cancel the old laws, and
new ones
in a
word,
all
important
whether relating to war or peace, were decided
made with more wisdom and

instituted a council,
in their
number
which were
maturity, Solon had
composed of four hundred sena-
one hundred out of each
four in
affairs,
In order to their determinations being
assemblies.
tors,
govern-
Appeals might be brought to their tribunal in
ment.
all
in the
tribe,
which were then
they prepared and digested the
to be laid before the people, as
soon explain more
hundred years
at large.
after Solon,
affairs
we
shall
Clisthenes, about one
having increased the num-
ber of tribes to ten, augmented also that of the senators
hundred
to five
was
each tribe supplying
fifty.
This
called the council, or senate of the five hundred.
They
received their stipend out of the public trea-
sury.
They were chosen by
lot, in
which they made use
of black and white beans, which were mingled and
shaken
those
in
an urn, and each tribe gave in the names of
who
aspired to that trust, and had the revenue

it.
None
could be admitted under the ace of thirtv.
After
assigned by the laws to qualify them for
inquiry
made
candidate, he
engaged
into the
was made
to give at
all
manners and conduct of the

to take an oath,
whereby he
times the best counsel he could
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
112
to the people of Athens, and never to depart in the

least
from the tenor of the laws.
This senate assembled every day, except upon the

days appointed for
who were
furnished those
Each
festivals.
tribe in its turn
to preside in
was decided by
prytanes, and this rank
called ?
it,
lot.
This
presidency continued thirty five days, which being reck-
oned ten times, amounts
to the
number
of days, except
This
four, of the lunar year
followed at Athens.
time of the presidency
or
prytanism, was divided
weeks with regard
to the five tens of the pry-
into five
tanes,
who were
them, and every week
to preside in
seven of these ten prytanes, drawn by
each their
He, a who was so
presidents.
presided
lot,
day, and were denominated
that is to say,
for the day, presided in
the assembly of the senators, and in that of the people.
He was
charged with the public
with the
seal, as also
keys of the citadel and treasury.
The
senators, before they assembled, offered a sac-
Jupiter and Minerva, under the additional ap-
rifice to
pellation of
goddess of good counsel, to demand the

15
prudence and understanding necessary

erations.
was
The
president proposed the business which
be considered
to
in wise delib-
gave his opinion
in the
in his turn,
Every one
assembly.
and always standing.
After a question had been settled,
it
was drawn up
writing, and read, with a loud voice.
Each
in
senator
then gave his vote by scrutiny, in putting a bean

into the urn.
ried
y
it,
If the
number of
the white beans car-
the question passed, otherwise
UgwraviK,
ngJo*.
it
was
He was
rejected
called
Kovr^."--.
Or HE GREEKS.
sort of decree
This
was
much
as to say,
was afterwards
laid before
called,
preparatory resolution.
It
llg
as
the assembly of the people, where,
and approved,
it
if it
was received
had the force of a law
what wisdom Solon established

and direct the people, to
if not,
its
This shews With
authority subsisted only one year.
inform
this council, to
fix their inconstancy, to pre-
vent their temerity, and to assist their deliberations
with a prudence and maturity not to be expected in a

confused and tumultuous assembly, composed of a
great
number of citizens, most
tion, capacity,
or
much
of them without educa-
The
zeal for the public good.
reciprocal dependency, and natural intercourse of the
two bodies of the
state,
which were obliged to lend
each other their authority, and remained equally without force

ing,
when without union and
good understand-
were besides a method judiciously contrived for
supporting a wise balance between the two bodies
the people not being able to institute any thing without

its
being
first
proposed and approved by the
nor the senate to pass any decree into a laW
been
ratified
senate,,
till it
had
by the people.
We may judge of the importance of this council by

the matters which were treated in
any exception, as were
it
the same, without
laid before the people
wars,
taxes, maritime affairs, treaties of peace, alliances
a word, whatever related to government
in
without
mentioning the account which they obliged the magistrates to give
on quitting
their offices,
decisions and judgments
important
vol.
affairs.
4.
16
and
their frequent
upon the most serious and
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
114
SECTION
IV,
OF THE AREOPAGUS.
This
it
council took
assembled, called
name from
its
the place where
the Quarter, or
of Mars,
hill
Mars had been cited

a murder committed by him.
because, according to some,

thither in
It
judgment
was believed
and Plutarch
for
to be as ancient as the nation.
attribute the institution of
but he only reestablished
and authority than
it
had had
reason Was looked upon as
of the senators of the

certain times they
by giving
it,
its
till
it
then,
it
Cicero
to Solon
more
and
for that
The number
founder.
Areopagus was not fixed
amounted
to
lustre
at
two or three hundred.
who had borne
Solon thought proper, that only those
the office of archon should be honoured with that

dignity.
This senate had the care of seeing the laws duly observed,
of inspecting the manners of the people, and
especially of judging in criminal cases.

their sittings in an
They
held
open place, and during the night
the former very probably to avoid being under the
same roof with

selves
by such
the criminals, and not to defile them-
commerce with them
the latter, that
they might not be softened by the sight of the guilty,
and might judge according
was
for the
same reason, the
to use their
to justice
and the laws.
It
orators were not permitted
exordium or peroration, nor allowed to
excite the passions, and were obliged to confine themselves solely to the subject matter of their cause.
The
OF THE GREEKS.
115
judgments was exceedingly dreaded,
severity of their
particularly in regard to
murder, and they were highly
attentive to inspire their citizens with horror for that
They e condemned a
crime.
for
making
quails
child to be put to death
his past time to put out the eyes of
it
conceiving this sanguinary inclination, as the

a very wicked disposition, which might one
mark of
day prove
fatal to
many,
if
he were suffered to grow
up with impunity.
The
of religion, as blasphemies against the
affairs
gods, contempt of sacred mysteries, different species
new ceremonies
of impiety, and the introduction of
and new
divinities,
bunal.
were also brought before
We read in Justin Martyr,
in his travels in
this tri-
that Plato,
who
Egypt, had acquired great
lights con-
when he returned
to Athens,
cerning the unity of God,
took great care to dissemble and conceal his sentiments, for fear of being obliged to appear and give an
account of them before the Areopagite
new
and we know
was traduced before them, as teaching a
that St. Paul
doctrine, 5
and endeavouring
to
introduce
new
gods.
These judges were
in great reputation for their
probity, equity, and prudence, and generally respected.
Cicero, in writing to his friend Atticus,

titude, constancy,
upon
and wise severity of the
the for-
Roman
senate, thinks
he makes a great encomium upon
comparing
with the Areopagus.
it
it,
in
Senatusj nil
e
Nee mihi videntur Areopagitae, cum damnaverunt puerum oculos ceturnicum eruentem, aliud judicasse, quam id sig-num esse perniciosiss*"
mae mentis, multisque malo futurs si adolvisset. Quintil. 1. v. c. 9.
* Cohort, ad Grsc.
e Acts xvii. 1820,
Ad.
Attic.
1.
i.
ep. 13.
Agws mrtytu
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
Ill
onstantius,
nil severius, nil fortius,
Cicero must
have conceived a very advantageous idea of

speak of
He
as he does in the
it
compares the famous
first
makes no
in
which
with the establish-
part,
that he ascribes to Solon
and
scruple to preier, or at least to equal, the
legislator's service to that for
to the general of
*'
to
it,
his Offices.*
battle of Salamin,
Themistocles had so great a
ment of the Areopagus,
book of
that victory
its
army.
was useful
but the Areopagus
by the wisdom of
will
which Athens was obliged

" For in reality," says he,
to the republic only for once,
be so throughout
that tribunal,
customs of the Athenian
the laws
all
ages
as
and ancient
The-
state are preserved.
mistocles did no service to the Areopagus, but the
Areopagus abundantly contributed

Themistocles
directed
It
because the republic was
at that
time
by the wise counsels of that august senate."
appears from this passage of Cicero's, that the
Areopagus had a great share

do not doubt but
fairs.
to the victory of
it
in the
government, and
was consulted upon important
af-
may have confounded
the
Cicero here perhaps
council of the Areopagus with that of the five hundred.

It is certain,
however, that the Areopagitse were ex-
tremely active in the public

Pericles,
who
affairs.
could never enter the Areopagus,
because chance having always been against him, he

h
Quamvis Themistocles jure laudetur,
nis, illustrius, citeturque
et sitejus
Salamis clarissimae testis
nomen, quam Solovictoriae,
quae ante-
non
quo primum constituit Areopagitas
minus praeclarum hoc, quam illud, judicandum est. Illud enim semel
profuit, hoe semper proderit civitati hoc consilio leges Atheniensium,
hoc majorum instituta servantur. Et Themistocles quidem nihil dixerit,
in quo ipse Areopagum juverit
Est
at ille adjuvit Themistoclem.
enim bellum gestum consilio senatus ejus, qui a Solone erat constitutes.
ponatur consilio Solonis
ei,
Qffic.l.i.n. 75.
OF THE GREEKS.
117
had not passed through any of the employments necessary to his admission, attempted to
ity,
and attained
his point
which
weaken
is
its
author-
a great blot in
his reputation.
SECTION
V.
OF THE MAGISTRATES.
Of
these a great
ferent functions.
who
at first
shall
most known.
are the
that they
number were
established for dif-
speak only of the archons
have observed elsewhere
succeeded the kings, and that their authority
continued during
was
It
life.
at length limited
When
to ten years, and reduced at last only to one.
Solon was commissioned to reform the government,
he found them upon

nine.
He did
this foot,
not abolish their
and to the number of
office,
but he very
much
diminished their power.
The
of these nine magistrates was called the
first
archon, by
from him
way of eminence, and the year denominated

" Under such an archoo, such a battle
!
The second was
was fought."
called the king,
was the remains and footsteps of the authority
The
they had succeeded.
who at first commanded the
ed
that
third
to
which
which
was the polymarch,
armies, and always retain-
name, though he had not the same authority,
of which he had so long preserved some part.
For we
have seen, in speaking of the battle of Marathon, that

the polymarch had a right to vote in the council of
war, as well as the ten generals then in command

J
From thence he was
called tv-aw/*;.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
118
The
six other archons
were called by the
name, Thesmothetae, which implies
common
that they
had a
particular superintendence over the laws, in order to

their being duly observed.
each of them
These nine archons had
a peculiar province,
and were judges in
certain affairs allotted to their cognizance.
think
do not
necessary to enter into the particulars of their
it
duty, nor into those of
many
offices, established for the
other employments and
administration of justice, for
the levying of taxes and tributes, for the preservation
of good order in the

visions, in a
and
city, for
supplying
it
with pro-
word, for every thing relating to commerce
civil society.
SECTION
VI.
OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF THE PEOPLE.
These were
of two sorts: the one ordinary and
fixed to certain days, and for these there
of summons
was no kind
the other extraordinary, according to the
and the people were
different occasions that arose,
in-
formed of it by express proclamation.
The
times
place for the assembly

it
was not
was the public market
fixed.
place,
part of the city near the citadel, called,
Some-
sometimes a
and sometimes
the theatre of Bacchus.
The prytanes generally assembled the people. Some

days before the assembly papers were fixed up, wherein
the business to be considered
AU the
citizens,
was
poor as well as
give their suffrages.
They were
set
down.
rich,
had a right to
liable to a penalty,
119
OF THE GREEKS.
who
came
too late
assembly, or
at the
being present
failed of
a reward was annexed to
at first of
it,
an obolus, which
was the sixth part of a drachm, then of three

which made about
five
oboli,
pence French.
assembly always began with
The
who
and to induce their punctual attendance,
sacrifices
and
prayers, in order for the obtaining from the gods the
knowledge and understanding necessary to wise deand they never failed to add the most terliberations
;
rible imprecations against such as should wilfully ad-
vise
any thing contrary to the public good.
The
were
after
If
to deliberate.
senate,
upon which they
president proposed the affair

it
had been examined
and drawn up there as a question,
it
in the
was read
which those who would speak were invited to
ascend the tribunal, that they might be the better
heard by the people, and inform them in the matter
The
proposed.
first,
and then
when
the orators
oldest general spoke
the rest according to their seniority
had done speaking, and concluded that
it
was necessa-
ry to approve or reject the decree of the senate, the
people proceeded to
method of doing
it
vote,
and
the
was by holding up
to denote their approbation
which was
assembly was sometimes adjourned

because
lifted
it
up
was too
their
in
this
read by an
wh
late for the
till
The
another day,
number of
those
who
After a resolution had been form-
manner,
it
was reduced
officer to the
confirmed
their hands,
called.
hands to be distinguished, and the
plurality decided.
ed
most common
it
to writing,
and
people with a loud voice,
again by holding up their hands
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
120
as before
a law.
which
which the decree had the force of
after
And
from the Greek word, p

" a pebble," or " small stone,'* be-
this
signifies
was
called,
cause they were sometimes used
in
giving suffrages by
scrutiny.
All the great
affairs
of the republic were discussed
in these assemblies.
was
It
in
them new laws were
proposed, and old ones amended
the religion and
worship of the gods examined; magistrates, generals,
and
officers created
quired into
their
behaviour and conduct
peace or war concluded
ambassadors appointed
freedom of the
city
treaties
granted
and alliances
ratified
war, or rendered great services to the republic
punishments ordained for those

themselves
ill,
rewards and honours
distinguished themselves in
who had
decreed for those
in-
deputies and
and
who had behaved
or had violated the laws of the state,
and were banished by the ostracism.
In
fine, justice
was administered, and judgment passed there, upon

the most important
We see from this account,
affairs.
however very imperfect, how far the people's

power extended and with what truth it may be said,
that the government of Athens, though qualified with
which
is
aristocracy,
and the authority of the
constitution democratical
lic
ed
and
in
it.
in
talent of eloquence is in
not easy to conceive,
make themselves heard
its
observe in the sequel, of
what manner orators ought
It is
was by
and popular.
I shall take occasion to
What weight the
elders,
in
such a repub-
to
be consider-
how
they could
so numerous an assembly,
and where such a multitude of auditors were present,
121
OF THE GREEKS.
We
great that was, from what has
may judge how
been said of
in
it
two
The
instances.
first relates
to
ostracism, and the other to the adoption of a stranger
On
for a citizen.
each of these occasions,
was
it
than six thousand citizens
necessary that no less
should be present in the assembly.

I reserve for another place the reflections
naturally arise
what
it
from what
remains for
me
have already
to say further
which
related,
and
upon the govern-
ment of Athens.
SECTION
OP
There
were
VII.
TRIALS.
different tribunals, according to the
difference of the affairs to be adjudged, but appeals
might be brought to the people from

other judges, and
this
it
was
so great and considerable.
had any cause
to try,
All the
were obliged
where they often remained
all
decrees of
that rendered their

allies,
power
when they
to repair to
Athens ;
a considerable time, with-
out being able to obtain audience, from the multiplicity
of
affairs to
This law had been
be adjudged.
imposed upon them,
in
order to render them more
dependent upon the people, and more submissive to

their authority
instead of which, had they sent
com-
missioners to the places, they would have been the

sole persons, to
whom
the allies
would have made their
court and paid their homage.

*
VOL. 4.
Xenoph. de rep. Athen,
17
p. 664,
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
122
The
parties pleaded their causes either in persoi? ?
or employed advocates to do
it
for
The time
them.
allowed for the hearing was generally fixed, and a

waterclock, called in Greek, b regulated
The
duration
its
decree was passed by plurality of voices
when
and
the suffrages were equal, the judges inclined to
the side of mercy, and acquitted the accused.
It
is
remarkable that a friend was not obliged to give evi-
dence against a
friend.
All the citizens, even the poorest, and such as had
no
were admitted
estates,
into the
number of
the
judges, provided they had attained the age of thirty,
known
and were
Whilst they
sat in
be persons of
to
judgment, they held
good
morals.
in their
hands
a kind of sceptre, which was the mark of their dignity,
and
laid
The
it
They had
three,
down when
they withdrew.
judges' salary was diffrent at different times.
an obolus a day, and afterwards
at first only
where
their fee
small matter in
itself,
remained fixed.
It
was but a
but became in time a very great
charge to the public, and exhausted the treasury without
much
this
from what
enriching particulars.
is
We
may judge of
related in Aristophanes's
comedy of
" the Wasps," wherein that poet ridicules the passion

of die Athenians for trying causes, and their eager desire for the
gain arising from
it,
which protracted and
multiplied suits to infinity.
In this
comedy
young Athenian, who was
to act
the part I have mentioned, of turning the judges

trials
and
of Athens into ridicule, from a state of the
revenues paid into the public treasury, finds
thei:
OF THE GREEKS.
amount
ines
to
be two thousand
how much
judges, with
sum
of that
whom
then exam-
to the share of the
falls
This appears
at three
be annually,
to
of them, only one hundred and
all
The
talents.'
He
Athens was overrun,
oboli a head, per day.
including
talents.
12S
calculation
easy.
is
fifty
The judges were
paid only ten months in the year, the other two being
employed
when
in festivals,
Now
were prohibited.
thousand men, make
three oboli a day paid to six
fifteen talents a
consequence one hundred and
According
mainder
seventy five
"What
"What
was one of the judges, "

let
month, and
the most assiduous
about three
livres,
then becomes of the recries
the
!" replies his father,
who
goes to those * * * *
it
us not expose the shame of Athens
on to explain that the remainder went

robbed the public treasury
employed
in the
to
goes
such as
who incesthose who were
and to
government and army.
have ex-
which
I shall
to speak of public
make very
free,
when
About 230,0031.
sterl.
shows and dramatic represen-
tations.
us
remark from the works of Father Brumoi
the Jesuit, with
come
let
to the orators,
santly flattered the people
tracted this
The young Athenian
always be for the people."
in
months.
in ten
of the two thousand talents ?"
young Athenian.
but
fifty
calculation,
to this
judge gained only

guineas, a year.
proceedings at law
all
'
70001. sterl.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
124
SECTION
VIII.
OF THE AMPHICTYONS.
The
A mphictyons
famous council of the
is
intro-
duced here, though not peculiar
to the Athenians, but
common
it
to
all
Greece, because
in the Grecian history, and I

shall
have
more
The assembly
is
often
mentioned
do not know whether
natural occasion to speak of
it.
of the Amphictyons was in a manner
the holding of a general assembly of the states of

attributed to
Am-
phictyon, king of Athens, and son of Deucalion,
who
The
Greece.
establishment of
gave them his name.
it is
His principal view
was
tution of this council,
in the insti-
to unite in the sacred
band
of amity the several people of Greece admitted into
and to oblige them by
it,
that union to undertake the de-
fence of each other, and be mutually vigilant for the
The
happiness and tranquillity of their country.
Amphictyons were
also created to
be the protectors of
the oracle of Delphos, and the guardians of the prodig-
ious riches of that temple

differences
which might
and also to adjudge the
arise
between the Delphians,
and those who came to consult the
oracle.
This
council was held at Thermopylae, and sometimes at
Delphos
It
itself.
assembled regularly twice a year, in
the spring and autumn, and
more
frequently
when
affairs required.
The number
sit in this
without doubt,
monians,
of people or cities which had a right to
assembly
in
is
not precisely known, and varied,
at different times.
order to pass in
When the
k what
Lacede-
decrees they
of the Greeks.
thought
fit,
were
excluding
for
Argives, and Thebans
125
the
Thessalians,
Themistocles, in the speech
he made to the Amphictyons to prevent that design
from taking
seems to
effect,
were
insinuate, that there
only one and thirty cities at that time which hud this
right.
Each
two deputies, and
city sent
in
consequence
had two votes
in
tinction, or the
more powerful having any prerogative
the council
and that without
of honour or preeminence over inferior states

to the suffrages
the liberty
in
dis-
regard
upon which these people
valued themselves, requiring that every thing should be

equal amongst them.
The Amphictyons had

determine
finally
in
all
full
differences
between the Amphictyonic
manner
pable in such
power
cities,
to discuss
which might
and
and
arise
to fine the cul-
as they thought
fit.
They
could employ not only the rigor of the laws in the execution of their decrees, but even raise troops,
were necessary,
to them.
The
to
if it
compel such as rebelled to submit
three sacred wars undertaken
by
their
order, of which I have spoken elsewhere, are evident
proofs of this power.
Before they were installed into this body, they took a
very remarkable oath of which Eschines

served the form.
It
I will never destroy
"
has pre-
swear that
runs to this effect
any of the
honoured with
cities
the right of setting in the Amphictyonic council, nor
turn their running waters out of their course either in
times of war or peace.
If
any people
shall
Plut, in Themist. p. 122.
Eschin. in orat.
fi-ig/
T&*7ri<rCaa.s;
make such
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
126
an attempt,
hereby engage to carry the war into their
country, to demolish their
and
to treat
them
in all things as the
Moreover,
mies.
towns, and villages,
cities,
if at
most cruel ene-
any time, any person
to be so impious as to steal and take
shall
dare
away any of the
rich offerings preserved in the temple of Apollo at
Delphos, or abet any others

either
use
in
committing that crime,
by aiding or only counselling him
my feet,
faculties, to
hands, voice, in a word,
all
therein, I will
my powers and
That oath was
avenge such sacrilege."
attended with the most terrible imprecations and execrations:
"That
if any
in the oath I have

city, or people,
one infringes any thing contained
now taken, whether private person,

may that person, city, or people, be
deemed accursed
and
in that acceptation,
experience
the whole vengeance of Apollo, Latona, Diana, and
May their
Minerva the foreknowcr.

none of the
fruits
of the earth, and
country produce
their,
women, instead
of generating children resembling their fathers, bring

forth nothing but monsters
in the
all
same
suits at
their
curse.
law
May
may
may
their animals share
men
lose
they be conquered in war, have
houses demolished, and be themselves and their
children put to the sword."

after
those sacrilegious
am
not astonished, that
such terrible engagements, the holy war, under-
taken by the order of the Amphictyons, should be

carried
on with so much ardour and
ion of an oath
was of great
fury.
The
relig-
force with the ancients;
and how much more regard ought to be had to
it
in
the Christian world, which professes to believe, that the

violation of
it
shall
and yet how many

trifle
be punished with eternal torments

are there
amongst
us,
who make
of breaking through the most solemn oaths!
OF THE GREEKS.
The
127
Amphictyons had always been
authority of the
of great weight in Greece, but
began to decline ex-
it
moment they condescended to adFor that

Macedon into their body.
ceedingly from the
mit Philip of
prince, enjoying
ileges,
by
this
knew how
soon
to abuse his
power so
means
all
their rights
to set himself
far,
above
and
in the
all
law,
and
by proxy both
as to preside
in this illustrious assembly,
and priv-
Pythian games
of which games the Amphictyons were judges and
This Demos-
agonothetae, in virtue of their office.
thenes reproaches
"
When
him with
in his third
Philippic
he does not deign," says he, " to honour us
with his presence, he sends his slaves to preside over

us."
An
odious, but emphatical term, and in the spirit
of the Grecian liberty, by which the Athenian orator
images the base and abject subjection of the greatest

lords in Philip's court.
If the reader desires a further
relates to the
sieur Valois w
Academy
knowledge of what
Amphictyons, the dissertations of Mon-
may be consulted,
in the
Memoirs of the
of Belles Lettres, wherein this subject
treated with great extent
is
and erudition.
SECTION
IX.
OF THE REVENUES OF ATHESS.
The
revenues,* according to the passage of Aris-
tophanes which
have cited above, and,
in conse-
quence, as they stood in the time of the Peloponnesian

war, amounted to two thousand talents, that
w
Vol. III.
fTS'.:
is
to
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
128
They were
say, to six millions of livres.
reduced
1.
generally
to four species.
The
first
relates to the
revenues arising from ag-
riculture, the sale of woods, the produce of mines,
and other funds of a
Amongst
public.
like nature, appertaining to the
mav be
these
included the duties
upon the import and export of merchandise, and the

taxes levied upon the inhabitants of the city, as well natives as strangers.
The
Athens often mentions the
history of
silver
mines of Laurium, which was a mountain, situated between the Pireum and Cape Sunium
Thrace, from whence
mense
matter
at large,
public might gain by
a treatise, wherein he
demonstrates
had enriched.
hundred
Hipponicus
many
the
persons they
mines and six
let his
slaves to an undertaker,
how much
working these
industriously
mines, from the example of the

z
and those of
persons extracted im-
Xenophon, y in
riches.
states this
many
who
paid him a
obolus a a day for each slave, clear of all charges, which
amounted
in the
Nicias,
five shillings.
ed out his
whole to a mina, about two pounds
who was
killed in Sicily, farm-
mines and one thousand slaves
manner, and with the same
in the
same
profit in proportion to that
number.
2.
The second
species of revenue were the contri-
butions paid the Athenians
by the
mon
At
expenses of the war.
allies for the
first,
com-
under Aristides,
they amounted to only four hundred and sixty talents.*

y
*
De
ration redituum.
Sixoboli
made
h
a drachm, 100
A talent
Pag\ 925.
drachms a mina, and 60 mina a talent
was worth 1000 crowns.
OF THE CREEKS.
Pericles
augmented them almost
a third, and raised
and some time
to six hundred,
them
129
after they
Taxes,
run up to one thousand and three hundred.
which
were
beginning were moderate and necessary,
in the
became thus
in a little
notwithstanding
time excessive andtxhorbitant,
made
the protestations
all
the allies,
and the most solemn engagements to the contrary.
A third sort
3.
of revenue were the extraordinary
capitation taxes, levied
upon the inhabitants of the
country, as well natives as strangers, in pressing occasions and emergencies of the state.
The
4.
different
fines laid
for
misdemeanors, were applied to the uses of
the public, and laid

part of them,
upon persons by the judges
except the tenth
in the treasury,
which was consecrated
fiftieth to the
The most
up
Minerva, and
to
other divinities.
natural and legal application of these dif-
ferent revenues of the republic,
was
paying the
in
troops both by sea and land, building and fitting out

fleets,
keeping up and repairing the public buildings,
temples, walls, ports, and citadels.
But
the greatest
part of them, especially after Pericles's time,
applied to unnecessary uses, and often
was mis-
consumed
frivolous expenses, games, feasts, and shows,
cost
immense sums, and were of no manner of
in
which
utility
to the state.
SECTION
X.
OF THE EDUCATION OF THE YOUTH.
place
because
vol.
all
4,
this article
under the head of government,
celebrated legislators have with reason
18
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
130
was an
believed, that the education of youth
part of
The
essential
it.
exercises that served for the forming of either
the bodies or minds of the
young Athenians, and as
much may
all
be said of almost
the people of Greece,
were dancing, music, hunting, fencing,

learning, and philosophy.
riding, polite
may be observed
It
that I
speak generally, and treat very slightly these several

articles.
Dancing.
i.
Music.
Dancing
ercises of the body, cultivated
great attention.
It
made
by
a part of
one of the ex-
is
the
Greeks with
what the ancients

c
Plato,
its
name
called the Gymnastic, divided, according to
into
two kinds, the
orchestric,
from the dance, and the
Greek word which

of the
body
latter
which takes
palestric,
so called from a
The
signifies wrestling.
exercises
kind principally conduced to form the
for the fatigues of war, navigation, agriculture,
and the other uses of
society.
Dancing had another end, and taught such
rules of
motion, as were most proper to render the shape free
and easy
to give the
body a
just proportion, and the
whole person an unconstrained, noble, and graceful

air
in a
word, an external politeness,
we may be
if
allowed to use that expression, which never

prejudice people in favour of those
formed
to
it
They
it.
to
who have been
early.
Music was
success.
fails
cultivated with no less application ani
The
ancients ascribed wonderful effects to
believed
it
very proper to calm the passions,
soften the manners, and even humanize people naturc
Oyjit&i, Saltare.
nw.
OF THE GREEKS.
ally
savage and barbarous.
who
rious historian, and

attributes the
is
131
Polybius, a grave and se-
certainly
worthy of
belief,
extreme difference between two people
of Arcadia, the one infinitely beloved and esteemed
manners, their benevolent
for the elegance of their
gods
the other, on the contrary, generally reproach-
ed and hated for

ligion
in-
humanity to strangers, and piety to the
clinations,
their
malignity, brutality, and irr-
Polybius, I say, ascribes this difference to the
study of music,
mean, says he, the true and noble
music, industriously cultivated by the one, and abso-
by the other people.
lu te iy neglected
After this
it is
not surprising that the Greeks consid-
ered music as an essential part in the education of

f
youth.
Socrates himself, in a very advanced age,
was not ashamed
was thought
to
be wanting
An
men.
capacity in
did honour
Epaminondas was praised
jam senex
Socrates,
Themistocles,
Cic. Tusc. Qusst.
Summam
cantibus
it
cum
1. i.
Polyb. p.
to
on the con-
the
greatest
for dancing,
and
non erubescebat.
Quintil.
I. i.
c.
10
recusasset lyram, habitus est indoctior.
n. 4.
eruditionem Grxci sitam censebant
discebantque
doctrina putabatur.
lyre, like
288291.
institui lyra
in epulis
because
ignorance in this re-
was deemed a defect of education
trary,
in point of merit,
an entertainment he could not touch the
the rest of the company.
spect
instru-
Themistocles, however otherwise esteemed, 5
ments.
at
upon musical
to learn to play
id
omnes
in
nervorum vocumque
nee qui nesciebat,
satis excultus
Ibid.
In Epaminondx virtutibus commemoratum est saltasse eum commode, scienterque tibiis cantasse Scilicet non eadein omnibus honesta
'
sunt atque turpia, sed omnia majorum institutis judicantur.

in pracfat.
vit.
Epam.
Corn.
Nep
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
132
playing well upon the

this place
the
We
flute.
observe in
and genius of nations.
different taste
The Romans were
may
from having the same opinion
far
with the Greeks in regard to music and dancing, and

set
no value upon them.
It is
and most knowing amongst the
them with any
great industry
very likely, the wisest

latter,
did not apply to
and Philip's expression
who had shown
to his son Alexander,
too
much
skill
music
induces me to be of this opinion ;
" Are you not ashamed," said he, " to sing so well ?"
at a feast,
in
For the
its
rest, this
esteem for dancing and music had
Both the one and the other were em-
foundation.
ployed in the most august feasts and ceremonies of
acknowledgment
religion, to express their
to the
gods
with the greater force and dignity, for the favours they
had vouchsafed
to confer
They had gen-
upon them.
erally the greatest share in their feasts
and entertain-
ments, which seldom or ever began or ended, without
some odes being sung
in
honour of the
Olympic games, and on other the

had a part
also in
war
monians marched to
of
tiquity, considered
like occasions.
They
and we know, that the Lacede-
battle dancing,
k Plato, the
flutes.
victories in the
and to the sound
most grave philosopher of an-
both these
arts,
not as simple amuse-
ments, but as they had a great share in the ceremonies

of religion, and military exercises.
him very
rules
bounds of
They
utility
see
books of laws, to prescribe
his
upon dancing and music, and
in the
tions.
intent, in
Hence we
to
keep them with-
and decorum.
did not continue long within these restric-
The
licence of the Grecian stage, on

k
De
leg.
1. vii--
which
OF THE GREEKS.
133
dancing was in the highest vogue, and in a manner

prostituted to buffoons and the most contemptible peo-
who made no
ple,
other use of
than to suggest or
it
support the most vicious passions
this licence, I say,
which might have been of some
soon corrupted an
art,
advantage, had
been regulated by Plato's opinion.
Music had
it
a like destinv
of this did not a
little
and perhaps the corruption
contribute to the depraving
Voluptuousness and sen-
and perverting of dancing.
sual pleasure were the sole arbiters consulted in the
made of
uses
both, and the theatre
became
a school of
every kind of vice.

1
Plutarch, in lamenting that the art of dancing
much
so
fallen
from the merit which rendered
able to the great
observe, thai
etry,
and a
it
men
it
was
estim-
of antiquity, does not omit to
was corrupted by a vicious kind of po-
soft effeminate
music, with which
it
was
ill
united, and which had taken place of the ancient poetry
and music, that had something noble, majestic, and
even religious and heavenly
in
them.
He
adds, that
being made subservient to low taste and sensuality, by

exercised a kind of tyrannical power in the
their aid,
it
theatres,
which were become the public schools of
criminal passions and gross vices, wherein no regard
was had
The
will
to reason.
reader, without
make
it
to
him,
music which engrosses our theatres
and which, by
its
last
Sympos.
1.
ix.
at
effeminate and wanton airs,
wound to
remained among
has given the

virtue that
observing upon
the application of this passage of Plutarch
to the sort of
this day,
my
the
us.
little
manly force and
Quintilian describes
qu. 15. p. 748.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
134
m Qua nunc
the music of his times in these terms,
parte minima,
si
quid
in
modis fracta, non ex
scents effemmata, et impudicis
nobis virilis roboris manebat,
in
excidit.
Of
ii.
the other exercises
Athenians, and in general,
the Greeks, were very-
all
upon forming themselves
intent
The young
of the body.
to
all
the exercises of
the body, and to go through their lessons regularly
They
with the masters of the Palestrae.
called the
places allotted for these exercises, Palestrae, or

nasia
which answers very near
books of laws,
Plato, in his
what importance
and
feet,
it
was
adds," that
after
war
in
Gym-
to our academies,
having shown of
to cultivate the
hands
from banishing from a well
far
regulated republic the profession of the athletae, on the

contrary, prizes ought to be proposed for
that
conduce
improvement of
to the
all
exercises
military virtue
such are those which render the body more active, and
for the race
fitter
more
hard, robust, and supple
more capable of supporting

ing great enterprises.
there was no Athenian
great fatigues, and effect-
We
must remember,
who ought
not to
that
have been
capable of handling the oar in the largest galleys.
The
citizens themselves did this office,
left to
were
to
slaves
all
and criminals, as
in
which was not
these days.
They
destined to the trade of war, and often obliged
wear arms of iron from head to
weight.
For
this reason Plato,
and
foot of a great
all
the ancients,
looked upon the exercises of the body, as highly useful,
and even absolutely necessary to the good of the
public, and therefore this philosopher excludes only

Quintil.
1. i.
c. 1.
Lib.
viii.
de
leg. p. 832, 83S.
OF THE GREEKS.
those from
135
them who were incapable of
service in
war.
There were
also masters,
who
taught the youth to
and to handle their arms, or fence
ride,
whose business
it
was
them
to instruct
and others
was
in all that
necessary to be known, in order to excel in the art

military,
and
to
The
become good commanders.
whole science of the
what the an-
latter consisted in
cients called the tactic, that
is
to say, the art of
making
ing up troops in battle, and of
draw-
military evolu-
tions.
That science was useful, but did not suffice.

phon shows
ly
its
defect, in
come from such
Xeno>
man
producing a young
late-
which he imagined he
a school, in
had learned every thing, though
in reality
he had only
acquired a foolish esteem for himself, attended with
He
perfect ignorance.
gives him, by the
Socrates, admirable precepts

soldier,
and very proper
Hunting was
to
form an excellent
exercise for forming youth to

It is for this
officer.
by the ancients as a
also considered
fatigues of war.
mouth of
upon the business of a
fit
and
the stratagems
Xenophon, who
reason,
wasrnolessa great general, than a great philosopher,'

did not think
ly
it
below him to write a
upon hunting,
particular,
in
hunger,
clifts
thirst, heat,
it,
from being inured
and thickets, through which

Lachete,
to suffer
cold, without being discouraged
by the length of the course, the
Plat, in
to the lowest
and observes upon the considerable advan-
tages consequential of
either
treatise express-
which he descends
p. 181.
p
i
De
venatione.
it is
difficulty
of the
often necessary
Memorab,
1.
Va. v. 76\,
'.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
136
to press, or the small success of the long and painful

fatigues,
which they often undergo
He
no purpose.
to
adds, that this innocent pleasure removes others equal-
and criminal
ly shameful
rate
to
r
it
man would
and that a wise and mode-
not however abandon himself so
much
as to neglect the care of his domestic affairs.
The same
author, in the Cyropedia, frequently praises
hunting, which he looks upon as a real exercise of
war, and shows, in the example of his
good use
in.
may be made
that
The
hero, the
Athens, to speak
was the school and abode of
and sciences.
oung
it.
Of the exercise of the mind.
properly,
arts
of
polite learning,
study of poesy, eloquence,
philosophy, and mathematics, were in great vogue

there,
and much cultivated by the youth.
The young
people were sent
under masters,
who
proper principles, their

attained a
number, and cadence.
grammar
its
by which they
whole beauty, energy,
Hence proceeded
s
the univer-
of Athens, where, as history informs us,
a simple herb
woman
be a stranger, from the

expressing himself
tors
to learn
own language
knowledge of
sal fine taste
first
taught them regularly, and upon
distinguished Theophratus to
affectation of a single
word
in
and from the same cause the ora-
were greatly apprehensive of
letting fall the least
injudicious expression, for fear of offending so refined
and
the
delicate an audience.
young people
on the stage by
We have seen, that, after
heart.
Cyrop.
Cic. in Brut. n. 172.
for
to get the tragedies represented up-
defeat of the Athenians
was very common
It
1.
i.
before Syracuse,
p. 5, 6. et
Quintil.
\.
1.
ii.
yiii. c, 1,
the
many of
p. 59, 60.
Plut, in Peric. p. 156.
OF THE GREEKS.
who had been
them,
137
taken prisoners and
softened their slavery
by
reciting the
made
slaves,
works of Euri-
pides to their masters, who, extremely delighted with
such
hearing
sublime
them
verses, treated
positions of the other poets

effect
and Plutarch
from
The com-
thenceforth with kindness and humanity.
had no doubt the same
tells us,
when
that Alcibiades,
very young, having entered a school in which there
was not an Homer, gave
the master a
an ignorant fellow, and one
box on the ear as
who dishonoured
his pro-
fession.
As
for eloquence,
it is
no wonder
ularly studied at Athens.
the
way
It
was
was
that
it
that
which opened
partic-
to the highest offices, reigned absolute in
the assemblies, decided the most important affairs of
almost unlimited power to
the state, and gave an

those
who had
the talent of speaking in an eminent
degree.
This therefore was the great employment of the
young
of Athens, especially of those
citizens
aspired to the highest employments.

rhetoric, they
under the
of,
annexed
latter, all
or relate to
To the
that of philosophy.
who
study of
comprise
the sciences, which are either parts
The
it.
persons
known
to antiquity
under the name of sophists, had acquired a great reputation at Athens, especially
These
teachers,
who were
ious, set themselves
whole
art lay in
up
in the
for universal scholars.
4.
Their
philosophy and eloquence, both of
which they corrupted by the
VOL.
time of Socrates.
as presumptuous as avaric-
false taste
In Alcib. p. 194,
19
and wrong
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
138
principles they instilled into their disciples.
observed, in the
life
have
of Socrates, that philosopher's
endeavours and success in discrediting them.
CHAPTER SECOND.
OF WAR.
SECTION
I.
PEOTLE OF GREECE lU ALL TIMES VERY WARLIKE.
JN
O people of antiquity,
except the Romans, could
dispute the glory of arms and military virtue with the
Greeks.
During the Trojan war, Greece signalized
her valor in battle, and acquired immortal fame by the
bravery of the captains she sent thither.
This expe-
dition was, however, properly speaking,
no more than
the cradle of her infant glory
by which she distinguished

first
and the great exploits,
herself there, were only her
essays and apprenticeship in the art of war.
There were
in
Greece
at that
time several small
republics, neighbours to one another
but extremely remote

ters,
and particularly
in their
by
their situation,
customs, laws, charac-
in their interests.
ence of manners and
interests
aggrandize
with
its
Every
own dominion, was
itself at the
these
little states,
city,
studious to
expense of its next neighbours,
according as they lay most commodious for

all
differ-
was a continual source
and occasion of divisions amongst them.

little satisfied
This
eiriierout of ambition,
it.
Hence
and to ex-
tend their conquests, or the necessity of a just defence,
were always under arms, and, by
that continual exercise
OF THE GREEKS.
139
of war, formed in the universal people a martial
spirit,
which made them
invin-
and
an intrepidity of courage,
cible in the field
as appeared in the sequel,
when
the
whole united forces of the east came to invade Greece,
and made her sensible what she was, and of what

capable.
Two
cities
distinguished themselves above the rest,
and held indisputably the

and Athens
first
rank
these were Sparta
consequence of which, those
in
either successively
cities,
or together, had the empire
of
Greece, and maintained themselves through a long

series of
time
power, which the sole superiority
in a
of merit, universally acknowledged by

states,
had acquired them.
cipally in their military
the other
all
This merit consisted
prin-
knowledge and martial virtue
of which they had given the most glorious proofs in

the
war against the Persians.
honour with them
for
Thebes disputed
of valor, which had something of prodigy in them

this
was but
this
some years, by surprising actions
a short lived blaze, which, after
but
having
shone out with exceeding splendor, soon disappeared,
and
left
Athens
that city in
original obscurity.
its
will therefore
reflections as to
them together
what
be
the
Sparta and
only objects of our
relates to war,
and we
shall join
in order to be the better able to distin-
guish their characters, as well in what they resemble, as

in
what thev
differ
from each other.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
140
SECTION
II.
ORIGIN AND CAUSE OF THE VALOR AND MILITARY VIRTUE OF

THE LACEDEMONIANS AND ATHENIANS.
All
seem
the laws of Sparta and institutions of Lycurgus
body of
making
the subjects of that republic a

'
All other employments,
soldiers.
exercises,
lite
no other object than war, and tended
to have
solely to the
other
all
were prohibited amongst them.
Arts, po-
learning, sciences, trades, even husbandry itself,
had no share
in their applications,
eyes unworthy of them.
no other
taste
was
From
instilled into
and seemed in their

their earliest infancy
them but
for
arms
and indeed the Spartan education was wonderfully

well adapted to that end.
to shift with
little
To
go
barefoot, to
meat and drink,
lie
hard,
to suffer heat
and
cold, to exercise continually, hunting, wrestling, run-
ning on foot and horseback, to be inured to blows and
wounds, so as
to vent neither complaint nor groan
these were the rudiments of the Spartan youth with
regard to war, and enabled them one day to support

its
fatigues,
The
and to confront
all its
habit of obeying, contracted from the
early years, respect for the magistrates
perfect submission to the laws, from
condition was exempt, prepared

military discipline,
which
is
in a
al$
dangers.
and
most
elders, a
which no age nor
them amazingly
for
manner the soul of
War, and the principle of success in
all
great enter-
prises.
Now one of
these laws was, to conquer or die, and
never to surrender to the enemy.
Leonidas with
his
141
OF THE GREEKS.
was an
three hundred Spartans

this
and
example of
illustrious
his intrepid valor, extolled in all ages with
the highest applauses, and proposed as a model to

posterity,
traced
all
spirit to the nation, and
had given the same
them out the plan they were
to follow.
The
disgrace and infamy annexed to the violation of this
law, and to such as quitted their arms in battle, con-
firmed the observance of

ner inviolable.
when they
sons,
with, or
those
those
upon
it,
and rendered
it
in a
The mothers recommended

set out for the field,
They
their bucklers.
man-
to their
to return either
did not
weep
for
who died with their arms in their hands, but for

who preserved themselves by flight. Can we be
surprised after this, that a small body of such soldiers,
with such principles, should put an innumerable army

of barbarians to a stand ?
The Athenians were
up so roughly
not bred
The taste
people of Sparta, but had no less valor.

the two people
was quite
and employment
though by
how
different
as the
of
different in regard to education
but they attained the same end,
means.
to use their arms,
The
Spartans
knew only
and were no more than soldiers
but among the Athenians, and

of the other people of Greece,
we must
say as
arts, trades,
commerce, and navigation, were held
much
husbandry,
in honour,
and
thought no disgrace to any one.
These occupations
were no
knowledge necessa-
obstacles to the valor and
ry in war
greatest
lic.
they disqualified none for rising to the
commands and
the
first
dignities of the repub-
Plutarch observes, that Solon, seeing the territory
of Attica was barren, applied himself to turning the industry of his citizens upon
in order to supply his
arts, trades,
and commerce,
country thereby with what
it
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
142
wanted on the side of
This
fertility.
became
taste
one of the maxims of the government and fundamental

laws of the
and perpetuated
state,
itself
amongst the
people, but without lessening in the least their ardor for
war.
The
ancient glory of the nation, which had always
distinguished itself by military bravery, was a powerful
motive
from the reputation of
for not degenerating
The famous
their ancestors.
Marathon,
battle of
wherein they had sustained alone the shock of the barbarians,

nitely
and gained a signal victory over them,
heightened their courage
and the
infi-
battle of
Salamin, in the success of which they had the greatest

share, raised
them
and
to the highest pitch of glory,
rendered them capable of the greatest enterprises.
noble emulation not to give place in point of
merit to Sparta, the rival of Athens, and a lively jeal-
ousy of
their
glory,
contained
Persians
which during the war with the

itself
within due bounds, were
another strong incentive to the Athenians,
day made new
efforts to
who every
excel themselves, and sustain
their reputation.
The rewards and honours
granted to those
distinguished themselves in battle
memory
erected in
the
of the citizens
defence of their country
pronounced
publicly
in
the
the
the
who had
monuments
who had
died in
funeral orations
midst
of the
most
august religious ceremonies, to render their names
immortal
all
conspired infinitely to eternise the
valor of both nations, and particularly of the

ans,
and
to
make
fortitude a kind of lav/
sable necessity to them.
Athene
and indispen-
OF THE GREEKS.
Athens had a law, by which
maintained
at the
was ordained,
it
who had been maimed
those
143
in the war,
expense of the public.
that
should be
The same
grace was granted to the fathers and mothers, as well

as the children of such as had fallen in battle, and left
their families poor,
The
themselves.
them
rously took
in a condition to subsist
good mother, gene-
republic, like a
into her care, and, with great regard
to them, supplied
relief they
and not
all
the duties, and procured
all
the
could have expected from those whose loss
they deplored.
This exalted the courage of the Athenians, and

rendered their troops invincible, though not very nu-
merous.
In the battle of Platea, where the army of
commanded by Mardonius,
the barbarians,
consisted
of no less than three hundred thousand men, and the

united forces of the Greeks of only one hundred and
thousand
eight
two hundred men, there were
in
the latter only ten thousand Lacedemonians, of which
one half were Spartans, that
to say, inhabitants of
is
Sparta, and eight thousand Athenians.
It is true,
Spartan brought with him seven helots, which

all
thirty five
reckoned as
thousand
in point of martial valor, gen-
did not suppress in their minds
and jealousy, as appeared once
rior to
Pint,
Sol. n.
37
them
in
Sol.
in
but they were scarce ever
acknowledged by the other
demonians.
made
soldiers.
This shining merit

erally
men
each
The
in
allies,
Ik
in
and people,
sentiments of envy
in relation to the
Lace-
who were very much
supe-
number, were
96.
all
states
in pain to see themselves
Mens,
p.
248, 249.
Dio. Laert.
tr.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
144
subjected to their order, and
to have any
knowledge of
whole army, and
down on one
after
side,
their disgust,
all
having made
assembled the
all
the allies
sit
herald, that
all
smiths, masons, carpenters,

trades, should rise up.
the allies did so, and not one of the Lacede-
monians, to
whom
all
laus then smiling, "
allies
and the Lacedemonians by them-
and so on, through the other
more
it
on the other, he caused proclamation to be
made by an
Almost
against
Agesilaus, king of Sparta, without seeming
secret.
selves
murmured
trades were prohibited.
You
see," said he, "
soldiers Sparta furnishes than
all
Agesi-
how many
the rest of the
together ;" thereby intimating, that to be a good
soldier
it
was necessary
trades diverted the
to
artisan
be only a soldier; that
from
applying himself
wholly to the profession of arms and the science of

war, and prevented his succeeding so well in
who made
it
their sole business
it
as those
and exercise.
But
Agesilaus spoke and acted in that matter from the

prejudice of his opinion in favour of the
Lacedemo-
whom
he was for
nian education
for indeed those,
having considered only as simple artisans, had well
demonstrated
in the glorious victories they
ed over the Persians, and even Sparta
were by no means
inferior
to the
had obtain-
itself,
that they
Lacedemonians,
entirely soldiers as they were, either in valor or mili-
tary knowledge.
OF THE GREEKS.
SECTION
OP THE DIFFERENT KIND OF
145
III.
TROOPS WHICH COMPOSED THE AR>
MIES OF THE LACEDEMONIANS AND ATHENIANS.
The
armies both of Sparta and Athens were com-
posed of four sorts of troops
and
naries,
marked
slaves,
The
slaves.
in the hand,
who had
citizens,
soldiers
merce-
allies,
were sometimes
them from
to distinguish
upon
that character impressed
the
their
Interpreters believe, that in allusion to this
forehead.
double manner of marking,

tions, that all
were obliged "
it
is
v to
said in the
Revela-
receive the
mark of
the beast in their right hand, or in their foreheads ;"
and that
Paul says of himself, " w
St.
bear in
my
body the marks of the Lord Jesus."
The
citizens of
either those
that reason
who
amounted
thousand.
itself,
sorts,
and who for
were called Spartans, or those who lived in
country.
the
Lacedemonia were of two
inhabited Sparta
In Lycurgus's
to nine thousand,
time,
the
Spartans
and the others to
thirty
This number seems to have been some-
what diminished
in the
time of Xerxes, as Demaratus,
speaking to him of the Lacedemonian troops, computes only eight thousand Spartans.
the flower of the nation
The
latter
were
and we may judge of the
value they set upon them, by the anxiety the repub-
expressed for three
lic
by the Athenians
or four hundred, besieged
in the small island of Sphacteria,
where they were taken prisoners.
The Lacedemoni-
ans generally spared the troops of their country very

v
Rev.
xiii. 16.
VOL. 4,
20
Gal. vi
17
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
146
much, and
When
sent only a few of
them
into the armies,
a Lacedemonian general was asked
how many
"As
Spartans there were in the army, he answered,
many
own
till
after a length of
They
enemy."
as are necessary to repulse the
served the state at their
expense, and
it
was not
time that they received pay from
the public.
The'greatest
by the
The
cities
number of
the troops in the
composed of
publics were
the
allies,
two
who were
re-
paid
which sent them.
foreign troops in the pay of the republic, to the
aid of which they were called in, were styled mercenaries.
The
Spartans never marched without helots, and
we have
seen that in the battle of Platea every citizen
do not believe
had seven.
nor do
comprehend
well
designed.
It
for
number was
this
fixed,
what service they were
would have been very
ill
policy to have
put arms into the hands of so great a number of slaves,

generally
much
discontented with their masters' harsh
who
treatment of them, and

thing to fear from
them
in
consequence had every

Herodotus, how-
in a battle.
ever, in the passage I have cited from him, represents
them carrying arms
in the field, as light
armed
sol-
diers.
The infantry
The
consisted of two kinds of soldiers.
one were heavy armed, and carried great bucklers,

lances, half pikes,
light
armed, that
to say, with
They were commonly placed

or
upon the wings,
and
The
and cimetars.
is
as a
fling their javelins
in the front
first line,
other were
bows and
slings.
of the battle,
to shoot their arrows,
and stones
at the
enemy
and
147
OF THE CREEKS.
when they had discharged, they retired through

behind the battalions as a second
tervals
line,
the in-
and con-
tinued their volleys.

*
Thucydides,
in describing the battle of
Lacedemonian troops
divides the
in
Mantinea,
this
manner
there were seven regiments of 'four companies each,
without including the squirites, to the number of six
hundred
these were horsemen, of
The company
speak further.
the
Greek
each of
ed
thirty
four.
into four platoons,
so that a regiment amount-
hundred and twelve
to five
made
soon
consisted, according to
was subdivided
two men
I shall
of one hundred and twenty
interpreter,
eight men, and
whom
men
and the seven
together three thousand five hundred and eighty
Each
in depth
for that
which the
men
platoon had four
officers
in front,
and eight
was the usual depth of the
files,
might change according to occa-
sion.
The Lacedemonians
cavalry
till
after the
did not actually begin to use
war with Messene, where they
perceived their want of
it.
They
principally in a small city not far

called Sciros,
raised their horse
from Lacedemon,
from whence these troops were denomi-
nated scintes, or squirites.
extremity of the
left
They were always on
the
wing, and this was their post by
right.
Cavalry was
still
more
rare
amongst the Athenians
the situation of Attica, broke
with
abundance of
It
did not amount,
mountains, was the cause of this.
war with the Persians, which was the time
after the
when
the prosperity of Greece

*
Lib. v. p. 390.
was
at the highest, to
y Ibid.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
148
more than
three hundred horse
wards to twelve hundred
but increased
after-
a small body for so powerful
a republic.
I
have already observed, that amongst the ancients,
as well
stirrup,
Greeks as Romans, no mention

which
is
is
made of the
They threw them-
very surprising.
on horseback,
selves nimbly
Corpora saltu
Subjiciunt in equof
" And with a
leap
JEn.
sit
1.
xi. ver. 287-
steady on the horse."
Sometimes the horse, broke
early to that kind of
manage, would stoop down before,

the opportunity of mounting with
to give his master
more ease
Inde inclinatus collum, submissus et armos

more, inflexis prxbebat 6candere terga
De
Cruribus.
Those
whom
made use of
Sil. Ital.
de equo
Ccelii-
age or weakness rendered heavy,
a servant in mounting on horseback
which they imitated the Persians, with

the
common custom.
be placed on each
at certain distances
ellers to get
body.
I
Gracchus caused
side
whom
it
in
was
fine stones to
of the great roads of Italy,
from one another, to help
trav-
on horseback without the assistance of any
am
were
Equ. Rom.
surprised that the Athenians, expert as they
in the art
of war, did not distinguish that the
cavalry was the most essential part of an army, especially in battles

% Avcti\io>;
yt/.a
and that some of
T/o/zsvo/f.
This word
a.vttCc?,iv,
helped his master to mount on horseback.
their generals did

signifies a servant,
who
OF THE GREEKS.
149
not turn their attention that way, as Themistocles did
maritime
in regard to
capable of rendering
Xenophon was
affairs.
them
a like service in respect to
was per-
the cavalry, of the importance of which he
He
fectly apprised.
wrote two treatises upon this
one of which regards the care
subject,
sary to take of horses, and
break them
squadron
how
understand and
to
both well worth the reading of
profess arms.
art military in general,
very great use to
all
those
who
who
all
means of
In the latter he states the
placing the cavalry in honour, and lays
upon the
neces-
is
it
which he adds the exercise of the
to
well
down
rules
which might be of
are designed for th
trade of war.
I
have wondered, in running over
tise, to
this
Xenophon, a
see with what care
second
soldier
trea-
and a
pagan, recommends the practice of religion, a veneration for the gods,
aid
upon
and the necessity of imploring their
He
occasions.
all
thirteen different places
brief
enough
repeats this
in
of a tract, in other respects
and rightly judging
insinuations might give
maxim
that these religious
some people
offence,
he makes
a kind of apology for them, and concludes the piece
with a reflection, which

place.
so
"
much
I shall repeat entire in
If any one," says he, " wonders that
this
I insist
here upon the necessity of not forming any
enterprise
without
first
endeavouring to render the
Divinity favourable and propitious,

there are in
let
him
reflect, that
war a thousand unforeseen and obscure
conjunctures, wherein the generals, vigilant to take
advantages, and lay ambuscades for each other, from

the uncertainty of an enemy's motions, can take
no
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
150
Nothing
other council than that of the gods.

ful or
They
obscure with them.
whomsoever they
unfold the future to
the singing of birds,
Now we may
in dreams.
doubt-
on the inspection of the
please,
by
entrails of beasts,
is
presume
by visions, or
that the
gods are
more inclined to illuminate the minds of such as consult them not only in urgent necessities, but who at all
times, and when no dangers threaten them, render
them
homage and
the
all
adoration of which they are
capable."
It
became
this great
man
to give the
of instructions to his son Gryllus, to

the treatise
common
most important
whom
he addresses
we mention, and who, according
opinion,
was appointed to
discipline the
to the
Athe-
nian cavalry.
SFXTION
IV.
OF MARITIME AFFAIRS, FLEETS, AND NAVAL FORCES.
If the Athenians were inferior to the Lacedemoni-
ans in respect to cavalry, they carried

against
them
abilities that
it
infinitely
in naval affairs
and we have seen
way make them masters at sea, and
;
their
give
them a great superiority to all the other states of Greece.
As this subject is very necessary to the understanding

many passages in this history, I shall treat it more
extensively
than
other
matters,
great use of what the learned father
Montfaucon has
said of
it
in his
and
Don
shall
make
Bernard de
books upon antiquity
OF THE GREEKS.
The
principal parts of a ship
15l
were the prow or
head, the poop or stern, and the middle, called in
latin,
carina, the hulk or waist.
The prow was
the part in the front of the waist,
of the ship
belly
was
it
or
generally adorned with
paintings and different sculptures of gods, men, or
animals.
The
level with the
beak, called rostrum, lay lower, and
water
it
was
a piece
of timber which
projected from the prow, covered at the point with

brass,
it.
and sometimes with
The Greeks termed
iron.
The
was
other end of the ship, opposite to the prow,
called the poop.
the helm,
There the
pilot
sat
and held
which was a longer and larger oar than the
rest.
The
The
waist was the hollow of the vessel, or the hold.
The one were rowed
ships were of two kinds.
with oars, which were ships of war, the other carried

sails,
and were vessels of burden, intended
merce and
transports.
use of oars and
The
sails
com-
for
Both of them sometimes made

but that very rarely.
together,
ships of war are also very often called long ships
by authors, and by
that
name
from
distinguished
vessels of burden.
The
cies
long ships were further divided into two spe-
those which were called actuaries naves,
were very
light vessels,
like
those called only long ships.
termed open
ships,
first
some
and
were usually
because they had no decks.
these light vessels there were

ry, of
our brigantines
The
and
Of
larger than ordina-
which some had twenty, some
thirty,
and others
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
152
forty oars, half on
the
same
The
two
side
one side and half on the other,
on
long ships, which were used in war, were of
Some had
sorts.
only one rank of oars on each
the others two, three, four,
all
line.
number,
to forty
but these
or a greater
five,
were rather
last
for
show
than use.
The
long ships of one rank of oars were called
aphracti, that
is
to say, uncovered,
and had no decks.
This distinguished them from the cataphracti, which
They had
had decks.
only small places to stand on,
at the head and stern, in the time of action.
The
most commonly used
ships
ancients,
in the battles of the
were those which carried from three to
five
ranks or benches of oars, and were called triremes and

quinqueremes.
a great question, and has given occasion for
It is
abundance of learned
dissertations,
of oars were disposed.
were placed
modern
Some
how
will
these benches
have
it
that they
ranks of oars in the
at length, like the
Others maintain, that the ranges of
galleys.
the biremes, triremes, quinqueremes, and so on to the
number of forty
To
other.
in
some
vessels,
support this
were one above an-
last opinion,
innumerable
passages are cited from ancient authors, which seem to

leave no
manner of doubt
in
it,
and are considerably
corroborated by the column of Trajan, which represents these ranks one above another.
faucon however avers, that

skill in
that
to
naval affairs
the
them
all
Father Mont-
the persons of greatest
whom he had
consulted, declared,
thing conceived in that manner,

utterly impossible.
seemed
But such a way of
OF THE GREEKS.
reasoning
many
is
weak proof against
153
the experience of so
by so many authors.
ages, confirmed
It is true,
that in admitting these ranks of oars to be dispos-
ed perpendicularly one above another,
comprehend how
to
not easy
is
it
they could be worked
the lower ranks are placed obliquely, and as

rising
but in
column of Trajan,
the biremes and triremes of the
it
were
by degrees.
In ancient times the ships with several ranks of
known
oars were not

in
which the rowers,
worked
all
made use of long ships,

of whatever number they were,
;
they
upon the same
line.
Such was the
which the Greeks sent against Troy.
fleet
composed of twelve hundred
It
was
of which the galleys
sail,
of Beotia had each one hundred and twenty men, and

those of Philoctetes
fifty
and
the greatest and smallest vessels.
decks, but were built like

still
practised,
this
no doubt intends
Their galleys had no
common
says Thucydides,
boats
which
by the
is
pirates, to
prevent their being so soon discovered at a distance.
The Corinthians are said to have been the first

who changed the form of ships, and, instead of simple
galleys, made vessels with three ranks, in order to add
c
by the
multiplicity of oars to the swiftness
uosity of their motion.

situated between
two
Their
and impet-
city,
advantageously
seas, lay well for
commerce, and
served as a staple for merchandise.
From
their ex-
ample the inhabitants of Corcyra, and the tyrants of

Sicily,
little
equipped also many galleys of three benches, a
before the war against the Persians.

b
Thucyd.
vol.
4.
1.
i.
p. 8.
21
It
was about
Ibid. p. 10.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
154
the
same time the Athenians,
who
Themistocles,
warm instances
of
foresaw the war which soon broke
same form, the whole deck not
out, built ships of the
being yet in use
at the
and from thenceforth they applied
themselves to naval
affairs
with incredible ardour and
success.
The beak
vessel of
d
of the prow, rostrum, was that part of the
which most use was made
in sea fights.
when
Athenians, to make their
Ariston of Corinth persuaded the Syracusans,
their city
was besieged by
prows lower and shorter

the victory
for the
the
;
which advice gained them
prows of the Athenian vessels
being very high and very weak, their beaks struck only
the parts above water, and for that reason did
little
damage to the enemy's ships whereas the Syracusans,

whose prows were strong and low, and their beaks
;
level with the water, at a single
blow often sunk the
triremes of the Athenians.
Two
sorts of people served
on board these
galleys.
The one were employed in steering and working the

ship, who were the rowers, remiges, and the mariners,
naut. The rest were soldiers intended for the fight,
and are meant
tion
Greek by
in
was not understood
same
the \vord.
the ship
in latter days
arrival of the
for
which was
fleet
all
distinc-
when
the
the necessary
also not wholly disused
Thucydides, f
Athenian
This
in the early times,
persons rowed, fought, and did
work of
in describing the
at the
small island of
Sphacteria, observes, that only the rowers of the lowest
bench remained
in the ships,
and
that the rest
went on
shore with their arms.

*
Diad.
1.
xiii, p.
141.
unfar*!.
ThucycL
l.iv. p. 275.
OF THE GREEKS.
The
1.
condition of the rowers

I
laborious.
have already
as mariners were
all
155
was very hard and
said, that the rowers, as well
and freemen, and not
citizens
The rowers
The lower
several stages.
slaves or strangers,
as in these days.
were distinguished by
their
rank were called thalamitae, the middle zugitse, and

the highest thranitae.
latter
Thucydides remarks,
had greater pay than the
rest,
that the
because they
worked with longer and heavier oars than those of the

lower benches.^
It
seems
that the crew, in order to act
and with better
in concert,
effect,
were sometimes
guided by the singing of a man, and sometimes by

the sound of an instrument
and
grateful
this
har-
mony
served not only to regulate the motion of their
oars,
but to diminish and sooth the pains of their
labour.
It is "a
was
question
man
among
the learned, whether there
to every oar in these great ships, or several,
as in the galleys of these days.
What Thucydides
observes on the pay of the thranitas, seems to imply

that they
worked
single
for if others
had shared the
work with them, wherefore had they greater pay given

them than those who managed an oar alone, as the
had as much, and perhaps more of the labour
latter
than them
Father Montfaucon believes, that in the
vessels of five ranks there
might be several men
one
to
oar.
He who took care of the whole

the vessel,
was
crew, and
called nauclerus,
commanded
and was the principal
e Musicam natura ipsa videtur ad tolerandos facilus labores veluti

muneri nobis ddisse, Siquidem et rmiges cantus hortatur
nee
solum in its operibus, in quibus phirium conatus prrtreunte aliqua jucun:
da voce
sed etiam singulorum
conspirt,
modulatione solatur
Quintil.
1. i.
c. 10.
ftitigatio
qvinmlibet se rudi
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
156
The second was
officer.
the pilot, gubernator
his
place was in the poop, where he held the helm in his
hand, and steered the vessel.
knowing the
consisted in
skill
and espec-
coasts, ports, rocks, shoals,
the winds and stars
ially
His
for before the invention
the compass, the pilot had nothing to direct
of
him during
the night but the stars.
The
2.
who
soldiers,
armed almost
fought in the ships, were
manner with
the same
in
the land
forces.
h
The
Athenians, at the battle of Salamin, had one
hundred and eighty

the rest heavy
manded
armed
fleet.
in
each of them
whom were
The
troops.
these soldiers was called,
er of the whole
We
and
vessels,
eighteen fighting men, four of
archers,
officer
and the
and
who comcommand-
cannot exactly say the number of soldiers,
mariners, and rowers, that served on board each ship
amounted
two hundred, more or
but
it
less,
as appears from Herodotus's estimate of the Per-
generally
to
sian fleet in the time of Xerxes,
where he mentions
and
in other places
that of the Greeks.
mean here
the great vessels, the triremes, which were the species
most
in use.
The pay
very much
of those
who
served in these ships varied
arrived in Asia,
it
was only three
half a drachm, or five pence
the Persians and
oboli,
Cyrus
which was
and the treaty between
Lacedemonians was concluded upon

*>
When young
at different times.
Plut, in Themist. p. 119.

k va.va.gx.a;,
T'HPXPKo;.
1
Zehoph. Hist.
1. i.
p.
441
or r^*TQ.Ci.
OF THE GREEKS.
this foot
157
m which gives reason to believe, that the usual
pay was three oboli. Cyrus, at Lysander's request,

added a fourth, which made six pence half penny a
n
day.
was often
It
raised to a whole drachm, about
In the
ten pence French.
Sicily the Athenians gave a
The sum
drachm a day
p
of sixty talents,
out against
fitted
fleet
to the troops.
which the people of
Egesta advanced the Athenians monthly for the main-
shows
taining of sixty ships,
month amounted
for a
thousand livres
tfiree
that the
pay of each vessel
to a talent, that
which supposes,
is
to say, to
that each ship's
company consisted of two hundred men, each of whom

received a drachm or ten pence a day.
As the
officers'
pay was higher, the republic perhaps either
furnished the overplus, or
something
was deducted out of the
it
sum advanced
of the
total
for a vessel,
by abating
pay of the private men.
in the
The same may be
said of the land troops as has
said of the seamen, except that the horse
been
double their pay.
It
had
appears that the ordinary pay of
the foot was three oboli a day, and that
ed according to times and occasions.
it
was augment-
Thimbron
the
Lacedemonian, when he marched against Tissaphernes,
promised a daric a month
each soldier, two to
to
a captain, and four to the colonels.
month
is
four oboli a day.
his troops,
whom
Now
Young Cyrus,
a too long
a daric a
to animate
march had discouraged,
instead of one daric, promised one and a half to each,

m This treaty
stipulated, that the Persians should pay thirty mina a

each ship, which was half a talent; the whole amounted to
three obofi a day for every man that served on board.
month
for
n
?
Thucyd.
Thucyd.
1. vi.
vi. p.
p. 415.
431.
About
84001. sterling.
Xenoph. Exped. Cyr. L
yii,
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
158
soldier,
which amounted
drachm, or ten pence
to a
French a day.
may
It
be asked
how
whose
the Lacedemonians,
iron coin, the only species current among them, would
go no where
could maintain armies by sea and
else,
and where they found money for
land,
It is not to
their subsistence.
be doubted but they raised
it,
ians did, by contributions from their
more from
and
still
the cities, to which they gave liberty and
protection, or from those they
had conquered from
Their second fund for paying
their enemies.
fleet
as the Athen-
allies,
their
and armies were the aids they drew from the king
we have seen on
ef Persia, as
several occasions.
SECTION
V.
PECULIAR CHARACTER OF THE ATHENIANS,
Plutarch
furnishes
matter upon this head.
he succeeds
in
us with
almost
the
all
Every body knows how well
copying nature
in his portraits,
and
how
proper a person he was to trace the character of a

people,
whose genius and manners he had studied with
so profound an attention.
I.
"
easily
sume
sion."
The
5
people of Athens," says Plutarch, " were
provoked to anger, and as
easily
induced to
re-
their sentiments of benevolence and compas-
History supplies us with an infinity of exam-
ples of this kind.
The
sentence of death passed
against the inhabitants of Mitylene, and revoked the

r
Plut, in
prxcept
reip.
ger
p.
793.
OF THE GREEKS.
next day
condemnation of the ten generals, and
the
159
that of Socrates, both followed with
pentance and the most lively
" They
II.
an immediate
grief.
were better pleased with penetrating,
and almost guessing an
affair
of themselves, than to
give themselves leisure to be informed in

ly,
and
in
is
more surprising than
in their character,
which
thorough-
mariners,
soldiers,
this
circumstance
very hard to conceive,
is
it
and seems almost incredible.
men,
it
extent."
all its
Nothing
re-
husband-
Artificers,
are generally
dull,
heavy
kind of people, and very gross in their conceptions
but the people of Athens were of a quite different turn.
They had
amazing penetration,
naturally an
and even delicacy of wit.
what happened
vivacity,
have already mentioned
to Theophrastus.
He was
cheapen-
woman at Athens that sold

" No, Mr. Stranger," said she, " you shall
ing something of an old
herbs
have
for
it
no
less."
He was
strangely surprised to
who had passed

and who piqued him-
see himself treated as a stranger,
almost his whole

self
life at
Athens,
upon excelling all others in the elegance of his

It was however from that she knew he was
language.
not of her country.

soldiers
These
knew
We have said, that
the Athenian
the fine passages of Euripides
artificers
and
soldiers,
from
by
heart.
assisting at the
public deliberations, were besides versed in affairs of

state,
and understood every thing
Cum
;
word.
We
Theophrastus percontaretur ex anicula quadam, quanti aliquid

et respondisset ilia, atque addidisset
Ilospes, non pote
venderet,
ininoris
at half a
tulit
moleste, se non effugere hospitis speciem,
ageret Athenis, optimeque loqueretur.
cum
Cic. de clar. orat. n, 17.
jetatem
-160
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
may judge
of this from the orations of Demosthenes,
whose
we know
III.
style
"
As
is
ardent, brief, and concise.
they naturally inclined to relieve persons
mean circumstances,
of a low condition and
so were
they fond of conversations seasoned with pleasantry,
and proper to make people laugh."
w They
assisted persons of a
mean
condition, be-
cause from such they had nothing to apprehend in re-
gard to their liberty, and saw in them the characters
They
were men ;
of equality and resemblance with themselves.

loved pleasantry, and showed in that they
men abounding
but
who
understood
with humanity and indulgence,
who were
raillery,
not prone to take
offence, nor over delicate in point of the respect to
paid them.
One day when
the assembly
was
be
fully
formed, and the people had already taken their places
and
sat
down, Cleon,
coming a great
of flowers upon
having made them wait his
after
while, appeared at last with a wreath

his head,
and desired the people to ad" For to-
journ their deliberations to the next day.
day," said he, " I have business.

ing to the gods, and
my friends, at
am
laugh, rose and broke
up
have been
to vent
it,
sacrific-
strangers,
Athenians, setting up a
the assembly.
such a pleasantry would have cost any
had presumed
some
to entertain
The
supper."
At Carthage,
man
and to take such a
his
life,
that
liberty with
proud, haughty, jealous, morose people, of a gen-
ius averse to complacency,
mour.
v ls-nt?
Upon
less inclined to
hu-
another occasion, the orator Stratocles,
<ru>v ttvS'gcay
Taw wya>v tb
and
rot ttfoCotc
x.a.1
t&ttuvois (2o>iSw
7ra,tyvietîi x.a.tytxai x d(T7ta.î]a,t
w Xenoph. de Athen.
* IT* xov <rKu6ci>Tov, 7ro; .TeijJW
v.o.1
Tfôû/Aonô, vraie
x*/ wgoT///.*.
rep. p. 691.
;c*g<v avuSmtov
Ml
cxAgi.
THE CREEKS.
Or
161
having informed the people of a victory, and in conse-
quence caused
sacrifices to
news came of the
be offered, three days
defeat of the army.
As
after
the people
expressed their discontent and resentment upon the

false information,
he asked them, " of what they had
to complain, and
what harm he had done them, in
making them pass
three days
more agreeably than they
would else have done ?"

IV. " They
praised,
were pleased with hearing themselves
and could not bear
The
cised."
be railed
at,
or
criti-
acquaintance with Aristophanes
least
and Demosthenes
effect
to
will
show, with what addrtss and
they employed praises and criticism with regard
to the people of Athens.

z
When
the republic enjoyed peace and tranquillity,
says the same Plutarch in another place, the Athenian
people diverted themselves with the orators

tered
them
but in important
affairs,
who
flat-
and emergencies
of the state, they became serious, and gave the prefer-
ence to those, whose custom

their unjust desires
it
had been to oppose
such as Pericles, Phocion, and
Demosthenes.
V. " They
kept those
w ho governed them
r
in
awe,
and showed their humanity even to their enemies."
The
people of Athens
of those
who
made good use of
the talents
by
their elo-
distinguished themselves
quence and prudence
but they were
full
of suspicion,
and kept themselves always on their guard against
vol,
4.
Plut, in Phocion, p. 746.
22
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
162
and
their superiority of genius
ability
they took pleas-
ure in restraining their courage, and lessening their
This may be judged from the
glory and reputation.
was
ostracism, which
instituted only as a
curb on
whose merit and popularity ran too high, and
those,
which spared neither the greatest nor the most worthy
The
persons.
was
hatred of tyranny and tyrants, which
manner
in a
innate in the Athenians,
made them
extremely jealous and apprehensive for their
who
with regard to those
As
treat
what
to
liberty,
governed.
relates to their enemies, they did not
them with
rigor
they did not
make an
insolent
use of victory, nor exercise any cruelty towards the
The amnesty decreed
vanquished.
after the tyranny
of the thirty, shews that they could forget the injuries
which had been done them.
To
these diiferent characteristics, which Plutarch
unites in the
may be
same passage of
his works,
some
others
added, extracted principally from the same
author.
VI.
It
was from
olence, of
which
this
fund
now
have
of humanity and benev-
spoke, and which was
natural to the Athenians, that they were so attentive to
the rules of politeness, and so delicate in point of just
behaviour
among
the
Philip of
qualities
common
one would not expect to find

people.
In
the
war against
Macedon, having intercepted one of
couriers, they read
all
his
the letters he carried, except that
of Olympias his wife, which they returned sealed up
and unopened, out of regard

b neiTg/sv ttv<T6/
KXt rufx<pwrov v
c
Plut, in
<re
to
conjugal love and
îxavflgaTcv.
Demetr.
p. 898.
In Pelop.
p.
280.
OF THE GREEKS.
secresy, the rites of
163
which are sacred, and ought to be
among enemies. The same Athenians

having decreed, that a strict search should be made
after the presents distributed by Harpalus among the
orators, would not suffer the house of Callicles, who
respected even
was
lately married, to
be
visited, out of respect for his
Such behaviour
bride, not long brought home.
common, and upon
not very
like occasions people
is
do
much upon forms and politeness.

VII. The taste of the Athenians for all arts and
sciences is too well known to require dwelling long
not stand
upon
it
casion to speak of
But we
husbandmen,
cy of
have oc-
with some extent elsewhere.
it
part, as I
soldiers,
have said before, of
and manners, cany
arti-
delica-
every kind to so high a degree of per-
taste in
fection,
I shall
cannot see, without admiration, a people com-
posed for the most

sans,
Besides which,
in this place.
which seems the peculiar attribute of a more
exalted condition and a noble education,
VIII.
It
is
no
wonderful, that this people
less
should have such great views, and rose so high in their
made them un-
pretensions.
In the war Alcibiades
dertake,
with vast projects and unbounded hopes,
filled
they did not confine themselves to the taking of Syracuse, or the conquest of Sicily, but had already added
Italy,
Peloponnesus, Libya, the Carthaginian
and the empire of the sea to the

Their enterprise
failed,
tion.
qgwu,
it
seemed no great
might have enabled them to put
a isUyx
of Hercules.
but they had formed
the taking of Syracuse, which

culty,
pillars
states,
y.iyjL>.uv eg}f7/*
Plut.
it
in
and
diffi-
execu-
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
164
IX. The same people, so great, and one
may
say,
so haughty in their projects, had nothing of that char-
In what regarded the expense
acter in other respects.
of the table, dress, furniture, private buildings, and, in
a word, private
and poor
they were frugal, simple, modest,
but sumptuous and magnificent
and capable of doing honour
public,
Their
life,
in all things
to
the state.
and continual com-
victories, conquests, wealth,
munication with the people of Asia Minor, introduced

neither luxury,
among them.
pomp, nor vain profusion
gluttony,
e
Xenophon observes
that a
citizen
could not be distinguished from a slave by his dress.
The
richest inhabitants,
were not ashamed

It
to
go
was very glorious
and the most famous generals,
market themselves.
to
Athens
for
to
have produced
and formed so many excellent persons
war and government
painting, sculpture, and architecture
nished alone more great
which
men
in
perhaps
if
of having fur-
every kind than any
had imbibed learning and
knew how
the arts of
philosophy, eloquence, poesy,
in
other city of the world
in
we except Rome,
arts
from her, and
to apply her lessons to the best advantage
of having been in some sort the school and tutor of
almost the whole universe
of having served, and
still
continuing to serve, as the model for nations, which
pique themselves most upon the excellency of taste

in a
scribed the laws of
ductions of the
wherein
all
that regards the talents
mind.
I shall treat
e
word, of having taught the language, and pre-
The
part of
this history,
the sciences and learned
De
and pro-
men,
rep. Athen. p. 693.
Graecia capta fer urn victorem cepit, et artes

Intulit agresti Latio.
Horat. Epi$t.
i. I.
that
OF THE GREEKS.
165
rendered Greece illustrious, with the arts

those
who
also,
and
excelled in them, will set this in a clear
light.
X.
conclude this description of the Athe-
I shall
nians with one
more
attribute,
ed them, and appears evidently

enterprises
This was
and that
is,
see them, from the
commencement of
sacrifice
lands, estates, city,
their
every thing to the
They abandoned, without
liberty of Greece.
removed
and
to their ships, in order to fight the
enemy, whose view was
the least
houses, and
to enslave them.
common
What
could be more glorious for Athens, than, when

allies
and
their ardent love of liberty.
war with the Persians,
regret,
in all their actions
their darling passion and great principle of
We
policy.
the
which cannot be deni-
were trembling
at the vast offers
mouth of Aristides, that all the gold and

world was not capable of tempting them
liberty of
Greece
It
the
made her by
the king of Persia, to answer his ambassador
own, or the
all
by the
silver in the
to sell their
was from such
generous sentiments that the Athenians not only be-
came
the bulwark of Greece, but preserved the rest
of Europe, and
all
the western world from the invasion
of the Persians.
These great
fects, often the
imagine
qualities
were mingled with great de-
very reverse of them, such as
in a fluctuating, light, inconstant,
people, as the Athenians.

s
Plut, in Arist. p. 324.
we may
capricious
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
166
SECTION
VI.
COMMON CHARACTER OF THE LACEDEMONT ANS AND ATHENIANS.

!
cannot
refuse giving a place here to what
Mr.
Bossuet says upon the character of the Lacedemonians
and Athenians.
The
passage
appear so, and includes
all
but will not
long,
is
wanting to a perfect
that is
knowledge of the genius of both those people.
Among all the republics
of which Greece was com-
Lacedemon were undoubtedly the

No people could have more wit than the
principal.
Athenians, nor more solid sense than the Lacedemoni-
posed, Athens and
Athens
ans.
affected pleasure
the
Lacedemonian
Both loved glory
way of life was
hard and laborious.
and
but the liberty of Athens tended to
liberty
licence
more
the
was
and controled by severe laws

restrained
it
was
at
to extend itself in rule abroad.
for reigning,
interest
at
Lacedemon,
home, the more ardent

Athens was
it
also
but upon another principle, in which
had a share with
Her
glory.
citizens excelled
in the art of navigation, and the sovereignty at sea had
enriched her.
To continue
commerce, there was nothing she would not have
all
subjected to her power
ed
in the sole possession of
this passion, supplied
ing
it.
On
and her
As
all
which
inspir-
her with the means of gratify-
the contrary, at
in contempt.
riches,
Lacedemon money was

make the
the laws tended to
latter a military republic, the glory
of arms was the
sole object that engrossed her citizens.
she naturally affected dominion
From
thence
and the more she was
OF THE GREEKS.
above
more she abandoned
the
interest,
167
herself to
ambition.
Lacedemon, from her regular
life,
was steady and
maxims and measures.
determinate in her
Athens
much
was more
lively
masters.
Their laws and philosophy had indeed the
most happy
and
active,
upon
effects
was not capable of keeping
them within due bounds.

that fear
spirits,
wise Athenian,
who
the genius of his country, informs us,
was necessary
and that
exquisite natural parts
siich
as theirs, but reason alone
knew admirably
and the people too
it
to those too ardent
was impossible
the victory at Salamin had
and free
govern them
to
removed
after
their fears of the
Persians.
Two things
then ruined them, the glory of their
great actions, and the supposed security of their pres-
ent condition.
The
and as Persia was
magistrates were no longer heard,
afflicted
with excessive slavery, so
Athens, says Plato, experienced
all
the evils of exces-
sive liberty.
Those two great

manners and conduct,
republics,
so contrary in their
interfered with each other in the
design they had each formed of subjecting

so that they were always enemies,
trariety
their
all
Greece ;
more from the con-
of their interests, than the incompatibility of
humours.
The Grecian
cities
were against submitting to the
dominion of either the one or the other
for,
besides
the desire of preserving their liberty, they found the
empire of those two republics too grievous to bear.

*>Plat. I
iii.
de. le.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
168
That of the Lacedemonians was

were observed
have something almost brutal in
to
their character.
'
government too
rigid,
and a
too laborious, rendered their tempers too haughty,
life
and imperious
austere,
could never expect to

city,
itself
that the
power
in
besides which, they
peace under the influence
live in
which, being formed for war, could not sup-
of a
port
but by continuing perpetually in arms.
Lacedemonians were capable of
command, and
do
That people
severe.
all
So
attaining the
the world, were afraid they should
so*
1
The Athenians were
their city, in
where
which
feasts
delightful to behold than
and games were perpetual,
and the various passions of men,
wit, liberty,
daily exhibited
their
naturally obliging and agree-
Nothing was more
able.
new
conduct disgusted their
insupportable to their
sible for
them not
But the
objects.
own
allies,
We
repose.
more
was impos-
is
and
to say, according
more dangerous than the same
excesses in a prince vitiated by

cities
It
still
to experience the extravagance
something
These two
and was
subjects.
caprice of a flattered people, that

to Plato,
inequality of
flattery.
did not permit Greece to continue in
have seen the Peioponnesian and other
wars, which were always occasioned or fomented by

the jealousy of Lacedemon and Athens.
jealousies
ed
it
in
which involved Greece
But the same
in troubles,
some measure, and prevented
support-
its falling
into
the dependence of either the one or the other of those

republics.
'
Aristot. Polit.
1. i.
p. 4.
1
Flat,
de rep.
1.
viii
Zenoph. de rep. Lacon
OF THE GREEKS.
169
of Greece,
The Persians soon perceived this condition
and accordingly the whole mystery of their

consisted in keeping
up those
jealousies,
ambitious, was the
them occasion to
that gave
first
enter into the quarrels of the Greeks.
them from the
masters of the
and foment-
Lacedemon, which was the most
ing those divisions.
in
politics
They engaged
view of making themselves
sole
whole nation
weaken the Greeks by
their
and industrious to
own
arms, they waited
only the opportunity to crush them altogether.

states
The
of Greece in their wars already regarded only
the king of Persia,
whom
they called the Great King,
or " the King," by
way of eminence, as if they had

been of the number of his subjects. But it
already
that the ancient spirit of Greece should
was impossible
not revive,
when they were upon
into slavery,
The
the point of falling
and the hands of the barbarians.
petty kings of Greece undertook to oppose this

n
great king, and to ruin his empire.
army, but bred

silaus,
in the discipline
vert their power.
The
it
was not impossible
divisions of
a stop to his conquests.
Age-
made their way
The famous
in a hostile
that action, I say, demonstrated to
ever, that their soldiery
1. iii.
VOL.
4.
de
retreat of the
young Cyrus,
manner through the whole
Persian empire, and returned into their
to all opposers
to sub-
Greece alone put
ten thousand, who, after the death of
Plut.
a small
related,
king of Sparta, made the Persians tremble in
Asia Minor, and showed
With
we have
was
own
country
Greece more than
invincible,
and superior
and that only their domestic divisions
leg. Iso<?rat.
Penegyr.
23
Polyb.
1. iii.
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS,
170
&C.
could subject them to an enemy too weak to
resist their
united force.
We shall
methods
see, in the series of this history,
Philip,
these divisions,
force, to
make
by what
king of Macedon, taking advantage of
came
at length,
between address and
himself litde less than the sovereign
of Greece, and to oblige the whole nation to march
under
his colours against the
common enemy.
What
he had only planned, his son Alexander brought to

perfection,
ability
and showed the wondering world, how much
and valor
avail against the
most numerous
mies and the most formidable preparations.
ar-
BOOK ELEVENTH.
H ISTORY
F
DIONYSlUS THE ELDER
AND YOUNGER,
TYRANTS OF SYRACUSE.
SYRACUSE
years,
The
had regained
by the
its
liberty
of the
expulsion
about sixty
family of Gelon.
events which passed in that interval, except the
invasion of the Athenians, are of no great importance,
and
little
known
different nature,
mean
but those which follow, are of a
and make amends
tyrants of Syracuse
thirty eight,
As
the
first
of
and the other twelve,*
whom
in
this history is entirely foreign to
Greece
for the
chasm
the reigns of Dionysius the father and son,
at the
same time,
I shall relate
governed
all fifty
years.
what passed
it
in
in this place
After having been expelled for more than ten years, he raseended
the throne, and reigned two or three years.
HISTORY OF
17
altogether and
first
by
that the
observing only,
itself;
twenty years of it, upon which
am now entering,
agree almost in point of time with the
last
preceding
twenty years.
This history
will present to
our view a series of the
most odious and horrid crimes, though
same time with
at the
one side we behold

liberty, justice,
most sacred
When
instruction.
abounds
it
a prince, the declared
enemy of
and laws, treading under his
rights of nature
and
most cruel torments upon
his
some, burning others for a
on the
feet the
religion, inflicting the
subjects,
slight
beheading
word, delighting
and feasting himself with human blood, and gratifying

his savage inhumanity with the sufferings and miseries
of every age and condition
I say,
when we behold
such an object, can we deny a truth, which the pagan

world
itself
hath confessed, and Plutarch takes occa-
sion to observe in speaking of the tyrants of Sicily,

that
God
in his
anger gives such princes to a people,
and makes use of the impious and the wicked

ish the guilty
and the criminal
On
to
pun-
the other side,
when the same prince, the dread and terror of Syracuse,

is perpetually anxious and trembling for his own life,
and, abandoned to remorse and regret, can find no
person in his whole

dren, in
b
whom he
Erit Dionysius
illic
state,
not even his wives, or chil-
can confide
who
will not think
with
legum exitium
tyrannus, libertatis, justitix,
Alios uret, alios verberabit, alios ob levem oflTensam jubebit detruncari.
Senec de
consul, ad Marc. c. xvii.
Sanguine humano non tantum gaudet, sed pascitur
omnium
c. 19.
<ctatum cmdelitatem insatiabilem explet.
sed ut suppliers
Id.
de benef.
1.
vii.
DIONYSIUS THE ELDER.

Tacitus,
"That
wisdom has
be
seen,
it is
173
not without reason the oracle of
declared, that if the hearts of tyrants could
we should
thousand evils
find
them
torn in pieces with a
being certain that the body does
it
not suffer more from inflictions and torments, than the
minds of such wretches from

and the
injustice
their crimes,
cruelties,
and violence of their proceedings.''
The condition of a good prince is quite different.

He loves his people and is beloved by them he enjoys
;
a perfect tranquillity within himself, and lives with his
Though he
subjects as a father with his children.
knows
that the
sword of justice
his hands, he ap-
is in
prehends the use of it.
He loves to turn aside its edge,
and can never resolve
to evidence his power, but with
extreme reluctance,
in the last extremity,
the forms and sanction of the laws.

ishes only
and with
all
tyrant pun-
from caprice and passion, and believes, says
Plutarch upon Dionysius, that he
is
not really master, e
and does not act with supreme authority, but as he sets

himself above
laws, has
all
pleasure, and sees himself

'
Neque
no other but
and
his will
obeyed implicitly
Whereas,
frustra prjestantissimus sapienti firmare solitus est
si
reclu-
dantur tyrannorum mentes, posse aspici laniatus et ictus quando, ut

corpora verberibus, ita ssevitia, libidine, malis consultis animus dilace:
Tacit. Annal.
raretuv.
d
Haec est
in
1.
maxima
vi. c. 6.
potestate verissima animi temperantia, non cu-
non priorum principum exemplis

corruptum, quantum in cives suos liccat, experiendo tenure sed hebetare aciem imperii sui
Quid interest inter tyrannum et reg-e.n, species
piditate aliqua, non temeritate incendi
enim ipsa
forlunae ac licenlia par est>
nisi
quod
sviunt, reges non nisi ex causa et necessitate
tyranni
in
vohiptate
Senec. de Clem.
lib.
i.
c, 11.
e
o
E ft)
Cl
tyJl 0T4.V TA %'.!>>? A @VXiT!Ll iront*
un Su, T5V * 0\nui ^riteiv fuvA/Mvtt.
CLTTOXUVUV fAUXtC-i. T>1!
xivJWoj
@x\t<r$-tt.t
indoct. p. 782.
MiycLi
Ad
Xl[
princ-
HISTORY OF
174
same author, he
continues the
ever he
will, is in
that ean
do what-
great danger of doing what he ought
not.
Besides these characteristics of cruelty and tyranny,
which
we
particularly distinguished the first Dionysius,
shall see in his history,
tion, sustained
by great
whatever unbounded ambi-
valor, extensive abilities,
and
the necessary talents for acquiring the confidence of a

people,
is
capable of undertaking for the attainment of
sovereignty
employ
means he had the address
the various
for the
maintaining himself in
opposition of his enemies, and the
and
lastty,
it
to
against the
odium of the public ;
the tyrant's success in escaping, during a
reign of thirty
eight years, the
formed against him, and
many
in transmitting
conspiracies
peaceably the
tyranny to his son, as a legitimate possession, and a

right of inheritance.
CHAPTER
1 HIS chapter contains
elder, who reigned thirty
I.
the history of Dionysius the

eight years.
SECTION
I.
MEANS MADE USE OF BY DIONYSI-U3 THE ELDER 10

OF THE TYRANNY.
Dionysius was
POSSESS HIMSELT
a native of Syracuse/ of noble
illustrious extraction
f
and
according to some, but others
Dio4.1.
x'ui. p.
197.
DIONYSIUS THE ELDER
175"
However
say his birth was base and obscure.
was,
it
he distinguished himself by his valor, and acquired

great reputation in a
He
war with the Carthaginians.
was one of those who accompanied Hermocrates, when

he attempted to reenter Syracuse by force of arms,
after
having been banished through the intrigues of
The
his enemies.
event of that enterprise was not
Hermocrates was
happy.
The Syracusans
killed.
did not spare his accomplices, several of
Dionysius was
publicly executed.
The
wounded.
left
whom
were
among
the
report of his death, designedly given
out by his relations, saved his
Providence had
life.
spared Syracuse an infinity of misfortunes, had he expired either in the fight or by the executioner.
The
Carthaginians had
made several attempts
tablish themselves in Sicily,
and
to possess themselves
of the principal towns of that island as
ed elsewhere.
* Its
commerce, the
inhabitants,
of
its soil,
we have
for their
observ-
maritime
and the riches of
its
were powerful inducements to such an en-
We may
terprise.
happy situation
fertility
to es-
form an idea of the wealth of its
cities
from Diodorus Siculus's account of Agrigentum.
The
temples were of extraordinary magnificence, es-
Olympius, which was three
pecially that of Jupiter
hundred and
and one
azzas or
forty feet in length, sixty in breadth,
hundred and twenty

galleries, in their
in
height.
The
pi-
extent and beauty, answered
On
to the rest of the building.
one side was reprc
sented the battle of the giants, on the other the taking
of Troy, in figures as large as
la
tfee
life.
Without
Hiatoryof the Carthaginians, book

k
Uied
I.
xiii.
p-203, 20.
ii-
part
the city
I.
HISTORY or
176
was an
which was seven
artificial lake,
all
kinds of
fowls,
fish,
above a
stadia,
quarter of a league, in circumference.
It
was
full
of
covered with swans and other water-
and afforded
most agreeable prospect
the
imaginable.
It
was about the time of which we speak,
Olympic games, entered
netus, victor in the

in
triumph
that
drawn by white
all
the city
by three
in a magnificent chariot, attended
hundred more,
Exe-
Their
horses.
habits were adorned with gold'and silver, and nothing
was ever more splendid than

as, the
their appearance.
most wealthy of the
citizens of
Gelli-
Agrigentum,
erected several large apartments in his house for the
Servants
reception and entertainment of his guests.
waited by his order
of the city, to invite
at their master's house,
to lodge
strangers
er they
at the gates
conducted them.
Hospitality
all
whith-
was much
practised and esteemed by the generality of that city.
A violent
men
storm having obliged
five
hundred horse-
to take shelter there, Gellias entertained
in his house,
clothes, of which he
wardrobe.
them
all
and supplied them immediately with dry
This
noble use of riches.
had always a great quantity
is
in his
how to make a
much talked of by
understanding
His
cellar is
historians, in
which he had three hundred reservoirs
hewn out of
the rock, each of which contained one
hundred amphorce.
This great and oppulent
city
was besieged and
length taken by the Carthaginians.

*
An amphora
contained about seven gallons
cjuently consisted of seven

jallon^.
hundred
Its fall
shook
at
all
one hundred conse*
gallons, or eleven
hogsheads seven

Sicily,
and spread an universal
being
its
lost
was imputed
had but weakly aided
The
terror.
to the
cause of
Syracusans,
Dionysius,
it.
177
who from
who
that
time had no other thoughts but of his grand designs,
and was secretly active
in laying the foundations of his
future power, took the advantage of this favourable
opportunity, and of the general complaints of Sicily

against the
Syracusans, to render
the
magistrates
odious, and to exclaim against their administration.
In a public assembly, held to consider of the present
when no body dared
state of affairs,
mouths
for fear of the persons at the
to
open
their
helm, Dionysius
rose up, and boldly accused the magistrates of treason
adding, that
it
was
his
opinion, that they ought to
be deposed immediately, without waiting

of their administration should expire.
him
this audacity with treating
and
upon him
till
the term
They retorted
as a seditious person,
a disturber of the public tranquillity,
laid a fine
to
and as such,
according to the laws.
This was
be paid before he could be admitted to speak again,
and Dionysius was not
in a condition to discharge
it.
who wrote the

come
down
to us, dehistory of Sicily, which is
posited the money, and exhorted him at the same
one of the richest citizens,
Philistus,
not
time
with
to
all
give
his opinion
the liberty
upon the
state of affairs
which became a citizen zealous
for his country.
Dionysius accordingly resumed his discourse with
more vigor than
before.
habit of eloquence,
He
had long cultivated the
which he had looked upon with
reason as a very necessary talent in a republican gov-
vol. 4.
9.1
HISTORY OF
178
ernment
especially in his views of acquiring the peo-
and of reconciliating them to his meas-
ple's favour,
ures.
He began
with describing in a lively and pathetic
manner the ruin of Agrigentum, a neighbouring

in their alliance
city
the deplorable extremity to which
the inhabitants had been reduced, of quitting the place
under the cover of the night
the cries and lamenta-
tions of infants, and of aged and sick persons,
whom
they had been obliged to abandon to a cruel and merciless
enemy
had been
and the consequential murder of all who
in the city,
left
whom
dragged from the temples and
the barbarous victor
altars
of the gods
fee-
ble refuges against the Carthaginian fury and impiety.
He
these evils to the treachery of the
com-
manders of the army, who, instead of marching
to the
imputed
relief of
all
Agrigentum, had retreated with
their troops
to the criminal protraction and delay of the magistrates,
corrupted by Carthaginian bribes
who
the great and rich,

lishing their
He
influence, usurping
foot,
of
the ruins of their coun-
represented Syracuse as composed
of two different bodies
state
to the pride
regarded nothing but estab-
own power upon
try's liberty.
and
all
the one, by their
power and
the dignities and wealth of the
the other, obscure, despised, and trod under
bearing the same yoke of a shameful servitude,
and rather slaves than

saying, that the only
elect persons
interests,
citizens.
remedy
He
for so
concluded with
many
evils
was
from among the people devoted to
to
their
and who, not being capable of rendering
themselves formidable by their riches and authority,
would be
solely
employed
for
the public good, and
179
apply in earnest to the reestablishment of the liberty of

Syracuse.
This discourse was listened

as
all
speeches are, which
to with infinite pleasure,
flatter
the natural propensity
of inferiors to complain of the government, and was

followed with the universal applause of the people,
who always give themselves up blindly to those who

know how to deceive them Under the specious pretext
All the magistrates were de-
of serving their interest.
posed upon the spot, and others substituted

room, with Dionysius
This was only the

he did not
inspired
had
head of them.
at the
which
step to the tyranny, at
first
The success of his undertaking

new courage and confidence. He
stop.
him with
also in
in their
view the displacing of the generals of the
army, and to have
their
power transferred
to himself.
The design was
bold and dangerous, and he applied to
with address.
Before he attacked them openly, he
it
them
planted his batteries against
at a distance
ca-
lumniating them by his emissaries to the people, and

sparing no pains to render
it
to
them suspected.
He
caused
be whispered among the populace, that those com-
manders held secret
intelligence with the
enemy
that
disguised couriers were frequently seen passing and

repassing
and
that
it
was not
conspiracy was on foot.

to see those leaders, nor to
upon the
affairs
to be doubted, but
He
affected
his side not
open himself to them
of the public.
none of his designs to them
on
as
if
some
at all
He communicated
he was apprehensive
of rendering himself suspected by having any intercourse
or
correspondence with them.
Persons of
sense and discernment were not at a loss to discover
HISTORY OF
the tendency of these undermining arts
upon the occasion
silent
nor were they
common
but the
people,
prejudiced in his favour, incessantly applauded and
admired
tector
his zeal,
and looked upon him as the sole pro-
and asserter of their rights and
Another scheme, which he
liberties.
set at
work with
his
usual address, was of very great service to him, and
There was a great
exceedingly promoted his designs.
number
Sicily,
banished persons dispersed throughout
of
whom
the faction of the nobility of Syracuse
had expelled the
city
He knew
different pretences.
whom
and upon
what an addition of
numerous a body of
strength so
him,
at different times,
citizens
would be to
gratitude to a benefactor, and resentment
against those
who had
occasioned their banishment,
the hope of retrieving their
affairs,
and of enriching
themselves out of the spoils of his enemies, rendered
most proper
for the
execution of his designs, and
He
attached unalU rably to his person and interest.

applied therefore earnestly to obtain their recal.
was given
out, that
it
was necessary
to raise a
It
numer-
ous body of troops to oppose the progress of the Carthaginians
and the people were
the expense, to which the
new
in great pain
levies
upon
would amount.
Dionysius took the advantage of this favourable con*

juncture,
and the disposition of the
represented, that
it
was ridiculous
to
public.
He
bring foreign
troops at a great expense from Italy and Peloponnesus,

whilst
they might supply themselves with excellent
soldiers,
without being at any charge
were numbers of Syracusans

\vho, notwithstanding the
ill
at all
that there
in every part of Sicily,
treatment they had receive

ed,
181
had always retained the hearts of citizens under the

condition of exiles; that they preserved a
name and
tender affection and inviolable fidelity for their country,
and had chose rather to wander about
Sicily without
support or settlement, than to take part in the armies of
however advantageous the
the enemy,
them
to
had
the effect
all
had been.
it
This discourse of Dionysius
upon the people he could have wished.
who
His colleagues,
induce
offers to
perceived plainly what he had in
view, were afraid to contradict

that their opposition
him
rightly judging,
would not only prove
ineffectual,
but incense the people against them, and even augment
whom
the reputation of Dionysius, to
would leave
it
Their return was
the honour of recalling the exiles.
therefore decreed, and they accordingly
came
all
to
Syracuse without losing time.
A deputation from
Gela, a city in the dependence of
demand that
Dionysius imme-
Syracuse, arrived about the same time, to

the garrison should be reinforced.
diately
marched
thither with
four hundred horse.
He
commotion, and divided
latter
found the city

into
two
having been tried
by the assembly
in form,
was applied
to the
factions
and
great
one of
to
were condemned
to die, and to have their estates con-
fiscated for the use of the public.
due
foot,
in a
and the other of the rich and powerful.
the people,
The
two thousand
pay
off the arrears
This confiscation
which had long been
former garrisons, commanded by Dexippus
the Lacedemonian; and Dionysius promised the troops
he brought with him to Syracuse to double the pay

they were to receive from the
ing so
many new
city.
This was attach-
creatures to himself.
The
inhabit-
162
HISTORY OF
ants of Gela treated
him with
the highest
marks of
honour, and sent deputies to Syracuse, to return their
thanks for the important service that city had done
them
in
oured
Having endeav-
sending Dionysius thither.
in vain to bring
Dexippus
into his measures,
he
returned with his troops to Syracuse, after having
promised the inhabitants of Gela, who used

in their
power
to
at
means
keep him amongst them, that he
would soon return with more considerable
He arrived
all
aid.
Syracuse just as the people were com-
ing out of the theatre,
who
ran in throngs about him,
inquiring with earnestness what he had heard of the
He answered
Carthaginians.
air, that
with a sad and dejected
the city nourished far
more dangerous and
bosom
formidable enemies in her
that whilst Car-*
thage was making extraordinary preparations for the

invasion of Syracuse, those
who were
in
command,
instead of rousing the zeal and attention of the citizens,
and setting every thing
at
work
of so potent an enemy, lulled
ments and
idle
against the approach
them with
trivial
amuse-
shows, and suffered the troops to want
necessaries; converting their pay to their private uses in
a fraudulent manner destructive to the public

that
he had always
sufficiently
cause of such a conduct
that
however
it
the
was not now
upon mere conjecture, but upon too evident

complaints were founded
affairs
comprehended
proof, his
that Imilcar, the general of
the Carthaginians, had sent an officer to him, under

pretext of treating about the ransom of prisoners, but
in reality to prevail
on him not to be too
ining into the conduct of his colleagues
would not enter
into the
strict in
;
exam-
and that
if he
measures of Carthage,
at

he would not oppose them
least that
183
that for his part,
he came to resign his command, and to abdicate his

he might leave no room for injurious
dignity, that
of
suspicions
intelligence with traitors
and
in concert,
acting
his
who
sold the
holding
commonwealth.
This discourse being rumoured amongst the troops

and about the
city,
next day the assembly was summoned,
The
alarm.
occasioned great inquietude and
and Dionysius renewed
to
of the assembly cried out that
him
appoint
and that
when
complaints against the
which were received with universal applause.
generals,
Some
his
it
the
it
was necessary
generalissimo, with unlimited power,
would be too
enemy was
late for so salutary a
at the gates of
Syracuse
that
war which threatened them
the importance of the
required such a leader
recourse
that
it
was
in the
same man-
ner formerly that Gelon was elected generalissimo,
and defeated the Carthaginian army

consisted of three hundred thousand
at
Himera, which
men
the accusation alleged against the traitors,

referred to another day,
that
it
as for
might be
but that the present
affair
would admit of no delay.

effect
for the people,
run headlong
Nor was it deferred in

who, when once prejudiced,
after their opinion
without examining
any thing, elected Dionysius generalissimo with unlim.

ited
power
caused
it
that instant.
be decreed, that the soldiers' pay should
to
be doubled
In the same assembly he
insinuatingthat the state would be amply
reimbursed by the conquests consequential of that advance.
This being done, and the assembly dismissed,
the Syracusans,
upon cool
passed, began to be in
reflection
some
on what had
consternation
as if
it
HISTORY OF
184
had not been the
of their
effect
prehended, though too
late,
own
choice
that
from the desire of
and com-
preserving their liberty, they had given themselves a

master.
Dionysius rightly judged the importance of taking

his measures before the people repented
There remained but one
had done.
which was
the tyranny,
assigned him
and
artful
bearing
arms,
He proposed,
in
it.
It
who were
was
very
He
full
out however,
fit
of fugitive and
persons for the
would not follow
and encamped
plains near the city.
before a great noise
camp.
for
justly suspected, that
the greatest part of the Syracusans
upon the
the
The Syracu-
of Leontium.
execution of his designs.
night
all
time in possession of the place,
and had a garrison

foreign soldiers,
that
march with provisions
should
sans were at that
set
to
years of age, and capable of
days to the city
He
more
have a body of guards
to
manner.
politic
under forty
him.
step
and that he accomplished in the most
citizens
thirty
what they
It
in the
was not long
was heard throughout the whole
This tumult was raised by persons planted
for that purpose
by Dionysius.
ambuscades had been
He
affected, that
laid with design to assassinate
him, and in great trouble and alarm retired for refuge

into the citadel of Leontium, where he passed the
rest of the night, after
having caused a great num-
ber of fires to be lighted, and had drawn off such of the

At break of day the
troops as he most confided in.
people assembled in a body, to
whom, expressing still
great apprehension, he explained the danger he had

himself a
in, and demanded permission to choose
been
men
guard of six hundred
had
Pisistratus
person.
185
of his
for the security
him the example- long
set
had used the same stratagem when he made
before, and
His demand seemed very
himself tyrant of Athens.

reasonable, and
with.
He
guard upon the
spot,
was accordingly complied
men
chose out a thousand
for his
armed them completely, equipped them magnificently,

and made them great promises
ment.
He
also attached
interest in a peculiar
for their encourage-
the foreign soldiers to his
manner, by speaking to them
with great freedom and
He made many
affability.
removals and alterations in the troops, to secure the

officers
Sparta, in
and dismissed Dexippus to
his interest,
in
whom
he could not confide.
At
the
same
time he ordered a great part of the garrison which he
had sent
to Geta, to join
him, and assembled from
parts fugitives, exiles, debtors,
and criminals
all
a train
worthy of a tyrant.
With
this escort
trembled
at
his
he returned to Svracuse, which
approach.
The
people were
no
longer in a condition to oppose his undertakings, or to

dispute his authority.
soldiers,
and
saw
The
itself
city
more
in tyranny,
full
of foreign
upon the point of being
tacked by the Carthaginians.

the
was
To
at-
strengthen himself
he espoused the daughter
of
Hermocrates, the most powerful citizen of Syracuse,
and who had contributed the most to the defeat of the

Athenians.
He
also
Polyxenus, brother
in
gave his
vol. 4.
marriage to
law of Hermocrates.
wards summoned an assembly,

self of Daphneus
sister in
in
which he
He
rid
after-
him=
and Demarchus, who had been the
25
HISTORY OF
186
most
active
in
In this
opposing his usurpation.
manner Dionysius, from a simple notary and a

of the lowest class,
made himself
tyrant of the greatest
and most opulent
SECTION
citizen
absolute lord and

city
of Sicily.
II.
COMMOTION IN SICILY AND AT SYRACUSE AGAINST DIONYSIUS.

HE riNDS MEANS TO DISPEL THEM.
Dionysius had
a rude shock to experience k in the
The
beginning of his usurpation.
Carthaginians hav-
ing besieged Gela, he marched to
some unsuccessful endeavours
was
vigor,
to
and
and
after
against the enemy,
He behaved there
threw himself into the place.

little
its relief,
with
the service he did the inhabitants
all
make them abandon
and
their city in the night,
He was
to cover their flight in person.
suspected of
acting in concert with the enemy, and the more, be-
cause they did not pursue him, and that he
few of
his foreign soldiers.
remained
at
very
All the inhabitants
who
Those of Camari-
Gela were butchered.
na, to avoid the
withdrew with
The moving
virgins,
lost
same fate, followed their example, ad

the effects they could carry away.
all
sight of aged persons, matrons,
and tender
infants, hurried
young
on beyond
their
strength, struck Dionysius's troops with compassion,
and incensed them against the
tyrant.
raised in Italy, withdrew to their
Syracusan cavalry,
to
lîll
after
own country and
Diod. L
the
having made a vain attempt
him upon the march, from

*
Those he had
xiii. p.
his
227, 231.
being surround
ed with
made
his foreigners,
187
forwards, and having
entered Syracuse, went directly to his palace, which
they plundered, using his wife at the same time with

so
much
violence and
usage, that she died of it soon
who had
Dionysius,
after.
ill
foreseen their design,
followed them close with only one hundred horse, and
hundred
four
twenty
foot
leagues
and having marched
with
the
almost
utmost expedition,
he
arrived at midnight at one of the gates which he found
shut against him.
He
self a passage in that
it,
and opened him-
The
richest of the cit-
set fire to
manner.
izens ran thither to dispute his entrance, but were sur-
rounded by the
soldiers,
and almost
Dionysius having entered the
all
of them killed.
put
city,
all
to the
sword, that came in his way, plundered the houses of
whom
his enemies, of
he killed a great number, and
The next day
forced the rest to leave Syracuse.

the
morning the whole body of
The unhappy
fugitives of
in
his troops arrived.
Gela and Camarina, out of
horror for the tyrant, retired to the Leontines.
Imil-
car having sent an herald to Syracuse, a treaty
was
concluded, as mentioned in the history of the Carthaginians.
01
By
one of the
articles
it
was
that Syracuse should continue under the
of Dionysius
which confirmed
had been conceived of him.

year Darius Nothus died.
It
was then he
government
the suspicions that
This happened in the
sacrificed every thing that
brage to his repose and security.

1
all
stipulated,
He knew,
Four hundred stadia.
"A.M.
3600.
gave um-
Ant. J. C. 404.
that after
Vol.
I.
188
HISTORY OF
having deprived the Syracusans of

them, he could not
horrence
fail
all
that
was
clear to
of incurring their extreme ab-
and the fear of the miseries he had to expect
in consequence, increased in the usurper in proportion
He
to their hatred of him.
many
subjects as so
looked upon
all his
new
enemies, and believed, that he
could only avoid the dangers which surrounded him
on
all
sides,
and dogged him
in ail places,
by cutting
one part of the people, to intimidate the other.
off
He
did not observe, that in adding the cruelty of executions to the oppression of the public,
he only multi-
plied his enemies, and induced them, after the loss of

their liberty, to preserve at least their lives
ing upon
his.
Dionysius,
would not
which the
ans had
their
fail
who
foresaw
that
the Syracusans
to take the advantage of the repose in
treaty lately concluded with the Carthagini-
left
them, to attempt the reestablishment of
liberty,
nothing
neglected
support of his power.

city,
by attempt-
called the Isle,
He
on
fortified the
his
side
in
part of the
which was before very strong
from the nature of its situation, and might be defended
by a moderate
garrison.
He
surrounded
it
with good
walls, flanked at due distances with high towers, and
separated in that manner from the rest of the city.
To these works he
for a retreat
and
added a strong
refuge
in
citadel, to serve
him
case of accident, and
caused a great number of shops and piazzas to be

erected, capable of containing a considerable multitude
of inhabitants.
Piod.
p. 238, 241.
As
to the lands,
189
he chose out the best of them,
which he bestowed upon
his creatures
and the
officers
of his making, and distributed the rest in equal proportion amongst the citizens and strangers, including
the slaves,
He
who had been made
free
amongst the
first.
divided the houses in the same manner, reserving
those in the
isle for
most confide
in,
such of the citizens as he could
and for his strangers.
After having taken these precautions for his secu-
he began to think of subjecting several free
rity,
which had aided the Carthaginians.
states of Sicily,
He
began with the siege of Herbesses.
The
Syracu-
sans in his army, seeing their swords in their hands,
duty to use them for the reestablish-
thought
it
ment of
their liberty.
their
At
a time
when they met
throngs to concert their measures, one of the
in
officers,
who
took upon him to reprove them on that account,
was
killed
upon the
spot,
signal for their revolt.

for the horse,
who had
of the revolution.
it
close,
barred
Etna
sent immediately to
retired thither at the beginning
Dionysius, alarmed at this motion,
raised the siege, and
keep
and his death served as a
They
marched
The
in obedience.
directly to Syracuse, to
revolters followed
him
and having seized upon the suburb Epipolis,

all
communication with the country.
received aid from their
allies
and setting a price upon the
They
both by sea and land,
tyrant's head,
promised
the freedom of the city to such of the strangers as
should abandon him.
them,
whom
humanity.
A great
number came over
to
they treated with the utmost favour and
They made
their
machines advance, and
190
HISTORY OF
battered the walls of the
vigorously, without giv-
isle
ing Dionysius the least respite.
The
tyrant, finding himself reduced to extremities,
abandoned by the greatest part of the strangers, and

shut up on the side of the country, assembled his
friends to consult with them, rather
by what kind of
death he should put a glorious period to his career,

than upon the means of saving himself.
deavoured
him
to inspire
with
divided in their opinions
new
en-
courage, and were
but at
which was,
Philistus prevailed,
means renounce
They
last the
advice of
by no
that he should
the tyranny. Dionysius, to gain time,
sent deputies to the revolters, and
demanded permis-
sion to quit the place with his adherents, which
was
granted, and five ships to transport his people and
He
effects.
had, however, sent dispatches secretly to
the Campanians,
who
garrisoned the places in the pos-
session of the Carthaginians, with offers of considerable reward, if they
would come
The Syracusans, who,
to his relief.
after the treaty, believed their
business done, and the tyrant entirely defeated, had
disarmed part of their troops, and the

great indolence and
little
the Campanians, to the

horse, infinitely
discipline.
number
surprised
rest acted with
The
arrival
of
of twelve hundred
and alarmed the
city.
After having beat such as disputed their passage, they
opened
themselves a way to Dionysius.
same time three hundred

assistance
altered,
the
face
of things was
and terror and
Dionysius, in a
sally,
soldiers
At
more arrived
the
to his
then entirely
dejection changed parties,
drove them vigorously as
that part of the city called Neapolis.
The
far as
slaughter
191
was not very considerable, because he had given orHe caused the dead to
ders to spare those who fled.
be interred, and gave those
who had
retired to
Etna to
understand, that they might return with entire security.
.Many came to Syracuse, but others did not think
The
advisable to confide in the faith of a tyrant.
Campanians were rewarded
it
and
to their satisfaction,
dismissed.
The Lacedemonians
at
this
time took such meas-
ures in regard to Syracuse as were most unworthy of
They had
the Spartan name.
and declared publicly
liberty of Athens,
cities
subverted the
lately
in all the
of their dependence against popular government.
They deputed one
of their citizens to Syracuse, to
express in appearance the part they took in the misfortunes of that city, and to offer
in reality
it
their aid
he was sent to confirm Dionysius
but
in sup-
porting himself in the tyranny, expecting, that from

the increase of his power, he
would prove of great
advantage and support to their own.
Dionysius saw, from what had so
happened
lately
at
Syracuse, what he was to expect from the people for

the future.
abroad
Whilst the inhabitants were employed
in harvest
seized upon
all
work, he entered their houses, and
the arms he could find.
wards enclosed the

fitted
of
citadel
He
after-
with an additional wall,
out abundance of ships, armed great numbers
strangers,
and
took
all
possible
measures to
secure himself against the disaffection of the Syracusans.
After having
made
home, he prepared
to
this provision for his safety at
extend his conquests abroad
192
HISTORY
O-
from whence he did not only propose the increase of

his
dominions and revenues, but the additional advan-
tage of diverting his subjects from the sense of their

lost liberty,
by turning
their attention
cient and always abhorred
them
in lofty projects,
upon
their an-
enemy, and by employing
military expeditions,
and glo-
rious exploits, to which the hopes of riches and plun-
He
der would be annexed.

the
means
conceived this to be also
to acquire the affection of his troops,
that the esteem of the people
would be
and
consequence
of the grandeur and success of his enterprises.
Dionysius wanted neither courage nor policy, and
had
the qualities of a great general.
all
either
He
took,
by force or fraud, Naxos, Catana, Leontium,
and some other towns*
in the
neighbourhood of Syra-
cuse, which for that reason were very agreeable to his
purposes.
Some
of them he treated with favour and
clemency, to engage the esteem and confidence of the

people
others he plundered, to strike terror into the
The
Leontium were
trans-
These conquests alarmed the neighbouring
cities,
country.
inhabitants of
planted to Syracuse.
which saw themselves threatened with the same misfortune. Rhegio, situated
strait
vent
which divides
it,
exiles,
upon the opposite coast of the
Sicily
and entered into an
who were
from
Italy,
alliance
prepared to pre-
with the Syracusan
very numerous, and with the Messe -
who were
nians on the Sicilian side of the
strait,
them with
They had
a powerful supply.
to aid
levied a con-
siderable army, and
were upon the point of marching
against the tyrant,
when discord
p
Etna.
Enna.
arose
among
the
193
and rendered the enterprise abortive.
troops,
minated in a treaty of peace and alliance

nysius and the two
He had
It ter-
between Dio-
cities.
long revolved a great design in his mind,
which was
to ruin the Carthaginian
power
in Sicily, a
great obstacle to his own, as his discontented subjects
never
failed of refuge in the
The
that nation.
accident of the plague, which had
ravaged Carthage, and extremely diminished
lately
its
towns dependent upon
strength,
seemed
to supply a favourable opportunity
man
of
for the
execution of his design.
ability,
he "knew that the greatness of the preparations
ought
to
But, as a
answer that of an enterprise, to assure the
success of
it
and he applied to them
manner,
in a
which shows the extent of his views, and extraordinary
He
capacity.
therefore used
uncommon
pains and
application for that purpose, conscious that the war,
which he was entering with one of the most pow-
into
erful nations then in the world,

tion,
might be of long dura-
and have variety of considerable events.
His
first
care
was
to bring to Syracuse,
from the conquered cities
in Sicily, as
as well
from Greece and
number of artisans and workmen of all

whom he induced to come thither by the offer
of great gain and reward, the certain means of engagItaly, a great
kinds,
ing the most excellent persons in every profession.
He
caused an
to be forged,
infinite
number of every kind of arms
swords, javelins, lances, partisans, hel-
mets, cuirasses, bucklers,
whom
nation
by
a great
number of galleys
ail after
the
they were to be worn.

that
manner of the
He
had from three to
benches of rowers, and were of an entirely
vol.
4.
26
built also
new
five
inven-
HISTORY OF
194
tion
with abundance of other barks and vessels for
the transportation of troops and provisions.
The whole
tfnually
sans.
city
seemed but one workshop, and con=
resounded with the noise of the several
Not
only the porches, piazzas, porticos, places
of exercise,
and public places, but private houses
of any extent were
full
of
workmen.
Dionysius
had distributed them with admirable order.

species of
arti-
artists,
their overseers
divided by streets and
and inspectors, who, by
Each
districts,
had
their presence
and direction, promoted and completed the works,

Dionysius himself was perpetually amongst the work-
men, encouraging them with

their merit.
He knew how
praise,
and rewarding
to confer different
marks
of honour upon them, according to their distinguishing
He
themselves by their ingenuity or application.
would even make some of them dine with him
own
dom
table,
at his
where he entertained them with the
free-
said, q
that
men
of all
and kindness of a
friend.
It is justly
honour nourishes arts and sciences, and that
ranks and conditions are animated by the love of glory.
The
prince,
who knows how
to put the
two great
sprngs and strongest incentives of the human soul
interest and glory, in motion, under proper regulations,

will
soon make
dom, and
fill it
all
arts
and sciences
at a small
excel in every profession.
flourish in his king-
who
happened now at
expense with persons
And
this
Syracuse, where a single person of great ability in the

art of governing, excited
<3
Honos
alit artes,
Tusc. Qusst.
1. i.
n. 4,
such ardour and emulation
omnesque incenduntur ad studia
glori.
Cic.
DONYSlfS THE ELDER.
amongst the
artificers as
195
not easy to imagine or
it is
describe.
Dionysius applied himself more particularly to the
He knew
navy.
that Corinth
had invented the
art of
building galleys with three and five benches of oars,
and was ambitious of acquiring
for Syracuse, a Corin-
thian colony, the glory of bringing that art to perfection
which he
was brought,
galleys
drawn on carriages
part of
at that
where
Italy,
it
was
and from thence
time produced abundance of pine and
was seen
in a
manner
fleet
He
fir
of two hundred gal-
to rise out of the earth
one hundred others, formerly

his order.
from
for building his
and part from Mount Etna,
In a short space, a
trees.
leys
it
to the sea side,
shipped to Syracuse
which
The timber
effected.
built,
were
refitted
and
by
caused also one hundred and sixty
sheds to be erected within the great port, each of them

capable of containing two galleys, and one hundred and
more
fifty
The
and
to be repaired.
sight of such a
fitted
out with so
fleet,
much
built in so short a time,
magnificence, would have
given reason to believe, that
all
Sicily
had united
its
labours and revenues in accomplishing so great a work.
On
the other side,
the view of such an incredible
quantity of arms newly made, would have inclined one

to think, that Dionysius
in
had
solely
employed himself
providing them, and had exhausted his treasures in
They
the expense.
forty
thousand
swords
consisted of one hundred and
shields,
and as many helmets and
and upwards of fourteen thousand cuirasses,
finished with
all
were intended
the art and elegance imaginable.
for the horse, for the tribunes
They
and cen-
1%
HISTORY Of
turions of the foot, and for the foreign troops,
the guard of his person.
who had
Darts, arrows, and lances,
were innumerable, and engines and machines of war
in
proportion to the rest of the preparations.
The
fleet
was
to be
manned by
of citizens and strangers.

raising troops
till all
Syracuse and the
offered,
his preparations
were complete.
dependence supplied him
Many came from

The
from Sparta.
brought soldiers
in
number
Dionysius did not think of
cities in its
with part of his forces.

especially
an equal
Greece,
considerable pay he
crowds from
all
parts to
list
in his service.
He
omitted none of the precautions necessary to the
success of his enterprise, the importance as well as
of which was well
difficulty
known
to him.
He was
not ignorant that every tiling depends upon the zeal
and
affection of the troops for their general,
and ap-
plied himself particularly to the gaining of the hearts,
not of his
own
subjects only, but of
of Sicily, and succeeded in

entirely
changed
his
it
all
the inhabitants
to a wonder.
He had
behaviour for some time.
ness, courtesy, clemency, a disposition to
an insinuating complacency for
all
Kind-
do good, and
the world, had
taken place of that haughty and imperious
air,
and
in-
humanity of temper, which had rendered him so odious.
He was
th e
so entirely altered, that he did not
seem
to bo-
same man.
Whilst he was hastening
his
preparations for the
war, and applying to the attainment of his subjects'

affections,
he meditated an alliance with the two pow-
erful cities,
Rhegium and Messina, which were
capa-
ble of disconcerting his great designs by a formidable
DIONVSIUS THE ELDER.

diversion.
The
league formed by those cities
time before, though without any

uneasiness.
197
He therefore
effect,
thought
it
gave him some
necessary to
He
sure of the amity of them both.
some
make
presented the
inhabitants of Messina with a considerable quantity of
which was situated
land,
lay very
of
commodiously
Rhegium an
in their
for
neighbourhood, and
To
them.
give the people
instance of his esteem and regard for
would
them, he sent ambassadors to desire that they

give
him one of their
lost his first wife in the
citizens in marriage.
He
had
popular commotion, as before
related.
Dionysius, sensible that nothing establishes a throne
more
may
effectually than the prospect of a successor,
enter into the
ests,
same designs, have the same
who
inter-
pursue the same plan, and observe the same
maxims
of government, took the opportunity of the
present tranquillity of his affairs to contract a double
marriage, in order to have a successor, to
might transfer the sovereignty,
whom
he
which had cost him
so
many pains and dangers to acquire.

The people of Rhegium, to whom Dionysius had
first applied, having called a council to take his demand
into consideration,
tract
came
to a resolution not to con-
any alliance with a tyrant
swer
returned,
that they
daughter to give him.
We shall
deep.
The
and
for their final an-
had only the hangman's

raillery
see in the sequel
was home, and cut
how
dear that city
paid for their.jest.
The
Locrians, to
whom
Dionysius sent the same
ambassadors, did not show themselves so

delicate,
but sent him Doris for a wife,
difficult
and
who was
the
HISTORY OF
is>a
daughter of one of their most
illustrious citizens.
caused her to be brought from Locris

five
in a galley
He
with
benches of rowers of extraordinary magnificence,
and shining on
sides with gold
all
and
silver.
He
married at the same time, Aristomache, daughter of

Hipparinus, the most considerable and powerful of the
Syracusan
will
citizens,
and
be said hereafter.
in a chariot
of Dion, of
whom much
She was brought
to his palace
sister
drawn by four white
horses,
which was
The
nuptials of
then a singular mark of distinction.
both were celebrated the same day with universal
was attended
rejoicings throughout the whole city, and
with feasts and presents of incredible magnificence.

It
was contrary
to the
manners and universal custom
of the western nations, from
poused two wives
at
once
thing else, the liberty
themselves above
all
all
antiquity, that
taking in
he esevery
this, as in
assumed by tyrants of setting
laws.
Dionysius seemed to have an equal affection for the
two wives, without giving the preference
to either, to
The
peo-
ple of Syracuse reported, that he preferred his
own
remove
country
all
cause of jealousy and discord.
woman
good fortune
to the stranger
to bring her
supported him not a
but the
husband the
little
trigues of the Syracusans.
latter
first
had the
son,
which
against the cabals and in-
Aristomache was a long
time without any symptoms of childbearing, though
Dionysius desired so earnestly to have issue by her,

that he put his Locrian's
mother
to death
accusing
her of hindering Aristomache from conceiving

witchcraft.
by
199
Aristomache's brother was the celebrated Dion, in
He was
with Dionysius.
great estimation
obliged for his credit to his sister's favour

distinguishing his great capacity in
own
merit
by the
many
at first
but
after-
instances, his
made him much beloved and regarded
Among
tyrant.
the other
marks Dionysius
gave him of his confidence, he ordered his treasurers

to supply him, without further orders, with whatever
money he should demand, provided they informed him

the
same day they paid
Dion had
An
it.
naturally a great
and most noble
happy accident had conduced
firm in
him
to inspire
the most elevated sentiments.
soul.
and conIt
was a
kind of chance, or rather, as Plutarch says, a peculiar

providence, which at distance laid the foundations of
the Syracusan liberty,
that
brought Plato, the most
Dion became
celebrated of philosophers, to Syracuse.

his friend
from
and
disciple,
his lessons
for
and made great improvements
though brought up
in a luxurious
and voluptuous court, where the supreme good was
made
to consist in pleasure
and magnificence, he had
no sooner heard the precepts of
imbibed a
taste for the
virtue, than his soul
his
philosophy
new
master, and
that
inculcates
was inflamed with the love of
it.
Plato, in one of his letters, gives this glorious testimony
of him, that he had never
whom
his discourses
who had
met with a young man, upon
made
so great an impression, or
conceived his principles with so
much
ardour
and vivacity.
As Dion was young and
inexperienced, observing
the facility with which Plato had

p.clinations.
changed
his taste
and
he imagined, with simplicity enough, that
HISTORY OF
20
the same reasons
would have the same effects upon the
mind of Dionysius
rest
till
and from that opinion could not
he had prevailed upon the tyrant to hear, and
converse with him.

lust of tyrannic
Dionysius consented
power had taken too deep
heart to be ever eradicated from
had penetrated
indelible dye, that
from whence
3
Though
it
was impossible ever
same
his
a root in his
was
to efface
he persevered
like
made no
Dion
in giving
offence, the
with which he spoke to him.
an
it.
instances of his esteem and confidence,
even to support, without taking
inmost soul,
the stay of Plato at the court
alteration in Dionysius,
the
It
it.
but the
and
freedom
Dionysius, ridiculing
one day the government of Gelon, formerly king of

Syracuse, and saying, in allusion to his name, that he
had been the " laughing stock " of

c
court
Sicily, the
whole
and took no small
into great admiration,
fell
pains in praising the quaintness and delicacy of the coninsipid
ceit,
and
flat
as
it
was, and indeed as puns and
quibbles generally are. Dion took
and was so bold as

the
wrong
it
to represent to
to talk in that
in a serious sense,
him
manner of a
that he
was
prince,
whose
in
wise and equitable conduct had been an excellent
model of government, and given the Syracusans a

favourable opinion
of monarchical power.
"
You
reign," added he, " and have been trusted for Gelon's
but for your sake, no
sake
after
you."
Tmv
/n<$v ax. nviivTa. <t Tupttivifoc,
iJWexTTin-ov.
Plut
It
man
was very much,
AofActus Js cvru tri
will ever
that a tyrant should
ei ?ro.?,u>
fil tccv
be trusted
^povai ftvacrraov xcttv
xgtiuv
in moral, p. 779.
s
Plut. p. 960.
>tm
XtTt\u/ma.viQav Xo/v
Tt\t* signifies
laughing stock

suffer himself to
201
be talked to in such a manner with
impunity.
SECTION
III.
WAR AGAINST THE CARTHAGINIANS.
DIONYSIUS DECLARES
VARI-
OUS SUCCESS Of IT.
DlONYSiUS
seeing
his
great preparations were
complete, and that he was in a condition to take the

field,
publicly opened his design to the Syracusans, in
them
order to interest
enterprise, and told
He
thaginians.
more
the
them
that
in the success of the
it
was against the Car-
represented that people as the perpet-
enemy of the Greeks, and

who inhabited Sicily that the
ual and inveterate

ially
of those
which had
lately
especplague,
wasted Carthage, had made the op-
portunity favourable, which ought not to be neglected
that the people in subjection to so cruel a power, wait-
ed only the signal

be much
Grecian
to declare against
for the glory of

cities
it
that
in their liberty,
after
war
that in de-
at present against the Carthaginians,
onlv preceded them in doing so for
some time
as soon as they had retrieved their losses, they
not
fail
they
since,
would
to attack Syracuse with all their forces.
The assembly were unanimously

ion.
would
having so long
groaned under the yoke of the barbarians

claring
it
Syracuse, to reinstate the
of the
same opin-
Their ancient and natural hatred of the barbari-
ans, their anger against
them
for
having given Syra-
cuse a master, and the hope that with arms in their
vol.
4.
27
HISTORY OF
202
hands they might find some occasion of recovering

their liberty, united
them
The war
in their suffrages.
was resolved without any opposition, and began that

very instant. There were, as well in the city as the
port, a great
number of Carthaginians, who, upon
faith of treaties
and under the peace, exercised
and thought themselves
by Dionysius's
authority,
assembly, ran to
their
populace,
upon the breaking up of the
houses and ships, plundered
and carried
their goods,
The
in security.
the
traffic,
They met
off their effects.
with the same treatment throughout Sicily
to
which
murders and massacres were added, by way of reprisal

for the
many
cruelties
committed by the barbarians
upon those they conquered, and

they had to expect,
the
if
to
show them what
they continued to
make war with
same inhumanity.
After this bloody execution, Dionysius sent a letter
by an herald
to Carthage, in
which he
signified that
the Syracusans declared war against the Carthaginians,

if
they did not withdraw their garrisons from
Grecian cities held by them in Sicily.

of this letter at
assembly
first in
The
the
all
reading
the senate, and afterwards in the
of the people, occasioned an
uncommon
alarm, as the pestilence had reduced the city to a
deplorable condition.
mayed, and prepared
However, they were not

for a vigorous defence.
dis-
They
raised troops with the utmost diligence, and Imilcar

set out immediately to put himself at the
head of the
Carthaginian army in Sicily.
Dionysius on his side

field
lost
no time, and took the
with his army, which daily
arrival of
new
troops,
who came
increased by the
to join
him from
all

parts.
It
amounted
The
thousand horse.
galleys,
and
five
to eighty
thousand
to
which it
and three
consisted of two hundred
fleet
He
opened the campaign with
town under the Cartha-
the siege of Motya, a fortified
more than
foot,
hundred barks laden with provisions
and machines of war.
Mount Eryx,
ginians near
203
something
in a little island
a quarter of a league
from the continent,
was joined by a small neck of land, which
the besieged immediately cut
off,
to prevent the ap-
proaches of the enemy on that side.
Dionysius having
tinus,
the care of the siege to Lep-
left
who commanded
the
fleet,
went with
his land
forces to attack the places in alliance with the Carthaginians.
Terrified
an army, they
by the approach of so numerous
surrendered, except
all
five,
which were
Ancyra, Solos, Palermo/ Segesta, and Entella.

last
Imilcar, however, to
ten galleys of his
make
fleet,
surprise in the night
ed
The
two places he besieged.

a diversion, detached
with orders to
entered
and
The commander
in the port of Syracuse.
this expedition
attack
the vessels which remain-
all
the
orders without resistance,
port
and
of
according to his
after
having sunk a
great part of the vessels which he found there, re,
well
tired
satisfied
with the
success of his enter-
prise.
Dionysius, after having wasted the enemy's coun-
down with his whole army before

Motya, and having employed a great number of hands
in making dams and moles, he reinstated the neck of
land, and brought his engines to work on that side.
try, returned,
and
sat
Six stadia, or furlongs.
Panormus.
204
HISTORY OF
The
place
was attacked and defended with the utmost
After the besiegers had passed the breach, and
vigor.
entered the city, the besieged persisted a great while

in defending themselves with incredible valor
it
so that
was necessary to pursue and drive them from house
The
to house.
fence, put
women,
before
all
children,
who had
enraged
soldiers,
them
to the
at so obstinate a de-
sword
The town was
taken refuge in the temples.
abandoned to the
age, youth,
nothing was spared, except those
soldiers' discretion
Dionysius being
pleased with an occasion of attaching the troops to his

service by the allurement and hope of gain.
The
Carthaginians
next year, and raised

sand
foot,
made an extraordinary effort the

an army of three hundred thou-
and four thousand horse.
The
fleet
Mago's command consisted of four hundred
under
galleys,
and upwards of six hundred vessels laden with proviImilcar had given the captains
sions and engines of war.
of the
fleet his
opened
till
orders sealed up, which were not to be
He
they were out at sea.
had taken
this
precaution, that his designs might be kept secret, and

to
of them to
prevent spies from sending advices
The rendezvous was

arri/ed without much
Palermo
Sicily.
at
fleet
loss
Imilcar took
Eryx by
where the
their passage.
treachery, and soon after reduc-
ed Motya to surrender.
place of importance
in
Messina seemed
because
landing of troops from Italy
it
to
him a
might favour the
in Sicily,
and bar the
passage of those that should come from Peloponnesus.

After a long and vigorous defence
and some time
after
it fell
into his hands,
he entirely demolished
it.
205
Dionysius, seeing his forces extremely inferior to
Almost
the enemy, retired to Syracuse.
all
the people
of Sicily, vho hated him from the beginning, and were
him
only reconciled to
and out of
in appearance,
fear,
took this occasion to quit his party, and to join the
The
Carthaginians.
gave the slaves
new
tyrant levied
their liberty,
board the fleet. His army amounted to

foot,
and three thousand horse, and
With
hundred and eighty galleys.

took the
thirty
thousand
his fleet to
one
these forces he
and removed about eighteen leagues
field,
Imilcar advanced perpetually with
from Syracuse.
his land army, followed by his
When
the coast.
and
troops,
that they might serve on
he arrived
at
fleet,
which kept near
Naxos, he could not
continue his march upon the sea side, and was obliged
to take a long
compass round Mount Etna, which by a
new
had
irruption
covered
his
it
set the country
He
with ashes.
coming up
at
Catana.
about
on
it
ordered his
and
fire,
fleet to
wait
Dionysius, apprized of
this,
thought the opportunity favourable for attacking

whilst separate from the land forces, and
own, drawn up
in battle
upon
the shore,
of service to animate and support his
it,
whilst his
might be
The
fleet.
scheme was wisely concerted, but the success not

answerable to
it.
Leptinus, his admiral, having ad-
vanced inconsiderately with

|.he
opinion of Dionysius,
mended
to
him not
several of the
thirty galleys, contrary to
who had
particularly
to divide his forces, at
enemy's
ships,
fleet
pursued
followed his example,
by
the
first
sunk
but upon being sur-
rounded by the greater number, was forced

whole
recom-
Carthaginians.
to
fly.
His
and was warmly
Mago
detached
206
HISTORY OF
boats
full
of soldiers, with orders to
kill all that
deavoured to save themselves by swimming
The land army drawn up
there,
saw them
erably, without being able to give
The
loss
on the side of the
more than one hundred
en-
to shore.
perish mis-
them any assistance.

was very great
Sicilians
galleys being either taken or
men
sunk, and twenty thousand
perishing either in the
battle, or the pursuit.
The Sicilians, who were afraid to

where they could not
in Syracuse,
ed very soon,
solicited
shut themselves
fail
of being besieg-
Dionysius to lead them against
whom so bold an enterprise
Imilcar,
up
might disconcert
besides which, they should find his troops fatigued
with their
The
long and hasty march.
pleased him at
first
with the victorious
but upon
fleet,
Mago,
might notwithstanding ad-
vance and take Syracuse, he thought

to return thither
proposal
reflecting, that
it
more advisable
which was the occasion of his losing
abundance of his troops, who deserted
in
numbers on
march of two days, arrived
all sides.
Imilcar, after a
at Catana,
where he halted some days to refresh
army, and
ingly
by a
He
refit his fleet,
which had suffered exceed-
violent storm.
then marched to Syracuse, and
More
enter the port in triumph.

galleys,
made
his
adorned
with the
spoils
made
his fleet
than two Hundred
of their victory,
a noble appearance as they advanced
the crews
forming a kind of concert by the uniform and regular
They
number of smaller barks
order they observed in the motion of their oars.
were followed by an
infinite
so that the port, vast as

w
it
Diof' p.
was, was scarce capable of

285296.

containing them
covered with
the whole sea being in a
sails.
At the same time on
side appeared the land army,

said,
207
composed,
manner
the other
been
as has
of three hundred thousand foot, and four thouImilcar pitched his tent in the temple
sand horse.
of Jupiter, and the
army encamped around,
at
some-
what more than half a league's distance from the

It is easy to judge the consternation and alarm
city.
prospect must give the Syracusans.
which such a
The
Carthaginian general advanced with his troops
to the walls to offer the city battle,
and
at the
time seized upon the two remaining ports
detachment of one hundred
same
by a
As he saw no
galleys.
Syracusans, he retired
motion on the side of the
contented for that time with the enemy's confessing
For
their inequality.
destroying
down
all
He
then
before him.
all
days together he laid
thirty
waste the country, cutting
the trees, and
made himself
suburb called Achradina, and plun-
master of the
dered the temples of Ceres and Proserpina.
he intrenched
walls, after
his
camp, and enclosed
others, that of
He
;
the
built three forts at

first at
the middle of the port
Pemmyra
wine.
He
some
of great
mag-
distance from
the second towards
the third near the temple of
for the security of his
Jupiter
all
Gelon and his
monument
wife Demarate, which was a
each other
with strong
it
having demolished for that purpose
the tombs, and amongst
nificence.
Fore-
would be of long duration,
siege
seeing that the
sent also a great
magazines of corn and
number of
small vessels
to Sardinia and i\frica to fetch provisions.

*
Twelve
stadia.
The
little
port,
and that of Trogilus.
208
HISTORY OF
At
same time
the
arrived Polyxenus,
whom
his
brother in law Dionysius had dispatched before into
and Greece for
Italy
brought with him
all
2 fleet
the aid he could obtain,
of thirty ships,
Pharacides the Lacedemonian.
came
in
commanded by
This reinforcement
very good time, and gave the Syracusans
Upon
spirit.
and
new
seeing a bark laden with provisions for
the enemy, they detached five galleys, and took
it.
The
to
Carthaginians gave them chase with forty
which they advanced with

carried
battle
admiral
the
others, took twenty four,
where
their
whole
their
fleet
whole
galley,
pursued the
fleet,
sail,
and
in the
damaged many
rest to the place
rode, and offered
them
battle a
second time, which the Carthaginians, discouraged by

the check they had received, were afraid to accept.
The
Syracusans, emboldened by so unexpected a
victory, returned to the city with the galleys they
taken, and entered
by
this success,
valor, for
it
in a
kind of triumph.
had
Animated
which could be only ascribed
to their
Dionysius was then absent with a small de-
tachment of the
to procure provisions, attended
fleet
by Leptinus, they encouraged each
other,
and
see-
ing they did not want arms, they reproached themselves with cowardice, ardently exclaiming, that the
time was come for throwing off the shameful yoke

of servitude, and resuming their ancient liberty.
Whilst they were
in the
midst of these discourses,
dispersed in small parties, the tyrant arrived
having
summoned an
Syracusans upon their

short time to
them from
put
and
assembly, he congratulated the

late victory,
and promised
in a
an end to the war, and deliver
the enemy.
He was
going to dismiss the
'
209
assembly, when Theodorus, one of the most illustrious

of the citizens, a person of sense and valor, took upon
him
to speak,
and
"
to declare boldly for liberty.
We
are told," said he, " of restoring peace, terminating the
What
war, and of being delivered from the enemy.

signifies
such language from Dionysius ? Can we have
peace in the wretched state of slavery imposed upon
us
Have we any enemy more
tyrant
who
to
be dreaded than the
subverts our liberty, or a war more cruel
many
than that he has m<ade upon us for so
years ?
Let Imilcar conquer, so he contents himself with

ing a tribute upon us,
our laws
lay-
and leaves us the exercise of
knows no other
the tyrant that enslaves, us
but his avarice, his cruelty, his ambition
The temples
of the gods robbed by his sacrilegious hands, our goods
made a prey, and our lands abandoned
to his instruments,
our persons daily exposed to the most shameful and

cruel treatment, the blood of so
many
the midst of us and before our eyes
citizens shed in
these are the fruits
of his reign, and the peace he obtains for us

for
the support of our liberties he built
that he has enclosed
it
yon
Was
it
citadel,
with such strong walls and high
towers, and has called in for his guard that tribe of
who insult us with impunity?

Syracusans, shall we suffer such indigni-
strangers and barbarians,
How
long,
ties,
more insupportable
than death
and generous
Bold and intrepid abroad against
itself ?
the enemy, shall
to the brave
we always tremble
like
cowards
in
the presence of a tyrant ? Providence, which has again
put arms into our hands, directs us
in the
use of them!
who hold it
would deem u.^
Sparta, and the other cities in our alliance,

their glory to be free
vol.
4.
and independent,
28
10
HISTORY OF
unworthy of the Grecian name
if
we had any
other
Let us show that we do not degenerate
sentiments.
from our ancestors.
from amongst
If Dionysius consents to retire
open him our gates, and
us, let us
let
him take along with him whatever he pleases but if

he persists in the tyranny, let him experience what
effects the love of liberty has upon the brave and de;
terminate."
After this speech,
betwixt hope and

allies,
all
the Syracusans, in suspense
fear,
looked earnestly upon their
and particularly upon the Spartans.
who commanded
their fleet rose
up
Pharacides,
to speak.
It
was
expected that a citizen of Sparta would declare in

favour of liberty
told
but he did quite the reverse, and
them, that his republic had sent him to the aid of
the Syracusans and Dionysius, and not to
upon Dionysius, or
make war
to subvert his authority.
This
answer confounded the Syracusans, and the tyrant's
guard arriving
same time, the assembly broke
Dionysius perceiving more than ever what he
up.
had
at the
to fear, used
all
self with the people,
interests
his
endeavours to ingratiate him-
and to attach the citizens
making presents
to
upon
eat with him, and affecting
them with kindness and

3
It
to his
some, inviting others to

all
occasions to treat
familiarity.
must have been about
Dionysius's brother in law,
this
time that Polyxenus,
who had
married his
sister
Thesta, having without doubt declared against him in

this conspiracy, fled
his
life,
and
from
to avoid falling into the
Dionysius sent for his
much
Sicily for the preservation
for not apprizing

*
sister,
of
tyrant's hands.
and reproached her very
him of her husband's intended
Plut, in Diod. p. 966.
211
She
flight,
as she could not be
plied,
without expressing the least surprise or
" have
mean
and not
to
abandoned
should have
my
have desired to share
No! I knew
been much happier
and misfortunes?
and the Syracusans
re-
fear,
in his
in his
dangers
it;
or
in
being called the
all
places, than, in
Syracuse, the sister of the tyrant."

not but admire an answer so
husband
nothing of
wife of Polyxenus the exile, in
osity
it.
then appeared so bad a wife to you, and of so
a soul, as to have
flight,
ignorant of
Dionysius could
of spirit and gener-
full
in general
were so charmed
with her virtue, that after the tyranny was suppressed,

the
same honours, equipage, and
which she had

her
life
and
before,
train of a queen,
were continued
after her death, the
to her during
whole people attended
her body to the tomb, and honoured her funeral with
an extraordinary appearance.
On
the side of the Carthaginians, affairs began to
take a
new
face
on a sudden.
They had committed an
irretrievable error in not attacking Syracuse

arrival,
and
sternation,
in not taking the
which the
their
advantage of the con-
sight of a fleet and
formidable had occasioned.
upon
The
army equally
plague, which
was
looked upon as a punishment sent from heaven for the

plundering of temples and demolishing of tombs, had
destroyed great numbers of their army in a short time.
I
have described the extraordinary symptoms of
the history of the Carthaginians.
To
it
in
add to that
misfortune, the Syracusans, being informed of their
unhappy condition, attacked them

and
land.
were
The
surprise, terror,
in the night
by sea
and even haste they
in to put themselves into a posture of defence^
212
HISTORY OF
threw them into new
knew
not on which side to send relief;
Many
equally in danger.
and others almost
children, ran in
The
fire.
crowds
being
all
of their vessels were sunk,
entirely disabled,
number destroyed by
They
and confusion.
difficulty
and a
old
up
greater
men, women, and
to the walls, to
that scene of horror, and lifted
much
be witnesses of
their
hands towards
heaven, returning thanks to the gods for so signal a
The
protection of their city.
slaughter within and
without the camp, and on board he vessels was great
and dreadful, and ended only with the day.

Imilcar, reduced
to
despair,
Dionysius
offered
hundred thousand crowns
secretly three
per-
for
mission to retire in the night with the remains of his
army and
fleet.
The
tyrant,
who was
not displeased
with leaving the Carthaginians some resource, to keep

his subjects in continual awe, gave his consent
only for the citizens of Carthage.
Upon which
but
Imil-
car set out with the Carthaginians, and only forty ships
leaving the rest of his troops behind.

thians, discovering
galleys, that
Corin-
from the noise and motion of the
Imilcar was
Dionysius of his
The
making
who
flight,
off,
sent to inform
affected ignorance
and gave immediate orders to pursue him
of
it,
but as
those orders were but slowly executed, they followed

the
enemy
themselves, and sunk several vessels of their
rear guard.
Dionysius then marched out with his troops
but
before their arrival, the Sicilians in the Carthaginian

service had retired to their several countries.
first
Having
posted troops in the passes, he advanced directly

a
300
talents.

enemy's camp, though
to the
barbarians, who
The
Some
fled.
the passes
was not
it
of them were taken by the troops in
others laid
down
their arms,
herald to capitulate with Dionysius,

rated
them
courage
Sicilians, lost
Only the Iberians drew up,
quarter.
quite day.
saw themselves cruelly abandoned
and betrayed by Imilcar and the

and
213
The
into his guards.
rest
and asked
and
sent an
who
incorpo-
were
all
made
prisoners.
Such was the
of the Carthaginians
fate
which
shows, says the historian, that humiliation treads upon

15
the heels of pride, and that those
who
are too
much
up with power and success,
are soon forced to
confess their weakness and vanity.
Those haughty
puffed
victors, masters of almost
Sicily,
all
who looked upon
Syracuse as already their own, and entered
at first
triumphant into the great port, insulting the citizens,

are
now reduced
the night
to fly shamefully
under the covert of
dragging away with them the sad ruins, and
miserable remains of their
fleet
and army, and trem-
bling for the fate of their native country.
who had neither regarded the
Imilcar,
sacred refuge of temples,
nor the inviolable sanctity of tombs, after having
one hundred and
fifty
thousand
men unburied
enemy's country, returns to perish miserably

thage, avenging
his service,
for
Car-
gods and men.
who was
suspicious of the strangers in
removed ten thousand of them, and under
the pretence of rewarding their merit, gave

city of
in the
at
upon himself by his death the contempt
he had expressed
Dionysius,
left
Leontium, which was

b
in reality very
Diodorus Siculus.
them
the
commo-
214
HISTORY OE
He
diously situated, and an advantageous settlement.
confided the guard of his person to other foreigners,
and the slaves he had made
He made
free.
several
attempts upon places in Sicily, and in the neighbouring

c
country, especially against Rhegium.
Italy, seeing
The
people of
themselves in danger, entered into a pow-
The
erful alliance to put a stop to his conquests.
success was tolerably equal on both sides.

d
About
this time, the Gauls,
before had burned
Rome,
who some months
sent deputies to Dionysius
make an alliance with him, who was at that time in

The advices he had received of the great
Italy.
to
preparations
making by
the Carthaginians for
war,
obliged him to return to Sicily.
The
Carthaginians having set on foot a numerous
army under
the conduct of
Mago, made new
efforts
against Syracuse, but with no better success than the
They
former.
terminated in an accommodation with
Dionysius.
He
attacked
Rhegium
again, and at
more than
all
received
But having gained
no inconsiderable check.
victory against the
first
Greeks of Italy,
in
a great
which he took
them
ten thousand prisoners, he dismissed
without ransom, contrary to their expectation, with
a view of dividing the Italians from the interests of
Rhegium, and of dissolving

might have defeated
action of favour
and
a powerful league,
which
Having by
his designs.
this
generosity acquired the good
opinion of all the inhabitants of the country, and from
enemies made them his friends and

f
Diod.
1.
xiv. p.
A Justin.
304310.
e
A. M. 3615.
allies,
Ant
J. C. 389.
he returned
1.
xx,
c. 5.

against
He was extremely ineensed
Rhegium.
that city
215
upon account of
against
him
their refusing to give
and the insolent
one of their citizens in marriage,
The
answer with which that refusal was attended.

besieged, finding themselves
an army
so numerous
expecting
no
quarter
began
assault,
incapable
as
of Dionysius, and
that
the
if
of resisting
were taken by
city
He made them pay

up
three hundred thousand crowns, deliver

the
to
vessels,
number of
hundred hostages
raised
the
which he
to talk of capitulating; to
hearkened not unwillingly.
into his
siege.
seventy,
hands
their
all
and put one
which he
after
was not out of favour
It
clemency that he acted
in this
or
manner, but to make
their destruction sure, after having first
reduced their
power.
Accordingly the next year, under the

text,
and with the reproach of

he
the treaty,
forces,
first
parties
acted
besieged them
back
sending
with
the
their
having violated
again
their
false pre-
with
all
utmost vigor.
his
Both
hostages.
The
desire
of revenge on one side, and the fear of the greatest

cruelties
of the
on the other, animated the troops.
Those
commanded by Phyto,
a brave
city
were
and intrepid man,
whom
the danger of his country
rendered more courageous.
rude
sallies.
He made
frequent and
In one of them Dionysius received a
wound, of which he recovered with great
The
siege
went on
difficulty.
slowly,
and had already con-
when
a cruel famine reduced
tinued eleven months,
the city to the last extremities.
A measure
of wheat,
of about six bushels, was sold for two hundred and
116
HISTORY OF
After having consumed
fifty livres.
all
their horses
and beasts of carriage, they were obliged
to support
themselves with leather and hides, which they boiled,
and
at last to feed
beasts
upon the grass of the
like
field
a resource, of which Dionysius soon depriv-
ed them, by making
around the
his horses eat
up
all
the herbage
Necessity at length reduced them
city.
to surrender at discretion, and Dionysius entered the
place,
which he
found covered with dead bodies.
Those who survived

men.
He
were
rather
skeletons
took about six thousand prisoners,
Such
he sent to Syracuse.
he dismissed, and sold the

Dionysius
let
as could pay fifty livres

rest for slaves.
whole weight of his
the
fall
sentment and revenge upon Phyto.
He
ordering his son to be thrown into the sea.
day he ordered the
than
whom
father to
re-
began with
The
next
be fastened to the ex-
tremity of the highest of his engines for a spectacle

to the
tell
whole army, and
him
had been thrown into the
that his son
" Then he
is
happier than
unfortunate parent.
that condition, he sent to
in
He
me by
sea.
a day," replied that
afterwards caused him to be
led through the whole city, to be scourged with rods,
and
to suffer a
thousand other indignities, whilst an
herald proclaimed, " that
the perfidious traitor
was
treated in that manner, for having inspired the people
" Say rather," answer-
of Rhegium with rebellion."
ed that generous defender of

" that a faithful citizen
is
his
to sacrifice his country to a tyrant."
and such a discourse drew

even
from the
soldiers
country's liberty,
so used, for having refused
tears
of
Such an object
from
all
Dionysius.
eyes, and
He was

afraid his prisoner
would be taken from him before he
satiated his revenge,
had
217*
and ordered him to be flung
into the sea directly.
SECTION
IV.
VIOLENT PASSION OF DIONYSIUS FOR POESY.
HIS
DEATH AND BAD
QUALITIES.
At
had
an interval which the success against Rhegium

Dionysius the tyrant,
left
who was
fond of
all
kinds of glory, and piqued himself upon the excellence of his genius,
sent
Olympia, to dispute
in his
ciiariot race
The
his
brother Thearides to
name
the prizes of the
and poetry/
circumstance, which I
which regards the

sius for poetry
am
going to
taste, or rather passion,
and
and
treat,
of Diony-
being one of his
polite learning,
peculiar characteristics, and having besides, a mixture
of good and bad in
itself,
right understanding of
makes
say as
requisite, for a
to distinguish,
it,
taste of his is either laudable or

I shall
it
much upon
wherein
the tyrant's total character,
with whose vices of ambition and tyranny

qualities
this
worthy of blame.
many
great
were united, which ought not to be disguised
or misrepresented
that justice should
are not so
the veracity of history requiring,
be done to the most wicked, as they
in every respect.
We
have seen several
things in his character that certainly deserve praise

I
mean
in regard to his
*
vol.
4.
Diod.
29
manners and behaviour

1.
xiv. p. 3.
the
HISTORY
218
0*'
mildness with which he suffered the freedom of young
Dion, the admiration he expressed of the bold and

generous answer of his
her husband's
sister
Thesta upon account of
and insinuating de-
his gracious
flight,
portment upon several other occasions to the Syracusans, the familiarity of his discourse with the
meanest
citizens,
and even workmen, the equality he observed
between
his
for
them
two wives, and
all
moderation,
equity,
commonly
is
which imply
tyrant as
that Dionysius
had more
and generosity, than
affability,
He
ascribed to him.
Alexander of
Phalaris,
and respect
his kindness
not such a
is
Caligula,
Plieras,
Nero, or Caracalia.
But
to return to Dionysius's taste for poetry.
his intervals of leisure, he loved to
unbend
In
con-
in the
versation of persons of wit, and in the study of arts and
He was
sciences.
employed himself
ially
particularly fond of versifying,
in the composition of
Thus
of tragedies.
and
poems, espec-
far this passion
of his
may be
excused, having something undoubtedly laudable

it
mean
in the taste for polite learning, the
in
esteem
he expressed for learned men, his inclination to do

them good offices, and the application of his leisure
Was it not better to employ
hours.
cise of his wit,

feasting,
dancing, theatrical
frivolous
company,
pernicious ?
them
in the exer-
and the cultivation of science, than
and other pleasures
Which
younger made when
amusements,
wise reflection
at Corinth.
gaming,
still
more
Dionysius the
Philip of
Macedon
being attable with him, spoke of the odes and tragedies

his father had left behind him, with an air of raillery
s Plut, in
Timol.
p. 243. c. lxxxv.
In Lucul.
p.
492.
and
2 1$^
contempt, and seemed to be under some difficulty to
comprehend
what time of
at
compositions
such
" the
difficulty is
posed them
infinity
his life
he had
Dionysius smartly
very great indeed
at those
of others, as
reparteed,
Why,
hours which you and
we have reason
leisure for
I,
he com-
and an
to believe, pass in
drinking and other diversions."

h
Julius Cesar
and the emperor Augustus applied
themselves to poetry, and

cullus intended to have
written the
his
and Scipio, both great cap-
to Lelius
tains, especially the latter
from lessening
Lu-
tragedies.
memoirs of
The comedies of Terence
military actions in verse.
were attributed
composed
and
that report
their reputation at
Rome,
was
that
it
so far
added
to the general esteem for them.
These unbendings therefore were not blameable

their
own
nature
this taste
laudable, if kept within
was ridiculous
for poetry
due bounds
in
was rather
but Dionysius
for pretending to excel all others in
it.
He could not
endure either a superior or competitor in
any thing.
From
being in the sole possession of
supreme authority, he
had accustomed himself
imagine his wit of the same rank with his power
in
His immod-
a word, he was in every thing a tyrant.
own
to
some
measure from the overbearing turn of mind, which emThe continual appire and command had given him.
plauses of a court, and the flatteries of those who knew
erate estimation of his
how
to
merit flowed in
recommend themselves by
his darling foible,
were another source of this vain conceit

b Suet, in Cses. c. Ivi. in
August.
and of what
HISTORY OF
220
will not a great
man, a minister, a prince,
who
self capable,
Continually paid to
think him-
has such incense and adoration
him
? It is well
known,
that Car-
dinal Richelieu, in the midst of the greatest affairs, not
only composed dramatic poems, but piqued himself
on
excellency that
his
way
and what
is
more, his
jealousy in that point rose so high as to use his authority
by way of criticism upon the compositions of those
whom
to
the public, a justand incorruptible judge in
the question, had given the preference against him.
Dionysius did not reflect, that there are things, which,
though estimable in themselves, and which do honour to

private persons, itdoes not
excel
desire to
have mentioned elsewhere Philip of Mace-
in.
become a prince to
don's expression to his son, upon his having shown too
much skill
in
music
at a public entertainment
" Are
not you ashamed,'' said he, " to sing so well ?"
It
was
acting inconsistently with the dignity of his character.

If
Cesar and Augustus, when they wrote tragedies,
had taken
cles, it
it
into their heads to equal or excel
had not only been
to them.
And
the reason
Sopho-
ridiculous, but a reproach

is,
because a prince, being
obliged by an essential and indispensable duty to apply

himself incessantly to the
affairs
of government, and
having an infinitude of various business always recurring to him, he can
make no
other use of the sciences,
than to divert him at such short intervals, as will not
admit any great progress
in
them, and the excelling
of
who employ themselves in no other study,

Hence, when the public sees a prince affect the first
those
Nihil est quod credere de se
Nbn
j*?ss*t.
earn laudatur diis-fgua patentas.
Jhvesa
,.

rank in
this
kind of merit,
he
owes
may justly conclude,
it
more important
neglects his
221
duties,
that
and what he
to his people's happiness, to give himself up to
an
employment, which wastes his time and application of
mind
ineffectually.
We
must however do Dionysius the
own, that he never was rcproachable
justice to
for letting poetry
interfere to the prejudice of his great affairs, or that
mad him
less active
and
it
on any important
diligent
occasion.
k
have already
said, that this prince, in
an interval
of peace, had sent his brother Thearides to. Olympia,

to dispute the prizes of poetry
his
name.
When
and the chariot race
in
he arrived in the assembly, the
beauty as well as number of his chariots, and the magnificence of his pavilion, embroidered with gold
silver,
attracted
spectators.
the eyes and admiration of
The
ear
was no
less
poems of Dionysius began to be

expressly for the occasion
musical voices,
all
and
the
charmed when the
He
read.
readers
who might be heard
had chosen
with sonorous,
far
and
distinctly,
and who knew how to give a just emphasis and nu~
At
merosity to the verses they repeated.
bad a very happy

deceivedby the
Eut
that
effect,
art
first
this
and the whole audience were
and sweetness of the pronunciation.
charm was soon
at
long amused by the ears.
The
in all their ridicule.
an end, and the mind not
The
verses then appeared
audience were ashamed of
having applauded them, and their praise was turned

into laughter,
scorn,
k
and
Diod.
1.
insult.
To
express their
xiv. p. 318.
These readers were called
Va.Aaii't:.
222
HISTORY OF
contempt and indignation, they tore Dionysius's rich

Lysias, the celebrated orator,
pavilion in pieces.
was come
to the Olympic
games
who
to dispute the prize of
eloquence, which he had carried several times before,
undertook to prove, that
it
was
inconsistent with the
honour of Greece, the friend and
assertor of liberty,
to admit an impious tyrant to share in the celebration
who had no
of the sacred games,
of subjecting
all
Greece to
other thoughts than
not affronted in that manner then
proved as
little
in his favour.
were
Dionysius was
his power.
;
but
the event
His chariots having
of them either carried out of
entered the
lists,
the course
by an headlong impetuosity, or dashed
all
pieces against one another.

fortune, the galley,
sius
to complete the mis-
which carried the persons Diony-
had sent to the games, met with a violent storm,
and did not return
When the pilots

tempt for the
that
And
in
it
many
was
to Syracuse without great difficulty.
arrived there, out of hatred and con-
tyrant, they reported
his vile
throughout the
city,
poems, which had occasioned so
miscarriages to the readers, racers, and even
the ship
This bad success did not
itself.
at all dis-
courage Dionysius, nor make him abate any thing

his high opinion of his poetic vein.
who abounded
The
in
flatterers,
in his court, did not fail to insinuate,
poems could
proceed only from envy, which always fastens upon
what is most excellent and that sooner or later the
invidious themselves would be convinced by demon-
that
such
injurious treatment of his
stration, to
do justice
superiority to
all
to his merit, and acknowledge his
other poets.
JDIONYSIUS THE ELDER.

*
The extravagance of Dionysius
He was
inconceivable.
but he fancied himself a
better poet, and believed that his verses
far greater
was
in that respect
undoubtedly a great warrior,
and an excellent captain
much
223
honour to him than
all
were a
To
his victories.
attempt to undeceive him in an opinion so favourable to

himself,
so that
had been an
all
the learned
table in great
way of making
ill
men and
court to
who
poets,
numbers, seemed to be in an ecstacy of
according to them, was there any comparison

all
noble in his poetry
speak more properly,
all
was
all
Never,
:
was
all
majestic, or to
divine.
Philoxenus was the only one of all the
tribe,
who
not run with the stream into excessive praise and
He was
tery.
man
did
flat-
of great reputation, and excelled
in dithyrambic poetry.
There
a story told of him,
is
which Fontaine has known how

Being
ate at his
admiration whenever he read them his poems.
great,
him
to apply admirably.
at table
with Dionysius, and seeing a very small
fish set before
him, and a huge one before the king, the
whim took him to lay his ear close to the little fish.
He was asked his meaning by that pleasantry " I was
:
inquiring," said he, " into

in the reign of
floods can give
some
Nereus, but
me
this
affairs that
young
no information
happened
native of the
yours
and
is elder,
without doubt knows something of the matter."
Dionysius having read one day some of his verses to

Philoxenus, and having pressed
him
to give
him
his
opinion of them, he answered with entire freedom, and

told
him
plainly his real sentiments.
was not accustomed

\
Dionysius,
to such language,
Did.
1.
xv. p.
SSI
who
was extremely
HISTORY OF
224
offended, and ascribing his boldness to envy, gave orders

to carry
him
called.
The whole
to the
mines
the
common jail
being so
court were afflicted upon this ac-
count, and solicited for the generous prisoner, whose
He was
release they obtained.
enlarged the next day,
and restored to favour.
At the entertainment made that day by Dionysius for

the same guests, which was a kind of ratification of the
pardon, and at which they were for that reason more
than usually gay and cheerful; after they had plentifully
regaled a great while, the prince did not fail to introduce
his
poems
into the conversation,
He
frequent subject of it.
which were the most
chose some passages which
he had taken extraordinary pains in composing, and

conceived to be masterpieces, as was very discernible
from the
self satisfaction
and complacency he express-
ed whilst they were reading.
be
his delight could not
perfect without Phiioxenus's approbation,
which he
to
But
set the greater value, as
be so profuse of
the evening before
When
it
it
was not his custom
What had
as the rest.
was a
upon
passed
sufficient lesson for the poet.
Dionysius asked his thoughts of the verses,
Philoxenus made no answer, but turning towards the

guards,
who
always stood round the table, he said in a
serious,
though humorous tone, without any emotion,
" carry
me back to
the mines."
The
prince took
all
the salt and spirit of that ingenious pleasantry without
being offended.
The sprightliness of the conceit atoned
for its freedom, which at another time
would have touch-
ed him to the quick, and made him excessively angry.
He only laughed at
of it with the poet.
it
now, and did not make a quarrel
225
He was not
in the
same temper upon
Antiphon's, which was
seemed
a gross jest of
indeed of a different kind,
to argue a violent
and
The
and brutal disposition.
prince in conversation asked which was the best kind
After the company had given their opinions,
of brass.
Antiphon
of
said, that
was the best of which the statues
Hermodius and Aristogiton were made.
witty expression,
may be
if it
called so, cost
This
him
his
life.
The friends of Philoxenus, apprehending that his
too
great liberty might be also attended with fatal conse-
quences, represented to him in the most serious man-
who
ner, tnat those
live
with princes must speak their
language that they hate to hear any thing not agreeable

;
to themselves
dissemble,
and
is
life.
that the favours
which Dionysius continually bestowed
well deserved the return of complaisance;
word, with his blunt freedom, and plain truth,
that, in a
he was
whoever does not know how to
not qualified for a court
liberalities
upon them,
that
in
danger
of losing not only his fortune,
but his
Philoxenus told them, that he would take their
good advice, and
for the future give
such a turn to his
answers, as should satisfy Dionysius without injuring

truth.
Accordingly some time
after,
Dionysius, having read
a piece of his composing upon a very mournful subject,
wherein he was to move compassion and draw tears
from the eyes of the audience, addressed himself again

to Philoxenus,
n
They had
and asked him
his sentiments
4.
it,
delivered Athens from the tyranny of the PisistratideJ.

Plut, moral, p. 78, et 833.
vol.
upon
30
HISTORY OF
Philoxenus gave him for answer one word,? which
the
Greek language has two different
one of them
implies mournful,
it
other*
it
pitiful,
In
significations.
moving
things, such
and compassion
as inspire sentiments of pity
in
in the
expresses something very mean, defective,
Dionysius,
and miserable.
who was fond of his
verses, and believed that every body must have the
same good opinion of them, took
word
that
in the
favourable construction, and was extremely satisfied
The
with Philoxenus.
rest of the
mistaken, but understood
it
company were not
in the right sense, though
without explaining themselves.
Nothing could cure
his folly for versification.
It
appears fromDiodorusSiculus, that having sent his po-
ems a second time

the
same
ridicule
to
Olympia, they were treated with
That news,
and contempt as before.
which could not be kept from him, threw him
into
an
excess of melancholy, which he could never get over,
and turned soon

phrenzy.
He
certain enemies of true merit,
with him, and that
all
the same design
They
in particular,
f O/xTg*.
whom
retired to
whence they were

all
amongst
whom
to death,
and
were Leptinus
and Philistus, who had done him such
great services, and to
stated in
at variance
accused his best friends with
some of whom he put
others he banished
power.
were always
the world conspired to the ruin
He
of his reputation.
his brother,
madness and
a kind of
after into
complained that envy and jealousy, the
recalled
their fortunes
who
he was obliged for his
Thurium
some time
and
Italy,
in
after,
his favour.
and
rein-
Leptinus
married Dionysius's daughter.

i
from
Pag. 332.
To remove
his verses,
it
his melancholy for the
was necessary
to find
227
success of
ill
some employment,
He
with which his wars and buildings supplied him.
formed a design of establishing powerful colonies
had
in the part of Italy, situated
upon the Adriatic sea
facing Epirus, in order that his fleet might not want a
secure retreat,
that side
when he should employ his forces on

made an alliance with
and with this view he
the Illyrians, and restored Alcetes, king of the Molos-
His principal design was
sians, to his throne.
to at-
make himself master of the imfor many ages amass-
tack Epirus, and to
mense treasures which had been

ing in the temple of Delphos.
Before he could set
which required great preparations,
this project
on
foot,
he seemed
to
make an
essay of his genius for
another of the same kind, though of
Having made a sudden
execution.
in the
pirates,
He
had occasion
for
five
money
hundred thousand
to
leys,
make
it
sum
livres.'
to support his great ex-
penses at Syracuse, as well
and
he
suburbs of Agyl-
lum, a city of that country, and carried away a
exceeding four millions
by
easy
irruption into
Tuscany, under the pretence of pursuing

plundered a very rich temple
it,
much more
in fortifying
the port,
capable of receiving two hundred gal-
whole
as to enclose the
city with
good
walls,
erect magnificent temples, and build a place of exercise
upon the banks of the

1
At
the
river
Anapus,
same time he formed the design of driving
the Carthaginians entirely out of Sicily.

1
Diod.
1.
xv. p. 336, 337.
1500 talents, or about 200,0001. sterling.
See the history of the Carthaginians,
A first vic-
history or
228
him almost
tory which he gained, put
to accomplish his project

battle, in
which
into a condition
but the loss of a second
his brother Leptinus
was
killed,
put
an end to his hopes, and obliged him to enter into a

treaty,
he gave up several towns to the
by which
Carthaginians, and paid them great
reimburse their expenses
sums of money
An
in the war.
which he made upon them some years
to
attempt
after,
taking
advantage of the desolation occasioned by the plague
had no better success.
at Carthage,
n
Another victory of a very
not less at his heart,
different kind,
though
made him amends, or
at least
comforted him for the
had caused
ill
success of his arms.
a tragedy of his to be represented at
Athens
for the prize in the celebrated feast of Bacchus,
was declared
nians,
ture,
who were
seems
mean and
tyrant,
the best judges of this kind of litera-
and that
Greeks
had
it
it
is
not so
very possible the aver-
for every thing that
came from a
great share in the contemptuous sentence
passed upon his poems

ever
and
victory with the Athe-
to argue the poetry of Dionysius
pitiful,
sion of the
Such a
victor.
He
in the
How-
Olympic games.
was, Dionysius received the news with inex-
pressible
transports of joy.
were made
Public
thanksgivings
to the gods, the temples
being scarce
capable of containing the concourse of the people.
Nothing was seen throughout the

and rejoicing
with
the
satisfied to
and Dionysius regaled
most extraordinary
a
city
but feasting
all
his friends
magnificence.
Self
degree that cannot be described, he
believed himself
at the
Diod.
summit of
p. .184,
385.
glory,
and did
229
the honours of his table with a gaiety and ease, and at
the same time with a grace and dignity, that

all
He
the world.
more by
civilities
charmed
invited his guests to eat and drink
example than expressions, and carried
his
his
of that kind to such an excess, that at the
close of the banquet he
was seized with
occasioned by an indigestion, of which
violent pains,
was not
it
diffi-
cult to foresee the consequences.

v
Dionysius had three children by his wife Doris,
and four by Aristomache, of which two were daugh-
named Sophrosyne,
the one
ters,
Sophrosyne was married
whom
the younger,
the other Arete.
to his eldest son
he had by his Locrian wife, and
But Theo-
Arete espoused her brother Theorides.

rides dying soon,
was
his
As
own
Dionysius
Dion married
his
widow
Arete,
who
niece.
Dionysius's distemper
Dion took upon him
left
no hopes of
to discourse to
who were
dren by Aristomache,
him upon
at the
his
life,
his chil-
same time
his
brothers in law and nephews, and to insinuate to him,

that
it
was just
to prefer the issue of his Syracusan
wife to that of a
making
desirous of
stranger.
But
their court to
whom
the Locrian's son, for
the physicians,
young Dionysius,
the throne
was intended,
did not give him time to alter his purpose

sius having
demanded
a medicine to
for
Diony-
make him
sleep,
they gave him so strong a dose, as quite stupified his

senses,
and
rest of his
He was
laid
life.
him
in a sleep that lasted
He
had reigned
him
for the
thirty eight years.
certainly a prince of very great political
andmilitary
abilities,
*
and had occasion
Pint, in Dion. p. 960.
for
them
all
in
230
history
up-
raising himself as he did from a
so high a rank.
his
established his
condition to
After having held the sovereignty-
he transmitted
thirty eight years,
successor of
mean
own
it
and
issue
peaceably to a
and had
election,
power upon such
solid foundations,
that his son, notwithstanding the slenderness of his
capacity for governing, retained

his death
all
it
twelve years after
which could not have been
effected
But
without a great fund of merit as to his capacity.
what
him
qualities could cover the vices,
which rendered
am-
the object of his subjects' abhorrence ? his
bition
knew
neither law nor limitation
his avarice
spared nothing, not even the most sacred places
his
cruelty had often no regard to the affinity of blood
and
his
open and professed impiety only
edged the
acknowl-
divinity to insult him.
In his return to Syracuse with a very favourable
wind from plundering the temple of Proserpina at Locris, " see," said he to his friends with a smile of
contempt, "
how
the immortal gods favour the navi-
gation of the sacrilegious."
w Having occasion for
money
he
to carry
the temple
against
the Carthaginians,
Jupiter,
and took from that god a robe of
rifled
on the war
of
solid gold,
which ornament Hiero the tyrant had given him out of

the spoils of the Carthaginians.
He
even jested upon
that occasion, saying, that a robe of gold
too heavy in
the
summer, and too cold
same time ordered one of wool
the god's shoulders
was much
in winter
to
and
at
be thrown over
adding, that such an habit would

J
be commodious
in all seasons.
w Cic.de
Nat. Deor.
1.
xv, n. 83, 84.

he
Another time
ordered
the
231
golden beard of
Esculapius of Epidaurus to be taken off

his reason, that
was very inconsistent
it
giving for
for the son to
have a beard, * when the father had none.
He
caused
the temple
all
the tables of silver to be taken out of
and as there was generally inscribed upon
them, according to the custom of the Greeks, to the
good gods
he would, he
said, take the benefit of their
goodness.
As
for less prizes,
such as cups and crowns of gold,
which the statues held

off without
in their hands, those he carried
any ceremony
but receiving them
and
saying,
that
it
it
was
was not taking,
idle
and ridicu-
lous to ask the gods perpetually for good things, and to
when they held out their hands themselves

them to you. These spoils were carried by
refuse them,
to present
his order to the market,
and sold
at the
and when they had got the money
public sale
for
he
them,
ordered proclamation to be made, that whoever had

in their custody
any things taken out of sacred places,
should restore them entire within a limited time to

the temples from
whence they were brought
add-
ing in this manner to his impiety to the gods, injustice to
man.
The amazing
precautions that Dionysius thought
necessary to the security of his
life,
show
to
anxiety and apprehension he was abandoned,
wore under
his robe a cuirass of brass.
He
what
r
He
never
harangued the people but from the top of an high

tower; and thought proper to make himself invul7
Apollo's statues
y
had no beards.
Cic. Tusc. Qiixst.
1.
v. n. 57, 63.
HISTOHY Ot
'2S
Not daring
nerable by being inaccessible.
any of
in
little
as possible
self to a
guard was com-
his friends or relations, his
He went
posed of slaves and strangers.
abroad as
condemn himThese extraordinary
him
fear obliging
to confide
kind of imprisonment.
to
precautions regard, without doubt, certain intervals of
when frequent
his reign,
him
conspiracies against
rendered him more timid and suspicious than usual

for at other times
we have seen
that
he conversed freely
enough with the people, and was accessible even to

In those dark days of distrust and fear,
familiarity.
he fancied that he saw

him.
boasted, by
all
mankind
word which escaped
way of
arms against
who
his barber,
he held a razor
jest, that
tyrant's throat every
in
week, cost him
his
at the
From
life.
thenceforth, not to abandon his head and
life
to the
hands of a barber, he made his daughters, though

very young, do him that despicable
they were
sars
more advanced
do himself
and when
he took the
He was
that office, not daring,
his
own daughters any
the
chamber of
first
office
scis-
and razors from them, and taught them to singe
off his beard with nut shells.
to
in years,
He
longer.
his wives at night
it
at last
reduced
seems, to trust
never went into

till
they had been
searched with the utmost care and circumspection.
His bed was surrounded with

trench, with a small
a very broad
and deep
draw bridge over it for the entrance*
After having well locked and bolted the doors of his

apartment, he drew up the bridge, that he might sleep
in security.
Plut,
Neither his brother, nor even his sons,
de garrul. p. 508.
b Plut, in
Cic.
Dion. p. 961.
de
offic.
1. ii.
n. 55.

Gould be
admitted
into his
233
chamber without
first
changing their clothes, and being visited by the guards.

Is passing one's days in
trust
and
such a continual
circle of dis-
terror, to live, to reign ?
In the midst of all his greatness, possessed of riches,
and surrounded with pleasures of every kind, during a

reign of almost forty years,
notwithstanding
all
his
presents and profusions, he never was capable of mak-
He
ing a single friend.
passed his
trembling slaves and sordid
life
with none but
and never tasted
flatterers,
the joy of loving, or of being beloved, nor the charms
of social truth and reciprocal confidence*
This he
owned himself upon an occasion not unworthy of

repetition
c
Damon
and Pythias had both been educated in

the Pythagorean philosophy, and
the principles of
were united
ship,
to
each other
which they had mutually sworn

Their
inviolable fidelity.
trial.
One
of them being
faith
own
to observe with
was put to a severe
condemned
tyrant, petitioned for permission
into his
of friend-
in the strictest ties
country, to settle his
to
to die
make
affairs,
by the
a journey
promising to
return at a fixed time, the other generously offering to
be his security.
particular,
delicate
The
courtiers,
and Dionysius in
expected with impatience the event of so
and extraordinary an adventure.
The day
fixed for his return drawing nigh, and he not appearing, every
body began
dent zeal of his friend

a manner.
c
VOL.
4.
But
to
who had bound
1. iii.
himself in such
from expressing any
he, far
Cic. de. offic.
blame the rash and impru-
n. 43.
31
Val.
Max.
1.
iv. e. 7-
fear or
434
HISTORY OP
concern, replied with tranquillity in his looks, and con-
was assured
fidence in his expressions, that he

friend would return
The
and hour agreed.
uncommon
at so
as he accordingly did
his
upon the day
tyrant, struck with admiration
an instance of
fidelity,
and softened
with the view of so amiable an union, granted him his
and desired to be admitted as a third person into
life,
their friendship.
d
He
expressed with equal ingenuity on another
One
occasion what he thought of his condition.

his courtiers,
named Damocles, was
of
perpetually ex-
tolling with rapture his treasures, grandeur, the
ber of his troops, the extent of his dominions, the
nummag-
abundance
nificence of his palaces, and the universal
of all good things and enjoyments in his possession
always repeating that never man was happier than

" Because you are of that opinion," said
Dionysius.
the tyrant to
him one day, "
proof of my felicity in person ?"
ed with joy.
The
side boards
silver,
The
taste,
offer
and make
was accept-
Damocles was placed upon a golden
covered with
bed,
you
will
carpets of
inestimable value.
were loaded with vessels of gold and
the most beautiful slaves in the most splendid
habits stood around, watching the least signal to serve
him.
The most
not been spared.
exquisite essences and perfumes had
The
tionate magnificence.
table
was spread with propor-
Damocles was
looked upon himself as the happiest
when
man
all
joy,
in the
and
world
unfortunately casting up his eyes, he beheld
over his head the point of a sword, which hung from

d Cic.
Tusc. Quxs.
1.
5. n. 61, 62.
DIONYSIUS THE ELDERthe roof only
by a
He was immedi-
single horse hair.
ately seized with a cold sweat
appeared in an instant
235
every thing dis-
he could see nothing but the
sword, nor think of any thing but his danger.
In
the height of his fear he desired permission to retire,
and declared he would be happy no longer.

natural
as
image of the
life
A very
Ours reigned,
of a tyrant.
have observed before, thirty eight years.
CHAPTER
1 HIS
II.
chapter includes the history of Dionysius
the Younger, tyrant of Syracuse, son of the former,
and that of Dion,
his near relation.
SECTION
I.
BIONYSIUS THE YOUNGER SUCCEEDS
HIS
FATHER.
HE INVITES
PLATO TO HIS COURT.
Dion ysius the Elder was

e
sons of his
Younger.
succeeded by one of his
own name, commonly
called Dionysius the
After his father's funeral had been solem-
nized with the utmost magnificence, he assembled the

people,
and desired they would have the same good
inclinations for
him as they had professed
They were very
different
character ; f for the latter

A. M. 3632.
Ant.
from each other
was
J.
for his father.
as peaceable
C. 372.
Diod.
'Id.l.xvi.p. 410.
I.
in their
and calm
xv. p. 385.
in
236
history of
his disposition, as the former
ing
was active and
enterpris-
which would have been no disadvantage to his
people, had that mildness and moderation been the
of a wise and judicious understanding, and not
effect
of natural sloth and indolence of temper.

It
was surprising
to see Dionysius the
younger take
quiet possession of the tyranny after the death of his

father, as of a right of inheritance, notwithstanding the
passion of the Sy racusans for liberty, which could not but
revive upon so favourable an occasion, and the weakness
of a young prince, undistinguished by his merit, and void
of experience.
Dionysius,
his
life in
It
seemed
as if the last years of the elder
who had applied himself towards the close of
making
his subjects taste the advantages of
some measure reconciled them
his government, had in
to the tyranny, especially after his exploits
by sea and
land had acquired him a great reputation, and infinitely

exalted the glory of the Syracusan power, which he-
had found means to render formidable

itself,
and
most potent
as well as to the
Italy.
Besides which,
it
to Carthage
states of
was to be
Greece
feared, that
should they attempt a change in the government, the

sad consequences of a civil war might deprive
of
all
those advantages
and
at the
them
same time the gen-
and humane disposition of young Dionysius gave
tle
them reason
the
most favourable hopes of
to entertain the
He
future.
peaceably ascended his
therefore
father's throne.
England has seen something of

famous Cromwell, who died
tranquillity
pomp
kind in the
bed with as much
in his
as the best of princes,
with the same honours and
this
and was interred
as the
most lawful
DIONYSIUS THE YOUNGER.
Richard his son succeeded him, and was
sovereign.
for
some time
in equal authority with his father,
he had not any of his great
Dion, the bravest, and
237
though
qualities..
at the
same time the wisest
of the Syracusans, Dionysius's brother in law, might
have been of great support to him, had

to
make use
In the
of his counsels.
held by Dionysius and
all
lie
known how
first
assembly
Dion spoke
his friends,
in
so wise a manner upon what was necessary and expedient in the present conjuncture, as
rest
were
like infants in
showed
that the
comparison with him, and in
regard to a just boldness and freedom of speech, were
no more than despicable slaves of the tyranny,
employed
prince.
solely
abject endeavour of pleasing the
in the
But what surprised and amazed them most
was, that Dion, at a time
when
the whole court were
struck with terror at the prospect of the storm forming
on the side of Carthage, and just ready to break upon

Sicily,
should
insist, that if
Dionysius desired peace,
he would embark immediately for Africa, and dispel

this
tempest to his satisfaction
or, if he preferred the
war, that he would furnish and maintain
him
fifty
galleys of three benches, completely equipped for service.
Dionysius, admiring and extolling his generous
magnanimity to the
tude to
tiers,
him
skies, professed the highest grati
for his zeal
and
affection
but the. cour-
who looked upon Dion's magnificence
proach to themselves, and
his great
power
as a re-
as a lessen-
ing of their own, took immediate occasion from thence

to calumniate him,
s
and spared no discourse that might
Plut, in Dion. p. 96Q, 9(51.
HISTORY OF
238
young prince
influence the
making himself strong
uated, that in
open
his
way
to the tyranny
An
at sea,
insin-
he would
and that he designed to
transport the sovereignty on board
nephews the sons of
They
against him.
his vessels to his
lomache.
But what put them most out of humour with Dion

was his manner of life, which was a continual reproach
to theirs
for these* courtiers having presently insin-
uated themselves, and got the ascendant of the young

tyrant,
who had been
wretchedly educated, thought of
nothing but of supplying him perpetually with
amusements, keeping him always employed

ing,
abandoned
h
pleasures.
to
women, and
all
in feast-
manner of shameful
In the beginning of his reign he
debauch, which continued for three months

during
persons
which time
all
his palace, shut
of sense and
drunkards, and
reason,
resounded
new
made
entire,
against
all
was crowded with
with nothing but
low
buffoonery, obscene jests, lewd songs, dances, mas-
querades, and every kind of gross and dissolute exnatural to believe, that
It is therefore
travagance.
nothing could be more offensive and disgusting to
them than
the presence of Dion,
who gave
virtues in such of the colours of vice as

likely to disguise
niate
him with
for arrogance,
and
sedition.
treated
him
none
his
were most
them, they found means to calum-
the prince, and to
and
into
For which reason, painting
of these pleasures.
his
If he
make
freedom of speech
for insolence
advanced any wise council, they
as a sour pedagogue,
to obtrude his lectures,

fc
his gravity pass
and
Athen.
1.
who
took upon him
to school his prince withs.
r>.

out being asked
and
debauch with the
if
rest,
he refused to share
height of virtue looked

rest of the world, of
in the
they called him a manhater, a
who from
melancholy wretch,
splenetic
239
the fantastic
down with contempt on
whom
the
he set himself up for the
censor.
And
indeed
must be confessed
it
that he
had natur-
something austere and rigid in his manners and
ally
behaviour, which
prince, nurtured
to argue an haughtiness
not
only
from
his
very capable
of nature,
young
seemed
of disgusting a
infancy
and submissions, but the best of
flatteries
amidst
his friends,
and those who were most nearly attached to him.

Full of admiration for his
integrity,
fortitude,
and
nobleness of sentiments, they represented to him, that
who ought
for a statesman,
know how
to
himself to the different tempers

to apply
them
to his purposes, his
too rough and forbidding.
to adapt
of men, and
how
humour was much
Plato afterwards took
pains to correct that defect in him, by
making him
intimate with a philosopher of a gay and polite turn
of mind,
inspire
He
whose
was very proper
conversation
him with more easy and
observes
also
upon
that
insinuating manners.
failing
him, wherein he speaks to this

I
beg you,
in point of
tirely
that
assured, that the
success of
effect
in a letter to
:
" Consider,
you are censured of being
good nature and
affairs,
is to
affability
most
to
certain
deficient
and be en-
means
to the
be agreeable to the persons
Plat. Epist.
iv.
240
HISTORY OF
whom we
with
An
have to transact.
haughty
carriage keeps people at a distance, and reduces a
man
to pass his
this defect,
court,
Notwithstanding
in solitude."
life
he continued to be highly considered at
where
his superior abilities
and transcendent
made him absolutely necessary, especially at a

time when the state was threatened with great dan*
merit
ger and emergency.

1
As
he believed, that
all
young Dio-
the vices of
nysius were the effect of his bad education, and entire
ignorance of his duty, he conceived justly that the
remedy would be
best
to associate
him
if possible
with
persons of wit and sense, whose solid, but agreeable

conversation might at once instruct and divert
sequel will
show
had a natural propensity
that
to
want parts and genius.
for the prince did not naturally
The
him
Dionysius the younger
what was good and
virtu-
ous, and a taste and capacity for arts and sciences.
He knew how to set

by which men
conversing
a value upon the merit and talents
are distinguished.
with
persons of
correspondence with them,

the
He
ability,
delighted in
and from
made himself
highest improvements.
He went
themselves have
little
or no access to
it
capable of
so far
familiarize the throne with the sciences,

;
his
as to
which of
and .by ren-
dering them in a manner his favourites, he gave them
courage
to
protection
make
their appearance in courts.
was the patent of
nobility,
His
by which he
Hf ttv^-a.S'utt nfjtt*. {-woixo;. M. Dacier renders these words, " pride

always the companion of solitude." I have shown elsewhere, wherein
,:
this version is faulty.
Art of teaching the Belles Lettres,

1
p. -505.
Plut, in Dion. p. 962.
Plat. Epist. vu. p. 327, 328.
vol.
3,

raised
them
honour and
to
good parent,
of
relation,
that
all
Nor was he
distinction.
In private he was
insensible to the joys of friendship.
affection
241
and master, and acquired the
He was
approached him.
naturally inclined to violence or cruelty
and
it
not
might
be said of him, that he was rather a tyrant by succession and inheritance, than
by temper and
inclination.
made
All which demonstrates, that he might have
very tolerable prince, not to say a good one, had an

early and proper care
disposition
But
father, to
his
children, gave
him
been taken to cultivate the happy
which he brought
whom
into* the
all
merit,
world with him*
even
his
in
own
umbrage, industriously suppressed
in
tendency to goodness, and every noble and
all
elevated sentiment, by a base and obscure education,
with the view of preventing his attempting any thing

against himself.
It
was therefore necessary
to find
person of the character before mentioned, or rather to

inspire himself with the desire of having such an
one
found.
was what Dion laboured with wonderful
This
address.
He
profound and
often talked to
he had experienced, and

he knew.
all
him of Plato,
illustrious of philosophers,
He
to
whom
as the
most
whose merit
he was obliged for
enlarged upon the elevation of his
genius, the extent of his knowledge, the amiableness
of his character, and the charms of his conversation,,
He
represented
him
world most capable of forming him

erning,
upon which
depended.
vol. 4.
He
man
of the
in the arts
of gov-
particularly as the
his
own and
the people's happiness
told him, that his subjects,
32
governed
242
HISTORY OF
for the
future with
lenity
good father governs
and indulgence,
his family,
would
as
voluntarily
render that obedience to his moderation and justice,
which force and violence extorted from them against

and that by such a conduct he would, from
their will
a tyrant,
become
a just king, to
would be paid out of

It is incredible
duced
affection
how much
whom
all
submission
and gratitude.
these discourses, intro-
from time to time, as
in conversation
by
if
accident, without affectation, or the appearance of any
premeditated design, inflamed the young prince with

the desire of knowing and conversing with Plato,
He
wrote to him in the most importunate and obliging
manner
to that purpose
couriers to
he dispatched couriers after
hasten his voyage
whilst Plato,
who
apprehended the consequences, and had small hopes of
any good
effect
of
it,
protracted the
affair,
and, without
absolutely refusing, sufficiently intimated, that he could
not resolve upon
The
obstacles
it,
without doing violence to himself.
and
difficulties,
made
to the
young
prince's request, were so far from disgusting him, that
they only served, as

his desire.
Major
Dion's,
in
it
commonly happens,
The Pythagorean
philosophers of Grecia
their entreaties with his
and
his part redoubled his instances,
and
Italy joined
who on
to inflame
used the strongest arguments to conquer Plato's

" This is not," said he, " the concern
repugnance.
of a private person, but of a powerful prince, whose
change of manners
his
will
have the same
effect
throughout
whole dominions, with the extent of which you
are not unacquainted.
these advances,
It is
himself
who importunes and
who makes
solicits
all
you to
come
243
and employs the
interest of all
to his assistance,
What more
your friends to that purpose.

conjuncture could
we
expect from the divine provi-
now
dence than that which
favourable
offers itself ?
Are you not
who
afraid that your delays will give the flatterers,
sur-
round the young prince, the opportunity of drawing
him over to themselves, and of seducing him

his resolution ?
yourself,
to
it
it
make
not be to phi-
ever be said, that Plato, whose coun-
Dionysius might have established a wise and
equitable government in Sicily, abandoned

evils of tyranny, rather than
voyage, or from
difficulties
know
it
to
all
the
undergo the fatigues of a
not what other imaginary
?"
m Plato could not

force.
change
reproaches would you not
and what dishonour would
losophy, should
sels
What
to
resist solicitations
much
his own
of so
Vanquished by the consideration of
character, and to obviate the reproach of his being a
philosopher in words only, without having ever shown
himself such in his actions, and conscious besides of the

great advantages which Sicily might acquire from his
voyage, he suffered himself to be persuaded.
The
flatterers at
the court of Dionysius, terrified
with the resolution he had taken contrary to their remonstrances, and fearing the presence of Plato, of which
they foresaw the consequences, united together against
him
as their
that
if,
all
common enemy.
according to the
They rightly judged,

new maxims of government,
things were to be measured by the standard of true
merit, and
but
no favour
for the services
to
be expected from the prince,
done the
state,
Plut. p ? 962.
they had nothing
244
HISTORY OF
further to expect, and might wait their whole lives at
court to no manner of purpose.
They
therefore
spared no pains to render Plato's voyage ineffectual,
though they were not able
to prevent
They
it.
pre-
vailed upon Dionysius to recal Philistus from banish-
ment, who was not only an able
but a great
soldier,
historian, very eloquent
and learned, and a zealous
sertor of the tyranny.
They hoped
him against Plato and
poise in
his being banished
personal
Adria, where
it
he
n
He
the
of
city
wrote the history
all
which works are
Cicero praises him much, and
Thucydides the
of
books, that of Sicily in eleven, and
in twelve
of Dionysius the tyrant in six

entirely lost.
on some
elder,
into
retired
Upon
was believed he composed the greatest
part of his writings.
Egypt,
his philosophy.
by Dionysius the
discontent,
as-
to find a counter-
Less,,
calls
him
pene pusillus Thucydides, to
signify that he copied after that author not unhappily.
The
the
courtiers at
against
Dion
to
same time made complaints
Dionysius, accusing him of having
held conferences with Theodotus and Heraclides, the

secret enemies of that prince,
upon measures
for sub-
verting the tyranny.
This was the
state of affairs
He was received
in Sicily.
with
when
Plato arrived
infinite caresses,
with the highest marks of honour and respect.
and
Upon
his landing, he found one of the prince's chariots,
equally magnificent in
ing upon him.
The
its
horses and ornaments, attend-
tyrant offered a sacrifice, as
some
singular instance of
him.
Nor was he mistaken
Diod.
i.
xiii. p.
222.
good fortune had

:
for a wise
c
if
befallen
man, who
Plat, in Dion. p. 962.
BIONYSIUS THE YOUNGER.

is
capable of giving a prince good counsels,
245
a treas-
is
But the
ure of inestimable value to a whole nation.
worth of such a person
is
rarely
known, and more
might be made of
rarely applied to the uses that
it.
Plato found the most happy dispositions imaginable

in
young Dionysius, who applied himself entirely
his lessons
finitely
and counsels
but as he had improved
to
in-
from the precepts and example of Socrates his
master, the most exquisite of
forming the mind
all
for a right taste
the pagan world in
of truth, he took
care to adapt himself with wonderful address to the
young
upon
tyrant's
humour, avoiding
his passions
all
direct attacks
taking pains to acquire his confi-
dence by kind and insinuating behaviour

ticularly
and par-
endeavouring to render virtue amiable,
at
the same time triumphantoover vice, which keeps
mankind
in its chains,
by the
sole force of allurements,
pleasures, and voluptuousness.
The change was sudden and surprising. The

young prince, who had abandoned himself till then to
and luxury, and was ignorant of
idleness, pleasure,
all
the duties of his character, the inevitable consequence
of a dissolute
began
to
life,
awaking as from a lethargic
beauty of virtue, and to
relish the refined pleasure
as passionately
of
He was
conversation equally solid and agreeable.
now
sleep,
open his eyes, to have some idea of the
fond of learning and instruction,
as he had once been averse and repugnant to them.
The court, which
always apes the prince, and
falls
in
with his inclinations in every thing, entered into the
same way of thinking.

like so
many
The
apartments of the palace,
schools of geometry, were
full
of the dust
246
HISTORY OF
made use
of by the professors of that science, in trac-
ing their figures
and
in
a very short time the study
of philosophy and of every kind of literature became

the reigning and universal taste.
The
great benefit of these studies in regard to a
prince does not consist alone in storing his
an
infinity
of
most curious,
the
useful,
mind with
and often
necessary notions of things, but has the further ad-
vantage of abstracting himself from idleness, indolence,
and the frivolous amusements of a court

ing him to a
spiring
life
him with
of habituat-
of application and reflection
of in-
a passion to inform himself in the
know
duties of the sovereignty, and to
the characters
of such as have excelled in the art of reigning
in a
word, of making himself capable of governing the

state
own person^ and of seeing every thing

own eyes, that is to say, to be indeed a king
in his
with his
but that the courtiers
unanimous
and
flatterers are
almost always
in opposing.
They were
considerably alarmed by a word that
escaped Dionysius, and showed
how much he was
affected with the discourses he had heard upon the
happiness of a king, regarded with tender affection by
common father, and the wretched

tyrant, whom they abhor and detest.
his people as their
condition of a
Some days after Plato's arrival, was the anniversary, on

which a solemn
sacrifice
the prince's prosperity.

this effect,
was
offered in the palace for
The
herald having prayed to
according to custom, " that
it
would please
the gods to support the tyranny, and preserve the

tyrant," Dionysius,
whom those terms
who was
not far from him, and to
began to grow odious, called out

T
to
him
aloud, " will
you not give over cursing me ?"
and his party were
Philistus
infinitely
expression, and judged from
must give Plato an

sius, if the
alarmed
and habit
that time
it,
at that
invincible ascendant over
Diony-
correspondence of a few days could so
They
his disposition.
entirely alter
themselves at work upon
agems
247
therefore
new and more
set
effectual strat-
against him.
They began by
turning the retired
nysius led with Plato,
and the studies
ployed himself, into ridicule, as

a philosopher of him.
But
if
life
in
which Dio-
which he em-
make
he intended to
was not
that
they
all;
laboured in concert to render the zeal of Dion and
They
Plato suspected, and even odious to him.
represented them as impertinent censors and imperious
pedagogues,
who assumed an
which neither consisted with
wonder
the
that a
young prince
most excellent natural
authority over
his age or rank.

like
it
and amidst the best
difficult to
ported himself, should at length give

insinuations in
no
It is
Dionysius, who, with
parts,
examples, would have found
him
way
to
have supsuch
artful
a court that had long been infected,
where there was no emulation but
to excel
in vice,
and where he was continually besieged by a crowd of

flatterers
incessantly praising and
admiring him in
every thing.
But
the principal application of the courtiers
was
decry the character and conduct of Dion himself

separately,
gether,
and
not
nor in the method of whisper, but altoin public.
They
talked openly, and to
whoever would give them the hearing,

ble,
to
Dion made use of
that
it
was visi-
Plato's eloquence to insinuate
248
HISTORY OF
and enchant Dionysius, with design
to
draw him
into
a voluntary resignation of the throne, that he might

take possession of
nephews, the children of
for his
it
Aristomache, and establish them in the sovereignty.
They
added, that
it
was very extraordinary and afflict-
ing, that the Athenians,
who had
Sicily with great forces both

all
formerly invaded
by sea and
which had
land,
perished there without being able to take Syracuse,
should
now
with a single sophist attain their point,
and subvert the tyranny of Dionysius, by persuading
him
to dismiss the ten thousand strangers of his
to lay aside his fleet of four
always kept
in readiness for service
his ten thousand horse,

foot
hundred
guard
and to disband
in the
academy, the
place where Plato taught, a pretended supreme
not explicable, and to

ation
to
make himself happy
by the study of geometry,
Dion and
his
nephews
which he
and the greatest part of his
for the sake of going to find
galleys,
a real
whilst he
in
good
imagin-
abandoned
and substantial
felicity,
consisting in empire, riches, luxury, and pleasure.
SECTION
II.
BANISHMENT OF DION.
The
upon making the best use of

every favourable moment, perpetually besieged the
courtiers, intent
young prince, and covering their
secret motives under
the appearance of zeal for his service, and an affected
moderation
in
regard to Dion, incessantly advised him
to take proper measures for the security of his
throne,
Such repeated discourses soon
life
and
raised in the
249
mind of Dionysius the most violent suspicions of Dion,

which presently increased into fierce resentment, and
broke out
in
an open rupture.
Letters were privately
brought to Dionysius, written by Dion to the Carthaginian ambassadors, wherein he tells them, " that when
they should
them not
advise
presence
peace with Dionysius, he would
treat of
to
open the conferences but
because he would
more firm and
their treaty
assist
lasting."
them
in
in his
making
Dionysius read
these letters to Philistus, and having concerted with
him what measures
to take," he
amused Dion with the
appearance of a reconciliation, and led him alone to the

sea side below the citadel, where he
letters,
showed him
his
and accused him of having entered into a league
him with
against
Dion would
the Carthaginians.
have justified himself, but he refused to hear him, and
made him immediately go on board

which had orders to carry him
to the coast of Italy,
Dion immediately after set
and to leave him there.

Peloponnesus.
sail for
a brigantine,
So hard and unjust a treatment could not
fail
of
making abundance of noise, and the whole city declared

against
it
especially as
it
was reported, though with-
out foundation, that Plato had been put to death.

r
Dionysius,
who apprehended
the consequences* took
pains to appease the public discontent, and to obviate
He
complaints.
transport to
him
merous family
As
gave Dion's relations two vessels to
in
Peloponnesus his riches and nu-
for
he had the equipage of a king.
soon as Dion was gone, Dionysius
made
change his lodging, and brought him into the

p
Diod.
VOL.
1.
* Plut. p.
xvi. p. 410, 411.
4>.
33
964.
Plato
citadel
in
Plat, epist. vii.
50
HISTORY OF
appearance to do him honour, butin realty toassure him*

self of his person,
in
and prevent him from going to join Di-
In bringing Plato nearer to him, he might also have
on.
view the opportunity of hearing him more frequently
and more con modiously.
For, charmed with the de-
lights of his conversation,
and studious of pleasing him
in every thing, and to merit his affc ction, he had conceiv-
ed an esteem, or rather passion for him, which rose even

to jealousy, but a jealousy of that violence, that could
suffer neither
companion nor rival. He was
for engross-
ing him entirely to himself, for reigning solely in his
thoughts and affections, and for being the only object of

his love
He seemed Content to
and esteem.
his treasures and authoiity, provided he
Plutarch has reason to
ship to his.
Ph-to had
a tyrannic affection.
all
better than Dion, and not prefer the latter's friend-
him
for
give him
would but love
it
had
all
the
Sometimes
it
was all
friendship, caresses,
and soon
menaces,
after
it
sometimes
fierce passion,
passion
from
it
jealousy.
and fond
effusion of heart,
less swell of tender sentiments

pi ouches,
to suffer
symptoms of the most ardent
unbounded
spect, with an
much
call this
re-
and an endit
was all
re-
and wild emotion
sunk into repentance, excuses,
tears,
and humble entreaties of pardon and forgiveness.
About
this
for Plato,
time a war broke out very conveniently
which obliged Dionysius to restore him
his liberty j and send
toould have laden
them,
s
ize,
him with
At
his departure,
he
presents, but Plato refused
contenting himself with his promise to recal
In arnore h sec
indui
him home.
to
omnia insunt
in amore
vitia
suspiciones, inimicilise, injuria,
in Eunuch.
h&c sunt mala, bellum, pax rursum. Horat.
bellum, pax rursvim.
Terent.
Dion
the following spring
and only sent him
he did not keep his word,
his revenues,
desiring Plato in his
letters
to excuse his breach of promise
fixed,
and
to
impute
it
251
at the
time pre-
He
only to the war.
assured
him, as soon as peace should be concluded, that Dion

should return
upon
should continue quiet,
however, that
condition,
and
he
not intermeddle in affairs,
nor endeavour to lessen him in the opinion of the
Greeks.
went
Plato, in his return to Greece,

at
games
to see the
Olympia, where he happened to lodge amongst
strangers of distinction.
He
and passed whole
ate
days with them, behaving himself in a plain and simple
manner, without ever mentioning
Socrates or the
academy, or making himself known

except that his name was Plato.
The
in
any thing,
strangers were
overjoyed with having met with so kind and amiable

a
of
companion
common
that he
but, as he never talked of any thing out
conversation, they had not the least notion
was the philosopher whose reputation was so
universal.
When
the
games were
over, they
went
with him to Athens, where he provided them with

lodgings.
They were
when
scarce arrived there,
they desired him to carry them to see the famous philosopher of his name,
who had been Socrates's disciple.

man upon
Plato told them smiling, that he was the
which the strangers, surprised
at their
having possessed
so inestimable a treasure without knowing
much
it,
were
displeased with, and secretly reproached them-
selves for not having discerned the great merit of the
man, through the

thrown over
it,
that account.
veil of simplicity
whilst they admired
and modesty he had
him
the
more upon
252
HISTORY OF
The
He
time Dion passed at Athens was not
employed
chiefly in the study of philosophy, for
it
which he had a great

passion.
how to
He knew,
confine
himself up to
it
it
taste,
and which was become his
however, which
within
at the
its
is
not very easy,
just bounds,
and never gave
expense of any duty.
same time Plato made him contract
the
lost.
It
-a
was
at
particular
nephew Speusippus, who, uniting
friendship with his
the easy and insinuating manners of a courtier, with
the gravity of a philosopher,
knew how
to associate
mirth and innocent pleasure with the most serious

affairs,
men
and by that character, very rarely found among
of learning, was the most proper of
soften
what was too rough and austere
all
in the
men
to
humour
of Dion.
Whilst Dion was
at
Athens,
it fell
to Plato's turn to
give the public games, and to have tragedies performed

at the feast of
Bacchus, which was usually attended
with great magnificence and expense, from an extraordinary emulation which had
Dion defrayed
studious of
lic,
all
grown
into fashion.
the whole charge.
Plato,
occasions of producing
him
was well pleased
his magnificence
to resign that
who was
to the pub-
honour to him, as
might make him
still
better beloved
and esteemed by the Athenians.
Dion visited also the other cities of Greece, where he

was present at all their feasts and assemblies, and conversed with the most excellent wits, and the most
profound statesmen.
company by
in persons
the
He was
loftiness
not distinguished in
and pride too
common
of his rank, but, on the contrary, by an

*
Plut, in Dion. p.
964
DIONYSIUS THE YOUNGERrr
rted, simple,
un
tl
It
and modest
his reflections.
tht highest honours, and the

a
and especially by
vation of his genius, the extent of his
and the wisdom of
him
air
25$
knowledge,
All cities paid
citizen of Sparta, without regard to the resent-
nit nt of
them
Dionysius, though he actually assisted
at that 'irne with a powerful supply in their
the Thebans,
war against
So many marks of esteem and
He
tion alarmed the tyrant's jealousy.
distinc-
put a stop to
the renin ta nee of Dion's revenues, and ordered

to be received by his
u
him
Lacedemonians declared
own
them
officers.
After Dionysius had put an end to the war he was
engaged
in Sicily,
in
of which history relates no cir-
cumstance, he was afraid that his treatment of Plato
would prejudice the philosophers against him, and
make him
pass for their enemy.
invited the
For
most learned men of Italy
where he held frequent assemblies,

foolish ambition, he
in
this reason
to his
he
court,
which, out of a
endeavoured to excel them
all
in
eloquence and profound knowledge, venting, without

application, such of Plato's discourses as he retained.
But
as he had those discourses only by rote,
and his
heart had never been rightly affected with them, the
source of his eloquence was soon exhausted.
perceived what he had

ter use of that treasure
lost,
all
by not having made a bet-
of wisdom once in his
possession, and under his
heard, in
He then
own
roof,
own
and by not having
their extent, the admirable lectures of the
greatest philosopher in the world.
As
in tyrants
every thing
Dionysius was suddenly

Plat, epist. vii. p.
338340.
is
violent and irregular,
seized with an excessive

Plut, in Dion. p. 964, 966.
254
history or
desire of seeing Plato again, and used
purpose.
He
for the
made
means
for that
prevailed upon Architas and the other
Pythagorean philosophers, to write

return with
all
manner of
all
to
him
security,
that he
and
might
be bound
to
performance of all the promises which had been
They deputed Archidemus
to him.
and Dionysius sent
same time two
at the
to Plato,
galleys of
three benches of rowers, with several of his friends on
He
board, to entreat his compliance.

letters to
him with
declared, that
if
own
his
he came, that he might
wrote
hand, in which he frankly
he would not be persuaded to
Dion had nothing
Sicily,
also
him
to expect from
come
to
but
if
entirely dispose of every thing
in his power.
Dion received
several letters at the
who
pressed him to prevail upon
his wife
and
Plato to
make the voyage, and to
sister,
same time from
satisfy the
impatience
new pretexts
account.
Whatever repughe could not resist the warm
of Dionysius, that he might have no

against
him upon
that
nance Plato had to

solicitations
made
it,
to him,
and determined to go
to
Sicily for the third time, at seventy years of age.
His
gave the whole people new hopes,
arrival
flattered
themselves that his wisdom would
overthrow the tyranny

inexpressible.
dens
the apartment of the gar-
most honourable
and had so much confidence

his access to
ed
him
at length
and the joy of Dionysius was
He appointed
for his lodging, the
who
in
at all hours,
in the palace,
him, that he suffered
without being search-
a favour not granted to any of his best friends.
After the
first
caresses were over, Plato
entering into Dion's
affair,
was
for
which he had much
at
DIONYSIUS THE ELDER,.

and which
heart,
voyage
was the
but Dionysius put
255
principal motive of his

it
off at first
to
which
ensued complaints and murmurings, though not outwardly expressed for some time. The tyrant took
great care to conceal his sentiments
endeavouring by
all
that head,
manner of honours, and by
possible regard and complacency,
all
to abate his friend-
Plato dissembled on his side, and
ship for Dion.
though extremely shocked

faith,
upon
at so notorious a
breach of
he kept his opinion to himself.
Whilst they were upon these terms, and believed

that
no body penetrated their secret, Helicon of Cyzi-
cum, one of
on
a certain
Plato's
particular friends, foretold, that
day there would be an eclipse of the sun
which happening according

at the hour,
to his prediction,
Dionysius was so
astonished at
pher, that he
it,
a proof that he
made him
much
surprised and
was no great
a present of a talent.
pus jesting upon that occasion,
exactly
said, that
philosoAristip-
he had also
something verv incredible and extraordinarv to foretel.

Upon being pressed to explain himself, " I prophesy/'
said he, " that
Plato,
it
will not
who seem
be long before Dionysius and
to agree so well with each other, will
be enemies."
Dionysius verified
this prediction
for
being weary
of the constraint he laid upon himself, he ordered
Dion's lands and
money
to his
own
be sold, and applied the
effects to
use.
all
At
the
same time he made
Plato quit the apartments in the garden, and gave
him
another lodging without the castle in the midst of his

guards,
who had
long hated him, and would have been
glad of an opportunity to
kill
him, because he had
256
HISTORY OF
advised Dionysius to renounce the tyranny, to break
them, and to
without any other guard but the
live
Plato was sensible that he
love of his people.

his
life
to the tyrant's favour,
who
owed
restrained the fury
of his guard.
Architas, the celebrated Pythagorean philosopher,
who was
the principal person, and supreme magistrate
of Tarentum, had no sooner heard of
Plato', great
danger, than he sent ambassadors with a gs
y of
demand him from Dionysius and to

.remind him, that he came to Syracuse only upon his
thirty oars to
promise, and that of
who had engaged
all
the Pythagorean philosophers,
for his safety
could not retain him against his

insult to
that therefore
will,
he
nor suffer any
be done to his person, without a manifest
breach of faith, and absolutely forfeiting the opinion of

all
honest men.
These
just remonstrances
a sense of shame in the tyrant,
who
at last
awakened
permitted
Plato to return into Greece.

v
Philosophy and wisdom abandoned the
with him.
palace
To the conversations, as agreeable as useful
to that taste and passion for the arts
and sciences, to
the grave and judicious reflections of a profoundly
wise politician,
idle, tattle, frivolous
a stupid indolence,
entirely
amusements, and
averse to every thing
serious or reasonable, were seen to succeed.
tony,
empire
Glut-
drunkenness, and debauchery, resumed their

at the court,
of virtue,
which
it
and transformed
had been under
stable of Circe.
*
it
from the school
Plato, into the real
Plut, in Moral, p. 52.
DIONYSIUS THE YOUNGER,
SECTION
III.
DIOV SETS OUT TO DELIVER SYRACUSE.
When
257
HIS DEATH.
w Plato had quitted Sicily, Dionysius threw
reserve, and married his sister Arete, Dion's
off all
wife, to Timocrates, one of his friends.
treatment was
manner the
in a
that
moment Dion
open
force,
and
to
revenge himself for

Plato did
in his
all
foretold the misfortunes
the
all
power
his resolution, but finding his
ineffectual, he
to occasion,
From
resolved to attack the tyrant with
he had done him.
him change
So unworthy a
signal of the war.
wrongs
to
make
endeavours
he was about
and declared, that he must expert neither
assistance nor relief from
him
that as he
had been the
guest and companion of Dionysius, had lodged in his
same
palace, and joined in the
the
same time, not
to be
him, he
sacrifices with
should never forget the duties of hospitality
and
wanting to his friendship for
Dion, that he would continue neuter, always ready

discharge the
at
to"
oHkes of a mediator between them,
though he should oppose
their designs,
when they
tended to the destruction of each other.
Whether prudence
that
Dion could not
or gratitude, or the conviction
justifiably
undertake to dethrone
On
Dionysius, this was Plato's opinion.

hand, Speusippus, and
all
perpetually exhorted him
of Sicily, which opened

to receive
him with
A. M. 3643.
vol.
4.
its
the rest of Dion's friends,

to
go and restore the
arms
to him,
the utmost joy.
Ant. J C. 361.
.
34
the other
liberty
and was ready
This was indeed
Plut, in Dion. p. 966, 968!
HISTORY OF
258
the disposition of Syracuse, which Speusippus, during
had
his residence there with Plato,
This was the universal
rienced.
sufficiently
expe-
cry, whilst they
im-
portuned and conjured Dion to come thither, desiring
him
not to be in pain for the want of ships or troops,
but only to embark in the
first
with, and lend his person and
merchant ship he met
name
to the Syracusans
against Dionysius.
Dion did not
From
upon taking
hesitate any longer
which
resolution,
one respect cost him not a
in
the time that Dionysius had obliged
Syracuse and
Sicily,
most agreeable
person,
who
he had led
like
in his
was possible
life it
He
to quit
banishment the
to imagine, for a
him had contracted
delights of study.
him
that
little.
a taste for the
enjoyed in peace the conver-
sation of the philosophers, and was present at their
disputations, shining in a
himself,
manner
entirely peculiar to
by the greatness of his genius, and the
of his judgment
going to
all
solidity
the cities of the learned
Greece, to see and converse with the most eminent for
knowledge and capacity, and

ablest politicians
to correspond with the
leaving every where the marks of
his liberality
and magnificence, equally beloved and
respected by
all
that
knew him
and receiving wher-
ever he came, the highest honours, which were ren-
dered more to his merit than his

so happy a
life
that he
relief of his country,
to deliver
it
it
birth.
It
was from
withdrew himself to go to the
which implored
his protection,
and
from the yoke of a tyranny under which
had long groaned.
259
No enterprise perhaps was ever formed with so much

boldness, or conducted with so
began to
much prudence.
raise foreign troops privately
number
of considerable persons, and
head of
affairs,
surprising, of
who were
joined with him.
who were
But what
in this expedition
The
the place of rendezvous,
isle
so
number of almost
eight hundred
but
all
of
and experience
amongst the most brave and war-
in fine, highly
troops which
fear
occasions, excellently
disciplined and robust, of an audacity

rarely to be found
much had
of Zacynthus was
where the troops assembled,
them courage proved on great
and
very
is
not less than a thousand, only twenty five
accompanied him
like
at the
those the tyrant had banished, and
all
got possession of them.
to the
A great
concealment of his design.
for the better
Dion
by proper agents,
Dion was
in
capable of animating the
hopes of finding
in
Sicily,
and of setting them the example of fighting with
all
the
valor so noble an enterprise required,
But when they were
known
armament was intended
that this
and Dionysius, for

they were
all
in
till
and
to set forwards,
then
it
it
was
against Sicily
had not been declared,
a consternation, and repented their
having engaged in the enterprise, which they could not

but conceive as the
folly,
thing to the hazard.

for
effect
of extreme rashness and
that in the last despair
all
for putting every
Dion had occasion
his resolution
the troops, and
was
remove
and eloquence
their fears.
at this
to
But
time
reanimate
after
he had
spoke to them, and with an assured, though modest

tone,
had made them understand, that he did not lead
them
into this expedition as soldiers,
but as
officers.
260
HISTORY OF
to put
them
head of the Syracusans, and
at the
people of Sicily,
who had been
the
long prepared for a
and sadness were changed into
their dread
revolt,
all
shouts of jov, and they desired nothing so
much
as to
proceed on their voyage.
Dion having prepared
a magnificent sacrifice to be
offered to Apollo, put himself at the head of his troops
completely armed, and
equipage marched
in that
He
in procession to the temple.
afterwards gave a
great feast to the whole company, at the end of which,

after the libations
and solemn prayers had been made,
there happened a sudden eclipse of the
who was well
versed
in the
reassured his soldiers,
upon
that account.
moon.
Dion,
causes of such appearances,
who were at first in some terror

The next day they embarked on
board two trading vessels, which were followed by a

third not so large, and by
Who
a
man
two barks of
thirty oars.
could have imagined, says an historian,* that
with two merchant vessels should ever dare to
attack a prince
who had y four hundred ships of war, one
hundred thousand
foot,
and ten thousand horse, with
magazinesof arms, and corn in proportion, and treasures

sufficient to
this,
pay and maintain them
who, besides
all
was in possession of one of the greatest and strong*
Diod.
1.
xvi. p. 413.
easy to comprehend how the two Dionysii were capable of

maintaining so great a force by sea and land, their dominions being only
apart of Sicily, and consequently of no great extent. It is true, that the
city of Syracuse had been very much enriched by commerce ; and that
y It is not
those two princes received great contributions both from the places of
Sicily and Italy in their dependence
but it is still no easy matter to
;
conceive
how
all this
should suffice to the enormous expenses of Diony-
sius the elder, in fitting out great fleets, raising and maintaining
armies, and erecting magnificent buildings.
were
numerous
be wished, that
historians had given us some better lights upon this head.
It
to
261
est cities then in the world, with ports, arsenals,
and
impregnable citadels, with the additional strength and

support of a great
will
number
of potent
allies ?
The
event
whether force and po ver are adamantine
show,
chains for retaining a state in subjection, as the elder
Dionysius
flattered himself
or
the goodness, hu-
if
manity, and justice of princes, and the love of subjects,

are not infinitely stronger and
z
Dion having put
troops,
sea with his small
to
was twelve days under
and the thirteenth arrived

about twelve or
they
more indissoluble
fifteen
at
with
body of
wind,
little
Pachynus, a cape of Sicily,
leagues from Syracuse.
came up with that place,
they must land
sail
ties.
When
the pilot gave notice that
directly, that there
was reason to fear an
But
hurricane, and therefore not proper to put to sea.
Dion,
who apprehended making
his descent so near
the enemy, and chose to land further
off,
doubled the
cape of Pachynus, which he had no sooner passed, than
a furious storm arose, attended with rain, thunder
and lightning, which drove his ships

coast of Africa,
where they were
in
to the eastern
great danger of
Happily for them
dashing to pieces against the rocks.
a south wind rising suddenly, contrary to expectation,
they unfurled
all
their
sails,
and
after
having
made
vows
to the gods,
They
ran in this manner four days, and on the
they stood out to sea for Sicily.

fifth
entered the port of Minoa, a small town of Sicily
under the Carthaginians, whose commander Synalus
was Dion's
perfectly
particular friend
well received, and
* Plut, in
Dion.
p.
968972-
and guest.
would have
Diod.
1.
xvi.
They were
staid there
414 417.
262
HISTORY OF
some time to refresh themselves,
after the
they had suffered during the storm,
if
rude fatigues
they had not
been informed that Dionysius was absent, having embarked some days before
ed by eighty
for the coast of Italy, attend-
The
vessels.
on against the enemy
estly to be led
demanded
soldiers
;
earn-
and Dion, hav-
ing desired Synalus to send his baggage after him,
when
marched
proper,
directly to Syracuse.
His troops increased considerably upon
by
the great
from
known
number of
at Syracuse,
Dion's wife, the

left
the
to join
him
of his arrival being soon
Timocrates,
sister of
command
who came
those
The news
parts.
all
his route,
who had married
Dionysius, to
whom he
had
of the city in his absence, dispatched
a courier to him into Italy, with advice of Dion's prog-
But
ress.
that courier, being almost at his journey's
end, was so fatigued with having run the best part of

the night, that he found himself under the necessity
of stopping to take a
a wolf,
attracted
which he had
little
sleep.
In the
mean
time,
by the smell of a piece of meat,
came
in his wallet,
to the place,
and
ran away with both the flesh and the bag, in which
he had also
by
this
ing
put his
means prevented
that
Dion was
Dionysius
dispatches.
was
some time from know-
for
arrived,
and then received the
news from other hands.
When
Dion was near
the Anapus, which runs
about half a league from the
city,
he ordered his
troops to halt, and offered a sacrifice upon the river

side, addressing his prayers to the rising
who were
present, seeing
him with
sun.
All
wreath of flowers
upon his head, which he wore upon account of the
263
crowned themselves also in the same manner,
sacrifice,
as animated with one and the same
He had been
spirit.
joined on his march by at least five thousand men, and
advanced with them towards the

siderable of the inhabitants
him
to receive
people
fell
at the gates.
upon the
The most
city.
con-
came out in white habits

At the same time the
tyrant's
friends,
and upon the
spies and informers, an accursed race of wretches, the
enemies of the gods and men, says Plutarch, who
made
the business of their lives, to disperse them-
it
selves into
all
pry into
their affairs,
all
parts, to
mingle with the citizens, to
and to report to the tyrant
whatever they said or thought, and often what they

neither
said
These were the
nor thought.
first
victims to the fury of the people, and were knocked
on the head with staves immediately.
Timocrates,
not able to throw himself into the citadel, rode off on
horseback.
At
that instant
nificently
side,
Dion appeared within
He marched
walls.
at the
sight of the
head of his troops mag-
armed, with his brother Megacles on one
and Callippus the Athenian on the other, both
crowned with chaplets of
After him
came
soldiers, fine troops,
whom
flowers.
one hundred of the foreign
he had chosen for his guard.

order
of battle,
them.
The Syracusans
whom
pleasure, and
The
rest followed in
their officers at the
head of
beheld them with inexpress-
and received them as a sacred pro-
ible satisfaction,
cession,
with
the gods themselves regarded with
who
restored
them
democracy, forty eight years

ished from their city.
their liberty with the
after they
had been ban-
2G4
HISTORY OF
After Dion had
made
he ordered the
his entry,
trumpets to sound to appease the noise and tumult
and silence being made, an herald proclaimed, that
" Dion and

and
tyranny,
people
And
Megacles were come
of
being
from
desirous
went
person, he
Syracusans
to free the
Sicily
the yoke
through the quarter called
the
tyrant."
people
of
in
the city,
Wherever
Achradina.
he passed, the Syracusans had
the
all
the
the
upper part
the
to
and
of
harangue
to
to abolish
on both sides
set out,
of the streets, tables and bowls, and had prepared

victims, and as he
threw
all
sorts
came
before their houses, they
of flowers
vows and prayers
him
to
upon him, addressing

Such was
as to a god.
the origin of idolatry, which paid divine honours to
who had done
those
And
nal services.
so valuable,
citadel,
as that of
speech to
far
from the
high pedestal, erected by Dio-
the
utmost
exhorted
people,
efforts for the
tion of their liberty.
The
with what he said, and

affection,
elected
to
and
it,
them
and
to
in
employ
recovery and preservaSyracusans,
transported
express their gratitude
him and
generals with supreme authority

sent,
Not
Dion placed himself upon
nysius.
and
liberty
gift,
and below the place called Pentapilas, stood
a sun dial upon a
their
the people any great and sig-
can there be any service, any
his brother
;
at their entreaty, joined
and by
captain
their con-
with them twenty
of the most considerable citizens, half of whom were

of the
number of
those
who had been banished by
Dionysius, and returned with Dion.
Having afterwards
he
erty,
and
fortified
taken the castle of Epipolis,
who were
set the citizens
it
265
prisoners in
it
at lib-
Dionysius
with strong works.
arrived from Italy seven days after, and entered the
by
citadel
The same day
sea.
Dion the arms which he had
left
These he distributed amongst the
cit-
carriages brought
with Synalus.
izens,
number of
a great
who were
unprovided.
armed and
All the rest
equipped themselves as well-as they could, expressing

the greatest ardour and satisfaction.
Dionysius began by sending ambassadors
Dion
to
and the Syracusans with proposals which seemed very
The answer
advantageous.
was, that by
way of pre-
he must abdicate the tyranny
liminary,
From
Dionysius did not seem averse.
and
to interviews
conferences
feints to gain time,
to
thence he
which
were
came
only
and abate the ardour of the Syra-
cusans by the hope of an accommodation.

ingly,
which
having made the deputies,
Accord-
who were
sent to
him, prisoners, he suddenly attacked with
treat with
a great part of his troops the
Syracusans
had
surrounded the
several breaches in
assault, put
immediately
wall
it.
with which the
citadel,
and made
So warm and unexpected an
Dion's soldiers into great confusion,

fled.
Dion endeavoured
them, and believing
who
in vain to stop
example more prevalent than
words, he threw himself fiercely into the midst of the
enemy, where he stood

and
courage,
their
killed great
charge
with intrepid
numbers of them.
He
wound in the hand from a spear his arms

were scarce proof against the great number of darts
received a
vol.
4.
35
HISTORY OF
266
thrown
many
at
him, and his shield being pierced through in
places with spears and javelins, he
at length
His soldiers immediately brought him
beat down.
off
was
He
from the enemy.
left
Timonides
to
command
them, and getting on horseback, rode through the
whole
city,
stopped the
of the Syracusans, and
flight
whom
taking the foreign soldiers,
he had
the quarter called Achradina, he led
who were
against Dionysius's troops,
and
entirely discouraged
ed a resistance.
killed
The
fresh
already fatigued,
by so vigorous and unexpecta battle, but a
of the tyrant's troops were
on the spot, and the
into the citadel.
guard
was now no longer
It
A great number
pursuit.
left to
them on
rest
This victory
escaped with
was
difficulty
signal and glorious,
Syracusans, to reward the valor of the foreign
troops, gave each of them a considerable
and those
sum
of money
honour Dion, presented him with
soldiers, to
a crown of gold.
Soon
after
came
eral letters for
heralds from Dionysius, with sev-
Dion from
the
women
with one from Dionysius himself.

all
to be read
was couched
in a fall assembly.
m the form of
Dion ordered them
That of Dionysius
sister, wife,
who were
and son.
It
and
a request
intermixed however with the most

against the persons
of his family, and
terrible
dearest to
in
menaces
Dion
was written with an
address exceedingly proper to render
Dionysius puts him
justification,
Dion
art
his
and
suspected.
mind of the ardour and
zeal he
had formerly expressed for the support of the tyranny.
Heexhortshim at a distance, and with some obscurity,

though easy enough to be understood, not to abolish it
entirely, but to preserve it for himself. He advises him
267
who were far from

abandon his own safety,
not to give the people their liberty,

affecting
and
him
nor to
and
that of his friends
humour of a
a
at heart
The
relations, to the capricious
violent and inconstant multitude.
reading of this letter had the effect Dionysius
proposed from
to Dion's
The
it.
Syracusans, without regard
goodness to them, and the greatness of his
Do
soul in forsrettine: his dearest interests,' and the ties of
them
nature, to restore
The
them
arrival of Heraclides
a good
He was
soldier,
and
from having been
at
confirmed
and determined them to act
in their sentiments,
accordingly.
umbrage
and conceived injurious suspic-
his too great authority,
ions of him.
their liberty, took
one of the banished persons,
known amongst the troops,

considerable commands under
well
in
the tyrant, very bold and ambitious, and a secret
enemy of Dion's, between whom and himself there had

been some difference in Peloponnesus. He came to
Syracuse with seven galleys of three benches of oars,
and three other

the resolution to
the tyrant,
whom
in the citadel.
vessels,
march with
first
himself with the people
austere gravity
ially as
own
forces against
he found reduced to shut himself up
His
uating behaviour
his
Dion, but in
join
not to
endeavour was to ingratiate

for
which an open and
made him very
was
fit,
insin-
whilst Dion's
offensive to the multitude
espec-
they were become more haughty and untract-
able from the last victory, and expected to be treated

like a popular state,
selves a free people
the
even before they could

;
Plut, in Dion. p.
them-
that is to say, in the full sense of
Greek terms, they were
call
972-975.
for
being used with com-
niod.
1.
xvi. p.
419422.
HISTORY OF
268
plaisance, flattery, regard, and a deference to
all
their
capricious humours.
What
gratitude could be expected from a people
that consulted only their passions and blind preju-
The
dices ?
ately
upon
Syracusans formed an assembly immeditheir
own
accord, and chose Heraclides
Dion came unexpectedly
admiral.
thither
plained highly of such a proceeding
and com-
as the charge
conferred upon Heraclides was an abridgment of his

office
that he
commanded
was no longer generalissimo,
if
another
Those remonstrances obliged
at sea.
Syracusans, against their
deprive Heraclides of
will, to
the office they had solately conferred upon him.
Dion
the assembly broke up,
some
the
When
sent for him, and after
gentle reprimands for his strange conduct with
regard to him in so delicate a conjuncture, wherein the

least division
amongst them might ruin every
he summoned a new assembly himself, and,
thing,
in the
presence of the whole people, appointed Heraclides

admiral, and gave
He
him
guard, as he had himself.
thought by the force of kind
better of his rival's
ill
will,
outward behaviour, made
who,
offices to get
the
in his
expressions and
his court to
Dion, confessed
his obligations to him, and obeyed his orders with a
promptitude and
punctuality,
entire devotion to his service,
sions
,
to
do him pleasure.
which
expressed
an
and a desire of occa-
But underhand, by
his
intrigues and cabals, he influenced the people against
him, and opposed his designs
Dion gave
citadel
by
his consent that

treaty,
intending to save
in
every thing.
If
Dionysius should quit the
he was accused of favouring, and
him
if,
to satisfy
them, he con-
269
tinued the siege without hearkening to any proposals of
accommodation, they did not
fail
to reproach
him with
the desire of protracting the war, for the sake of con-
command, and
tinuing in
to
keep the citizens
in
awe
and respect.
Philistus,
eral galleys,
who came
having been defeated and put to death,
Dionysius sent to
and
soldiers in
months,
if
to the tyrant's relief with sev-
offer
it,
Dion
the citadel, with the
and money
to
pay them for
he might be permitted by a treaty to
into Italy for the rest of his
revenue of certain lands, which he mentioned,
were
in
retire
The
in the
Syracusans,
who
hopes of taking Dionysius alive, rejected those
proposals
them
five
and be allowed the
life,
neighbourhood of Syracuse.
arms
and Dionysius, despairing of reconciling
to his terms, left the citadel in the
hands of his
eldest son Apollocrates, and taking the advantage of a

b
favourable wind, embarked for Italy with his treasures
and
effects of the greatest value,
and such of his friends
as were dearest to him.
Heraclides,
much blamed
negligence.
who commanded
for
the galleys, was very

having suffered him to escape by his
To
regain the people's favour, he pro-
posed a new distribution of lands, insinuating, that as

liberty was founded in equality, so poverty was the
principle of servitude.
Upon
Dion's opposing this
motion, Heraclides persuaded the people to reduce the

pay of the foreign troops, who amounted to three
thousand men, to declare a new division of land, to

appoint new generals, and deliver themselves in good
time
from Dion's
fc
insupportable
A. M. 3644.
seventy.
Ant. J; C. 360.
The
HISTORY OF
270
Syracusans agreed, and nominated twenty

officers,
At
new
five
Heraclides being one of the number.
the
same time they
sent privately to solicit the
foreign troops to abandon Dion, and to join with them
promising to give them a share
in the
government as
Those generous troops received
natives and citizens.
the offer with disdain
and then placing Dion in the cen-
tre of them, with a fidelity and affection of which there
are
few examples, they made
arms a rampart
for
without doing the
least
warmly reproaching
perfidy.
The
and
their bodies
their
him, and carried him out of the city
all
violence to any body,
they
Syracusans,
met with
ingratitude and
who contemned
number, and attributed
their
want of courage, began
to attack
but
their small
moderation to fear and
them, not doubting
but that they should defeat, and put them
all
to the
sword, before they got out of the city.
Dion, reduced to the necessity of either fighting

the citizens, or perishing with his troops, held out his
hands
to the Syracusans, imploring
tender and
affectionate
manner
to the citadel full of enemies,
with the utmost joy.
But
to desist,
who saw
finding
all
soldiers to
march
in close order
in the
most
and pointing
all
that passed
them deaf and
in-
commanded
his
he
his remonstrances,
sensible to
them
without
attacking,
which they obeyed, contenting themselves with mak

ing a great noise with their arms, and raising great
cries, as if they
The
latter
were going
to
fall
upon the Syracusans.
were dismayed with those appearances, and
ran away in every street without being pursued.
Dion
hastened the march of his troops towards the country

of the Leontines.
The
officers
of the Syracusans, laughed at and
women
culed by the
trieve their honour,
and return
with him
of the
to re-
their troops take
arms,
They came up
and made their horse
to the pursuit of Dion.
at the pass
was resolved
of a river,
But when they saw
that
in earnest to repel their insults,
Dion
and had
troops face about with great indignation, they
were again seized with

in a
ridi-
were desirous
city,
and made
advance to skirmish.
made his
271
and taking
terror,
more shameful manner than
to their heels
made
before,
all
the
haste they could to regain the city.

c
The
Leontines received Dion with great marks
They
also
ents to his soldiers, and declared
them
of
honour and esteem.
made
pres-
free citizens.
Some days after which they sent ambassadors to demand justice for the ill treatment of those troops to the
Syracusans, who on their side sent deputies to complain of Dion.
siderate joy
Syracuse was intoxicated with incon-
and insolent prosperity, which entirely ban-
ished reflection and judgment.
Every thing conspired

pride.
The
citadel
to swell and
inflame their
was so much reduced by famine,
that the soldiers of Dionysius, after having suffered
very much, resolved

in the night to
at last to
surrender
it.
make thaf proposal, and were
conditions the next morning.
But
at
They
to
sent
perform
day break, whilst
they were preparing to execute the treaty, Nypsius,
an able and valiant general,

from
Italy
with corn and
whom Dionysius
money
had sent
to the besieged,
ap-
peared with his galleys, and anchored near Arethusa.

--
Plut. p.
975 981.
Diod. p.422, 423.
272
HISTORY OF
Plenty succeeding on a sudden to famine,

landed
his
summoned an
and
troops,
Nypsius,
assembly,
wherein he made a speech to the soldiers suitable to
which determined them to
the present conjuncture,
hazard
The
dangers.
all
was relieved
point of surrendering,
contrary to
The
all
was upon the
citadel, that
manner,
in this
expectation.
Syracusans at the same time hastened on board
and attacked the enemy's
their galleys
sunk some of their
ships, took others,
But
rest to the shore.
They
fleet.
and pursued the
very victory was
this
the
their
own
discretion, without either leader or authority to
com-
Abandoned
occasion of their ruin.
mand
to
or counsel them, the officers as well as soldiers
gave themselves up to rejoicing,
feasting, drinking, de-
Nypsius
bauchery, and every kind of loose excess.
knew
how
well
He
infatuation.
the
ter,
citadel,
take advantage of this general
to
attacked
the
of which having
he demolished
it
wall
that enclosed
made himself mas-
in several places,
and permitted
his soldiers to enter and plunder the city.
All things
Here the
citizens half
were
in the
asleep,
had
utmost confusion.
their throats cut
dered whilst the

into the
women and
citadel,
their
houses were plun-
children were
driven off
without regard to their tears, cries,
and lamentations.
There was but one man who could remedy

misfortune, and preserve the city.
body's thoughts, but

to propose
it
so
As
one
in
the danger
in
every
had courage enough
much ashamed were
ungenerous manner
out.
no
This was
this
which they
they of the
had driven him
increased every
moment, and
273
the
quarter Achradina, in
already approached the
height of their extremity and despair, a voice was
heard from the horse and
was absolutely necessary
allies,
to recal
which
said,
"
that
it
Dion and the Pelo-
ponnesian troops from the country of the Leontines."
As
soon as any body had courage enough to utter those
words, they were the general cry of the Syracusans,
who, with
tears of joy
and
grief,
gods, that they would bring
made prayers
him back
to
to the
The
them.
hope alone of seeing him again, gave them newcourage,
and enabled them
The
make head
to
against the enemy.
deputies set out immediately with
arrived at the city of
As
Leontium
full
late in the
speed, and
evening.
soon as they alighted, they threw themselves at
Dion's
feet,
bathed
in their tears,
and related the deplor-
able extremity to which the Syracusans were reduced.
Some
of the Leontines, and several of the Peloponne-
sian soldiers,
who had
seen them arrive, were already
got round Dion, and conceived rightly, from
their
emotion and prostrate behaviour, that something very
Dion had no sooner

than he carried them with
extraordinary had happened.
heard what they had to say,
him
to the assembly,
which formed
for the people ran thither with
The two
itself immediately
abundance of eagerness.
principal deputies explained in a
few words
the greatness of their distress, and " implored the
for-
eign troops to hasten to the relief of the Syracusans,
and
to forget the
ill
treatment they had received
and
the rather, because that unfortunate people had already
paid a severer penalty for
among them would

vol.
4.
it,
than the most injured
desire to impose."
36
HISTORY OF
274
The
whole
deputies having finished their discourse, the
theatre,
ued sad and

began
where the assembly was
Dion rose
silent.
held, contin-
but as soon as he
to speak, a torrent of tears suppressed his utter-
The
ance.
foreign soldiers called out to
him
to take
courage, and expressed a generous compassion for his
At
grief.
length, having recovered himself a
spoke to them
and you our
might
my
in these
allies, I
deliberate
part, I
Syracuse
it,
Men
of Peloponnesus,
have assembled you here, that you
and
If I cannot preserve
bury myself in
to
for you, if you are resolved to assist us
who
are the
mankind
its
it,
go
to
But
ruins.
;
us,
most imprudent and most unfortunate of
come and
the city of Syracuse,
relieve
the just subjects of complaint,
the Syracusans, determine

their present condition,
you merit
as for
once more
from henceforth the work of your hands.
may you
upon any thing when
deliberate
danger.
is in
he
little,
upon what regards yourselves
must not
perish with
terms
"
If not,
and
which you have against
you
and to
to
abandon them in
suffer
them
to perish,
receive from the immortal gods, the reward

for the affection
hitherto expressed for
and
For the
me.
to desire, that you will keep
fidelity,
which you have

rest, I
have only
Dion in your remembrance,
who did not abandon you when

his country, nor his country,
unworthily treated by
when
fallen into misfor-
tunes."
He
had no sooner ceased speaking, when the foreign
soldiers rose
up with loud
lead them on that
The
cries,
moment
and entreated him t
to the relief of Syracuse.
deputies, transported with joy, saluted and
em-
braced them, praying the gods to bestow upon Dion

and them,
kind of happiness and prosperity.
When
was appeased, Dion ordered them
to pre-
all
the tumult
275
pare for the march, and as soon as they had supped, to
same
return with their arms to the
mined
to set out the
same
night,
place, being deter-
and
fly
to the relief of
his country.
mean time
In the
sius, after
at
Syracuse, the officers of Diony-
having done
all
the mischief they could to
the city, retired at night into the citadel with the loss
of some of their soldiers.

seditious orators
selves that the
This short
gave the
respite
new courage, who, flattering themenemy would lie still after what they
had done, exhorted the Syracusansto think no further

of Dion, not to receive him
if
he came to their
with his foreign troops, nor to yield to them
but to defend their city and liberty
arms and
valor.
New
courage,
own
with their
deputies were instantly dis-
patched from the general

ing,
in
relief
officers to
prevent his com-
and from the principal citizens and
his friends, to
march; which
difference of
desire
him
to hasten
his
sentiments, and contrariety of advices, occasioned his
marching slowly, and by small journies.
When
the night
was
far
spent,
Dion's enemies
seized the gates of the city, to prevent his entrance.
At
the
same
instant,
passed in Syracuse,
Nypsius, well apprised of
made
entirely,
They demolished the

and entered the
that
a sally from the citadel with
a greater body of troops, and

before.
all
city,
more determinate than

wall that enclosed
them
which they plundered.
Nothing but slaughter and blood was seen every where.
Nor
did they stop for the pillage, but
no other view, than
to ruin
and destroy
seemed
all
to
have
before them.
276
HISTORY OF
One would have thought

his father
had
despair, and
left
reduced to
the citadel, being
in
whom
the son of Dionysius,
prompted by an excess of hatred
for the
Syracusans, was determined to bury the tyranny
To
ruins of the city.
had recourse
prevent Dion's relief of
The
all
who
fled to
in the streets
murdering sword,
places within
rest.
avoid the flames, were
retired into the houses,
incroaching
were
fire
were abundance of houses burning, and many
for there
that
they
and those who, to shun the
driven out of them again by the
fell
all
and darting combustibles against the
Syracusans,
butchered
it,
the
to fire, the swiftest of destructions, burn-
ing with torches and lighted straw,

their power,
in
upon the people
in the streets.
These very flames opened
the city for Dion,
by
obliging the citizens to agree in not keeping the gates
shut against him.
Couriers after couriers were dis-
patched to hasten his march.
Heraclides himself, his
most declared *and mortal enemy, deputed

and afterwards
his uncle
his brother,
Theodotus, to conjure him to
advance with the utmost speed, there being no body

besides himself to
make head
against the
enemy, he
being wounded, and the city almost entirely ruined and
reduced
Dion
stadia,
iers
to ashes.
received, this
news when he was about
two or three leagues, from the
upon
that occasion
will,
that
it
sixty
His sold-
marched with the utmost
gence, and with so good a

before he
gate.
dili-
was not long
arrived at the walls of the city.
He
there
detached his light armed troops against the enemy, to

reanimate the Syracusans by the sight of them.
then drew up his heavy
armed
infantry,
He
and the
came running
citizens ivho
to join
him on
277
He
all sides.
divided them into small parties, of greater depth than

different officers at the
head of them,
that they
might be capable of attacking
in several places
at once,
and appear stronger and more formidable to
front,
and put
the enemy.
After having made these dispositions, and prayed
he marched across the
to the gods,
city
In every street as he passed, he
enemy.
comed with
against the
was wel-
acclamations, cries of joy, and songs of
mingled with the prayers and blessings of
victory,
the Syracusans
At
citizens.
who
and
their god,
called
Dion
that instant, there
in the city so fond of
life,
and
their preserver
his soldiers, their brothers
was not
as not to
and fellow
a single
man
much more
be
all
in
pain for Dion's safety than his own, and not to fear
much more
for
him than
for all the rest together,
see-
ing him march foremost to so great a danger over

blood,
fire,
and dead bodies, with which the
streets
and
public places were universally covered.
On the other hand,

terrible
for they
and were posted
the view of the
enemy was no less
were animated by rage and despair,
in line
of battle behind the ruins of
the wall they had thrown down, which
proach very
difficult
and dangerous.
made
the ap-
They were
un-
der the necessity of defending the citadel, which was

their safety
least their
and
retreat,
and durst not remove from
communication should be cut
off.
it,
But what
was most capable of disordering and discouraging

Dion's soldiers, and made their march very painful
and
difficult,
was the
fire
for
wherever they turned
themselves, they marched by the light of the houses

in flames,
and were obliged to go over ruins
in the
278
HISTORY
Of
midst of fires; exposing themselves to being crushed

in pieces
which
by the
fall
of walls, beams and roofs of houses,
consumed by
tottered half
under the necessity of keeping
opened their way through
the
flames,
and
their ranks, whilst they
frightful clouds
of smoke,
mine-led with dust.
When they had joined the

number on each
side
enemy, only a very small
were capable of coming to blows,
from the want of room, and the unevenness of the
But
ground.
at length,
and supported by the
cries
and ardour of the Syracu-
charged the enemy with such redoubled vigor,
sans,
that the troops of
Nypmis gave way.
them escaped
part of
near
Dion's soldiers, encouraged
into the citadel,
The
greatest
which was very
and those who remained without, being broke,
were cut
The
to pieces in the pursuit
by the foreign
troops.
time would not admit their making immediate
rejoicings for their victory, in the

exploit deserved
manner so great an
the Syracusans being obliged to ap-
ply to the preservation of their houses, and to pass the
whole night
in extinguishing the fire
which how-
ever they did not effect without great difficulty.
At
the return of day, none of the seditious orators
durst stay in the city, but
all fled self
condemned,
avoid the punishment due to their crimes.

raclides
and Theodotus came
to
to
Only He-
Dion, and put them-
selves into his hands, confessing their injurious treat-
ment of him, and conjuring him not

conduct
all
that
it
to imitate their
became Dion, superior
as he
other respects to the rest of mankind, to
self as
much
was
ill
in
show him-
so in that greatness of soul which could
conquer resentment and revenge, and forgive the ungrateful,
pardon.
who owned
themselves unworthy of his

'
279
made
Heraclides and Theodotus having
these sup-
plications, Dion's friends advised him not to spare
men
of their vile and malignant disposition, but to abandon

Heraclides to the soldiers, and in so doing to exterminate
from the
state that spirit of sedition
temper that has

is
no
less to
really
something of madness
be feared from
than tyranny
and intrigue
But Dion, to appease them,
itself.
made
had passed much time
ed them,
is
that for
academy,
in the
subdue anger, envy, and
passions of the mind
said,
means of con-
the
quering their enemies their sole application
in learning to
and
it,
pernicious consequences
its
" that other captains generally
his part, he
in
a dis-
the jarring
all
that the sign of having conquer
not kindness, and affability to friends and
persons of merit, but treating those with humanity
who have
forgive
injured us, and in being always ready to
them
that
he did not desire so
much
pear superior to Heraclides in power and

in
wisdom and
justice
superiority consists.
for in that, true
That
invidious, and perfidious,
if
human
we
consult
one and the
laws, there
seems
nature,
we
be
to
less in-
committing
shall find
Besides, there
so obdurate and savage, but
is
it
both the
same
no disposition
may be vanquished by
the force of kind usage and obligations."
Dion upon
maxims, pardoned Heraclides.
His next application was to enclose the

a
? It is true,
other to have their rise in the
weakness of mind.
these
and essential
Heraclides be wicked,
justice in revenging an injury, than
but, if
ability, as
must Dion contaminate and
dishonour himself with low resentment

according to
to ap-
new work, and he ordered each
citadel with
of the Svracusans to
280
HISTORY OF
go and cut a
In the night, he set his
large stake.
soldiers to work, whilst the Syracusans took their rest.
He
surrounded the citadel
palisade,
before it
in this
manner with
was perceived
a strong
so that
in
the
morning, the greatness of the work, and the suddenness of the execution, were matter of admiration for
the world, as well the
Having
enemy
all
as the citizens.
finished this palisade, he buried the
dead
and dismissing the prisoners taken from the enemy,

he summoned an assembly.
it,
that
Dion should be
Heraclides proposed in
elected generalissimo with
supreme authority by sea and
All the people of
land.
worth, and the most considerable of the citizens, were

pleased with the proposal, and desired that
But
have the authority of the assembly.
and
who were
artisans,
lose the office of admiral
he was very
would
at
little
least
opposed
they
might
it
the mariners
sorry that Heraclides should

;
and convinced, that although
estimable in
other respects, he
all
be more for the people than

it
with
all
their
power.
Dion,
Dion, to
avoid disturbance and confusion, did not insist upon

that
point,
continue to
posing the
and acquiesced
command
that Heraclides should
But
his op-
distribution of lands and houses,
which
in chief at sea.
they were earnest for having
take place,
and
his
cancelling and annulling whatever had been decreed
upon
that
head,
embroiled him with
them
irre-
trievably.
Heraclides, taking advantage- of a disposition so
favourable to his views, did not
and intrigues
his to
fail
to revive his cabals
as appeared openly
by an attempt of
make himself master of Syracuse, and
to shut
DIONYSIUS THE YOUNGER."

the gates
upon
Spartan,
negotiated
his rival
but
it
281
proved unsuccessful.
who had been sent to the aid of Syracuse,

a new accommodation between Heraclides
and Dion, under the
strictest oaths,
and the strongest
assurances of obedience on the side of the former

ties to a man void of faith and probity.
The Syracusans, having dismissed their sea
who were become unnecessary, applied solely
weak
forces,
to
the
siege of the citadel, and rebuilt the wall Which
had
been thrown down. As no
and bread began
to
grew mutinous,
The
fall
relief came to the besieged,
short with them, the soldiers
and would observe no
discipline.
son of Dionysius, finding himself without hope or
resource, capitulated with Dion, to surrender the cita-
with
del,
his
all
the
mother and
arms and munitions of war. He carried

sisters
leys with his people

for
Dion gave him
It is
away with him,
and
effects,
filled five
gal-
and went to his father;
entire liberty to retire unmolested.
easy to conceive the joy of the city upon his de-
Women,
parture.
children, old people,
sionately fond of gratifying their eyes
all
were pas-
from the port
with so agreeable a spectacle, and to solemnize the

joyful day, on which, after so
the sun arose for the
first
many
years servitude,
time upon the Syracusan
liberty.
Apollocrates having set
march
after
at the gates.
whom came
till
4.
he arrived, but came
who were
out to meet
Aristomache led the son of Dion
Arete, his wife, with her eyes fixed
upon the ground, and

vol.
and Dion begun his
to enter the citadel, the princesses,
there, did not stay
him
sail,
full
37
of tears. Dion embraced his
282
HISTOllY OF
bister
and afterwards his
first,
Aristomachs
son.
then presenting Arete to him, spoke thus

tears
looks, at the time your presence restores us

itself,
and her confusion,
denote the grief she suffers
whom
will,
in
her
life
and
who
but
as her
at the sight
sufficiently
of an husband,
another has been substituted contrary to her

alone has always possessed her heart.
Shall she salute
you as her uncle,
shall she
embrace you
husband ?" Aristomache, having spoke
manner, Dion, with
embraced
sent
The
you see her shed, the shame expressed
joy, her silence
to
"
wife
his
them home
in this
his face bathed in tears, tenderly
to
whom
to his house
he gave his son, and

because he thought
proper to leave the citadel to the discretion of the Syracusans, as an evidence of their liberty.
For himself,
after
cence truly royal,
all
having rewarded with a magnifithose
who had
contributed to his
success, according to their rank and merit, at the
height of glory and happiness, and the object of admiration not only of Sicily, but of Carthage
who esteemed him
and
most
the wisest and
all
Greece,
fortunate cap-
tain that ever lived, he constantly retained his original
simplicity
and
modest and plain
as
table, as if
he had lived
who
in the
academy with
Plato,
officers
and
often breathe nothing but pleasures
and
and not with people bred

soldiers,
in his garb, equipage,
in armies,
with
Accordingly, at the time Plato wrote

"
that the eyes of all mankind were upon him
to him,
magnificence.
alone;"
affected with that general admiration,
little
his thoughts
were always' intent upon the academy,
that school of
wisdom and
virtue,
where exploits and
successes were not judged from the external splen-
283
dour and noise with which they are attended, but from
the wise and moderate use of them.
Dion designed
to establish a
form of government
in
of the Spartan and Cretan, but
Syracuse, composed
wherein the aristocratical was always to prevail, and

important
to decide
by the
affairs
which,
authority,
according to his plan, was to be vested in a council of

Heraclides again opposed him in this scheme,
elders.
still
turbulent and seditious according to custom, and
upon gaining the people by
solely intent
resses,
sent for
not
and other popular
him
come
day,
ca-
when Dion
to the council, he answered that he
and
One
arts.
flattery,
would
being only a private person, he
that,
should be in the assembly with the rest of the citizens,
whenever
it
was summoned.
behaviour, was
to
make
render Dion odious

sults,
who, weary of
permitted those to
They
vented.
His view,
in
his court to the people,
kill
such
and to
his repeated in-
him, he had formerly pre-
accordingly went to his house and dis-
We shall see presently Dion's own sense
patched him.
of this action.
The
Syracusans were highly affected for his death
but as Dion solemnized his funeral with great magnificence, followed his
his
body
in person at the
head of
whole army, and afterwards harangued the people
upon the occasion, they were appeased and forgave him

the
murder
city ever to
convinced that
be
whilst Heraclides and

c
it
was impossible
Dion governed
After that murder Dion never
of mind.
An
for the
from commotions and sedition
free
together.
knew joy
or peace
hideous spectre, which he saw in the

1
Plut. p.
981 983.
Diod. p. 432.
284
HISTORY OF
him with
night, filled
who,
her
in
and melancholy.
trouble, terror,
The phantom seemed a woman
of enormous stature,
and haggard looks, resembled a
attire, air,
fury sweeping his house with violence.

death,
who
for
some unknown
grief had thrown him-
from the roof of an house, passed
self
His son's
for the
accom-
plishment of that ominous apparition, and was the prelude to his misfortunes.
He was
to them.
Callippus gave the
hand
last
whom Dion
an Athenian with
had
contracted an intimate friendship, whilst he lodged in

his house at Athens, and with
whom he lived
ever after
with entire freedom and unbounded confidence.
Cal-
lippus, having given himself up to his ambitious views,
and entertained thoughts of making himself master of

Syracuse, threw off
all
regard for the sacred
ties
of
friendship and hospitality, and contrived to get rid of
Dion, who was the
sole obstacle to his designs.
Not-
withstanding his care to conceal them, they got
and came
to the ears of Dion's sister
no time, and spared no pains
lost
by
went
a very strict inquiry.

to
them with
To
and
wife,
air,
who
to discover the truth
prevent
tears in his eyes,
its effects,
he
and the appearance
of being inconsolable that any body should suspect him
of such a crime, or think him capable of so black a

design.
as
it
ped
was
They
insisted
called.
The
in the
upon
person
his taking the great oath,
who swore
it,
was wrap
purple mantle of the goddess Proserpina,
and holding a lighted torch
in his
hand, pronounced in
the temple the most dreadful execrations against himself
it is
The
possible to imagine.
oath cost
the princesses.
him
They
nothing, but did not convince

daily received
new
intimations
285
of his guilt from several hands, as did Dion himself,
whose
him
friends in general persuaded
to
prevent
Callippus's crime by a just and sudden punishment.
But he never could
upon
resolve
The
it.
death of
Heraclides, which he looked upon as an horrible blot
and virtue, was perpetually present to
in his reputation
his troubled imagination,
and renewed by continual
terrors his
grief and repentance.
and day by
that cruel
Tormented
nig-ht
remembrance, he professed that
he had rather die a thousand deaths, and present his

throat himself to
whoever would
kill
him, than to live
under the necessity of continual precautions, not only

against his enemies, but the best of h's friends.
Callippus
ill
He hastened
deserved that name.
the
execution of his crime, and caused Dion to be assassinated in his
were
own house by the Zacynthian
entirely
devoted to his
and wife of that prince were put

latter
soldiers,
The
interest.
into prison,
who
sister
where the
was delivered of a son which she resolved
to
nurse there herself.

d After
this
murder, Callippus was for some time in
made himself master of

means of the troops, who were
a splendid condition, having
Syracuse, by the
entirely devoted to his service, in effect of the gifts
bestowed upon them.
The pagans
divinity ought to punish great crimes in a
extraordinary manner in this
life
he
believed, that the
sudden and
and Plutarch ob-
serves, that the success of Callippus occasioned very
great complaints against the gods, as suffering calmly,
and without indignation, the

d
A. M. 3646.
Ant.
vilest
J.
of
C. 358.
men
to raise
HISTORY
286
Oi
himself to so exalted a fortune by so detestable and
But providence was not long
impious a method.
without justifying
itself
soon suffered
for Callippus
Having marched with
the punishment of his guilt.
his troops to take Catanea, Syracuse revolted against
him, and threw
off so
shameful
wards attacked Messina, where he
men, and
but
all
after-
abundance of
lost
particularly the Zacynthian soldiers,
who had
No
city
of Sicily would receive
detesting
him
as the
murdered Dion.
him
He
a subjection.
most execrable of
wretches, he retired to Rhegium, where, after having

led for
some time
a miserable
life,
Leptinus and Polyperchon, and,
it
he was killed by
was
said,
same dagger with which Dion had been
with the
assassinated.
History has few examples of so distinct an attention of providence to punish great crimes, such as
murder, perfidy, treason, either
in the authors of those
crimes themselves, who

or in the
The
commanded or executed them,

accomplices any way concerned in them.
divine justice evidences itself from time to time
in this
manner, to prove that
inattentive
which an
and
entire
in
not unconcerned and
to prevent the inundation of crimes,
impunity would occasion
not always distinguish
ments
it is
itself
but
by remarkable
this world, to intimate
to
it
does
chastise-
mankind, that
greater punishments are reserved for guilt in
the
next.
As for Aristomache and
Arete, as soon as they
came
out of prison, Icetes, of Syracuse, one of Dion's friends,

received them into his house, and treated them at
first
with an attention,
fidelity,
and generosity of the
most exemplary kind had he persevered.
But
com"-

plying at
for
last
287
with Dion's enemies, he provided a bark
them, and having put them on board, under the
them
pretence of sending
to Peloponnesus,
he gave
orders to those
who were
to carry them, to
kill
them
in the passage,
and to throw them into the
sea.
He
was not long without receiving the chastisement due

to his black treachery
he was put
The
to death.
being taken by Timoleon,
for
Syracusans, fully to avenge
Dion, killed also the two sons of that

e
The
relations
traitor.
and friends of Dion, soon
him upon the
death, had wrote to Plato, to consult
manner
which they should behave
in
after his
in the
present
troubled and fluctuating condition of Syracuse, and to
know what
sort of government
who knew
Plato,
lish there.
it
was proper
to estab-
the Syracusans were
equally incapable of entire liberty, or absolute servitude, exhorted
them strenuously
soon as possible,
and
to pacify
for that purpose,
all
to
things as
change the
name was odious, into a

which would make subjection
tyranny, of which the very
lawful sovereignty,
He
easy and agreeable.

ing to him,
kings
it
one to be Hipparinus Dion's son, another
Hipparinus Dionysius
seemed
advised them, and accord-
had been Dion's opinion, to create three
to
the younger's brother,
be well inclined towards the people, and
Dionysius himself,
if
he would comply with such
conditions as should be prescribed

ity to
the
who
him
their author-
be not unlike that of the kings of Sparta.
same scheme,
thirty five magistrates
By
were to be
appointed, to take care that the laws should be duly

'
Plat.Ep.
8,
288
HISTORY OF
observed, to have great authority both in times of war
and peace, and to serve as a balance between the power of the kings, the senate, and the people.
It
does not appear, that this advice was ever follow-
ed, which indeed had
inconveniences.
its threat
It is
only known, that Hipparinus, Dionysius's brother 9
having landed
at
Syracuse with a
fleet,
and considera-
ble forces, expelled Callippus, and exercised the sove-
reign power two years.
The
about
who
history of Sicily, as related thus far, includes
fifty
ytars, beginning with Dionysius the elder,
reigned thirty eight of them, and continuing to
the death of Dion.

affairs'
I shall return in the sequel to the
of Sicily, and shall relate the end of Dionysius
the younger, and the reestablishment of the Syracusan

liberty
by Timoieon.
SECTION
IV.
CHARACTER OF
It
is
many
not easy to find so
DIOtf.
excellent qualities in
one and the same person as were united in Dion.
do
not consider in this place, his wonderful taste for the

sciences, his art of associating
them with
the greatest
employments of war and peace, of extracting from
them
the rules of conduct and
maxims of government,
and of making them an equally useful and honourable

entertainment of his leisure
statesman and patriot, and
does he appear
I confine
myself to the
view,
how admirably
in this
Greatness of soul, elevation of senti'Diod.l. xxi. p.436.
289
ments, generosity in bestowing his wealth, heroic valor

in battle, attended with a coolness of temper,
and a
prudence scarceto be paralleled, a mind vast and capable of the highest views, a constancy not to be
shaken
by the greatest dangers, or the most unexpected revolutions of fortune, the love of his country and of the
public good, carried almost to excess
The
of Dion's virtues.
these are part
design he formed of deliver-
ing his country from the yoke of the tyranny, and his
boldness and wisdom in the execution of
it,
explain of
what he was capable.
But what
character, the
conceive the greatest beauty in Dion's
most worthy of admiration, and,
say so, the most above
human
nature,
is
if I
may
the greatness
of soul, and unexampled patience, with which he suf-
He had
fered the ingratitude of his country.
abandon-
ed and sacrificed every thing to come to their relief ; he
had reduced the tyranny
to extremities,
the point of reestablishing

their liberty
in return
them
for
in the full possession
city,
accompanied with
an handful of foreign soldiers, whose
ries,
and add to
they load
their base perfidy, the
rages and indignity
he had only a signal
own temper, he
fidelity
they had
him with
inju-
most cruel out-
to punish those ungrateful traitors,

to give,
indignation of his soldiers

his
of
such great services, they
shamefully expelled him the
not been able to corrupt
and was upon
and to leave the rest to the

master of theirs, as well as
stops their impetuosity, and without
disarming their hands, restrains their just rage, suffering
them, in the very height and ardour of an attack, only

to terrify, and not kill his enemies, because he could not
forget that they were his fellow citizens and brethren.
vol.
4.
S3
290
HISTORY OF
There seems
to be only one defect that can
jected to Dion, which
and austere
his
is,
having something rigid
manner, that made him
in his
be ob-
less accessi-
ble and sociable than he should have been, and kept
even persons of worth and

Plato,
distance.
him
kind of
and those who had his glory sincerely
had often animadverted upon this turn
at heart,
in
his best friends at a
of
mind
but notwithstanding the reproaches which
were made him upon
his too austere gravity,
and the
which he treated the people, he
inflexible severity with
piqued himself upon abating nothing of them
still
whether
his genius
was
entirely averse to the arts of
insinuation and persuasion
or that from the view of
correcting and reforming the Syracusans, vitiated and
corrupted by the flattering and complaisant discourses
of their orators, he chose that rough and manly manner of behaving to them.
Dion was mistaken

governing.
From
whoever
state,
is
in the
most
essential point
of
the throne to the lowest oflice in the
charged with the care of ruling and
conducting others, ought particularly to study the
art s
of managing men's tempers, and of giving them that
may
bent and turn of mind that

ures
best suit his meas-
which cannot be done by assuming the severe
master, by
commanding haughtily, and contenting

down the rule and the duty with
one's self with laying

inflexible rigor.
tue,
There
and the exercise of
is in
all
the right
frequently degenerates into a vice,
Which
rerum
art,
oratlo."
know
it
is
in vir-
functions, an exactitude
and steadiness, or rather a kind of

extremes.
itself,
stiffness,
when
which
carried into
never allowable to break
an ancient poet called, " flexanima, atque omnium regina

Cic.
1. i.
de
divin, n. 80.

through rules
but
always laudable, and often
it is
make them more
necessary to soften, and

ble
which
best effected
is
acting the discharge of a duty in
overlooking abundance of small

merit
much
notice,
converti-
by a kindness of man-
and an insinuating behaviour
ners,
291
not always ex-
its
utmost rigor;
that
faults,
do not
and observing upon those which
are
more
in a
word, in endeavouring by
considerable,
with favour and
goodness
possible
all
means
to
acquire people's affection, and to render virtue and
duty amiable.
Dion's permission to
Heraclides, which
kill
was
obtained with difficulty, or rather forced from him, contrary to his natural disposition, as well as principles,
cost
him
and brought the trouble and anguish
dear,
upon him
that lasted to the
day of his death, and of
which they were the principal cause.
SECTION
V.
DIONYSIUS THE YOUNGER REASCENDS THE THRONE.
Callippus,
ed,
11
who had caused Dion
and had substituted himself
possess his power long.
to
be murder-
in his place, did not
Thirteen months
after,
Hip-
parinus, Dionysius's brother, arriving unexpectedly at
Syracuse with a numerous

city,
expelled
fleet,
him from the
and recovered his paternal sovereignty, which he
held during two years.

1
all Sicily,
and
intestine war,
Syracuse and
factions
1
A. M. 3647.
being harassed by different
were
Ant. J. C. 357.
'
A. M. 3654.
in a miserable condi-
Diod.
Ant.
J.
1.
xvi. p.
C 350.
432436.
292
HISTORY OF
Dionysius, taking the advantage of those trou-
tion.
he had been obliged to quit the
bles, ten years after
throne, had assembled
some
foreign troops, and having
overcome Nypsius, who had made himself master of

Syracuse, he reinstated himself in the possession of his
dominions.
k It
was perhaps
to thank the gods for his reestab-
lishment, and to express his gratitude to them, that he
Olympia andDelphos
sent statues of gold and ivory to
The
of very great value.
were taken by
galleys
which carried them
who was at that time near

He w rote to Athens to know
Iphicrates,
Corcyra with a
fleet.
what manner he should dispose of his sacred booty,
in
and was answered not to examine scrupulously
what
was designed, but
it
to
make use
of
it
for
for the
Dionysius complained ex-
subsistence of his troops.
cessively of such treatment to the Athenians, in a letter
which he wrote them, wherein he reproached with
warmth and justice
great
their avarice
and sacrilegious
impiety.
m A commander of pirates had acted much more nobly

and more religiously
fifty
years before.
Romans about
in regard to the
After the taking of Veii, which
had been ten years besieged, they sent a golden cup
The
Delphos.
were taken by the

island.
It
deputies
who
pirates of Lipara,
was the custom
they took as a
common
and carried to that
to divide
stock.
to
carried that present
The
all
the prizes
island at that
time was under the government of a magistrate more

like the Romans in his manners than those he governed.
{
Diod.
1.
xvi. p. 453.
Tit. Liy. Decacl.
'Corfu.
i. 1.
v. c. 28.
Diod.
I.
xiv. p. SO?.
He was
called Timasitheus,
293
and his behaviour agreed
well with the signification of his name.
envoys, the sacred
for the
gard
motive of their
god
the
offering,
whom
for
it
gift
and more
Full of re-
they carried, the

for the majesty of
was designed, he inspired the
multitude, that generally follow the example of those
who
rule them, with the
and
religion.
with
all
The envoys were
marks of
the
same sentiments of respect
distinction,
received therefore
and
their
expenses
Timasitheus convoyed them
borne by the public.
with a good squadron to Delphos, and brought them
back
in the
judge how
to Rome.
It is
Romans were affected
same manner
sensibly the
noble a proceeding.
By
easy to
with so
a decree of the senate they
rewarded Timasitheus with great presents, and granted him the right of hospitality
when
with the same gratitude as

lately
and
fifty
Romans took Lipara from the
the
if
years after,
Carthaginians,
the action had been but
done, they thought themselves obliged to do
further honour to the family of their benefactor, and
resolved that
all
his descendants should be for ever
exempted from the
tribute
imposed upon the other
inhabitants of that island.
This was certainly great and noble on both sides
but the contrast does no honour to the Athenians.
To
return to Dionysius
though he expressed some
regard for the gods, his actions argued no humanity to
His past misfortunes, instead of cor-
his subjects.
recting and softening his disposition, had only served

to inflame
tal
it,
and to render him more savage and bru-
than before.
n
Timasitheus
signifies
one
who honours
the gods.
294
HISTORY OF
The most worthy and
considerable of the citizens,
not being able to support so cruel a servitude, had

recourse to Icetas, king of the Leontines, and aban-
doning themselves to his conduct, elected him their

general
not that they believed he differed in any thing
from the most declared
tyrants,
but because they had
no other resource.
During these
ed
in
Sicily
who
transactions, the Carthaginians,
were almost always
war with the Syracusans,
at
with a great
fleet,
arriv-
and having made a
great progress there, the Sicilians and the people of
Syracuse resolved to send an embassy into Greece, to
demand
aid of the Corinthians, from
whom
who had
cusans were descended, and
the Syra-
always openly
declared against tyrants in favour of liberty.
Icetas,
who proposed no other end from his command, than

make himself master of Syracuse, and had no
to
thoughts of setting
it
free,
treated secretly with the
Carthaginians, though in public he affected to praise

the wise measures of the Syracusans, and even sent
his deputies along with theirs.
p
Corinth received the ambassadors perfectly well,
and immediately appointed Timoleon
He
had
led a retired
life
interfering in public affairs,
ing, that at his age,
and
for
and was
in the
their general.
twenty years, without

far
from believ
circumstances he then
was, he should be thought of upon such an occasion.
He was
descended from one of the noblest families
of Corinth, loved his country passionately, and dis-
covered upon
Diod.
1.
all
occasions a singular humanity of
xvi. p. 459, et 464.
PA. M.
3655.
PluUn Timol. p.
Ant. J. C.349.
236, et 243.
295
He was
temper, except against tyrants and bad men.
an excellent captain
the maturity of age,
and as
in
his youth he had
age he had
in
all
the
all
and
fire
courage of the most ardent youth.
He had
an elder brother called Timophanes,
whom
he tenderly loved, as he had demonstrated in a battle,
in
which he covered him with
ed his
life
at the great
country was
made
still
the sharpest
means
to
danger of his
dearer to him.
himself tyrant of
it,
afiTietion.
finding
his
but his
That brother having
him
so black a crime gave
He made
friendship, affection, remonstrances,
But
own
use of all possible
bring him back to his duty
all
and sav-
his body,
endeavours
kindness,
and even menaces.
ineffectual,
and that
nothing could prevail upon a heart abandoned to ambition,
he caused
his brother to
be assassinated
in his
presence by two of his friends and intimates, and

thought, that upon such an occasion, the laws of nature
ought
to give place to those of his country.
That
action
was admired and applauded by the prin-
cipal citizens of Corinth,
phers,
who looked upon it
and by most of the philosoas the
most noble
man virtue and Plutarch seems to pass

;
ment upon
it.
effort
the
of hu-
same judg-
All the world were not of that opinion,
and some people reproached him as an abominable

parricide,
who
could not
fail
of drawing
vengeance of the gods upon him.

ially,
in the excess of her
grief,
to console her, not
the
His mother espec-
most
uttered the
dreadful curses and imprecations against
when he came
down
him
and
being able to bear
the sight of her son's murderer, she thrust
him away
with indignation, and shut her doors against him.
296
HISTORY 01
He was then
guilty,
struck with
the horror of the
all
most
and giving himself up to the cruellest remorse,
considered Timophanes no longer as a tyrant, but as

a brother, and resolved to put an end to his
abstaining from
difficulty
It
by
was with great
him from that fatal

Overcome by their prayers and entreaties,
his friends dissuaded
resolution.
he was
nourishment.
all
life,
at length prevailed
upon
to live
but he con-
demned himself to pass the rest of his days in solitude.

From that moment he renounced all public affairs and
for several years never came to the city, but wandered
;
about
in the
most
solitary
and desert places, abandon*
ed to excess of grief and melancholy
so true
it
is,
praises of flatterers, nor the false
that neither the
reasonings of politicians, can suppress the cries of conscience, which
is at
tioner of those
once the witness, judge, and execu-
who presume
rights and ties of nature
He
to violate the
most sacred
He
passed twenty years in this condition.
indeed return to Corinth at the
latter part
but lived there always private and
did
of that time,
without
retired,
concerning himself with the administration of the
government.
It
was not without great repugnance
that he accepted the
did not think
it
employment of general
but he
allowable to refuse the service of his
country, and his duty prevailed against his inclination.
Whilst Timoleon assembled

preparing to
sail,
his troops,
the Corinthians received letters
Icetas, in which he told them, " that
sary for
them
themselves
to
and was
make any
in great
from
was not neces-
it
further levies, or to exhaus
expenses to come to
expose themselves to evident danger
Sicily,
that
and
the Car-
BIONYSIUS THE YOUNGER.
were waiting to in-
thaginians, apprized of their design,
tercept their squadron in
that their slowness in
and
obliged him to
his aid, and to
He
its
29?
passage with a great
fleet
the Carthaginians themselves to
call in
make use of them
against the tyrant."
had made a secret treaty with them, by which
was
sending their troops had
stipulated, that after the expulsion of
it
Dionysius
from Syracuse, he should take possession of
it
in his
place.
The
reading of these
letters, far
from cooling the
zeal of the Corinthians, only incensed

at first,
them more than
and hastened the departure of Timoleon.
He
embarked on board ten galleys, and arrived safe upon

the coast of Italy,
Sicily
where the news
that
came from
extremely perplexed him, and discouraged his
troops.
It
brought an account, that Icetas had defeat-
ed Dionysius, and having made himself master of the

greatest part of Syracuse,
had obliged the tyrant to
shut himself up in the citadel, and in that quarter called

the Isle, where he besieged
him
and that he had
given orders to the Carthaginians to prevent Timole-
come on shore, that they might

make a peaceable partition of Sicily between them,
when they should have reduced that general to retire.
The Carthaginians in consequence had sent twentygalleys to Rhegium.
The Corinthians, upon their
on's approach, and to
arrival at that port,
who
found ambassadors from Icetas,
declared to Timoleon, that he might
come
to
Syracuse, and would be well received there, provided
he dismissed his troops.

injurious,
vol.
and
4,
at the
The
proposal was entirely
same time more perplexing.

39
It
298
HISTORY OF
seemed impossible
to beat the vessels
which the bar-
barians had caused to advance to intercept them in

their passage, being twice their force
was
to
abandon
Sicily to
all
extreme
and to
retire,
distress,
which
could not avoid being the reward of Icetas's treachery,
and of the support which the Carthaginians should give

the tyranny.
In
this delicate conjuncture,
Timoleon demanded a
conference with the ambassadors, and the

officers
principal
of the Carthaginian squadron, in the presence
of the people of Rhegium.

discharge himself, and for his
It
was
own
only, he said, to
security, that his
country might not accuse him of having disobeyed

orders, and betrayed
magistrates of
They
desired
its interests.
its
The governor and
Rhegium were of intelligence with him.

nothing more than to see the Corinthians
in possession of Sicily,
and apprehended nothing so
much as the neighbourhood of the barbarians. They

summoned therefore an assembly, and shut the gates
of the
city,
upon pretence of preventing
from going abroad,
the citizens
in order to their applying
selves solely to the present
them-
affair.
The people being assembled, long speeches were

made of little or no tendency, every body treating the
subject,
and repeating the same reasons, or add-
new ones,
only to protract the council, and to gain
same
ing
time.
Whilst
galleys went
this
off,
was doing, nine of the Corinthian
and were suffered to pass by the Car-
thaginian vessels, believing that their departure had
been concerted with
their
own
officers,
who were
in
the city, and that those nine galleys were to return to
Corinth, the tenth remaining to carry Timoleon to
When
Timoleon was
Icetas's
army
formed
in a whisper, that his galleys
slipt
at
Syracuse.
299
were
at sea,
in-
he
gently through the crowd, which, to favour his
going
thronged exceedingly around the tribunal.
off,
He got to the sea side, embarked
directly,
and having
rejoined his galleys, they arrived together at Tauro-
menium,
a city of Sicily,
where they were received
with open arms by Andromachus,
and who joined
who commanded it,
his citizens with the Corinthian troops,
to reinstate the Sicilian liberties.

It is
easy to comprehend
ians were surprised and

but, as
some body
told
how much
the Carthagin-
ashamed of being so deceived :

them, being Phenicians,
who
passed for the greatest cheats in the world, fraud and

artifice
ought not to give them so
much
astonishment
and displeasure.
Upon
terrified,
the
news of Timoleon's
was
arrival, Icetas
and made the greatest part of the Carthagin-
ian galleys advance.
long ships,
ed chariots.
fifty
They had one hundred and fifty
thousand
foot,
The Syracusans
saw the Carthaginians
and three hundred armlost all
hope when they
in possession of the port, Icetas
master of the city, Dionysius blocked up in the
and Timoleon without any
citadel,
other hold in Sicily than
by
a nook of its coast, the small city of Tauromenium, with

little
hope and
amount
in all to
less force
for
his troops did not
more than one thousand
soldiers,
he had scarce provisions for their subsistence

which, the
cities
placed no confidence in him.
and
besides
The
ills
they had suffered from the extortion and cruelty that
had been practised amongst them, had exasperated
them
against all
commanders of troops,
especially after
300
HISTORY OF
the horrid treachery of Callippus and Pharax
who
being both sent, the one from Athens, and the other
from Sparta, to
them
free Sicily,
and expel the
conceive the tyranny
tyrants,
made
gentle and desirable, so
severe were the vexations with which they had op-
They were
pressed them.
same
tre itment
The
Mount
from
afraid of experiencing the
imoleon.
inhabitants of Adranon, a small city below
being divided amongst themselves, one
Etna,
party had called in Icetas and the Carthaginians, and
The two
the other had applied to Timoleon,

arrived almost at the
of Adranon
same time
in the
neighbourhood
men, and
the former with five thousand
Notwithstand-
twelve hundred.
the latter with only
ing this inequality, Timoleon,
who
chiefs
justly
conceived
that he should find the Carthaginians in disorder,
employed
up
in taking
their tents,
made
and
their quarters,
and pitching
his troops advance,
and without
losing time to rest them, as the officers advised him,
he marched
directly to
who no
charge the enemy,
sooner saw him, than they took to their heels.
This
occasioned their killing only three hundred, and taking twice as

lost their
many
camp, and
prisoners
all
their
opened
their gates at the
leon.
Other
after,
and made
but the Carthaginians
baggage.
The
Adranites
same time, and received Timo-
cities sent
their deputies to
him soon
their submission.
Dionysius himself, who renounced his vain hopes,
and saw himself at the point of being reduced, as

contempt
for Icetas,
who had
full
of
suffered himself to
be
so shamefully defeated, as of admiration and esteem

for
Timoleon, sent ambassadors to the
latter,
to treat.
301
of surrendering himself and the citadel to the Corinthians.
Timoleon, taking the advantage of so unex-
made Euclid and Telemachus
pected a good fortune,
with four hundred soldiers,
file
off into the castle
not
once, nor in the day time, that being impossible,
all at
the Carthaginians being masters of the gate, but in
Those
platoons, and by stealth.
troops, having got
successfully into the citadel, took possession of

all
it
the tyrant's moveables, and provisions of war
he had a considerable number
of horse,
with
:
sorts
all
for
of"
engines and darts, besides seventy thousand suits of
armour, which had been
laid
up there long before.
Dionysius had also two thousand regular troops, which

with the rest he surrendered to Timoleon
him
himself, taking with

his friends, he
Icetas,
It
and for
money, and some few of
embarked unperceived by the troops of
and repaired to the camp of Timoleon.
was the
in the
his
time of his
first
low and abject
suppliant
he
state
life
that he
had appeared
of a private person, and a
who had been born and
nurtured in the
arms of the tyranny, and had seen himself master of

the most powerful
ed by
before
after,
kingdom
He
tyrants.
had ever been usurp-
had possessed
Dion took arms

though always
He was sent
that
little
some years
midst of wars and
to Corinth,^ with only
to
battles,
one galley, without
money.
body running
for a sight, every
ten years entire,
against him, and
in the
convoy, and with very
it
He
gaze
at
served there
him
some
with a secret joy of heart to feed their eyes with the
yiew of the miseries of a man,

rendered odious
A.
whom the name of tyrant
others with a kind of compassion^

M.
3657.
Ant. J. C. 347.
S02
HISTORY OF
from comparing the splendid condition from which he
had
fallen,
with the inextricable abyss of distress into
which they beheld him plunged.

His manner of
any sentiments
Corinth did not long excite
life at
in regard to
He
and indignation.
him, but those of contempt
passed whole days in perfumers'
shops, in taverns, or with actresses and singers, disput-
ing with them upon the rules of music, and the harmo-
Some people have
ny of airs.
ed
in
thought, that he behav-
such a manner out of policy, not
to give
umbrage
to the Corinthians, nor to discover any thought or desire
But such an opin-
of recovering his dominions.
him too much honour
ion does
and
it
seems more-
probable, that nurtured and educated as he
was
drunkenness and debauchery, he only followed his

clination,
ery into
and that he passed
which he was
his life in the
fallen, as
in
in-
kind of slav-
he had done upon the
throne, having no other resource or consolation in his
misfortunes.
r
Some
writers say, that the extreme poverty to
which he was reduced
at Corinth,
obliged
him
a school there, and to teach children to read
to
open
perhaps,
says Cicero, without doubt jestingly, to retain a spe-
and not absolutely to renounce
cies of empire,
habit and pleasure of commanding.
were
motive or not,
his
who had
almost
it
is
Whether
'the
that
certain that Dionysius,
seen himself master of Syracuse, and of
all Sicily,
who had
possessed immense riches,
and had numerous fleets and great armies of horse and

foot under his
reduced
Cic.
now
Tusc
command
that the
same Dionysius,
almost to beggary, and from a king be-
Qusst.l.
iii.
n, 27.
Val.
Max.
1,
vi.
come
a schoolmaster,
was a good lesson
303
for persons of
exalted stations not to confide in their grandeur, nor to
much upon
rely too
some time
nians
1
their fortune.
after
gave Philip
That prince, having wrote
to
them
The Lacedemothis
admonition.
in very
haughty
and menacing terms, they made him no other answer,

but " Dionysius
An
Corinth."
at
expression of Dionysius, which has been pre-
served, seems to argue, if
how
to
make
it
be true, that he
a good use of his adversity, and to turn
his misfortunes to his advantage
very
much
related of
knew
which would be
what has been
to his praise, but contrary to
him
before.
Whilst he lived
at Corinth,
him unseasonably, and with an inde-
stranger rallied
upon
cent grossness,
his
commerce with
the philoso-
him
wisdom
phers during his most splendid fortune, and asked
by way of insult, of what consequence all the

of Plato had been to him ? " Can you believe then,"
replied he, " that I have received no benefit
to,
and see
me
bear
ill
from Pla-
fortune as I do ?"
SECTION
VI.
TIMOLEON RESTORES LIBERTY TO SYRACUSE, AND INSTITUTES WISE

LAWS.
HIS DEATH.
After
the retreat of Dionysius/ Icetas pressed
the siege of the citadel of Syracuse with the utmost

vigor,
c
'
and kept
it
so closely blocked up, that the con-
Dmet. Phaler. de Eloq.

A.
Tvip.
M.
3658.
Ant.
465, et 474.
J.
11,
C. 346.
1.
viii.
Plut, in Timol. p. 243.
Plut, in Timol. p.
243248.
Diod.
1.
HISTORY OF
304
voys sent to the Corinthians could not enter

great difficulty.
Timoleon, who was
them frequently
thither.
Mago
Icetas and
relief,
who commanded
Corinthian,
d from
at
without
Catana, sent
deprive them of this
set out together with design
During
to besiege that place.
observ.
To
it
their absence,
Leon the
in the citadel,
the ramparts, that those
having
who had been
left to
continue the siege, were very remiss in their
duty,
he made a sudden furious
sally
upon them,
whilst they were dispersed, killed part of them, put the
and seized the quarter of the
rest to flight,
city call-
ed Achradina, which was the strongest part of it, and
had been
fied
it
joined
to the citadel
forti-
by works of communication.
This bad news caused
At
immediately.
Leon
manner the time would admit, and
in the best
it
by the enemy.
least injured
the
from Corinth landed
Mago and
Icetas, to return
same time a body of troops
safe in Sicily,
having deceived
the vigilance of the Carthaginian squadron posted to
When
intercept them.
they were landed, Timoleon ?
received them with joy, and after having taken possession of\Messina,
Was
When
to
in battle array against
His army consisted of only four thousand
Syracuse.
men.
marched
he approached the
city,
his first care
send emissaries among the soldiers that bore
arms for
Icetas.
They
represented to them, that
it
was
highly shameful for Greeks, as they were, to labour

that Syracuse
and
all
Sicily should
be given up to the
Carthaginians, the wickedest and most cruel of
barbarians
and
that
Icetas had only to join Timoleon,
to act in concert with
enemy.
Those
all
soldiers,
him
against the
common
having spread these
insin-
DIONYSIS THE YOUNGER.
305
nations throughout the whole camp, gave

lent suspicions of his being betrayed
Mago
vio-
besides which,
he had already for some time sought a pretext to
For these reasons, notwithstanding the en-
retire.
treaties
and warm remonstrances of Icetas, he weighed
anchor, and set
abandon-
for Africa, shamefully
sail
ing the conquest of Sicily.
Timoleon's army the next day appeared before the

place in line of battle, and attacked
much
quarters with so
it
in three different
vigor and success, that Icetas's
troops were universally overthrown and put to flight.
Thus, by a good fortune

carried Syracuse
few examples, he
Dion
for their beauty
in sparing the forts
and magnificence.
same cause of
suspicion,
it,
at
world.
he did not
and public edifices
To
which
though without foundation, and
which was
in the
cities
he had made himself master of
act like
the
that has
force in an instant,
one of the strongest
that time
When
by
avoid giving
at first decried,
at length ruined that
made by sound
Syracusans, who would come
great man, he caused proclamation to be
of trumpet, that
with their
tools,
all
might employ themselves
in
demolish-
In consequence of which,
ing the forts of the tyrants.
the Syracusans consideringthat proclamation and day as

the
commencement of their liberty,
the citadel,
ran in multitudes to
which they not only demolished, but the
palaces of the tyrant
breaking open their tombs at the
same time, which they also threw down and destroyed.
The
citadel being razed,
and the ground made
Timoleon caused tribunals to be erected upon

dispensation of justice in the
the
name
same place from whence, under the
vol. 4.
40
it,
of the people
level,
forthe
;
that
tyrants, every
HISTORY OF
30
day some bloody edict had

asylum and bulwark of
issued,
liberty
and innocence.
Timoleon was master of the

people to inhabit
wars and
seditions,
power of the
and
it
city
but
it
wanted
some having perished
for
and others being
tyrants,
the grass
might become the
fled to
in the
avoid the
Syracuse was become a desert,
was grown so high
horses grazed in them.
in the streets, [that
All the cities of Sicily were
almost in the same condition. Timoleon and the Syra-
cusans therefore found
necessary to write to Corinth,
it
to desire that people might be sent
habit Syracuse
er recover
from Greece
to in-
that otherwise the country could nev-
itself,
and was besides threatened with a new
Mago
having
killed himself, the Carthaginians, enraged at his
having
war: for they had received advice, that
acquitted himself so
body upon a
cross,
ill
of his charge, had
hung up
his
and were making great levies to
return into Sicily with a
more numerous army than
at
the beginning of the year.
Those
Syracuse,
letters
being arrived with ambassadors from
who
conjured the Corinthians to take com-
passion of their city, and to be a second time the
founders of
it,
the Corinthians did not consider the
calamity of that people as an occasion of aggrandiz-
ing themselves,
of the
city,
Jnfamous
and of making themselves masters
according to the
maxims
policy, but sending to
of Greece, and to
ed proclamation
the Corinthians
all
to be
all
of a base and
the sacred
games
public assemblies, they caus-
made
in
them by
heralds, that
having abolished the tyranny, and
expelled the tyrants, they declared free and indepen-
dent the Syracusans, and
all
the people of Sicily,
who
own
should return into their
307
country, and exhorted
them to repair thither, to partake of an equal and just distribution of the lands amongst them. At the same time
they dispatched couriers into Asia, and into
isles,
all
the
whither great numbers of fugitives had retired,
come as soon as possible to Corinth,

which would provide them vessels, commanders, and
a safe convoy, to transport them into their country at
to invite
its
them
to
own expense.
Upon this publication, Corinth
praises
and blessings, as
received universal
justly deserved.
it
was
It
every where proclaimed, that Corinth had delivered
Syracuse from the tyrants, had
preserved
from
it
falling into the hands of the barbarians, and restored

it
to
its
citizens.
It is
not necessary to insist here
upon the grandeur of so noble and generous an action

the
mere
relation of
it
must make the impression
always results from the great and noble
that
and every
body owned,
that never conquest or triumph equal-
led the glory
which the Corinthians then acquired by
so perfect and
magnanimous a
Those who came
disinterestedness.
to Corinth, not being sufficiently
numerous, demanded an addition of inhabitants from

Greece, to augment this kind of
that city
and from
colony.
Having obtained
all
their
request, and finding
themselves increased to ten thousand, they embarked for

Syracuse, where a multitude of people from all.parts of
Italy
and
their
number amounted
wards.
them
Sicily
had joined Timoleon.
to sixty thousand
Timoleon distributed the

gratis
It
was
said
and up-
lands amongst
but sold them the houses, with which
he raised a very great sum
tion of the o}d inhabitants to
leaving
redeem
it
to the descre-
their
own
and
HISTORY OF
308
means he
collected a considerable fund for such
by
this
oi;'
the people as were poor, and unable to support
own
either their
or the charges
necessities
of the
war.
The statues of the tyrants, and

who had governed Sicily, were
but
first
of
all
the princes
up
put
to sale
they were cited, and sentenced in the forms
One
of law.
only escaped the rigor of this inquiry,
and was preserved
which was Gelon, who had gain-
ed a celebrated victory over the Carthaginians
at
Hi-
mera, and governed the people with lenity and justice
for
honoured.
statues, I
which
memory was
his
If the
still
cherished and
same scrutiny were made
into all
do not know whether many would continue
in being.
w History has preserved another sentence passed
also in regard to a statue, but of a very different kind.
The
fact is curious,
and
excuse a digression.
will
con, a champion of Thasos, an island in the

sea,
Ni-
Egean
had been crowned fourteen hundred times victor
in the
A man of that merit
solemn games of Greece.
could not
fail
of being envied.
After his death, one of
his competitors insulted his statue, and gave
blows
to revenge perhaps
received from
if sensible
him
it
person that insulted
it,
fell
and
him who had been crushed
But
from
killed
its
the statue, as
height upon the
him.
The
son of
to death, proceeded jurid-
ically against the statue, as
guilty of homicide,
That famous
punishable by the law of Draco.

lator of
several
those he had formerly
represented.
of that outrage,
it
and
legis-
Athens, to inspire a greater horror for the guilt

*
Suidas in
Now
Pausan.
1.
vi p. 364.
309
of murder, had ordained that even inanimate things
should be destroyed which should occasion the death

of a
man by
their
The
fall.
Thasians, conformable to
decreed that the statue should be thrown
this law,
But some years
into the sea.
after,
being
afflicted
with great famine, and having consulted the oracle of

Delphos, they caused
it
new honours
rendered
to
it.
Syracuse being raised in

people flocking from
all
and
to be taken out of the sea,
manner from the grave, and
parts to inhabit
it,
Timoleon,
desirous of freeing the other cities of Sicily, and finally

to extirpate
march with
nounce
tyranny and tyrants out of
He
began
his
compelled Icetas to
re-
his alliance with the Carthaginians, obliged
him
his army.
to demolish his forts,
and
to live as a private person in
Leptinus, tyrant of Apollo-
the city of the Leontines.

nia,
it,
and of several other
cities
and
fortresses, seeing
himself in danger of being taken by force, surrender-
and sent him to
ed himself.
Timoleon spared
Corinth
he thought nothing more great and hon-
for
ourable, than to
let
his
life,
Greece see the tyrants of
Sicily in
a state of humiliation, and living like exiles.
He
returned afterwards to Syracuse, to regulate the
government, and
to institute such laws as should
most important and necessary,

Cephalus and Dionysius, two
by the Corinthians
for
legislators sent to
on his departure, that the troops

something
mand
for themselves,
same time, he
him
he had not the weakness to
desire unlimited power, and sole administration.
cise at the
be
in conjunction with
and
in his
to
But
pay might get
keep them
in exer-
sent them, under the
of Dinarchus and Demaratus, into
all
com-
the places
310
HISTORY OF
subject to the Carthaginians.
over several
cities
abundance, made
siderable
Those troops brought
from the barbarians, lived always
much
in
booty, and returned with con-
sums of money, which was of great
service in
the support of the war.

x
About
this
time the Carthaginians arrived
at Lily-
beum, under Asdrubal and Amilcar, with an army of

seventy thousand men, two hundred ships of war, one
thousand transports laden with machines, armed char-
ammunition, and
horses,
iots,
proposed no
less
Greeks out of
than the entire expulsion of the
Timoleon did not think
Sicily.
wait their advancing
and though he could
six or seven thousand

terror,
They
provisions.
fit
to
raise only
men, so great was the people's
he marched with that small body of troops
against the formidable
body of the enemy, and
obtain-
ed a celebrated victory near the river Crimesus

account of which
may be found
Carthaginians.
Timoleon
in the history
returned
to
an
of the
SjTacuse
amidst shouts of joy and universal applauses.
He
had before effected the conquest and reduction
of the Sicilian tyrants, but had not changed them, nor
taken from them their tyrannical disposition.
They
united together, and formed a powerful league against
him.
put a
Timoleon immediately took the

final
end
suffer the just

tas,
amongst
to
their hopes.
punishment
others,
field,
and soon
He made them
their revolt deserved.
all
Ice-
with his son, were put to death,
as tyrants and traitors.
His wife and daughters, hav-
ing been sent to Syracuse, and presented to the people s

*
Plut, in Timol. p. 248, et 255.
311
and executed accordingly.
were
also sentenced to die,
The
people, without doubt, designed to avenge
their
first
deliverer
by
that decree
who had caused
Icetas,
for
it
Dion
was the same
Arete, Dion's wife, his sister
Aristomache, and his son, an
infant, to
be thrown into
the sea.
Virtue
summoned Timoleon
cusers
Two ac-
seldom or never without envy.
is
answer
to
for his con-
duct before the judges, and having assigned him a
demanded
certain
day
for his appearance,
him.
The
people expressed great indignation against
sureties of
such a proceeding, and would have dispensed with so

great a man's observing the usual formalities
he strongly opposed, giving for his reason, that
had undertaken had no other principle than

laws might have their due course.
of malversation during his
He was
command
which
all
he
that the
accused
of the army.
Timoleon, without giving himself the trouble to refute

those calumnies, only repiied, " that he thanked the
gods,
saw
who had
heard his prayers, and that he
at
length
the Syracusans enjov an entire liberty of saying
every thing
a liberty absolutely
under the tyrants, but which
it
unknown
was just
to
them
to confine
within due bounds."
That great man had given Syracuse wise laws, had

purged all
ed
it,
Sicily of the tyrants
who had
so long infest-
had reestablished peace and security universally,
and supplied the
cities
ruined by the war with the
means of reinstating themselves.

actions,
After such glorious
which had acquired him an unbounded
he quitted
his authority
to live in retirement.
credit,
The
Syracusans had given him the best house in the city
512
HISTORY OF
and another very
in gratitude for his great services,

fine
and agreeable one
ally resided
whom
in resigning
entirely also
he had
for he did not return thither,
and Syracuse was become
wisdom,
where he gener-
with his wife and children,
from Corinth
sent for
in the country,
He had the
his country.
every thing, to abstract himself
from envy, which never
attend
fails to
exalted stations, and pays no respect to merit, how-
He shunned
the rock
on which the greatest men, through an
insatiate
ever great and substantial.
lust of honours and power, are often shipwrecked
by engaging
to the
end of
their
is,
new
cares and troubles, of which age renders
by choosing rather
incapable, "and
to
lives in
that
them
sink under,
than to lay down, the weight of them.
who knew
Timoleon,
and glorious
He
leisure,
all
the value of
a noble
manner.
acted in a different
passed the rest of his
life
person,
as a private
many
to him
enjoying the grateful satisfaction of seeing so

cities,
and such a numerous people, indebted
for their happiness
and tranquillity
respected and consulted as the

Sicily.
but
lie
was always
common
oracle of
Neither treaty of peace, institution of law,
division of land, nor regulation of government, seem-
ed well done,
put the
last
if
Timoleon had not been consulted, and
hand
His age was
to
it.
tried
with a very sensible
affliction,
which he supported with astonishing patience

the loss of sight.
him
in
That
it
was
accident, for from lessening
the consideration and regard of the people,
served only to augment them.
The Syracusans did
not content themselves with paying him
frequent

they conducted
visits,
all
313
strangers, both in
town and
When
country, to see their benefactor and deliverer.
they had any important
affair to deliberate
upon
assembly of the people, they called him

assistance,
who came
thither in a chariot
two horses, which crossed the public place

atre
and
in that
in the
in to their
drawn by
to the the-
manner he was introduced
into the
assembly, amidst the shouts and acclamations of joy of

After he had given his opinion,
the whole people.
which was always
religiously observed, his domestics
reconducted him across the

citizens
theatre, followed
by
all
the
beyond the gates with continual shouts of joy
and clapping of hands*
He
had
death.
still
greater honours paid to
Nothing was wanting,
him
that could
after his
add
to the
magnificence of the procession, which followed his

bier, of
which the tears that were shed, and the bless-
ings uttered by every body in honour of his
were the noblest ornaments.
Those
tears
memory,
were neither
the effect of custom, and the formality of mourning,
nor exacted by a public decree, but flowed from a

native source, sincere affection, lively gratitude,
inconsolable sorrow.
nually for the future,
A law
was
and
also
made, that an-
upon the day of
his death, the
music and gymnastic games should be celebrated with

horse races in honour of him.
more honourable
for the
memory
But what was
still
of that great man,
was the decree of the Syracusan people
that
when-
ever Sicily should be engaged in a war with foreigners,
they should send to Corinth for a general*
vol.
4.
41
314
HISTORY OF
do not know,
that history has any thing
and accomplised than what
it
more great
says of Timoleon.
speak not only of his military exploits, but the happy

success of all his undertakings.
characteristic in them,
men
Plutarch observes a
which distinguishes Timoleon
from
all
upon
that occasion, of a very remarkable comparison.
There
the great
is,
and makes use,
of his times,
says he, in painting and poetry, pieces which
are excellent in themselves, and which at the
may be known
to
view
first
be the works of a master; but some
of them denote their having cost abundance of pains
and application
grace
is
seen,
is
in others
an easy and native
which .adds exceedingly to
and amongst the
There
whereas
latter,
something of
their value,
he places the poems of Homer.

this sort occurs,
when we com-
pare the great actions of Epaminondas and Agesilaus
with those of Timoleon.
In the former,
executed with force and innumerable

in the latter, there is an easiness
distinguish
virtue,
them
But not
It is
and
facility,
Plutarch
to
in
them
;
but
which
who
have taken pleasure in

stills
speaks.
to mention his military actions
admire most
ed passion
find
as the work, not of fortune, but of
which fortune seems
seconding.
we
difficulties
Timoleon,
for the public
is
his
warm and
what I
disinterest-
good, and his reserving only
for himself the pleasure of seeing others
happy by
his
services; his extreme remoteness from ambition and
haughtiness; his honourable retirement into the country
his
modesty, moderation, and indifference for the
honours paid him

his aversion for
somebody
and, what
all flattery,
is still
more uncommon,
and even just praises.
When
extolled in his presence, his wisdom, valor,

and glory,
315
having expelled the tyrants, he made no
in
answer, but that he thought himself obliged to express

his
gratitude to the gods, who,
and
restore peace
make
choice of him, in preference to
human
all
what
treasure,
for
all
others, for so
he was fully persuaded,
and disposed by
events are guided
the secret decrees
ister
had vouchsafed to
liberty to Sicily,
honourable a ministration
that
having decreed to
What
of divine providence.
a happiness for a state, is
such a min-
For the better understanding
his value,
we have
compare the condition of Syracuse under
only to
Timoleon, with
It is the
same
different
is
it
its
state
under the two Dionysiuses.
city, inhabitants,
under the
how
governments we
and people
different
but
The two
tyrants
had no thoughts but of
making themselves
feared,
and of depressing their
speak of
subjects, to render
them more
passive.
terrible in effect, as they desired to
be
They were
but at the same
time detested and abhorred, and had more to fear from

their subjects, than their subjects
leon,
from them.
Timo-
on the contrary, who looked upon himself as the
father of the Syracusan people, and who
had no thoughts
but of making them happy, enjoyed the refined pleasure of being beloved and revered as a parent by his
children
and he was remembered amongst them with
blessings, because they could not reflect
and
felicity
the
same time the wise
upon the peace
they enjoyed, without calling to mind at

legislator, to
whom they
indebted for those inestimable blessings.
were
BOOK TWELFTH.
PERSIANS
ISTORY
AND
GRECIANS.
CHAPTER
1 HIS book
two very
I.
contains principally
illustrious generals of the
minondas and Pelopidas
the history
of
Thebans, Epa-
the deaths of Agesilaus,
king of Sparta, and of Artaxerxes
Mnemon, king
of
Persia.
SECTION
I.
STATE OF GREECE FROM THE TREATY OF ANTALCIDES;
The
peace of Antalcides,* of which mention has
been made
in the third
chapter of the ninth book, had
given the Grecian states great matter of discontent and
A. M. 3617.
Ant
J.
C. 387.
Xenoph. Hist. Grsec
1.
v. p. 550, 555,
HISTORY OF THE
318
In effect of that treaty, the Thebans had
division.
been obliged
them enjoy
let
withdraw
their liberty
saw
and the Corinthians to
the authors and executors of this
power extremely augmented by
their
and were industrious
They compelled
The Lacede-
and independent.
free
who were
monians,
of Beotia, and
cities
garrison from Argos, which by that
their
means became
treaty,
abandon the
to
to
make
further additions to
the Mantineans, against
pretended to have
many
it.
they
causes of complaint in the
war, to demolish the walls of their
last
whom
it,
city,
and to
inhabit four different places, as they had done before.

b
The two
were of quite
laus,
first,
strict
different characters,
who was
affairs.
naturally inclined to peace, and a
was
observer of justice,
much exclaimed
already
and as oppo-
opinions upon the present state of
site in their
The
kings of Sparta, Agesipolis and Agesi-
for
having Sparta,
against for the treaty of
Antalcides, suffer the Grecian cities to enjoy their

liberties,
according to the tenor of that treaty, and not
disturb their tranquillity through an unjust desire of
The
extending their dominions.

trary, restless,
bition
c
active,
and
full
other,
on the con-
of great views of am-
and conquest, breathed nothing but war.
At
the
same time, deputies arrived
at
Sparta from
Acanthus and Apollonia, two very considerable
cities
of Macedonia, in respect to Olynthus, a city of Thrace,

inhabited by Greeks, originally of Chalcis in Eubea. d
Athens, after the victories of Salamin and Marathon,
had conquered many places on the

b
Diod.
1.
xv. p. 341.
a.
M.
3621.
*Diod.l.XY.p.554556.
side of Thrace,
Ant. J.
C 383.
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS.

and even
Thrace
in
Those
itself.
cities
319
threw
off the
yoke, as soon as Sparta, at the conclusion of the Pelo-
had ruined the power of
ponnesian war,
Olynthus was of this number.
The
Athens.
deputies of Acan-
thus and Apollonia, represented in the general assembly of the
that Olynthus, situated in their neigh-
allies,
bourhood, daily
improved
dinary manner
that
it
in strength in
perpetually extended
minions by new conquests

cities
that
obliged
it
its
do-
all
the
and to enter into
it,
its
and was upon the point of concluding an
being taken into consideration,
ly resolved, that
was necessary
it
the Olynthians.
The
Athenians and the Thebans.
alliance with the

affair
round about to submit to
measures
an extraor-
It
it
was unanimous-
to declare
was agreed,
war against
that the allied cities
should furnish ten thousand troops, with liberty, to
such as desired
it,
three oboli a day
as
much
to substitute
for
for the horse.
no time, made
command
money,
at the rate
of
each foot soldier, and four times
The Lacedemonians,
their troops
of Eudamidas,
march
who
directly,
prevailed
to lose
under the
with the
Ephori, that Phebidas his brother, might have the leading of those which were to follow, and to join him soon
When
after.
which
is
he arrived in that part of Macedonia,
also called Thrace, he garrisoned such places
as applied to
him
tidea, a city in
for that
alliance
purpose, seized upon Po-
with the Olynthians, which
surrendered without making any defence, and began

the war against Olynthus, though
slowly, as
it
was
necessary for a general to act before his troops were
assembled.
all
320
HISTORY OF THE
Phebidas began his march soon
arrived near Thebes,
the
encamped without
gymnasium, or public place of
and being
after,
the walls neat
Isme-
exercise.
nius and Leontides, both polemarchs, that
generals
is,
of the army, and supreme magistrates of Thebes, were
head of two
at the
had engaged Pelopidas
he
was no
in his party,
the Lacedemonians, nor they to
first,
who
friend to
him because he pub;
declared for popular government and liberty*
licly
The
on the contrary, favoured an oligarchy, and
other,
was supported by
interest.
am
consequence of
tween
the
Lacedemonians with
am going to
whole
it,
relate,
and which was a
occasions the important war be-
Thebans and Spartans.
the
This being the
state of affairs at
Thebes, Leontides
applied to Phebidas, and proposed to

citadel called
nius,
their
obliged to enter into this detail, be-
cause the event I
He
1"
different factions.
Cadmea,
him
to seize the
to expel the adherents of Isme-
and to give the Lacedemonians possession of
represented to him, that nothing could be
glorious for him,
Olvnthus
that he
make
than to
Thebes, whilst his brother
it
more
himself master of
was endeavouring to reduce
would thereby
of his brother's enterprise
facilitate the
success
and that the Thebans,
who had prohibited their citizens by decree to beararms

against the Olynthians,
would not
master of the
himself
citadel,
fail,
upon
his
to supply
making
him with
whatever number of horse and foot he should think

proper, for the reinforcement of Eudamidas.
e
A.
M.
3622.
p. 608, 609.
Ant.
J.
C. 382.
Id. in Pelop. p. 280.
Xenoph.
DiocL
1.
p.
556558.
Plut, in Agesi,
xv. p. 341, 342.
321
who had much ambition, and little conand who had no other view than to signalize
Phebidas,
duct,
himself by some extraordinary action, without examining the consequences, suffered himself to be easily
Whilst the Thebans,
persuaded.
under the treaty of peace
lately
entirely
secure
concluded by the Gre-
cian states, celebrated the feast of Ceres, and expected
nothing less than such an act of
Phebidas,
hostility,
conducted by Leontides, took possession of the citadel.
The
senate
was then
sitting.
and declared, that there

the Lacedemonians,
Leontides went to them,
was nothing
who had
to
entered the citadel
they were only the enemies of those,

disturbing the public tranquillity
by the power
fining
his office of
be feared from
who were
that
for
that as for himself,
polemarch gave him of con-
whoever caballed against the
who
put Ismenius into a place of security,
endeavoured to break the peace.
he should
state,
factiously
He was seized acThe party of
cordingly, and carried to the citadel.
Ismenius seeing their chief a prisoner, and apprehending the utmost violence for themselves, quitted the
with precipitation, and retired to Athens, to the
city
number of
four hundred and upwards.
soon
banished by a public decree.
was
after
oi
the
number
in affairs of
poverty, which
him.
left
state
no room
A new polemarch
man
who did
as a
devoted to the study of philosophy,
intermeddle
Pelopidas
but Epaminondas remained at
Thebes unmolested, being disregarded

tirely
They were
4.
42
not
and also from his
to fear
any thing from
was nominated
in
the
of Ismenius, and Leontides went to Lacedemon.
vol.
en-
room
HISTORY OF THE'
322
The news
of Phebidas's enterprise,
who
at a
time
of general peace had taken possession of a citadel by
upon which he had no claim or
force,
had occa-
right,
murmurings and complaints.
sioned great
Such
opposed Agesilaus, who was suspected
especially as
of having shared in the scheme,
demanded by whose
orders Phebidas had committed so strange a breach of
public
warm
knew
Agesilaus, wjio well
faith.
reproaches were aimed
at
that those
him, made no
diffi-
culty of justifying Phebidas, and declared openly, and
before
all
sidered in
the world, " that the action ought to be conitself, in
useful or not
that
order to understand whether
it
he was not only permitted, but commanded
upon
his
own authority, and without
of any body."
a person,
Strange principles to be advanced by
who upon
it,
other occasions had maintained,
valor
itself,
virtues,
and that
and every other great quality,
were
useless and unavailing."
that
made answer, when somebody
It is the
same man
in his
presence
magnified the king of Persia's grandeur, " he,
y ou
call
to act
waiting the orders
" that justice was the supreme of

without
were
whatever was expedient for Sparta,
the great king, in what
is
whom
he greater than me,
truly noble and admiraunless he be more just ?"

ble maxim, " that justice must be the rule of whatever
excels and
in his
is
great !" but a
mouth, and which
all
maxim
his
that he
had only
actions contradicted
conformable to the principle of the generality of

ticians,
who
poli-
imagine, that a statesman ought always to
have justice in his mouth, but never lose an occasion of

violating
it
for the
advantage of his country.

But
now
us
let
323
hear the sentence, which the august
assembly of Sparta, so renowned for the wisdom of its

counsels, and the equity of
The
pronounce.
whole discussed
about to
is
being maturely considered, the
at large,
light, the
full
its
affair
decrees,
its
and the manner of
set in
it
assembly resolved, that Phebidas
should be deprived of his command, and fined one

f
hundred thousand drachms
but that they should
continue to hold the citadel, and keep a good garrison

in
What
it.
Polybius
a strange contradiction
was
says
this,
what a disregard of all justice and reason
to punish the criminal,
and approve the crime
and
not only to approve the crime tacitly, and without hav-
ing any share in it, but to ratify
and continue
ity,
it
in the
advantages arising from
it
it
by the public author
name
But
commissioners, appointed by
all
of the state for the
was not
this
death, which
upon
whom
the cities in alliance
with Sparta, were dispatched to the citadel of

to try Ismenius,
all
Thebes
they passed sentence of
Such
was immediately executed.
To
rant injustice seldom remains unpunished.
flag-
act in
such a manner, says Polybius again, is neither for one's

country's interest, nor one's own.
h Teleutias,
ed
Agesilaus's brother, had been substitut-
in the place of
Phebidas, to
command
the rest of
the troops of the allies designed against Olynthus,
whither he marched with
was
to a
strong,
About
*>
The
expedition.
city
and furnished with every thing necessary
good defence.
Several sallies were
great success, in one of

*
all
which Teleutias was
20201. sterling,
Xenoph.
1.
v. p.
made with
559565.
Diod.
1.
xv. p.
Lib.
killed,
iv. p.
342, 343,
196.
324
HISTORY OF THE
The next
command
year king Agesipolis had the
The campaign
the army.
out any thing decisive.
of
passed in skirmishing, with-
Agesipolis died soon after of
a disease, and was succeeded by his brother Cleombrotus,
who
reigned nine years.
began the hundredth Olympiad.

efforts to
About
that time
made
Sparta
fresh
terminate the war with the Olynthians.
Po-
lybidas their general pressed the siege with vigor.
The
was
place being in want of provisions,
at
last
obliged to surrender, and was received by the Spartans

into the
number of their
allies.
SECTION
sparta's prosperity,
II.
character of two illustrious theand pelopidas.
bans, epaminondas
The
fortune of the Lacedemonians never appeared
with greater splendour, nor their power more strongly

All Greece
established.
by
was subjected
They were
force or alliance.
Thebes, a most powerful

Beotia.
it
in
their devotion,
to
and obeyed their orders
Athenians, abandoned by their
make head
own
strength,
against them.
either
that, of all
humble Argos,
Corinth was entirely at
dependence.
almost to their
them
in possession of
and with
They had found means
and to hold
The
city,
to
were
If any
in
every thing.
allies,
and reduced
in
no condition
city, or
their alliance, attempted to abstract themselves

iheir
to
people in
rom
power, an immediate punishment reduced them
to their former obedience,

'
A.
M.
3624.
and
Ant,
J.
terrified
C, 380.
all
others

from following
and land,
their
Thus, masters by sea
example.
trembled before them
all
325
and the most
for-
midable princes, as the king of Persia and the tyrant of
seemed
Sicily,
to
emulate each other
in courting their
friendship and alliance.
A prosperity, founded in injustice, can be of no long

The
duration.
greatest blows that
were given the
Spartan power, came from the quarter where they had

acted the highest injuries, and from whence they did
not seem to have any thing to fear, that
Two
Thebes.
make
is
to say,
from
illustrious citizens of that state will
appearance upon the
glorious
theatre
of
Greece, and lor that reason deserve cur notice in
this
place.
These
are Pelopidas and
Epaminondas, k both de-
scended from the noblest families of Thebes.
Pelopi-
nurtured in the greatest affluence, and whilst
das,
young,
and flourishing family,
sole heir of a very rich
employed
his wealth
from the
first
possession of
the relief of such as had occasion for
it,
it,
in
and merited
his favour; showing, in that wise use of his riches,
was
that he
for,
and not
really their master,
their slave
according to Aristotle's remark, repeated by Plu-
tarch,
men either make no
most
tunes, out of avarice, or abuse
expenses.
As
inheritance, in
say, his joy
for
use at
them
all
in
of their for-
bad or
Epaminondas, poverty was
which
his honour,
trifling
all
his
and one might almost
and delight, consisted.
He was
born of
poor parents, and consequently familiarized from his

k
Ta>v fro'KKa>y )
ft APuflldiy.
oi ftrt
Plut, in Pelop. p. 279.
ygwreu
toi
wa*t
<f;*
fAtKôKoymv,
oi S't
Trs^t-ygtovl&i
history or the
326
made more
infancy with poverty, which he
and easy to him by

pidas,
his taste
who supported
to
make use of his
Pelo-
number of citizens,
on him to accept his offers,
a great
never being able to prevail
and
grateful
for philosophy.
fortune, resolved to share in the
poverty of his friend, by making him his example, and
became
city,
model
the
as well as admiration of the
whole
from the modesty of his dress, and the frugality of
his table.
m If Epaminondas was poor as to the goods of

tune, those of the head and heart
ample amends.
made him
for-
a most
Modest, prudent, grave, happy
im-
in
proving occasions, possessing in a supreme degree the

science of war, equally valiant and wise, easy and
complaisant in the commerce of the world, suffering
with incredible patience the people's, and even his

friends'
ill
treatment, uniting with the ardour for mili-
tary exercises, a wonderful taste for study and the sci-
ences, piquing himself especially so
much upon
truth
he made a scruple of telling a
and
sincerity, that
even
in jest, or for diversion.
lie
Acleo veritatis diligens,
ut nejoco quidem mentiretur.

n
They were
both equally inclined to virtue.
But
Pelopidas was best pleased with the exercises of the
body, and Epaminondas with the cultivation of the
mind. For which reason, they employed their
leisure,
the one in the palestra and the chace, the other in conversation and the study of philosophy.
But what persons of sense and judgment must

principally admire in them,
and which
in their high rank, is the perfect union

m Cor, Nep.
in
Epam.
c.
iii.
is
rarely found
and friendship,
Plut, in Pelop. p. 2~9,
327
between them during the whole
that always subsisted
time they were employed together
whether
tion of the public affairs,
the administra-
in
in
war or peace.
If
we examine the government of Aristides and Themisthat of
tocles,
Cimon and
we
Alcibiades,
them
shall find
sention,
and debate.
The two
held the
first offices in
the state
ed through
their
hands
and authority.
their care
of Nicias and
Pericles,
of trouble, dis-
full
friends
;
all
we speak
of
great affairs pass-
every thing was confided to

In such delicate conjunc-
tures what occasions of pique and jealousy generally

arise
But
interest,
neither difference of sentiment, diversity of
nor the least emotion of envy, ever altered
The
and good understanding.
their union
which was,
their being
principle, that
is,
reason of
founded upon an unalterable
upon virtue
which
in all their actions,
says Plutarch, occasioned their having neither glory
nor riches, the
fatal
sources of
strife
and division
in
made them desire not the advancement or honour of their own families, but to render their country more powerful and
flourishing.
Such were the two illustrious men who
are about to make their appearance, and to give a new
view, but solely the public good, and
face to the affairs of Greece,
by the great events, in
which they have a principal share.
Leontides, being apprized
retired to Athens,
by the people, and were

of worth and honour,
that the exiles
in great
esteem with
sent thither certain
A.M. 3626.
1.
xv. p.
all
people
unknown
Ant. J. C. 373. Xenoph. Hist. Grc.l. v. p. 566 568.

280284. Id. de Socrat. gen. p. 586588, et 594598,
344346. Cor. Nep. in. Pelop. c. . iv.
Plut, in Polop.
Diod.
had
where they had been well received
HISTORY OF THE
328
persons to assassinate the most considerable of them.
Only Androclides was
escaping the
killed, all the rest
contrivances of Leontides.
At
same time, the Athenians received
the
from Sparta,
their receiving or assisting
to prohibit
them
the exiles, and with orders to exoel

*
7
they were declared
common enemies by
The humanity and
virtue, peculiar
made them
Athenians,
their citv,
as
J
'
all
the allies.
and natural to the
infamous a proposal
reject so
They were
with horror.
letters
transported with the occa-
sion of expressing their gratitude to the
a previous obligation of the
Thebans
same nature.
Thebans had contributed most
for
For the
to the reestablishment
of the popular government at Athens, having declar-
ed
in their
favour by a public decree, contrary to the
prohibition of Sparta
and
it
was from Thebes, Thra-
sybulus set out to deliver Athens from the tyranny of

the Thirty.
Pelopidas, though at that time very young, went to

all
the exiles one after another, of
He
the most considerable.
" That
whom Melon was

them,
represented to
was unworthy of honest men, to content
it
themselves with having saved their
own
lives,
and
to
look with indifference upon their country, enslaved
and miserable
Athens might
That whatever good
express for
should suffer their
fate to
them,
it
will the
was not
fit
people of
that they
depend upon the decrees of
a people, which their natural inconstancy, and the malignity
of orators that turned them any
might soon
alter
That
it
way
was necessary
to
at will,
hazard
every thing, after the example of Thrasybulus, and to

set before
them
his intrepid valor
and generous
forti-
PERSIANS
tude as a model
AND GRECIANS.
329
That, as he set out from Thebes to
suppress and destroy the tyrants of Athens, so they
might go from Athens to restore Thebes
its
ancient
liberty."
This discourse made

exiles that could
all
upon the
the impression
be expected.
They
sent privately to
who
inform their friends at Thebes of their resolution,
Charon, one of the
extremely approved their design.
persons of the city, offered to receive the
principal
Philidas found
conspirators into his house.
made
get himself
who were
to
then plemarchs, or supreme magistrates
As
of the
city.
time
diligently
Thebans by
throw
means
secretary to Archidas and Philip,
Epaminondas, he had
for
some
for
endeavoured to inspire the younger
his discourse with a passionate desire to
off the
Spartan yoke,
He was
ignorant of
nothing that had been projected, but he believed, that
he ought not to have any share in

said,
blood of his country
because, as he
foreseeing that his friends
not keep within the due
however lawful
in itself,
not perish alone

zen,
it,
he could not resolve to imbrue his hands in the
who
would
bounds of the enterprise,
and
that the tyrants
would
and convinced besides, that a
citi-
should not appear to have taken either party,
would have it
in his
power
to influence the people with
better effect.
The day
for the execution of the project
being
fix
ed,the exiles thought proper, that Pherenicus, with

all
the conspirators, should stop at Thriasium, a
town not
far
from Thebes, and that a small number

p
vol. 4,
little
Plut, de gen.Socrat.p. 594.
43
HISTORY OF THE
330
of the youngest of them should venture into the
Twelve persons of
united by a
other,
the best families of Thebes,
and
strict
city.
faithful
though competitors
all
friendship with each
for glory
and honour,
offer-
Pelopidas was
ed themselves for
this
of this number.
After having embraced their com-
bold enterprise.
panions, and dispatched a messenger to Charon to
give
in
him
mean
in their
notice of their coming, they set out dressed
habits, carrying
hands
hounds with them, and poles

such as they
for pitching of nets, that
met on the way might have no suspicion of them, and

take them only for hunters, that had wandered after
their
game.
Their messenger being arrived
at
Thebes, and
having informed Charon that they were

approach of danger did not
as he
his
alter his
set out, the
sentiments; and
wanted neither courage nor honour, he prepared
house for their reception.
One
of die conspirators,
who was no bad man,
lov-
ed his country, and would have served the exiles with

all
his power, but
had neither the resolution nor con-
stancy necessary for such an enterprise, and could

think of nothing but difficulties and obstacles that pre-
sented themselves
Much
in
crowds to
his
imagination.
disordered with the prospect of danger, this
person retired into his house without saying any thing,
and dispatched one of his friends

piidas to desire
them
turn to Athens,
to
Melon and Pelo-
to defer their enterprise,
till
more favourable
and
re-
opportunity.
Happily that friend, not finding his horse's
bridle,
and
losing a great deal of time in quarrelling with his wife,
was prevented from going.
331
Pelopidas and his companions, disguised like peasants,
and having separated from each other, entered
the city at different gates towards the close of the day.

It
was then early
and the snow
fell
in the winter, the north

;
which contributed
wind blew,
to conceal them,
every body keeping within doors upon account of the

cold weather
besides which,
it
Some, who were
tunity of covering their faces.

secret, received
gave them an opporin the
and conducted them to Charon's house
where, of exiles and others, their whole number amount-
ed to forty eight.
who was
in
the plot, had
some time before invited Archias and
his
companions
to supper,
Philidas, secretary to the beotarchs,**
repast,
promising them an exquisite
and the company of some of the
in the city.
finest
women
The guests being met at the appointed

down to table. They had been free
time, they sat
when
with the glass, and were almost drunk,
it
was
whispered about, but not known where the report

began, that the exiles were in the
Philidas,
city.
without showing any concern, did his utmost to change

the discourse.
Archias however, sent one of his
cers to Charon, with orders to

ately.
It
spirators
their
was now
late,
to
him immedi-
and Pelopidas and the con-
were preparing to
set out,
and had put on
armour and swords, when, on a sudden, they heard
a knocking at the door.
being told by the
The
magistrates and generals,
ment of Thebes, were

governors of Beotia.
Somebody went to it, and

he was come from the
for Charon to attend them
officer, that
magistrates with orders

i
come
offi-
who were charged
witli
called beotarchs& that is to say,
the govern*
commanders or
HISTORY OF THE
332
immediately, he ran to him half out of his wits to ac

quaint
him with that
terrible
message.
They
con-
all
cluded, that the conspiracy was discovered, and believed themselves
before
lost,
execute any thing
worthy
However, they were
all
it
would be possible
their
cause
and
valor.
of opinion that Charon should
and present himself with an
obey the order,
to
assurance to the magistrates,
as void of
air
of
and
fear,
unconscious of offence.
Charon was a man of
intrepid courage in dangers
which threatened only himself;

terrified for his friends,
but
at
time,
that
and apprehending
also, that
he should be suspected of some treachery,
many
his
brave citizens,
house,
whom
and fetched
who
teen years old at most,

all
into the
hands of Pelopidas,
time,
he went to
the
his only son,
in
son,
of
fif-
saying
and put him
same
at the
"if you discover that I have betrayed you,
and have been guilty of treachery upon

sion,
his
beauty and strength
youths of his age,
excelled
so
he had received into
should be destroyed,
wife's apartment,
if
revenge yourselves on
whom,
you, and
let
as dear as he
him
fall
is
me
in
to
me,
a victim without
this occa-
this
I
my
only
abandon
mercy to
to
his
father's perfidy."
These expressions wounded them

what gave them the most
to the heart
sensible pain,
was
agining there was any one amongst them so
and ungrateful
as to
form
ion in regard to him.
his
but
im-
mean
to himself the least suspic-
They conjured him
unani-
mously, not to leave his son with them, but to put him
into
some
place of safety, that his friends and country

might not want an avenger,
333
he should be so fortu" No," replied the

nate as to escape the tyrants.
"
he shall stay with you, and share your fate*
father,
must
If he
perish,
if
what nobler end can he make, than
my
with his father and best friends ? For you,
show a cour-
exert yourself beyond your years, and
you and me.
age, worthy of
excellent of the Thebans.

ters a noble essay of glory,
must be
I
am
of our cause will draw
them, and
after
and learn to
fight
or, if it
For the
rest,
for I believe, that the justice
down
the favour and protection
He
concluded with a prayer
of the gods upon us."

for
You see here the most

Make under such mas-
them, for liberty.
so, to die, like
not without hopes
son,
embracing the conspirators went
out.
He
took pains on his
compose
his looks
came out
to
and to
might not appear

to the
door of the
was kept, Archias and Philidas
feast
him, and asked the meaning of a report,
were concealed
;
that he
When he came
that disaffected people
ished
to recover himself,
and voice,
under any concern.

house where the
way
in
were arrived
some house.
and finding by
their
in the city,
He seemed
astonish-
answers to his questions,
that they had no precise information of any thing,
assumed
and
a bolder tone, and said, "
it is
he
very likely
the report you speak of is only a false alarm, intended

to interrupt
your mirth
be neglected,
strictest
will
However, as
it
ought not to
go immediately and make the
inquiry possible into it."
his prudence
into the
and zeal
Philidas praised
and carrying Archias back
company, he plunged him again in the debauch,

and continued the entertainment, by keeping the guests
HISTORY OF THE
o<%
women
in perpetual expectation of the
he had promis-
ed them.
Charon, on his return home, found his friends
all
prepared, not to conquer or to save their lives, but to

die gloriously, and to sell themselves as dear as they
The
could.
serenity and joy of his looks explained
beforehand, that they had nothing to

all
that
had passed
fear.
after which, they
He repeated
had no thoughts
but of the instant execution of a design, to which the
might occasion a thousand obstacles.
least delay
In
effect, at
that very instant,
storm, far
more
ed as
could not possibly
if it
prise
violent than the
miscarry.
happened a second
first,
fail
and which seem-
of making the enter-
courier fromi Athens arrived in
great haste with a packet, which contained a circum-
account
stantial
the whole conspiracy,
of
That courier was brought
afterwards discovered.
to Archias,
who was
far
you these
writes
said,
"
laughing,
letters,
" serious
my
In giving
letters,
who
lord, the person
affairs
affairs."
Archias replied,
tomorrow
:"
which words
were afterwards used by the Greeks as a proverb

taking the
him
conjures you to read them
immediately, being serious

r
first
gone in wine, and breathed
nothing but pleasure and the bottle.

his dispatches, he
was
as
and
8
he put them under his pillow, and
continued the conversation and debauch.
The
conspirators were at that time in the streets,
divided into two parties

their head,
the feast
mand
the one, with Pelopidas at
marched against Leontides, who was not at

the other against Archias, under the com-
of Charon.
Oyxbv %k
*fgiv, <p,
These had put on women's habits
t* mTucc
Tbe Greeks
ate lying on beds-
335
over their armour, and crowned themselves with pine
and poplar wreaths, which entirely covered their faces.

When they came to the door of the apartment, where
was kept, the guests made a great
the feast
up loud shouts of joy. But they were
set
women would
not
come
in
till
told, that
the
the servants were
all
They were
dismissed, which was done immediately.

sent to neighbouring houses,
this stratagem,
field
where there was no want
The conspirators, by
for their entertainment.
of wine
having made themselves masters of the
of battle, entered sword in hand, and shewing
themselves
put
in their true colours,
the sword, and with
them the
all
the guests to
who were
magistrates,
of wine, and in no condition to defend themselves.
full
Pelopidas met with more resistance.
was
rising immediately,
his sword,
and
feet
laid
but was at
This grand
much
Leontides,
awaked with the noise
asleep in bed,
made, and
so
and
noise,
some of
that
who
was
armed himself with
the conspirators at his
last killed himself.
affair
being executed
in this
manner with
dispatch and success, couriers were immedi-
ately dispatched to
Thriasium.
The doors
of the
prisons were broke open, and five hundred prisoners

let
out.
The Thebans were
their liberty,
called
upon
to
resume
and arms were given to all they met.
spoils affixed to the porticos
The
were taken down, and the
armourers' and cutlers' shops broke open for that purpose.
Epaminondas and Gorgidas came
join them, with
whom
some old persons of great
in
arms
to
estimation,
they had got together.
The whole
city
sion; the houses
was
all
in great terror
illuminated
and confu-
with torches, and
HISTORY OF THE
336
the streets thronged with the multitude passing to
and
The
fro.
people,
had happened, and

waited
tion,
for
at
want of
informa-
sufficient
impatiently for the day to
The Lacedemonian
destiny.
their disorder
sisted of fifteen
who had
know
their
captains were therefore
thought guilty of a very great error
them during
what
in a consternation
in
not falling upon
for the garrison con-
hundred men, besides three thousand,
taken refuge in the citadel.
Alarmed by
the cries they heard, the illuminations they saw in
the
houses,
and the tumult of the multitude run-
ning backwards and forwards, they lay still, and content-
ed themselves with guarding the

sent couriers to Sparta with the
happened,
and
to
citadel, after
having
news of what had
demand an immediate
reinforce-
ment.
The
next day at sunrise the exiles arrived with
their arms,
Epaminondas and Gorgidas conducted Pelopi-
ble.
das
and the people were summoned to assem-
thither,
surrounded with
all
their sacrifices, carry-
ing in their hands the sacred bandages and
fillets,
and
exhorting the citizens to assist their country, and to
At this sight, the whole assemup with loud acclamations and clapping of
join with their gods.
bly rose
hands, and received the conspirators as their benefactors
and deliverers.
The same
day, Pelopidas, Melon,
and Charon, were elected beotarchs.
Soon
five
after the exiles, arrived five
thousand
hundred horse, sent by the Athenians
das, under the
command
troops, with others

cities
of
foot,
to Pelopi-
Demophoon.
which joined them from
of Beotia, composed an
and
Those
all
the
army of twelve thou-

sand
foot,
many
and as
horse
time besieged the citadel, that
it
337
and without
loss
of
might be taken be-
come from Sparta.

The besieged made a vigorous defence,
fore relief could
than surrender the place
number
fall
at least, the
to die
Lacedemonians
but they were not the greatest
of the garrison.
short,
hopes of
seemed resolved rather
a speedy succour, and
were of that opinion
in
When
provisions began to
and famine to press them, the rest of the
troops obliged the Spartans to surrender.
The
garri-
son had their lives granted them, and were permitted
They were scarce

arrived.
The Lacedemo-
to retire whither they thought
marched
out,
when
the aid
fit.
nians found Cleombrotus at Megara, at the head of a
powerful army, which, with a
might have saved the

first
more expedition,
little
But
citadel.
this
was not the
time the natural slowness of the Lacedemonians
had occasioned the miscarriage of their enterprises*
The
three
commanders who had
Two
tried.
capitulated
were
of them were punished with death, and
the third had so great a fine laid
being able to pay
it,
upon him,
that,
not
he banished himself from Pelo-
ponnesus.
Pelopidas had
the most
prise
pares
all
memorable
the honour of this great exploit,

that ever
and stratagem.
it
was executed by sur-
Plutarch, with reason,
to that of Thrasybulus.
in themselves of all resource,
Both
com-
exiles, destitute
and reduced to implore
a foreign support, form the bold design of attacking a
formidable power with an handful of men, and over-
coming
all
vol.
4.
obstacles to their enterprise solely
44
by
their
HISTORY OF THE
338
had each of them the good fortune to deliver
valor,
country, and to change the face of
For the Athenians were indebted
their
its affairs entirely.
to
Thrasybulus
for
sudden and happy change, which, freeing them
that
from the oppression they
groaned under, not only
restored their liberty, but with
their ancient splen-
it
dour, and put them into a condition to humble, and
make
We shall
Sparta tremble in their turn.
see in
manner, that the war which reduced the pride of
like
Sparta, and deprived

land,
it
of the empire both by sea and
was the work of this
single night, in
which Pelo-
pidas, without taking either citadel or fortress,
and
entering only one of twelve into a private house, un-
loosed and broke the chains imposed by the
demonians on
the other states of Greece, though
all
ever to produce such an
appeared impracticable
it
Lace-
effect.
SECTION
III.
aPHODRIAS FORMS A DESIGN AGAINST THE PIREUS.
The
ed
to
Lacedemonians,* after the injury they pretend1
have received by the enterprise of Pelopidas.

quiet,
but applied themselves in
earnest to their revenge.
Agesilaus, rightly judging
did not continue
an expedition of that kind, of which the end was to

support tyrants, would not
him,
left it to
'A.M.
3627.
much honour upon
Cleombrotus, who had
king Agesipolis
Ages. p. 609, 610.
reflect
Ant.
lately
under pretence that

J.
C. 377.
Xenoph.
Id. in Pelop. p. 284, 285.
1.
v. p.
succeeded
his great
568572.
age
Plut, in

dispensed with his
undertaking
was
some ravages
in the
country
in
campaign
committing
which, the king
after
and detaching pat of his troops to Spho-
retired,
drias,
first
and terminated
vigorous,
not
Cleombrotus
it.
The
entered Beotia with his army.
339
who commanded
returned
Thespize,
at
to
Sparta.
The
who did not think themselves in

make head against the Lacedemonians,
Athenians,
a condition to
and were
afraid of the consequences,
which
in
their
league with the Thebans was likely to engage them,

repented their having entered into
Those who
affairs
and the rich severely
seemed
at the
them.
Theban
it.
party,
to death, others ban-
The Theban
fined.
almost desperate,
alliance to support
were then
and renounced
persisted to adhere to the
were some imprisoned, some put

ished,
it,
having any
not
Pelopidas and Gorgidas
head of them, and were studious
of finding means to embroil the Athenians with the
Lacedemonians
and
this
was the stratagem they
contrived.
Sphodrias
the
Spartan had been
at
left
Thespiae
with a body of troops, to receive and protect such of

the Beotians as should revolt against Thebes.
had acquired some reputation amongst the

and wanted neither courage nor ambition
rash, superficial, full of himself,
to entertain vain hopes.
privately a
with the
merchant of
offer, as
He
soldiery,
but he was
and consequently apt
Pelopidas and Gorgidas sent

his
own
acquaintance to him,
from himself, of a considerable sum
of money, and with insinuations
more agreeable
to
340
HISTORY OF THE
him than money,
as
they flattered
his
vanity.
" After having represented to him, that one of
his
merit and reputation, ought to form some great enterprise to immortalize his
name, he proposed
when
nians had no expectation
an attempt
of such
him
to
the seizing of the Pireus by surprise,
the Athe:
he
added, that nothing could be more grateful to the
Lacedemonians
Athens
nians,
ers,
than to see
themselves masters of
and that the Thebans, enraged
whom
at the
Athe-
they considered as traitors and desert-
would lend them no assistance."
Sphodrias, fond of acquiring a great name, and en-
vying the glory of Phebidas, who, in his sense, had

rendered himself renowned and
illustrious,
unjust attempt upon Thebes, conceived
much more
land.
He
great joy
own accord, and
power
at sea,
would be a
deprive the Athenians of
by an unforeseen attack by
undertook the enterprise therefore with
which was neither
horrid than that of the
the
his
shining and glorious exploit to seize the
Pireus of his
their great
it
by
less
unjust nor less
Cadmea, but not executed with
same boldness and success.
For having
in the night from Thespiae, with the
set out
view of surprising
the Pireus before light, the day break overtook
him
in the plain of Thriasium near Eleusis, and finding
himself discovered, he returned shamefully to Thespiae
with some booty which he had taken.
The
their
Athenians immediately sent ambassadors with

complaints
to
Sparta.
Those
ambassadors
found, that the Lacedemonians had not waited their

arrival to accuse Sphodrias,
but had already cited him
before the council to answer for his conduct.
He was
341
obey that summons, having just reason to
afraid to
apprehend the issue of a
He had
of his country.
and the resentment
trial,
who had
a son,
contracted
a strict and tender friendship with the son of Agesi-
The
laus.
latter solicited his father so
earnestly, or
rather tormented him with such extreme importunity
and perseverance, that he could not refuse Sphodrias

protection,
was
and got him
we have
delicate, as
little
of justice,
when
question.
He was
fully absolved.
Agesilaus
seen already, in point
was
the service of his friends

besides, of
all
in
mankind, the most
tender and indulgent father to his children.
when they were
reported of him, that
his
little,
It
is
he would
play with them, and divert himself with riding upon

a stick
by
amongst them
and that having been surprised
a friend in that action, he desired
any body of
u
The
it
him not
to tell
he himself was a father.
till
unjust sentence passed in favour of Sphodrias
by the Spartans, exceedingly incensed the Athenians,

and determined them
Thebes immediately, and
They
power.
mand
of
it
to
fitted
renew
to
their alliance
them with
to assist
out a
illustrious
whose reputation he well sustained by

It
was
he,
whom
their
and gave the com.
fleet,
Timotheus, son of the
and exploits.
all
with
his
Conon,
own
his enemies, in
valor
envy
of the glory he had acquired by his great actions,

painted sleeping, with the goddess fortune at his feet,
him
but upon this oc-
taking
towns
casion
he proved that he was not asleep.
in
nets for
After
having ravaged the coast of Laconia, he attacked the

n
p.
Xenoph.
1.
v. p.
584589.
Plut, in
Ages.
285288.
Plut, in Syl. p. 454.
p. 610, 611.
Id. in Pelop.
342
HISTORY OF THE
He
of Corcyra, which he took.
isle
made no
habitants with great humanity, and

in their liberty or laws,
neighbouring
cities in
alteration
which very much inclined the
The
favour of Athens.
made powerful
tans on their side
treated the in-
Spar-
preparations for the
war, and were principally intent upon retaking Corcyra.

Its
happy
ed
that
situation
between
Sicily
island very important.
gaged Dionysius the tyrant
demanded
aid of him.
patched their
sent sixty
therefore en-
the expedition, and
mean time they
dis-
The Athenians
against them, to the relief of Corcyra,
under Timotheus
seeming to
In the
They
under Mnasippus.
fleet
sail
in
and Greece render-
at first
but soon
act too slowly, Iphicrates
upon
after,
his
was substituted
in his place.
Mnasippus having made himself odious
to his troops
by
was very
obeyed by them, and
ill
engagement.
death,
his haughtiness, rigor,
Iphicrates did not arrive
when he received
and avarice,
lost his
life
till
in an
after his
advice, that the Syracusan
squadron of ten galleys approached, which he attacked

so successfully, that not one of them escaped.
demanded,
that the orator Callistratus,
He
had
and Chabrias,
one of the most renowned captains of his time, should
be joined
in
commission with him.
Xenophon
ad-
mires his wisdom and greatness of soul upon that

account, in being satisfied with appearing to have occasion for council,
and not apprehending to share the
glo~
ry of his victories with others.
Agesilaus had been prevailed upon to take upon
him
the
command
of the troops against Thebes.
He
entered Beotia, where he did abundance of damage to
Corfu:

the Thebans, not without considerable
own
The two
side.
343
loss
on his
armies came every day to blows,
and were perpetually engaged, though not in formal

battle,
yet in skirmishes, which served to instruct the
Thebans
in the trade
valor, boldness,
of war, and to inspire them with
and experience.
It is
reported that
upon
the Spartan Antalcides told Agesilaus very justly
when he was brought back from Beotia
this head,
much wounded, " my

fine
lord Agesilaus,
you have a
reward for the lessons you have given the The-
bans in the art of war, which, before you taught
it
was
to
them, they neither would, nor could learn."
It
prevent this inconvenience, that Lycurgus, in one of

the three laws which he calls rhetrae, forbade the Lac-
edemonians to make war often upon the same enemy,

they should
lest
make them
too good soldiers, by oblig-
ing them to the frequent defence of themselves.

Several campaigns passed in this manner without
any thing decisive on either
Theban
the
side.
It
was prudent
in
generals not to hazard a battle hitherto,
and to give their soldiers time to inure and embolden

themselves.
let
When
the occasion
was favourable, they
themselves loose like generous hounds, and after
having given them a taste of victory by way of reward,

they called them
and
alacrity.
and
this
contented with their courage
off,
The
principal glory of their success
wise conduct, was due to Pelopidas.
The engagement
at
Tegyra, which was a kind of
prelude to the battle of Leuctra, added

reputation.
Having
much
to his
failed in his enterprise against
Orchomenos, which had joined the Lacedemonians,

his return
at
he found the enemy posted to intercept him
344
HISTORY OF THE
As soon
near Tegyra.
them from
somebody ran
the defiles,
Pelopidas, and told him, "
my's hands."
"
Ah
Thebans perceived
as the
we
in all haste to
are fallen into the ene-
"
!" replied he,
why
should
we
At
the
not rather say, that they are fallen into ours !"
same time he ordered
his cavalry,
which were
his rear
guard, to advance to the front, that they might begin
He was
the fight.
assured, that his foot, which were
only three hundred, and were called the sacred battal-
would break through the enemy wherever they
ion,
charged, though superior in number, as they were by
two
at least
The
thirds.
assault
began where the gen-
each party were posted, and was very rude.
erals of
The two
charged Pelopidas,
were presently
were with them being either

rest of the
killed
but Pelopidas,
were
disdaining to
for his retreat,
drawn up
still
if they
far,
lest
that
who might
had thought
make use
of that
who
and made so great
in battle,
The Thebans
in disorder.
fled
sue them
The
advanced against those
a slaughter of them, that they were
and
that
all
slain or dispersed.
have marched on to save themselves
opening
Lacedemonian troops were so daunted,
they opened a passage for the Thebans,
fit
who had
generals of the Lacedemonians,
all
dismayed,
did not pur-
they should be surprised.
They
contented themselves with having broken them, and
with
making
a glorious
retreat
not
inferior
to a
because through the enemy dispersed and
victory,
defeated.
This
was
little
in a
events
encounter, for
it
can be called no more,
manner the source of the great actions and
we
are about
to
treat
of.
It
had never
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS

happened
345
then in any war, either against the bar-
till
barians or Greeks, that the
Lacedemonians had been
defeated with the superiority of
number on
their side,
For which
nor even with equal forces in battle array.
reason they were insupportably proud, and their reputation alone
superior
the
in
who never
kept their enemies in awe,
durst show themselves
in the field before
They now
number.
Thebans in
their turn
became
them, unless
lost that glory,
and
the terror and dread
even of those who had rendered themselves so universally formidable.
The
Egypt,
enterprise of Artaxerxes
Mnemon
against
and the death of Evagoras king of Cyprus,
But
should naturally come in here.

articles, to
I shall defer
avoid breaking in upon the
SECTION
Theban
those
affairs,
IV,
NEW TROUBLES IN GREECE.
THE LACEDEMONIANS DECLARE WAR

AGAINST THEBES.
Whilst
the Persians were engaged in the
Greece.
tian war, great troubles arose in
Egyp-
In that inter-
z
val the Thebans, having taken Platea, and afterwards
Thespiae, entirely demolised those
The
the inhabitants.
their
cities,
and expelled
Plateans retired to Athens with
wives and children, where they were received
with the utmost favour, and adopted into the
number
of the citizens.
*
vol.
A. M. 3627.
A. M. 3633.
Ant.
J.
Ant.
C. 371.
Platjea, a city of Botia.
4.
45
J.
C. 377.
Diod.
l.li. p.
361, 36?.
Thespix of Achaia,
346
HISTORY OF THE
Artaxerxes,* being informed of the state of the
Grecian
sent a
affairs,
new embassy
thither to per-
and republics
at
suade the several
cities
down
and accommodate
their arms,
upon the plan of
By
it
this article,
that
was con-
the cities of Greece should enjoy their
and be governed by their own laws.
liberty,
of
all
place,
its
to lay
their differences
the treaty of Antalcides.
peace, as has been observed in

cluded, that
war
In virtue
the Lacedemonians pressed the
bans to restore their liberty to
all
The-
the cities of Beotia,
to rebuild Platea and Thespiae which they had demol-
and to restore them with
ished,
The Thebans on
their ancient inhabitants.

insisted also, that the
erty to
all
dependences to
their
their side
Lacedemonians should give
sene should be restored to its ancient possessors.
was what equity required

for
much
believing themselves
were
lib-
those of Laconia, and that the city of Mes-
This
but the Lacedemonians,

superior to the Thebans,
imposing a law upon them, which they would
not submit to themselves.

All Greece being weary of a war, which had already-
and had no other end than
lasted several campaigns,
the aggrandizing of that state,
was
on a general peace, and, with
that view,
uties to
Lacedemon,
seriously intent up-
to concert together the
attaining so desirable an effect.
deputies Epaminondas was of the
first
at that
had sent dep-
means of
Among those
He was
rank.
time celebrated for his great erudition and pro-
found knowledge in philosophy
but he had not yet
given any very distinguished proofs of his great capac
Xenoph. Hist. Grc.l,
vi. p.
b Plut, in
590593.
Ages. p. 611.
Dion. p. 365, 366,

ity for the
command
of public
affairs.
347
of armies, and the administration
Seeing that
who
respect for Agesilaus,
all
the deputies out of
declared openly for the
war, were afraid to contradict him, or to differ from

his opinion in
any thing, a very
common
effect
of too
imperious a power on one side, and too servile a
submission on the other
he was the only one that
spoke with a wise and noble boldness, as became a

statesman,
who had no
He made a
speech, not for the
Greece
in general
other view but the public good.
Thebans
alone, but for
which he proved, that the war
in
augmented only the power of Sparta, whilst the

Greece was reduced, and ruined by
principally
He
insisted
upon the necessity of establishing the peace
and equality and

solid
it.
rest of
justice,
because no peace could be
and of long duration, but that wherein
all
parties
should find an equal advantage.
discourse
like this,
founded evidently
upon
reason and justice, and pronounced with a grave and

serious tone, never fails of
from the attention and
silaus plainly distinguished,
silence with
which
it
was heard,
extremely affected with
Age-
making impression.
it,
that the deputies
and would not
To
conformable to his opinion.
were
fail
to act
prevent that
effect,
he demanded of Epaminondas, " whether he thought

it
just and reasonable, that Beotia should be free
independent ?" that
is
to say,
the cities of Beotia should
Thebes.
and
whether he agreed, that
depend no longer upon
Epaminondas immediately asked
in his turn
with great vivacity, " whether he thought
it
reasonable, that Laconia should enjoy the
same inde-
pendence and liberty ?"
Upon which
just
and
Agesilaus rising
343
HISTORY OF THE
from
his seat in great rage, insisted
upon
his declaring
plainly, " whether he would consent that Beotia should

be free ?" Epaminondas retorted his question again,
and asked, " whether, on
he would consent
his side,
that Laconia should be free ?" Agesilaus,
who wanted
only a pretext for breaking with the Thebans, struck
them
directly out of the treaty of alliance,
were about
which they
rest of the allies signed
out of inclination than, not to offend the Lace-
less
it,
The
to conclude.
demonians, whose power they dreaded.

c
In consequence of this treaty,
were to be disbanded.
of Sparta, was then
He
at
all
troops in the field
Cleombrotus, one of the kings

Phocis, at the head of the army.
wrote to the Ephori to
know
the republic's resolu-
Prothous, one of the principal senators, repre-
tions.
sented, that there
was no room
by the
that Sparta,
late
for deliberations, for
agreement, had made the
recal of the troops
indispensible.
a different opinion.
Angry with
Agesilaus was of
the Thebans, and
particularly with Epaminondas, he was absolutely bent
on the war
for an opportunity of
revenge
and the
when all Greece was

Thebans excluded the
present seemed most favourable,

free
and united, and only the
The
treaty of peace.
fore rejected
advice of Prothous was there-
by the whole
council,
an honest well meaning dotard, that

matter
who treated him as

knew nothing of the
the Divinity, from thenceforth, as
promoting their downfal.
observes,
Xenophon
The Ephori
wrote immediately to Cleombrotus to march against

the
Thebans with
Xenoph.
1.
vi.
Ages.. p. 611, 612.-
p.
his troops,
593597.
Diod.
and sent orders
at the
305371.
Pint. \%
1.
xv. p.
Id. in Felop. p. 288, 289.

to all their allies to
same time
to this war,
were averse
349
assemble their forces, who
and did not join
in
but with
it
great reluctance, and out of fear of contradicting the
Lacedemonians,
whom they did not yet dare to disobey.
Though no happy consequences could be expected

from a war, visibly undertaken contrary to
and
justice,
revenge
reason
from
however,
the Lacedemonians,
all
and from the sole motive of resentment and
numbers, assured themselves of
superiority of their
success, and imagined that the Thebans,
ed by their
the
were
allies,
abandon-
no condition to oppose
in
them.
The Thebans were much alarmed
saw themselves
all
alone, without allies or support, whilst
looked upon them as utterly lost
Greece
man
that in a single
armies.
This was Epaminondas.
general, and
He was
had several colleagues joined
sion with him.
He
immediately raised
told
him
As
but one good
However,
stitious,
commis-
the troops
omen
whom
bad omens
he replied only
the sense
is,
" there
to fight for one's country."
to reassure the soldiers,
and
in
all
several
to prevent his setting out,
by a verse of Homer's of which

is
appointed
thousand men, and the enemy had
above four times that number.
were
by nature super-
he observed to be discouraged, he
come from diffrent

and omens in his favour,
instructed several persons to
and report auguries
places,
which revived the

d A.'
not
His army did not
he could, and began his march.

to six
they had more than
knowing
amount
They
at first.
spirit
M.
and hopes of the troops.
3634.
Ant.
J.
C. 370.
Ej; blmbs 015-5?, a.u-jvtv6tti <atpi iw<trit.
Iliad, xi. V. 423.
350
HISTORY OF THE
Pelopidas was not then in
When
the sacred battalion.
office,
he
but commanded
left his
house to go to
the army, his wife, in taking her last adieu, conjured
him with
a flood of tears to take care of himself;
" That," said he, " should be recommended

people
such advice
mended
to
young
but for generals, they have no occasion for

;
the care of others should be recom-
them."
to
Epaminondas had wisely taken care to secure a

pass, by which Cleombrotus might have shortened his
The
march considerably.
large compass,
having taken a
latter, after
arrived at Leuctra,
a small town of
Beotia, between Platea and Thespise.
consulted
whether they should give
Both
battle
Cleombrotus resolved by the advice of all
who
represented to him, that
if
parties
his officers,
he declined fighting
with such a superiority of troops,
it
would confirm
the current report, that he secretly favoured the

bans.
The
latter
had an
which
The-
essential reason for hasten-
ing a battle before the arrival of the troops, which the
enemy daily expected. However, the six generals,

who formed the council of war, differed in their sentiments. The seventh, who was Epaminondas, came in
very good time to join the three that were for fighting,
and
his opinion carrying the question, the battle
resolved upon.
This was
in the
was
second year of the
hundred and second Olympiad.
The two
armies were
very unequal in number.
That of the Lacedemonians,

ed of twenty four thousand
horse.
The Thebans had
four hundred horse
but
as has been said, consist-
foot,
and sixteen hundred
only six thousand foot, and

all
of them choice troops.
351
animated by their experience of the war, and deter-
The Lacedemonian cavalry,

men picked up by chance, without valor,
and ill diciplined, was as much inferior to their enemies
The infantry
in courage, as superior in number.
mined to conquer or die.
composed of
could not be depended on, except the Lacedemonians

the
war with
as has been said, having engaged in the
allies,
reluctance, because they did not approve the
motive of
it,
and were besides
dissatisfied with the
Lacedemonians.
The
ability of the generals
the place of
numerous armies,
on either side supplied
The-
especially of the
who was the most accomplished captain of his

He was supported by Pelopidas at the head of
times.
ban,
composed of three hundred The-
the sacred battalion,
bans, united in a strict friendship and affection, and
engaged under a particular oath never

defend each other to the
Upon
the day of battle the
of Lacedemonians, on
files
to
whom
right,
them
Archidamus,
consisting
he confided most, and
To take
were twelve deep.
country, he posted
but to
two armies drew up on a
the advantage
which his superiority of horse gave him
nians.
fly,
drop of their blood.
Cleombrotus was upon the
plain.
whose
last
in the front of his
in
an open
Lacedemo-
Agesilaus's son, was at the
who formed the left wing.

Epaminondas, who resolved to charge with his left,
which he commanded in person, strengthened it with
head of the
allies,
the choice of his heavy
up
fifty
deep.
The
armed
troops,
whom
he drew
sacred battalion was upon his
and closed the wing.
The
rest of his infantry
posted upon his right in an oblique
line,
left,
were
which, the
352
HISTORY OF THE
fartlier it
extended, was the more distant from the
enemy.
By
was
uncommon
this
to cover his flank
right
wing
to
keep
off his
as a kind of reserved body, that he
not hazard the event of the

part of his
left
disposition, his design
on the right,
army
and
to
might
upon the weakest
battle
begin the action with his
wing, where his best troops were posted, to turn
the whole weight of the battle
upon king Cleombrotus
He was assured,
and the Spartans.
that if he could
penetrate the Lacedemonian phalanx, the rest of the
army would soon be put

he disposed them
front of his
The
after
the enemy's example in the
by the
better
As
cavalry.
latter
were not long be-
were broke, and driven upon the infantry,
which they put
into
some confusion.
Epaminondas
following his horse close, marched swiftly
ombrotus,
that of the
mounted and braver troops than
Lacedemonian horse, the
fore they
for his horse,
left.
action began
Thebans were
the
As
to the route.
and
fell
upon
his phalanx with
weight of his heavy battalion.

diversion, detached a
up
The
latter, to
to Cleall
make a
body of troops with orders to
take Epaminondas in flank, and to surround him.

lopidas,
upon the
the
sight of that
Pe-
movement, advanced
with incredible speed and boldness
at the
head of" the
sacred battalion" to prevent the enemy's design, and

flanked Cleombrotus himself, who, by that sudden and
unexpected attack, was put into disorder.

tle
was very rude and
obstinate,
The
bat-
and whilst Cleombro-
tus could act, the victory continued in suspense, and
declared for neither party.
When
he
fell
dead with

his
wounds, the Thebans, to complete the victory, and
the Lacedemonians, to avoid the

the
353
shame of abandoning
body of their king, redoubled
their
great slaughter ensued on both sides.
much
fought with so
efforts,
The
and a
Spartans
fury about the body, that at
length they gained their point, and carried
off.
it
Animated by so glorious an advantage, they prepared

to return to the charge, which would perhaps have
proved successful, had the
But the
left
allies
seconded their ardour.
wing, seeing the Lacedemonian phalanx
had been broke, and believing
all lost,
especially
they heard that the king was dead, took to
drew
off the rest of the
number
Epa-
The Thebans remained mas-
in the pursuit.
enemy
and
killed a great
ters of the field of battle, erected a trophy,
ted the
flight,
army along with them.
minondas followed them vigorously, and
when
and permit-
to bury their dead.
The Lacedemonians had never received such a

blow.
The most bloody defeats till then had scarce
ever cost them
citizens.
more than
four or five hundred of their
They had been
seen,
however animated,
or rather violently incensed against Athens, to ransom,
by
a truce of thirty eight years, eight
citizens,
the
little
who had suffered themselves
whom
to
be shut up in
Here they
island of Sphacteria.
thousand men, of
hundred of their
lost four
one thousand were Lacede-
monians, and four hundred Spartans/ out of seven
hundred who were

only three hundred
The Thebans had

among whom were few
in the battle.
men
killed,
of their citizens.
f Those
were properly called Spartans, who inhabited Sparta
Lacedemonians were settled in the country.
vol. 4.
46
thffi
HISTORY OF THE
354
The
nastic
it)r
time the gym-
city of Sparta celebrated at that
games, and was
had brought
full
When
thither.
from Leuctra with the
of strangers
terrible
whom
curios-
the couriers arrived
news of
the Ephori, though perfectly sensible of
their defeat,
the con-
all
sequences, and that the Spartan empire had received a
mortal wound, would not permit the representations of

the theatre to be suspended, nor any changes in the
They sent to every famrelations who were killed, and
celebration of the festival.
names of
ily the
their
stayed in the theatre to see that the dances and
were continued without interruption
The
ily
games
to the end.
next day in the morning the loss of each fam-
being known, the fathers and relations of those
who
met
and
had died
in the battle,
saluted and
serenity in their looks
to
go abroad,
tion of aspect,
anguish and
it
others kept them-
whilst the
selves close in their houses,
them
in the public place,
embraced each other with great joy and

or
if
necessity obliged
was with a sadness and dejec-
which sensibly expressed
their
That
was
affliction.
remarkable in the women.

tinguished those
but such as had
difference
still
more
Grief, silence, tears, dis-
who expected the

lost their
profound
return of their sons
sons were seen hurrying to
the temples to thank the gods, and congratulating each

other upon their glory and good fortune.
denied,
but such sentiments argue
and resolution
but
It
cannot be
great
would not have them
courage
entirely
extinguish natural tenderness, and should have been

better
them.
pleased,
had there been
less
of ferocity in

Sparta was under no small difficulty to
As
who had
regard to those
act in
fled
355
know how
from the
they were numerous, and of the most powerful
families in the city,
it
was not safe
the punishments assigned

spair should induce
them
tion fatal to the state
excluded from
to take
for
all offices
to inflict
by the laws,
some
such as
Any body
riage.
buffet them,
that
upon them
fled
were not only
and employments, but
met them
to suffer.
were besides to wear dirty and ragged habits,
And
patches of different colours.

to shave half their beards,
grow.
It
was
prived of so
let
They
full
of
they were
the other half
their soldiery, at a time they

for
them.
To remove
this
they chose Agesilaus legislator, with abso-
power
to
should think
ing, or
lastly,
might
a great loss to the Spartans to be de-
many of
had such pressing occasion

difficulty,
and to
was
it
them by mar-
in the streets
which they were obliged
de-
lest their
violent resolu-
a disgrace to contract any alliance with
lute
to
battle.
make such
fit.
alterations in the laws as
he
Agesilaus, without adding, retrench
changing any thing, found means to save the
without prejudice to the state.

In a full
assembly of the Lacedemonians, he decreed, " that for
fugitives
the present day, the laws should be suspended, and of
no
effect
authority."
but ever after to remain in
By
full
force
and
those few words he preserved the
Spartan laws entire, and at the same time, restored to

the state that great
number of its members,
in prevent-
ing their being for ever degraded, and consequentially

useless to the republic.
HISTORY OF THE
356
g
After the battle of Leuctra the two parties were
industriously employed, the one in retrieving, and the
other in improving their victory.

h Agesilaus, to revive the
marched them
into Arcadia
carefully to avoid a
courage of his troops,

but with a
battle.
some small towns of
attacking
he took, and
He
full
resolution,
confined himself to
the Mantineans,
which
country waste. This gave Sparta
laid the
some joy, and they began
to take courage
from believ-
ing their condition not entirely desperate.
TheThebans, soon
of
it
to Athens,
against the
sitting,
after their victory,
and to demand aid
common enemy.
The
sentan account
at the
same time
senate was then
which received the courier with great coldness,
did not make him the usual presents, and dismissed

him without taking any notice of aid. The Athenians,
alarmed
considerable advantage
at the
Thebans had gained over
which
the
the Lacedemonians, could
not dissemble the umbrage and dissatisfaction which so
sudden and unexpected an increase of a neighbouring
power gave them, which might soon render

midable to
all
Greece.
At Thebes, Epaminondas and
Pelopidas had been
Having assembled
elected joint governors of Beotia.

all
itself for-
the troops of the Beotians and their
allies,
whose
number daily increased, they entered Peloponnesus,

and made abundance of places and people revolt from
the Lacedemonians
Elis,
greatest part of Laconia
Argos, Arcadia, and the

It
itself.
was then about the
winter solstice, and towards the end of the last month

g
Xenoph.
h Plut, in
1.
vi. p.
A jes.
p.
598.
Diod
613615.
1.
xv. p.
375378.
Id. in Pelop. p. 290.
357
of the year, so that in a few days they were to quit
day of the next month being
their offices; the first
assigned by law
for their resigning
them to the persons
appointed to succeed them, upon pain of death

held
them beyond
Their
that term.
if
they
colleagues,
apprehending the badness of the season, and more,

the dreadful consequences of infringing that law, were
for
marching back the army immediately
Pelopidas was the
first,
who, entering
to
Thebes.
into the opinion
of Epaminondas, animated the citizens, and engaged
them
to take the
advantage of the enemy's alarm, and
pursue their enterprise in neglect of a formality,
to
from the observance of which they might justly believe

themselves dispensed by the state
of the
state,
when founded
as the service
itself,
in justice, is the sovereign
law and rule of the people's obedience.
They
army
entered Laconia therefore at the head on an
of seventy thousand
good
twelfth part were not Thebans.
soldiers, of
The
which the
great reputation
of the two generals was the cause, that
all
the allies,
even without order or public decree, obeyed them

with respectful silence, and marched with entire confidence and courage under their
six
command.
was
hundred years since the Dorians had established
themselves
at
Lacedemon, and
in all that time,
never seen an enemy upon their lands

till
It
then to set foot in them, and
much
tack their city, though without walls.
bans and their
allies,
they had
none daring
less to at-
The The-
finding a country hitherto un-
touched by an enemy, ran through
it
with
fire
and
sword, destroying and plundering as far as the river

Eurotas, without any opposition whatsoever.
HISTORY OF THE
358
some important
Parties had been posted to defend
Ischolas the Spartan,
passes.
who commanded one
of these detachments, distinguished himsdf

liar
manner.
body of
thinking
Finding
it
enemy's
troops, to support the

it
in a
pecu-
impossible, with his small
below a Spartan to abandon
attack,
and
he sent
his post,
back the you;;g men who were of age and condition to

serve their country effectually, and kept none with
but such as were advanced

devoting himself, after the
With
years.
in
him
these
example of Leonidas,
to the
and
after
public good, thev sold their lives dear
having defended themselves a long time, and made a

great slaughter of their enemies, they
perished to
all
man.
Agesilaus acted upon this occasion
address and wisdom.
enemy
of the
not only
looked upon
as an impetuous torrent,
in vain,
this irruption
which
it
was
but dangerous to oppose, whose
He
some ravages subside of itself.
himself with
middle, and
great
would be but of short duration, and
rapid course
after
He
with
distributing
all
his
best
contented
troops into the
the most important parts of the city,
strongly securing
all
the posts.
He was
determined
not to quit the town, nor to hazard a battle, and persisted
in that
defied
resolution, without
insults,
raillery,
him by name, and
called
out and defend his country,
cause of
But
all
far
its
regard to
all
the
and menaces of the Thebans, who
upon him
who had
to
come
alone been the
sufferings, in kindling the war.
greater afflictions to Agesilaus were the
commotions and disorders excited within the
murmurs and complaints
of the old
men
city, the
in the highest

affliction
359
and despair from being witnesses of what
they saw, as well as of the
women, who seemed
distracted with hearing the
threatening cries of the
enemy, and seeing the neighbouring country

fire,
to
all
on
which drove almost
whilst the flames and smoke,
upon them, seemed
quite
denounce a
like misfortune to
Whatever courage AgesUaus might ex-
themselves.
press in his outward behaviour, he could not
fail
of be-
ing sensibly affected with so mournful an object, to
which was added, the grief of losing

who, having found the
potent condition,
now saw
glory lost
to the government,
such a degree, and
under him
He
most flourishing and
city in a
when he came
fallen to
it
his reputation
was,
ancient
all its
besides,
secretly
mortified at so mournful a contradiction of a boast
he had often made, " that no

ever seen the
woman
of Sparta had
smoke of an enemy's camp."
Whilst he was giving
different orders in the city,
he was informed, that a certain number of mutineers
had seized an important

themselves
defend
in
post, with a
resolution to
Agesilaus ran immedi-
it.
and, as if he had been entirely unac-
ately thither,
bad design,
quainted with their
" comrades,
it
is
not
same time, he pointed
there
to
he said to them,
At
sent you."
the
different posts to divide
them
went,
believing their enter-
prise
had not been discovered.
This order, which he
which they
to
gave without emotion, argues a great presence of
mind
in Agesilaus,
trouble
it
culpable
may
thought
it
is
and shows,
that
in
times of
not proper to see too much, that the

not want time to reflect and repent.
more
advisable to suppose that
He
small
HISTORY OF THE
360
troop innocent, than to urge them to a declared revolt
by
a too rigorous inquiry.
The Eurotas was
at that
time very much swoln by
the melting of the snows, and the

difficulty in
passing
Thebans found more
than they expected, as well from
it
the extreme coldness of the water, as its
Epaminondas passed
at the
of the Spartans showed
having
I"
him
his infantry,
to Agesilaus
who,
some
after
and followed him

eyes a long time, said only, " wonderful
considered
attentively
with his
man
head of
As
rapidity.
in admiration of the valor that
could under-
Epaminondas would have
take such great things.
been glad to have given battle
in Sparta,
erected a trophy in the midst of
He
it.
and
to
have
did not how-
ever think proper to attempt the forcing of the
city,
and not being able to induce Agesilaus to quit

chose to
ta,
retire.
It
would have been
difficult
without aid, and unfortified, to have defended
But
long against a victorious army.
who commanded it,

upon
still
it,
for Sparitself
the wise captain
apprehended, that he should draw
hands the whole force of Peloponnesus, and
his
more, that he should excite the jealousy of the
Greeks,
who would
never have pardoned his destroy-
ing so potent a republic, and " pulling out," as Lepti-
nus says, " one of the eyes of Greece," as a proof of

his skill. k
of having
He confined
himself therefore to the glory
humbled the proud, whose
added new haughtiness to
their
laconic language
commands, and of
having reduced them to the necessity, as he boasted

1
to
il
The Greek expression is not easy

" Oh the aclor ot great deeds !"
ts jUeâxcwgctjôvo? vSgaa-a.
be translated
it
signifies,
k Arist.
Rheto
1.
iii.
c. 10.
361
himself, of enlarging their style, and lengthening their
At
monosyllables. 1
he again wasted the
his return
country.
m In
this expedition the
Thebans
reinstated Arcadia
one body, and took Messenia from the Spartans,
into
who had been

ing expelled
in
possession of
its
all
it
inhabitants.
equal in extent to Laconia, and as
Greece.
very long, after hav-
Its ancient inhabitants,
in different regions of
Greece,
was a country
It
fertile as
who were
and
Italy,
the best in
dispersed
Sicily,
on the
notice given them, returned with incredible joy
first
animated by the love of their country, natural to
men, and almost as much by
all
their hatred of the Spar-
tans,
which the length of time had only increased.
They
built themselves a city, which,
name, was
Messene.
called
of this war, none gave the

ble displeasure,
or rather
from the ancient
Amongst the bad events

Lacedemonians more sensimore lively grief ; because
from immemorial time an irreconcilable enmity had

subsisted between Sparta and Messene, which
seemed
incapable of being extinguished but by the final ruin
of the one or the other.

c
Polybius reflects upon an ancient error in the con-
duct of the Messenians with regard to Sparta, which
was
1
the cause of
all
The Lacedemonians sometimes answered

I
shall
put
all to fire
and sword
to signify they should take all possible care to put
m Paus.
I.
The Messenians had been

P
VOL.
4.
Polyb.
iv. p.
their
the most important dis-
Philip having wrote to them,
patches by a single monosyllable.

enter your countrv,
This was
their misfortunes.
;"
it
'*
out of his power.
267 268
driven out of their country 287 years.

1
iv p
47
299, 300-
;fl
they replied, " if;"
HISTORY OF THE
362
too great solicitude for the present tranquillity, and
through an excessive love of peace, their neglecting

the
means of making
most powerful
states of Greece
were
The
them
the others, on the contrary, always
joined with them, and entered into
But
from
latter,
had declared open
their first settlement in the country,
against
of the
their neighbours,
the Arcadians and Lacedemonians.
war
Two
sure and lasting.
it
all
their interests.
the Messenians had neither the courage to oppose
their violent
and irreconcilable enemies with valor and
constancy, nor the prudence to treat with due regard
and
affectionate allies.
were either
war with each
their faithful
states
arms elsewhere, the Messenians,
their
for the future,
made
rel
it
On such
and regarding only
a rule with
on either
upon
at
When
other,
side,
them never
little
provident
their present repose,
engage
to
in the
quar-
and to observe an exact neutrality.
conjunctures they congratulated themselves
wisdom and success
their
were involved
in trouble
having subdued their enemies,

;
all
and confusion.
was of no long duration.
their forces
preserving their
in
tranquillity, whilst their neighbours
quillity
two
the
or carried
around them
But
this tran-
The Lacedemonians,
fell
upon them with
and finding them unsupported by
all
allies,
and incapable of defending themselves, they reduced
them
to submit, either to the
yoke of a
rigid slavery,
or to banish themselves from their country.
was
several times their case.
They ought
reflected, says Polybius, that as there is
And
to
this
have
nothing more
when founded
nothing more
in justice and honour
shameful, and at the same time more pernicious, when
desirable or advantageous than peace,

;
so there
is

attained
363
by bad measures, and purchased
at the price
of liberty.
SECTION
V.
THE TWO THEBAN GENERALS, AT THEIR RETURN, ARE ACCUSED

AND ABSOLVED. SPARTA IMPLORES AID OF ATHENS.
It might be expected, that the two Theban captains,
on
their return to their country after
general applause, and
all
conferred upon them.
state
summoned
to
the honours that could be
Instead of which, they were
answer as criminals against the
in having, contrary to the law,
were obliged
retained
it
mem-
should have been received with the
orable actions,
both
such
to resign their
whereby they
command to new
officers,
months beyond the appointed term
four
during which they had executed in Messenia, Arcadia,
and Laconia,
all
those great things
we have
related.
behaviour of this kind
is
surprising,
and the
rela-
tion of it cannot be read without a secret indignation
but such a conduct had a very plausible foundation.
The
zealous assertors of a liberty lately regained, were
apprehensive that the example might prove very pernicious,
in
authorizing
maintain himself in
some
future magistrate to
command beyond
the established
term, and in consequence to turn his arms against his

country.
It
is
not to be doubted, but the
would have acted

were so severe,
in the
same manner
to put an officer to death,
and
Romans
if
though
they
vic-
torious, for giving battle without his general's orders.
HISTORY OF THE
364
how would they have behaved

have continued four months
to a general,
in the
contrary to the laws, and upon his

p
He
Pelopidas was the
should
own
authority ?
cited before the tribunal.
first
defended himself with
who
supreme command,
less force
and greatness of
mind than was expected from a man of his character,

by nature warm and fiery. That valor, haughty and
intrepid in fight, forsook
air
him before the judges.
His
and discourse, which had something timid and

denoted a
man who was
creeping in
it,
and did not
in the least incline the
who
acquitted
afraid of death,
judges
in his favour,
him not without difficulty.
Epaminon-
das appeared, and spoke with a quite different

tone.
He seemed,
if I
may
be allowed the expression,
to charge danger in front without emotion.

justifying himself, he
tions,
and repeated
made
a panegyric
in a lofty style, in
had ravaged Laconia,
and
air
Instead of
upon
his ac-
what manner he
reestablished
Messenia, and
He
concluded with
reunited Arcadia in one body.
saying, that he should die with pleasure, if the
The-
bans would renounce the sole glory of those actions to

him, and declare that he had done them by his
thority,
were
in his favour
and he returned from
he used to return from

applause.
manner
own
au-
and without their participation. All the voices
battle,
Such dignity has
with glory and universal

true valor, that
seizes the admiration of
He was by
his trial, as
mankind by
it
in a
force.
nature designed for great actions, and
every thing he did had an
air
of grandeur in
it.
His
enemies, jealous of his glory, and with design to affront

p Plut,
<i
Plut,
de
sui laude, p. 540.
de prxcept.
reip. ger. p. 811.

him, got him elected telearch
an
very unworthy
office
He however
of a person of his merit.
365
thought
it
no
dishonour to him, and said, that he would demonstrate,

r
that
"the
man the
ment
show
did not only
office
He
office."
the man, but the
accordingly raised that employ-
to very great dignity,
which before consisted in
only taking care that the streets were kept clean, the
away, and the drains and
dirt carried
in
common sewers
good order.
s
The Lacedemonians, having every
from an enemy,
whom
thing to fear
the late successes had rendered
more haughty and enterprising than
still
moment
seeing themselves exposed every
had recourse
irruption,
deputies to
who
them
ever,
and
to a
new
the Athenians, and sent
to
The
to implore their aid.
person
spoke, began with describing in the most pathetic
terms, the deplorable condition, and extreme danger tb
He
which Sparta was reduced.
Thebans, and
insolent haughtiness of the

tious views,
which tended to nothing
empire of all Greece.

particular
their
had to
He
He
fear, if
to their party,
called to
mind
the
ambi-
their
less than
the
insinuated what Athens in
they were suffered to extend
power by the increase of
went over
enlarged upon the
allies,
who
every day
and augmented their
happy times,
in
forces,
which the
strict
union betwixt Athens and Sparta had preserved Greece

to the equal glory of both states
saying,
how
great an addition
nian name, to aid a city,

*
Ou
f/.auv
its
it
vi.
p.
and concluded with
would be
to the
Athe-
ancient friend and
i^X" *v^g* ftiKwrtv,

Xenoph.l.
ctKXct
kcu u%hv
609613.
<*vg.
ally,
HISTORY OF THE
366
which more than once had generously

for the
common
interest
The Athenians
advanced
and
safety.
could not deny
but
in his discourse,
sacrificed itself
that the
all
at the
deputy
same time they
had not forgot the bad treatment, which they had suffered from the Spartans on more than one occasion, and
However,
especially after the defeat of Sicily.
their
compassion of the present misfortunes of Sparta car

ried
it
against the sense of the former injuries,
determined them to
l
their forces.
assist the
Some time
and
Lacedemonians with
after, the
all
deputies of sev-
being assembled at Athens, a league and
eral states
confederacy was concluded against the Thebans, con-
formably to the late treaty of Antalcides, and the intenking of Persia,
tion of the
stances for
u
their
in
its
who
made
continually
execution.
advantage gained by the Spartans over
slight
enemies, raised them from the dejection of
which they had hitherto remained, as
happens,
in-
when
in a mortal
it
spirit
generally
distemper the least glimpse
of a recovery enlivens hope, and recals joy.
Archida-
mus, son of Agesilaus, having received aid from Dionysitis the
Younger, tyrant of Sicily, put himself at the
head of his troops, and defeated the Arcadians in a

" the battle without tears," v because he
battle, called
did not lose a man, and killed a great
The
enemy.
customed
Plut, in
the
much
ac-
Spartans before had been so
to conquer, that they
the pleasure of victory
,J
number of
Xenoph,
Ages.
1.
Diod.
insensible to
but when the news of

vii. p.
p. 614, 615.
v
became
1.
613616.
Xenoph.
xvt
p. 383.
1.
vii. p.
619, 620.
this
367
and they saw Archidamus return victo-
battle arrived,
rious, they could not contain their joy, nor
His father was the
in the city.
first
keep with-
went out
that
The
followed by the great officers and magistrates.
crowd of old men and women came down

river, lifting
up
their
to
He was
meet him, weeping with joy and tenderness.
as far as the
hands to heaven, and returning
thanks to the gods, as
if this
action
shame of Sparta, and they began
had obliterated the
to see
those happy
days again, in which the Spartan glory and reputation
had rose so high.

w Philiscus,
who had been
to reconcile the
whither he
Grecian
summoned
god was not

and
states,
by the king of Persia
was arrived
The
at
Delphos,
their deputies to repair.
consulted in the
at all
that assembly.
sent
affair
The
discussed in
Spartans demanded, that Messene
inhabitants should return to their obedience to
its
Upon
them.
the Thebans' refusal to
comply with
demand, the assembly broke up, and Philiscus
that
retired, after
having
left
sums of money
considerable
with the Lacedemonians for levying troops and carrySparta, reduced and
ing on the war.

losses,
was no longer the object of the Persians
jealousy
them
x
humbled by
its
fear or
but Thebes, victorious and triumphant, gave
just cause of inquietude.
To
form a league against Thebes with greater
certainty, the allies
had sent deputies
The Thebans on their
to the great king.
side deputed Pelopidas
an ex-
tremely wise choice, from the great reputation of the
ambassador, which
is
no
w Zenoph. p.
*
XeYioph.
1.
vii. p.
indifferent circumstance in
619.
65062?.
Diod. p. 381.
368
HISTORY OF THE
The
respect to the success of a negotiation.
battle of
Leuctra had spread his fame into the remotest provinces
When he
of Asia.
arrived at the court, and appear-
ed amongst the princes and

admiration of him, " this
Lacedemonians of
their
is
who
he,
deprived the
empire by sea and land, and
reduced Sparta to confine
and Taygetus,
nobility, they cried out in
itself
between the Eurotas
that not long since,
under
its
king Age-
threatened no less than to invade us in Susa
silaus,
and Ecbatana."
Artaxerxes, extremely pleased with his
arrival,
paid
him extraordinary honours, and piqued himself upon

extolling him highly before the lords of his court
in
;
esteem indeed of his great merit, but
much more
out
of vanity and self love, and to insinuate to his subjects,

that the
greatest and
their court to him,
good
illustrious persons
and paid homage to
But
fortune.
most
after
his
made
power and
having admitted him to
audience, and heard his discourse, in his opinion more
nervous than that of the Athenian ambassadors, and
more simple than

was
ever
little
and as
it is y
Lacedemonians, which
common with
him more than
kings,
who
are but
accustomed to constraint, he did not dissemble
extreme regard
all
that of the
saying a great deal, he esteemed
for
his
him, and his preference of him to
the rest of the Grecian deputies.
Pelopidas,
king,
how
as an able politician,
important
it
was
to protect an infant power,
had apprized the
to the interest of his
crown
which had never borne arms
against the Persians, and which, in forming a kind of
balance between Sparta and Athens, might be able to
make an useful
369
diversion against those republics, the
perpetual and irreconcilable enemies of Persia, that
had
lately
cost
many
so
it
and inquietudes.
losses
Timagoras, the Athenian, was the best received after

him because, being passionately desirous of humbling
;
Sparta, and at the
same time of pleasing the king, he
did not appear averse to the views of Pelopidas.
The king having
pressed Pelopidas to explain what
" that
favours he had to ask of him, he demanded,
Messene should continue

yoke of Sparta
free
and exempt from the
that the Athenian galleys,
which were
sailed to infest the coast of Beotia, should be recalled,
or that war should be declared against Athens

those
who would
not
come
into the league, or
against such as should oppose
it,
clared friends and allies of the king.

ras's colleague, said,
march
Thebans de-
Leon, Timago-
loud enough to be heard by Arta-
xerxes, " Athens has nothing
some other
that
should be attacked
All which was decreed, and the
first."
now
to do, but to find
ally."
Pelopidas, having obtained

court, without accepting any
presents, than
all
he desired,
left
the
more of the king's many
what was necessary to carry home as a
token of his favour and good will
and this aggravated
the complaints which
were made against the other
Grecian ambassadors,
who were not so reserved and

One of those from the
delicate in point of interest.
Arcadians said on his return home, that he had seen
many
slaves at the king's court,
added, that
vol.
4.
all
his magnificence
48
but no men.
He
was no more than vain
HISTORY OF THE
370
ostentation,
gold,
and that the so
which was valued
shade enough under
Of
all
most
He
high a price, had not
Timagoras had received the
did not only accept of gold and
but of a magnificent bed, and slaves to
Greeks not seeming
office
at so
boasted plantain of
for a grasshopper.
the deputies,
presents.
silver,
the
it
much
to
which shews that
in fashion at
He
Athens.
sloth
at his departure,
little
received also twenty four
some
as having oc-
indisposition.
Lastly,
he was carried in a chair to the sea
side at the king's expense,
who gave
four talents
His colleague Leon, on
that service.
it,
in that
and luxury were
cows, with slaves to take care of them

casion to drink milk for
make
him expert enough
for
their arrival at
Athens, accused him of not having communicated
any-
thing to him, and of having joined with Pelopidas in
every thing.
He was
and condemned to
It
brought to a
trial in
consequence,
suffer death.
does not appear, that the acceptance of presents
incensed the Athenians most against Timagoras.
For
Epicrates, a simple porter, who had been at the Persian

court,
and had
also received presents,
to pass,
having
said, in a
was of opinion, a decree ought
full assembly, that he
by which, instead of the nine archons annu-
ally elected, nine
ambassadors should be chosen out of
the poorest of the people to be sent to the king, in or-
der to their being enriched by the voyage
made
ply only laughed, and
offended them more, was the

all
they demanded.
a jest of
it.
the assem-
But what
Thebans having obtained
In which, says Plutarch, they did
1
It was a tree of gold, of exquisite workmanship and great value,
which people went to see out of curiosity.
4000 crowns.
371
not duly consider the great reputation of Pelopidas, nor
comprehend how much stronger and more

that
was
in persuading, than all the
harangues and rhe-
of the other ambassadors
torical flourishes
efficacious
especially
with a prince, accustomed to caress and comply with,

the strongest, as the
The bans undoubtedly were
and who besides was
that time,
not sorry to
at
humble
Sparta and Athens, the ancient and mortal enemies of

his throne.
The esteem and

das were not a
regard of the Thebans for Pelopi-
little
augmented by the good success
embassy, which had procured the freedom
of this
of Greece, and the reestablishment of Messene
he was extremely applauded for his conduct
at his
and
return.
But Thessalia was the
made
Pelopidas
I shall relate
point of view,
which
all
it
entire,
expe-
in the
greatest figure,
Thebans against Alexander,
dition of the
Pherze.
the
where the valor of
threatre,
tyrant of
and unite
relates to that
in
one
great event,
without any other interruption than the journey of

Pelopidas into Macedonia, to appease the troubles of
that court.
SECTION
VI.
PELOPIDAS MARCHES AGAINST ALEXANDER, TYRANT OF PHERAE

IS KILLED IN A BATTLE.
TRAGICAL END OF
ALEXANDER.
The
which
reduced condition of Sparta

for
many
A. M. 3634.
601,
Diod.
I.
Ant.
xy. p.
years had lorded

J.
C. 370.
371273.
Xenoph.
1.
it
and Athens, b
over
vi. p,
all
Greece,
5?9-583,
et
598-
HISTORY OF THE
372
either in conjunction or separately,
had inspired some
of their neighbours with the desire of supplanting those
and given birth to the hope of succeeding them
cities,
in the preeminence.
which began
saly,
to
A power had rose up in Thesgrow formidable. Jason, tyrant of
Pherae, had been declared generalissimo of the Thessalians
by the consent of the people of that province
and
was
it
to his merit, universally
He was
that dignity.
at the
known, he owed
head of an army of above
eight thousand horse, and twenty thousand heavy arm-
ed
without reckoning the light armed soldiers,
foot,
and might have undertaken any thing with such a body

of disciplined and intrepid troops,
who had an
entire
confidence in the valor and conduct of their general.
But death prevented
his designs.
by persons who had conspired
He was assassinated
his destruction.
His two brothers, Polydorus and Polyphron, were

substituted in his place, the latter of
whom
killed the
other for the sake of reigning alone, and was soon after
by Alexander of Pheras, who seized
killed himself
the tyranny, under the ^pretence of
death of Polydorus his father.
was
revenging the
Against him Pelopidas
sent.
As
the tyrant
made open war
against several people
of Thessaly, and was secretly intriguing to subject
them
all,
demand
troops and a general.
employed
self the
the citizens sent ambassadors to
in
Thebes
to
Epaminondas being
Peloponnesus, Pelopidas took upon him-
charge of this expedition.
He
set out for
Thessaly with an army, made himself master of Larissa,
and obliged Alexander to make his submission to

"A.-
M.
3635.
Ant. J. C. 369.
373
He there endeavoured by mild usage and friend-
him.
ship to change his disposition, and from a tyrant, to
make him become

finding
him
just
incorrigible,
and humane prince
and of unexampled
and hearing new complaints every day of
debauched
treat
brutality,
his cruelty,
and insatiable avarice, he began
life,
him with warm reproofs and menaces.
tyrant,
his
alarmed
guard
but
at
to
The
such usage, withdrew secretly with
and Pelopidas, leaving the Thessalians in
security from any attempts of his, and in
good under-
standing with each other, set out for Macedonia, where
had been desired.
his presence
Amyntas
was
II.
lately dead,
and had left issue three
legitimate children, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip,
and one natural son
called Ptolemy.
Alexander reign-
ed but one year, and was succeeded by Perdiccas,*
whom
with
The two
his
brothers invited Pelopidas either to be the
arbitrator and
side
brother Ptolemy disputed the crown.
judge of their quarrel, or
on which he should see most
to
espouse the
right.
Pelopidas was no sooner arrived, than he put an end

to all disputes,
and recalled those who had been ban-
ished by either party.
Having taken
Philip,
the
brother of Perdiccas, and thirty other children of the

noblest families of Macedonia, for hostages, he earned
them
to
Thebes, to show the Greeks
authority of the
how
far the
Thebans extended, from the reputation
of their arms, and an entire confidence in their justice

d Plutarch
makes this quarrel between Alexander and Ptolemy, which
cannot agree with jEschines's account (de Fais. Lgat, p. 400,) of the
affairs of Perdiccas after Alexander's death, which I shall relate in the
history of Philip.
As
jEschines
was
their contemporary, I thought
proper to substitute Perdiccas to Alexander.
it
HISTORY OF THE
374
and
fidelity.
It
was
who was
this Philip,
father of
Alexander the Great, and afterwards made war against

the Greeks, to subject
The
them
to his power.
troubles and factions arose again in
some years
who was
after,
occasioned by the death of Perdiccas,
The
killed in a battle.
ed called
in
Macedonia
friends of the deceas-
Being desirous to arrive
Pelopidas.
who
before Ptolemy had time to execute his projects,
made new
efforts to establish
himself upon the throne
and not having an army, he raised some mercenary

troops in haste, with
When
my.
whom
he marched against Ptole-
they were near each other, Ptolemy
found means to corrupt those mercenary

presents of money, and to bring
At
the
them over
soldiers
by
to his side.
same time, awed by the reputation and name of
Pelopidas, he went to meet
him
as his superior
and
master, had recourse to caresses and entreaties, and
promised
in the
most solemn manner
to hold the
crown
only as guardian to the son of the deceased, to ac-
knowledge
so to the
as friends
Thebans
and enemies
and
who were
those
who were
of his engagements,
in security
he gave his son Philoxenus and
all
fifty
other children,
educated with him, as hostages.
These
Pelopidas sent to Thebes.
The treachery of the mercenary soldiers ran

much in his thoughts. He was informed that
had sent the greatest part of
very
they
their effects, with their
wives and children, into the city Pharsalus, e and conceived that a
them
fair
opportunity for being revenged of
for their perfidy.
He
therefore
city ofThessaly.
drew together
375
some Thessalian troops, and marched to Pharsalus,

where he was scarce arrived before Alexander the
Pelotyrant came against him with a powerful army.
pidas,
who had been appointed ambassador
believing that he
came to justify
himself, and to answer
him with only
the complaints of the Thebans, went to
Ismenius
in his
to him,
company, without any precaution.
He
being an impious Wretch, as
w*as not ignorant of his
void of faith as of honour
but he imagined, that
respect for Thebes, and regard to his dignity and rep-
would
utation,
him from attempting any
prevent
He was
thing against his person.

the tyrant,
them both
mistaken
seeing them alone and unarmed,
for
made
and seized Pharsalus.
prisoners,
Polybius exceedingly blames the imprudence of
upon
Pelopidas
commerce of
society,
and as
ties
may
it
were
reasonably rely
There
occasion/
this
says he,
of mutual
is
in the
certain assurances,
faith,
upon which one
such are the sanctity of oaths,
the pledge of wives and children delivered as hostages,
and,
above
conduct of those
notwithstanding
we
fault
these
deceived,
are
the
all,
it
consistency of the past
whom
one
motives
for
with
is
misfortune,
but to trust one's self to a
reputed
villain, is certainly
treats
when,
our confidence,
but not a
known
traitor, a
an unpardonable instance
of error and temerity.

s
So black a perfidy
filled
Alexander's
with terror and distrust,
who very much
that after so flagrant an
injustice,
Lib.
viii. p.
Plut, in Pelop. p. 292, 293.
and
subjects
suspected
so daring a
512.
Diod.
I.
xv. p. 382, 383.
HISTORY OF THE
376
crime, the tyrant would spare nobody, and would

look upon himself upon
sorts of
occasions, and with

in
news was brought
the
incensed at so
army
an
vile
into Thessaly
with Epaminondas,
to
needed
and actions.
When
Thebes,
the Thebans,
immediately sent an
insult,
and as they were
all
despair, that
farther regard to his conduct
no
of
man
people, as
all
displeased
upon the groundless suspicion
having been too favourable to the Lacede-
his
monians upon a certain

other generals
occasion,
they nominated
so that he served in this expedition
The
only as a private man.
love of his country
and of the public good extinguished

in the heart of that great
mit him, as
too
is
all
resentment
man, and would not per-
common,
to
abandon
its
service
through any pique of honour, or personal discontent.
The
tyrant
however carried Pelopidas
and made a show of him
to all the world at
ining that such a treatment would
and abate
to Pherae,
first,
humble
imag-
his pride
But Pelopidas, seeing the
his courage.
in-
habitants of Pherze in great consternation, perpetually
consoled them, advising them not to despair, and assuring them, that
it
would not be long before the tyrant
would be punished.
it
He
caused him to be
told, that
was as imprudent as unjust to torture and put to
death every day so
many
innocent citizens, that h2d
never done him any wrong, and to spare his
who,
life,
he well knew, would no sooner be out of his hands,

than
he would punish him as his crimes deserved.
The
tyrant, astonished at his greatness of soul, sent to
ask him
why he
took so
much
pains for death
"It
is," returned the illustrious prisoner, " that thou mayest

by being
perish the sooner
still
377
more detestable
to the
gods and men."
From
gave orders that no body
that time the tyrant
But Thebe
should see or speak to Him.
daughter of Jason,
who had
his wife, the
been tyrant of Phc-s,
also
having heard of the constancy and courage of Pelopi-
who guarded him, had
das from those
him
see and converse with
refuse her his permission.
may be
a tyrant
a curiosity to
and Alexander could not
He
11
loved her tenderly,
said to love any
body
if
but notwith-
standing that tenderness, he treated her very cruelly,
and was
went
He
even of her.
in perpetual distrust
to her
never
apartment without a slave before him with
a naked sword in his hand, and sending
some of
his
guard t search every coffer for concealed poniards.
Wretched
more
prince, cries Cicero,
in a slave
Thebe, therefore desiring
him
in a
his hair
that
who could confide

in his own wife !
and a barbarian, than
to see Pelopidas,
melancholy condition, dressed
in his distress.
to refrain from tears at such a sight, "
Pelopidas," said she, "
how
who can
it
is
quick
for
able
Ah unfortunate
yourself you should
such a monster as Alexander
suffer
Those words touched
without being his prisoner."

to the
Not being
lament your poor wife !"
" No, Thebe," replied he u
Thebe
poor habit,
and beard neglected, and void of every thing
might console him
lament,
in a
found
it
was with extreme reluc-
tance she b )re the tyrant's cruelty, violence, and infa-
mous way
pidas,
of living.
Hence going
often to see Pelo-
and frequently bewailing before him the injuries

h
vol. 4.
Cic.de
49
Offic.
1. ii.
n. 25.
HISTORY OF THE
378
she suffered, she daily conceived
new abhorrence
for
her husband, whilst hatred and the desire of revenge
grew strong
in
her heart.
The Theban
generals,
who had
entered Thessaly,
did nothing there of any importance, and were obliged,
by
their incapacity
The
country.
and
conduct, to abandon the
ill
tyrant pursued
them
in their retreat,
harassed them shamefully, and killed abundance of
The whole army had been
their troops.
defeated, if
the soldiers had not obliged Epaminondas,
who
served
man amongst them, to take upon him the

command. Epaminondas, at the head of the cavalry
and light armed foot, posted himself in the rear where,
as a private
sometimes sustaining the enemy's attacks, and sometimes charging them in his turn, he completed the
with success, and preserved
retreat
The
generals upon their return
fined ten thousand drachms,
As
stituted in their place.
the
Beotians.
were each of them
and Epaminondas sub-
the public
good was
his
sole view, he overlooked the injurious treatment
and
kind of affront which he had received, and had a
full
amends
in the glory that
attended so generous and dis-
interested a conduct.
Some days
after,
into Thessaly,
him.
had
It
through
he marched
dismayed,
head of the army
whither his reputation had preceded

spread
the whole
tyrant's friends,
at the
whom
already both terror and joy
country
the very
terror
name
amongst
the
of Epaminondas
and joy amongst the people, from
the
assurance of being speedily delivered from the yoke of

the tyranny, and the tyrant punished for
:
About 225
i.
sterling.
all
his crimes.
But Epaminondas, preferring the

his
own
it,
safety of Pelopidas to
glory, instead of carrying
vigor, as he
379
on the war with
might have done, chose rather
from the apprehension
to protract
reduced to
that the tyrant, if
despair, like a wild beast,
would turn
his
whole rage
he knew the violence and bru-
upon
his prisoner
tality
of his nature, which would hearken neither to
reason nor justice

ing
men
alive
for
and
that
that
he took delight
some he covered with
in
the skins of
bears and wild boars, that his dogs might tear

pieces
were
them
or he shot
his frequent sports
them
to death with arrows.
and diversions.
bury-
in
These
In the cities
k
of Melibea and Scotusa, which were in alliance with
him, he called an assembly of the citizens, and causing them to be surrounded by his guards, he ordered
the throats of
all
their
young
to
be cut
in his presence.
Hearing one day a famous actor perform a part in

the Troades of Euripides, he suddenly went out of the
theatre, and sent to the actor to tell him, not to
be under
any apprehension upon that account
that
for
his
leaving the place was not from any discontent in regard

to him, but because he
see
him weep
was ashamed
to let the citizens
the misfortunes of Hercules and
mache, who had cut so many of
Andro-
their throats without
any compassion,
Though he was little susceptible of pity, he was

much so of fear at this time. Amazed at the sudden
arrival of
Epaminondas, and dazzled with the majesty
that surrounded him, he
sons to
him with
nondas could not
made
haste to dispatch per-
apologies for his conduct.

suffer that the
k
Epami-
Thebans should make
Cities of Magnesia.
HISTORY OF THE
380
either peace or alliance with
He
so wicked a man.
only granted him a truce for thirty days, and after hav-
ing got Pelopidas and Ismenias out of his hands, he

retired with his troops.
1
Fear
is
make any deep
not a master whose lessons
and lasting impression upon the mind of man.
The
tyrant of Plieras soon returned to his natural disposi-
He
tion.
ruined several
of Thessaly, and put
cities
garrisons into those of Phthia, Achea, and Magnesia.
Those
cities
sent deputies
Thebes
to
succour of troops, praying that the
might be given
He was
to Pelopidas
upon the point of
pened a sudden
at
consternation was general.
but he did not think
it
march
there hap-
by which the
noon day.
Pelopidas
city
The dread and

knew very well
more than
natural in
it ;
proper for him to expose seven
thousand Thebans against their

to
when
setting out,
that this accident had nothing
them
which was granted.
eclipse of the sun,
of Thebes was darkened
demand a
of them
to
command
in the terror
will,
nor to compel
and apprehension with
which he perceived they were seized.
He
therefore
gave himself to the Thessalians alone, and taking with
him three hundred
horse of such
Thebans and
stran-
gers as would follow him, he departed contrary to the

prohibition of the soothsayers, and the opinion of the
most wise and judicious.
He was
personally incensed against Alexander, in
resentment of the injuries he had received from him.
What Thebe his
wife had said, and he himself knew,
of the general discontent in regard to the tyrant, gave
him hopes
t
of hading great divisions in his court, and
Plut, in Pelop. p.
295298.
Xenoph.
1.
vi. p.
601.
381
But
his strongest
an universal disposition to revolt.
motive was the beauty and grandeur of the action
For
itself.
all
his sole desire
in
and ambition was to show
Greece, that at the same time the Lacedemonians
sent generals and officers to Dionysius the tyrant, and
the Athenians on their part were in a
pay of Alexander,
whom
to
manner
in the
they had erected a statue
of brass, as to their benefactor, the Thebans were the

only people that declared open war against tyranny,
and endeavoured to exterminate from amongst the
Greeks
all
unjust and violent government.
After having assembled his army at Pharsalus, he
marched against the
tyrant
who, being apprized that
Pelopidas had but few Thebans, and knowing that his
own
was twice
infantry
salians,
advanced
by somebody,
army
" So
to
as strong as that of the Thes-
meet him.
Pelopidas being told
Alexander approached with a great

much the better," replied he, " we shall
that
beat the greater number."
Near
a place called Cynocephalus, there were very
high and steep

plain.
hills,
which
Both armies were
with their
foot,
in
lay in the
motion to seize that post
when Pelopidas ordered
charge that of the enemy.
midst of the
The
his cavalry to
horse of Pelopidas
broke Alexander's, and whilst they pursued them upon

the plain, Alexander appeared suddenly
of the
hills,
upon the top
having outstripped the Thessalians
and
charging rudely such as endeavoured to force those

heights and retrenchments, he killed the foremost, and
repulsed the others,

give way.
whom
their
wounds obliged
to
Pelopidas, seeing this, recalled his horse,
and giving them orders to attack the enemy's
foot,
HISTORY OF THE
382
he took his buckler, and ran to those who fought upon

the
hills.
He
made way through

moment from the rear to
presently
passed in a
his soldiers' vigor
made
and courage
the front, revived
in such a
maimer, as
the enemies believe themselves attacked
They supported two or
troops.
great resolution
and
his infantry,
by fresh
three charges with
but finding Pelopidas's infantry con-
tinually gaining ground,
and that his cavalry were
re-
turned from the pursuit to support them, they began

to give
way, and retired slowly,
their retreat.
the enenry
from the top of the
was not yet

was
still
making head
Pelopidas, seeing the whole
in great disorder,
which, though
hills,
actually put to flight,
in
army of
began
it
and
to break,
he stopped for some time, look-
ing about every where for Alexander.
As
soon as he perceived him upon his right wing,
rallying
and encouraging his mercenary
he
soldiers,
could contain himself no longer, but fired with that

view, and abandoning to his sole resentment the care of
his
life,
way
and the conduct of the
before his battalions
his force, calling upon,
tyrant
to
made no answer
his guards.
and defying Alexander.
withdrew
The
all
rhe
and not daring
to hide
himself
battalion standing firm for
some time, Pelopidas broke the

the greatest part of the guards
rest
he got a great
and ran forward with
to his defiance,
wait his coming up,
amongst
battle,
first
ranks, and killed
upon the
spot.
The
continuing the fight at a distance, pierced his
arms and breast
at length
with their javelins.
The
Thessalians, alarmed at the danger in which they saw
him, made
all
the haste they could from the tops of the

hills to his assistance
Tne
they arrived.
383
but he was fallen dead when
and the Theban horse,
infantry
returning to the fight against the enemy's main body,
put them to
The
and pursued them a great way.
flight,
was covered with the dead
plain
more than
for
three thousand of the tyrant's troops were killed.
This action of Pelopidas, though

effect
of a consummate
appears the
it
is
no true
The
greatest
been generally condemned, because there

valor without
courage
is
cool and sedate.
necessary.
to
wisdom and prudence.
ought, and exposes itself
it
off,
spares itself where
in his thoughts.
dition to apply the proper
cut
It
when occcasion makes
it
general ought to see every thing, and
have every thing
must not
and has
valor, is inexcusable,
remedy on
precipitate himself to
To
all
be
in a
con-
occasions, he
the danger of being
and of causing the loss of his army by his
death.
m Euripides,
that
it is
after
highly glorious for the general of an
obtain the victory
" that
if
when he
having said in one of his pieces,
it
by taking care of
his
own life,
be necessary for him to die,
resigns his
life
into the
army
it
to
adds,
must be
hands of virtue ;" to
signify, that only virtue, not passion, anger, or revenge,
has a right over the

first
duty of valor
is
life
of a general, and that the
to preserve
him who preserves
others.
n
It is in this
and estimable.
the
sense the saying of Timotheus
When Chares
is
so just
showed the Athenians
wounds he had received
eral,
"
whilst he was their genand his shield pierced through with a pike
:
Pint, in Pelop. p. Sir.
Ibid. p.
278
HISTORY OF THE
384
"And
for
Samos,
me,"
Timotheus, " when
said
was much ashamed
a dart
to see
besieged
fall
very-
near me, as having exposed myself like a young
man
without necessity, and more than was consistent for the

general of so great an army."
cannot be suspected of
ed, that in the great
fear,
number
Hannibal certainly
and yet
it
has been observ-
of battles which he fought,
he never received any wound, except only at the siege

of,
Saguntum.
therefore not without reason, that Pelopidas is
It is
reproached with having sacrificed

to his valor,
by such
all
his other virtues
a prodigality of his life,
and with
having died rather for himself than his country.
Never was captain more lamented than him.
His
death changed the victory so lately gained into mourn-
ing.
profound
and
silence
universal
reigned throughout the whole army, as
When
entirely defeated.
Thebes, from every

people of
priests,
in
all
came out
to
procession before
the
by which
meet the
it,
same time highly
the
their request, that they
passed, the
and to march
Thessalians,
afflicted
and
crowns, trophies,
who were
for his death,
equally sensible of their obligations

it
it
had been
carried to
magistrates
bier,
carrying
The
if it
body was
ages and sexes,
and armour of gold.

at
city
his
affliction
to
him,
might be permitted
and
made
to cele-
brate at their sole expense the obsequies of a general,
who had devoted
himself for their preservation
and
that honourable privilege could not be refused to their
grateful zeal.
His funeral was magnificent, especially

cere affliction of the
in the sin-
Thebans and Thessalians
says Plutarch, the external
pomp
for,
of mourning, and

those marks of sorrow, which
385
may be imposed by
the
public authority upon the people, are not always cer-
The
tain proofs of their real sentiments.
flow in
tears
which
private as well as public, the regret expressed
equally by great and small, the praises given

general,
and unanimous voice
more, and from
whom
to a person
nothing further
is
are an evidence not to be questioned, and
age never paid but to virtue.

quies of Pelopidas, and, in
my
by the
who
no
is
expected,
hom-
an
Such were the obseopinion, nothing
more
great and magnificent could be imagined.
Thebes was not contented with lamenting Pelopi-
das, but resolved to avenge him.
small
army of
seven thousand foot and seven hundred horse were
The
immediately sent against Alexander.
tyrant,
had not yet recovered the terror of his defeat,

no condition
to defend himself.
He was
restore to the Thessalians the cities he
them, and
to give the
Acheans,
their liberty, to
their country,
and
the Thebans, and
to
was
in
obliged to
had taken from
Magnesians, Phthians,
withdraw
who
his garrisons
and
from
swear that he would always obey
march
orders against
at their
all
their enemies.
Such a punishment was very

Plutarch, did
it
gentle
nor, says
appear sufficient to the gods, or pro-
portioned to his crimes.
They had
him worthy of a
Thebe,
tyrant.
reserved one for
his wife,
who saw
with horror and detestation the cruelty and perfidy of
her husband, and had not forgot the lessons and advice
which Pelopidas had given her, whilst
in prison,
en-
tered into a conspiracy, with her three brothers to kill
vol. 4.
50
HISTORY OF THE
386
The
him.
who
kept watch
fidence in
whole palace was
tyrant's
them
in the night;
and as
but he placed
lay in a high chamber, to
der that was drawn up
fierce,
little
some
in
con-
sort in
He
men.
all
which he ascended by a
lad-
Near
this
after his entrance.
chamber a great dog was chained

exceeding
was
his life
he feared them the most of
their hands,
of guards,
full
to
guard
He was
it.
and knew no body but
his master,
Thebe, and the slave who fed him.
The
time pitched upon for the execution of the plot
being arrived, Thebe shut up her brothers during the
day time,
in
he entered
it
he
fell
an apartment near the

at night, as
he was
of meat and wine,
full
deep sleep immediately.
into a
out presently
after,
When
tyrant's.
and ordered the slave
Thebe went
to take away
the dog, that he might not disturb her husband's repose ;
and
brothers
make
should
lest the ladder
came up by
it,
a noise
her brothers ascend, armed with daggers
made
who, when
to the door, were seized with terror, and
would go no
farther.
Thebe, quite out of her wits,
threatened to awake the tyrant
if
they did not proceed
Their
immediately, and to discover the plot to him.
shame and
enter, led
it
All things being thus prepared, she
with wool.
they came
when her
she covered the steps of
fear reanimated
them
to the bed,
whilst they killed
them
she
made them
and held the lamp
herself,
him with repeated wounds.
The
news of his death was immediately spread through the

His dead body was exposed to all sorts of
city.
outrages, trampled underfoot by the people, and given
for a prey to the
dogs and vultures
his violent oppressions
a just reward for
and detestable
cruelties.
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS."
SECTION
387
VII.
EPAMINONDAS CHOSEN GENERAL OF THE THEBANS.

AND CHARACTER.
The
HIS
extraordinary prosperity of Thebes
DEATH
was no
small subject of alarm to the neighbouring states.
Every thing was
at that
time
in
motion
which had occasioned another between the
The
Arcadians themselves.
the
called in
Greece.
the Arcadians and
new war had sprung up between

the Eleans,
in
Thebans
to their aid
and those of
There were
Mantinea, the Spartans and Athenians.

besides several other
allies
gave Epaminondas the
Tegea had
people of
on each
command
The former
who
side.
of their troops,
immediately entered Arcadia, and encamped at Tegea, with design to attack the Mantineans,
quitted their alliance with
Thebes
to attach
who had
themselves
to Sparta.
Being informed
march with
his
Agesilaus had
that
begun
his
army, and advanced towards Mantinea,
he formed an enterprise, which, he believed, would

immortalize his name, and entirely reduce the power
of the enemy.
He
left
army, unknown
to
directly to Sparta
by a
Agesilaus.
city
by
troops
all
in
the
He would
surprise, as
it
Tegea
in the night with his
Mantineans, and marched
different
route from that
of
undoubtedly have taken the
had neither
walls, defence,
nor
but happily for Sparta, a Cretan having made
possible haste to apprize Agesilaus of his design,
A. M. 3641.
Ant. J. C. 363.
Xenoph.
Ages. p. 615. Diod. p. 391, 392.
I.
vii.
p.
he
642 64.4. Plut
HISTORY OF THE
388
immediately dispatched one of his horse to advise the

city of the
spon
danger that threatened
it,
and arrived there
affer in person.
He had
when the Thebans

were seen passing the Eurotas, and coming on against
the city. Epaminondas, who perceived that his design
was discovered, thought it incumbent on him not to
retire
scarce entered the town,
He
without some attempt.?
therefore
making use of valor
his troops advance, and
made
instead of
stratagem, he attacked the city at several quarters,

penetrated as far as the public place, and seized that
part of Sparta which lay upon the side of the river.
Agesilaus made head every where, and defended him-
much more valor than could be expected

years.
He saw well, that it was not now a
self with
from
his
time, as before, to spare himself, and to act only
the defensive
upon
but that he had need of all his courage
and daring, and
to fight with all the vigor of despair
means which he had never used, nor placed his confidence in before, but which he employed with great
for by
success in the present dangerous emergency
;
this
happy despair and prudent audacity, he
in a
man-
ner snatched the city out of the hands of Epaminondas.
His son Archidamus,
at the
behaved with incredible
was
greatest,
and with
head of the Spartan youth,
valor,
wherever the danger
his small troop, stopped the
enemy, and made head against them on
young Spartan, named
Isadas,
himself particularly in this action.
handsome
all
sides.
distinguished
He was
very
in the face, perfectly well shaped, of an
advantageous stature, and

p
Polyb.
1.
in the flower of his

is. p
547.
youth.
He had
neither
armour nor
which shone with

and a sword
oil,
389
upon
clothes
and held a spear
in
his body,
one hand,
In this condition he quit-
in the other.
house with the utmost eagerness, and break-
ted his
ing through the press of the Spartans that fought,
he threw himself upon the enemy, gave mortal wounds

at every blow,
and
laid all at his feet
who opposed
Whether
him, without receiving any hurt himself.

the
enemy were dismayed
or,
says Plutarch,
at so astonishing a sight,
gods took pleasure
the
in
pre-
serving him upon account of his extraordinary valor,

it
is
said, the
Ephori decreed him a crown
honour of
battle in
his exploits,
him one thousand drachms, *
after the
but afterwards fined
exposed
for having
himself to so great a danger without arms.
Epaminondas having
relief of Sparta,
the
all
the
to
and not being willing to have them
same time, he returned with expedition
followed
him
That
might
if
allies,
allies,
command was upon
he did not
suffer extremely,
fight, his
and that imme-
enemy would
diately after his retreat, the
Theban
Tegea.
close in the rear.
general, considering his
reputation
to
Athenians, with their
the point of expiring, that
the
hasten
the Lacedemonian forces upon his hands at
The Lacedemonians and

r
of his aim, foreseeing
Arcadians would certainly
that the
with
failed
fall
upon
and entirely ruin them, he gave
orders to his troops to hold themselves in readiness

for battle.
The Greeks had
never fought amongst themselves
with more numerous armies.

J500
livres.
The Lacedemonians
Xenoph.
1.
vii.p.
645 647.
HISTORY OF THE
390
more than twenty thousand
consisted of
thousand horse
foot
and two
the Thebans, of thirty thousand foot
Upon
and three thousand horse.
the right
wing of
the former, the Mantineans, Arcadians, and Lacede-
monians, were posted in one
line
the Eleans and
Acheans, who were the weakest of their troops, had

the centre
left
and the Athenians alone composed the
In the other army, the Thebans and Arca-
wing.
dians were on the
left,
the other allies in the

side
were disposed
The Theban
battle in
the Argives on the right, and
The
centre.
in the
cavalry on each
wings.
general marched in the
which he intended
same order of
to fight, that he
might not
be obliged, when he came up with the enemy, to

in the disposition of his army, a time
be too
much
saved
foremost, as
When
and with his front
directly,
column upon the
in a
if
hills
he did not intend
he was over against them,
league's distance, he
made his
in effect
with his
to the
lift
wing
to fight that day.

at a quarter of a
troops halt and lay
their arms, as if he designed to
enemy
which cannot
in great enterprises.
He did not march

enemy, but
lose,
encamp
there.
down
The
were deceived by that stand, and reck-
oning no longer upon a
battle,
they quitted their arms,
dispersed themselves about the camp, and suffered

that ardour to extinguish,
of a battle
is
wont
which the near approach
to kindle in the hearts of the soldiers.
Epaminondas, however, by suddenly wheeling
his
troops to the right, having changed his column into a

line,
and having drawn out the choice troops,
had expressly posted
them double
in front
their files
upon
his
whom he
march, he made
upon the front of his
left
wing,

to
add
to
its
it
into a condition to
Lacedemonian phalanx, which, by
attack in a point the
the
and to put
strength,
391
movement he had made, faced
ordered the centre and right
it
He
directly.
wing of his army
to
move
very slow, and to halt before they came up with the
enemy,
upon
might not hazard the event of the battle
that he
which he had no great opinion.
troops, of
He
expected to decide the victory by that body of
chosen troops, which he
commanded
which he had formed
column
in a
in person,
to attack the
says Xenophon.
in a point like a galley,
himself, that if he could penetrate the
He
and
enemy
assured
Lacedemonian
phalanx, in which the enemy's principal force consisted,
he should not find
it
difficult to. rout the rest
army, by charging upon the right and
left
of their
with his
victorious troops.
But
that he
might prevent the Athenians in the
wing from coming
left
to the support of their right against
his intended attack, he
made
and foot advance out of the
a detachment of his horse
line,
and posted them upon
the rising ground in readiness to flank the Athenians
as well to cover his right, as to alarm them, and give
them reason to apprehend being taken

themselves,
if
in flank
and rear,
they advanced to sustain their right.
After having disposed his whole army in this manner, he
moved on
to charge the
weight of his column.
enemy with
They were
the whole
strangely surprised
when they saw Epaminondas advance towards them

this order,
and resumed
and made
all
in
their arms, bridled their horses,
the haste they could to their ranks.
Whilst Epaminondas marched against the enemy,

the cavalry that covered his flank on the
left,
the best
HISTORY OF THE
392
at that
time
in
Greece, entirely composed of Thebans
and Thessalians, had orders to attack the enemy's
The Theban
horse.
had
general,
whom
bestowed bowmen,
artfully
nothing escaped,
slingers,
and dartmen,
in the intervals of his horse, in order to begin the dis-
order of the enemy's cavalry, by a previous discharge

of a shower of arrows, stones, and javelins, upon them.
The
other
army had neglected
caution, and had
made another
to take the
fault,
same pre-
not less considera-
ble,^ giving as much
depth to the squadrons, as
had been a phalanx.
By
this
if
they
means, their horse were
incapable of supporting long the charge of the Thebans.
After having
made
several ineffectual attacks with
great loss, they were obliged to retire behind their

infantry.
In the
foot,
mean
time, Epaminondas, with his
body of
The
had charged the Lacedemonian phalanx.
troops fought on both sides with incredible ardour ;
both the Thebans and Lacedemonians being resolved

to perish rather than yield the glory of
They began by
rivals.
those
first
arms being soon broken
was equally
obstinate,
great on both sides.
and desiring Only
to their
fighting with the spear
The
in
and
of the
in the fury
combat, they charged each other sword

resistance
arms
hand.
The
and the slaughter very
troops, despising danger,
to distinguish themselves
by the
greatness of their actions, chose rather to die in their

ranks, than to lose a step of their ground.
The
furious slaughter on bo^h sides having continu-
ed a great while without the victory's inclining to either,
Epaminondas,
his duty to
to force
make an
it
to declare for
him, thought
it
extraordinary effort in person,
393
own life.
without regard to the danger of his
He form-
ed therefore a troop of the bravest and most determinate about him, and putting himself at the head of
them, he made a vigorous charge upon the enemy,
where the
battle
was most warm, and wounded the
general of the Lacedemonians with the
first
javelin
he
threw.
His troop, by his example, having wounded
or killed
all
that stood in their way,
broke and penetrat-
The Lacedemonians, dismayed by
ed the phalanx.
the presence of Epaminondas, and overpowered by the
weight of that intrepid party, were reduced to give
The
ground.
gross of the
by
their general's
the
enemy upon
his right
slaughter of them.
perceiving that
much
and
and made a great
left,
Epaminondas abandoned himself too

suddenly
rallied,
and returning
charged him with a shower of javelins.

*
Whilst he kept
them,
troops, animated
But some troops of the Spartans,
to his ardour,
to the fight,
Theban
example and success, drove back
off part of those darts,
and was
fenced off others,
shunned some of
fighting with the
most
heroic valor, to assure the victory to his army, a Spartan,
named
Callicrates,
gave him a mortal wound with a
The wood of
javelin in the breast across his cuirass.
the javelin being broke
off,
and the iron head continu-
ing in the wound, the torment was insupportable, and
he
fell
with
immediately.
new fury,
The
battle
began around him
the one side using their utmost endeav-
ours to take him alive, and the other to save him.
The Thebans
him
off, after
gained their point at
having put the enemy to
did not pursue them
vol.
4.
last,
far,
51
and carried
flight.
They
and returning immediately,
394
HISTORY OF THE
contented themselves with remaining masters of the
and of the dead, without making any advantage
field,
of their victory, or undertaking any thing further, as
if
they stayed for the orders of their general.
The
nondas,
cavalry,
dismayed by the accident of Epami-
whom
they believed to be de ad, and seeming
rather vanquished than victorious, neglected to pursue

their success in the
same manner, and returned
to their
former post.
Whilst
this
passed on the
left
wing of the Thebans,
the Athenian horse attacked their cavalry on the right.
But
as the latter,
besides the superiority of number,
had the advantage of being seconded by the
light in-
fantry posted in their intervals, they charged the Athe-
nians rudely, and having galled

their darts, they
them extremely with
were broken and obliged to
having dispersed and repulsed them
After-
fly.
in this
manner,
instead of pursuing them, they thought proper to turn

their
arms against the Athenian
in flank, put into disorder,
vigor.
foot,
which they took
and pushed with great
Just as they were ready to turn
of the Elean cavalry,
tail,
who commanded
serve, seeing the danger of that phalanx,
the spur to
its relief,
expected nothing so
the general
body of
came upon
who
charged the Theban horse,

little,
forced
them
regained from them their advantage.
re-
to retreat,
At
the
and
same
time, the Athenian cavalry, which had been routed at

first,
finding they were not pursued, rallied themselves,
and instead of going
to the assistance of their foot,
which was roughly handled, they attacked the detach-
ment posted by
the
the line, and put
it
Thebans upon
to the sword.
the heights without
395
After these different movements, and
this alterna-
and advantages, the troops on both sides
tive of losses
stood
still
and rested upon their arms, and the trumpets
of the two armies, as

at the
by consent, sounded the
if
Each
same time.
and erected a trophy
ry,
retreat
party pretended to the victo-
the Thebans, because they
had defeated the right wing, and remained masters of

the field of battle
the Athenians, because they had
And from
cut the detachment in pieces.
honour, both sides refused

their dead, which,
to
demand
of
ask leave to bury
with the ancients, was confessing
The Lacedemonians, however,
their defeat.
first
at first, to
this point
that permission
after
had no thoughts but of paying the
sent
which, the rest
last duties to
the
slain.
Such was the event of the famous battle of Mantinea.

Xenophon.
in his relation of
position of the
Theban
it,
troops,
to the reader's attention,
recommends
and the order of battle,
Follard,
man
which he describes as a
of knowledge and experience in the
Monsieur
the dis-
art
of war
and
who justly looks upon Epaminondas
as one of the greatest generals Greece ever produced,

in his description of the
it
same
battle,
ventures to
call
the masterpiece of that great captain.
Epaminondas
The
been
carried into the
would expire
was drawn out of it.
as soon as the
head of the
Those words gave
were present the utmost sorrow and

to die without issue.
all
affliction,
were inconsolable on seeing so great a man about

and
camp.
surgeons, after having examined the wound, de-
clared that he
dart
had
that
who
to die,
For him, the only concern
he expressed, was about his arms, and the success of
596
HISTORY OF THE
When
the battle.
they showed him his shield, and
assured him that the Thebans had gained the victory,

turning towards
air
my
of
Do
"
friends with a calm and serene
his
not regard," said he, " this day as the end
my
but as the beginning of
life,
the completion of
my
happiness, and
I leave
glory.
Thebes trium-
phant, p r oud Sparta humbkd, and Greece delivered

from the yoke of servitude.
For the rest, I do not
reckon that
two
tinea, are
keep
die without issue
my name
truly be said, that the
rank above
t
duced.
all
is
is
is
seems to
men Greece
ever pro-
Cicero
same opinion, when he
no longer
lost its general,

its
man
of the
the point of it
mies, and
to posterity."
Theban power ex-
whom
the illustrious
Justin
that as a dart
it
he drew the head of the
wound, and expired.
with this great
pired
when
and to transmit
alive,
to this effect,
javelin out of his
may
in a
was no longer formidable
power seemed
ble action, and afterwards,

virtues, but misfortunes,
with this
so that
it
to
it
have
lost its
to its ene-
edge, and
Epaminondas. Before
Nam
memora-
was not famous

it
till
sunk into
saw its glory take
birth,
its
for its
original
and expire
great man.
Epaminondas, princeps, meo judicio,
wound
condition to
him, that city was not distinguished by any
says,
blunted, so Thebes, after having
to be annihilated by the death of
obscurity
Man-
Leuctra and
illustrious daughters, that will not fail to
Having spoke
It
sicuti telo, si
sic
nocendi sustuleris
rei quoque publico vires hebetatx sunt
;
Graec'ue.
Acad. Quxst.
1. i.
ni 4.
primam aciem prsefregeris, reliquo ferro vim

illo velut mucrone teli ablato duce Thebanorum,
:
utnon
tarn ilium amisisse,
quam
omnes interiisse viderentur. Nam neqne bunc ante ducem ullum

memorabile bellum gessere, nee postea virtutibus, sed cladibus, insignes,
fuere
ut manifestum sit, patria: gloriam et natam et extinctam cum eo
cum
illo
fuisse.
Justin.
1.
vi. c. 8.

has been
It
doubted whether he was a more ex-
He
good man.
cellent captain or
but for his country
for himself,
397
sought not power
and was so per-
fectly void of self interest, that at his death,
and poor out of
losopher,
taste,
he was
Truly a phi-
not worth the expenses of his funeral.
he despised riches,
without affecting any reputation from that contempt
and
if
little
Justin
may
money.
as he did
will that
be believed, he coveted glory as
was always against
It
commands were
his
conferred upon him, and he
behaved himself in them in such a manner, as did more
honour
to dignities than dignities to
Though poor
him.
himself, and without any estate, his
very poverty, by drawing upon him the esteem and

confidence of the rich, gave him the opportunity of
doing good
with orders to
citizen,
v
in his
name.
know
house, to
sent
him
to a very rich
ask
him
for
one thousand
That
rich
and you
man coming
to his
his motives fjr directing his friend to
him upon such an errand

minondas, "it
of his friends being in
Epaminondas
great necessity,
crowns
One
to others.
is
w "
because this
Why," replied Epahonest man is in want,
are rich."*
He had
cultivated those generous and noble sen-
timents in himself by the study of polite learning and

a
Fuit incertum, vir melior an dux esset.
semper
sed
patri;e quaesivit
funeri defuerit.
Gloriae
Nam
imperium non sibi

ut sumptus
et pecuniae adeo parcus fuit,
quoque non cupidior, quam pecuniae
quippe
recusanti omnia imperia ingesta sunt, honoresque ita gesit, ut ornamen-
tum non
accipere, sed dare ipsi dignitati videretur.
A talent.
w
51
Jam
;trO,
ilTTV
8T0?
de
0>V
Justin.
praecept. reipub. ger. p. 809.
WSS7
<7\)*$t
CTXSTSK.
literarum studium.jam philosophiae doctrina tanta, ut mirabile
videretur,
J ustin.
Ot/
plut,
unde
tarn
insignis militia scientia homini inter literas nato-
398
HISTORY OF THE
made
philosophy, which he had
and
sole delight
was
surprising,
from
his earliest infancy
amongst books, to
edge of the
employment
;
so that
it
and a question frequently asked, how,
and at what time, it was possible
for a
man, always busy

knowl-
attain, 'or rather seize, the
art military in so great a
Fond of
tion.
his usual
degree of perfec-
which he devoted
leisure,
to
the
study of philosophy, his darling passion, he shunned
made no
public employments, and
exclude himself from them.
but to
interests
His moderation con-
him so well, that he lived obscure, and almost

unknown.
His merit, however, discovered him.
cealed
He was
at the
taken from his solitude by force, to be placed
head of armies
and he demonstrated that
philosophy, though generally in contempt with those
who
aspire at the glory of arms,
forming heroes
in
for
is
wonderfully useful
besides
being a great
its
advance towards conquering the enemy, to know

to conquer one's
taught the great
self,
in this school
maxims of true
how
anciently were
the rules of
polic)',
every kind of duty, the motives for a due discharge of
them, what we
owe our
country, the right use of
authority, wherein true courage consists
in a
word,
the qualities that form the good citizen, statesman, and

great captain.
He
possessed
all
the ornaments of the
mind
he had
the talent of speaking in perfection, and was well vers-
ed
in the
most sublime
reserve threw a
which
*
still
veil
over
augmented
The works
sciences.
all
But a modest
those excellent qualities,
their value,
and of which, he
of Plato, Xenophon, and Aristotle, are proofs of this.

not what
knew
character,
It
said,
Spin-
" that he
more, and
less.""
may be
falsified
Epaminondas,
said therefore of
This was
their
and was imputed to the gross

Athenian delicacy of
taste
common
was
judge of Alexander from
would swear him
his
1*
attributed to the sub-
Horace
bad
a true Beotian
" Botum
characteristic,
of the country, as the
air
of the air they breathed.
says, that to
one
taste of poetry,
in crasso jurares aere
In thick Beotian air you'd swear
When
he
that
the proverb which treated the Beotians as gross
and stupid.
tilty
man who knew
never had met with a
spoke
be ostentatious.
to
his
giving
in
tharus,
was
it
399
natum. " Epist.
him
i.
1.
2.
born.
Alcibiades was reproached with having
little
make this excuse

who know not
how to speak." Pindar and Plutarch, who had very
little of the soil in them, and who are proofs that
genius is of all nations, do themselves condemn the
he thought
inclination to music,
"
it is
for
stupidity
honour
Thebans
to
Epaminondas did
of their countrymen.
to his country, not only
military exploits, but

results
fit
to sing as they do,
by the greatness of his
by that
sort of merit,
which
from elevation of genius, and the study of
science.
I shall conclude
his portrait
and character with a
circumstance, that gives place in nothing to

a
b
Inter locorum naturas
his
Plut de audit, p 39.
quantum
intersit,
clum, ex quo acutiores etiam putantur Attici

pinques Thebahi. Cic. de fato. n.7.
c
all
They were great
videmus Athenis tenue

crassum Thebis, itaque
musicians.
400
HISTORY OF THE
may
other excellencies, and which

preferred to them, as
it
tender and sensible spirit

the great, but infinitely
some sense be
in
expresses a good heart, and a

;
very rare amongst
qualities,
more estimable than
all
splendid attributes, which the vulgar of mankind
monly gaze
at
those
com-
with admiration, and seem almost the
only objects worthy either of being imitated or envied.
The
drawn the eyes and admi-
victory at Leuctra had
ration of
neighbouring people upon Epaminondas,
all
who looked upon him
as the support and restorer
of Thebes, as the triumphant conqueror of Sparta,

as the deliverer of
est
all
Greece
word, as the great-
in a
man, and the most excellent captain
in the world.
was
In the midst of this universal applause,
so capable of making the general of an
man
that ever
for the victor,
Epaminondas,
army
forget the
sensible to so
little
and so deserved a glory d " my joy," said

"
arises from my sense of that, which the news
he,
affecting
my
of
victory will give
Nothing
in history
my
father
and
my
mother."
seems so valuable to
me
as
such sentiments, which do honour to human nature,
and proceed from a

nor
false
with
heart,
which neither
greatness have corrupted.
grief,
them above
neither
good
them
it
is
I see these noble sentiments daily expire
amongst us, especially in persons, whose

raise
false glory,
I confess
good
others,
fathers,
friends,
good
gard, of which
we
and rank
who, too frequently, are

sons,
good husbands, nor
and who would think
to express for a father
birth
it
a disgrace to
and mother the tender
re-
have here so fine an example from a
pagan.
d Plut, in Coriot. p.
215.
401
Until Epaminondas's time, two cities had exercised
of empire over
alternately a kind
justice
it
and moderation of Sparta had
haughtiness of
lost
war, held the
generals,
its
The
it.
first
at first
acquired
which the pride and
a distinguished preeminence,
soon
The
Greece.
all
and especially of Pausanias,
Athenians, until the Peloponnesian
rank, but in a
manner scarce
dis-
cernable in any other respect, than their care in acquit-
and in giving their inferiors
ting themselves worthily,
They
just reason to believe themselves their equals.
judged
at that
time, and very justly,
that the true
method of commanding, and of continuing

was
to evidence their superiority only
their
benefactions.
Those
were of about
forty five years continuance,
retained a part of that
power,
by services and
times, so glorious for Athens,
and they
preeminence during the twenty
make in
which De-
seven years of the Peloponnesian war, which

all
the seventy
two or seventy three years,
mosthenes gives to the

but for this
by
duration of their empire
space of time, the Greeks, disgusted
latter
the haughtiness of Athens, received no laws
Hence
that city without reluctance.
nians
tinued
e
;
became again the
the
from
Lacedemo-
arbiters of Greece,
and con-
Lysander made
himself
so from the time
master of Athens, until the
first
war undertaken by the
Athenians, after their reestablishment by Conon, to
withdraw themselves and the

the tyranny of Sparta, which
solent than ever.
e
vol. 4,
At
rest of the
length,
Demost.
Philip,
52
Greeks from
was now grown more
iii.
in-
Thebes disputed the

p. 89.
402
HISTORY OF THE
supremacy, and, by the exalted merit of a single man,
saw
condition
that glorious
was of no long continuance, and
of Epaminondas, as
it
But
head of all Greece.
itself at the
we have
already observed, plunged
again into the obscurity in which he found
Demosthenes remarks,
the death
in the passage
it.
above
cited,
preeminence granted voluntarily either to
that the
Sparta or Athens, was a preeminence of honour, not of
dominion, and that the intent of Greece was to preserve a kind of equality and independence in the other
cities.
Hence, says he, when the governing city
attempted to ascribe to
and aimed
justice,
at
itself
what did not belong
to
it,
any innovations contrary to the rules of
and established customs, all the Greeks thought
themselves obliged to have recourse to arms, and
without any motive of personal discontent, to espouse

with ardour the cause of the injured.
I shall add here another very judicious reflection
He
from Polybius/
attributes the wise conduct of
the Athenians, in the times I speak
the generals,
who were then
at the
of, to
the ability of
head of their
affairs;
and he makes use of a comparison which explains, not
A vessel with-
unhappily, the character of that people.
exposed
out a master, says he,
is
when every one
upon
insists
ing to his opinion, and will
measures.
its
to great dangers,
being steered accord-
comply with no other
If then a rude storm attacks
mon danger conciliates and unites them

themselves to the
pilot's skill,
their duty, the ship
But
if
is
and
the
com-
they abandon
the rowers doing
saved, and in a state of security
the tempest ceases, and

i
all
it,
Polyb. Lvii.p. 488.
when
the weather
403
grows calm again, the discord of the mariners revives

if
they
will
hearken no longer to the
pilot,
and some
are for continuing their voyage, whilst others resolve to
stop in the midst of the course
if
on one side they
them on the other it often

having escaped the most violent
loose their sails, and furl
happens, that after
This,
storms, they are shipwrecked even in the port.
says Polybius,
As
public.
a natural image of the Athenian re-
is
long as
suffered itself to be guided
it
by
the wise counsels of an Aristides, a Themistocles, a

Pericles,
it
came
from the greatest dan-
off victorious
But prosperity blinded and ruined
gers.
it
follow-
ing no longer any thing but caprice, and being become

too insolent to be advised or governed,
it
plunged
itself
into the greatest misfortunes.
SECTION
VIII.
DEATH OP EVAGORAS, KING OF SALAMIN. ADMIRABLE CHARACTER

OF THAT PRINCE.
The
soon
third year of the
after the
piae, as
hundred and
Olympiad, 5
Thebans had destroyed Platea and Thes-
has been observed before, Evagoras, king of
Salamin, in the
already said,
isle
of Cyprus, of whom
model before him

to
make
A.M.
much has been
was assassinated by one of his eunuchs.
His son Nicocles succeeded him,
seemed
first
in the
it
3630.
his
He
had a
person of his father
fine
and he
duty to be entirely intent upon
Ant.
J.
C. 374.
Diod. I xv.
p. 363.
HISTORY OF THE
404
treading in his steps.
When
he took possession of the
throne, he found the public treasures entirely exhausted,
by
be
at in the
the great expenses his father had been obliged to
long war between him and the king of
He knew that the
Persia.
establishment of their
affairs
but for him, he acted
In his reign there was no
different principles.
and confiscation of
talk of banishment, taxes,
The
He
discharged the debts of the
by crushing the people with ex-
state gradually, not
cessive imposts, but by retrenching
"
administration of his revenue.
am
done him the
know,
wrong, and
the
*
have
have the satisfaction
have enriched many with an unsparing
that I
He
hand."
least
in
assured,"
" that no citizen can complain that
said he,
believed this kind of vanity,
might be permitted
him to have
for
unnecessary
all
wise economy
and by using a
expenses,
ous
estates.
public felicity was his sole object, and justice
his favourite virtue.
to
upon
thought every means just for the re-
like occasions,
upon
generality of princes,
in
it
if it
a prince, and that
in his
power to make
it
be vanity,
was
glori-
his subjects
such a defiance.
k
He
which
virtue,
very
It is
piqued himself also

is
uncommon
in particular
more admirable
the
in their fortune
most amiable, but very
fortune, to
pleasure,
continually lying in
all
mean temperance.
is
an age and a
and wherein
lawful,
her arts and attractions,
ambush
preventing his desires,
difficult, in
which every thing
armed with
upon another
in princes, as
to
for a
make
young
prince,
is
and
a long resistance
against the violence and insinuation of her soft assaults.

!l
Isocrat. in Nicoc.p. 64.
'
Ibid. p. 65, 66.
Ibid. 64.

Nicocles gloried in having never
405
known any woman

was amazed
besides his wife during his reign, and

that
all
other contracts of civil society should be treat-
ed with due regard, whilst that of marriage, the most

sacred and inviolable of obligations, was broke through
with impunity
men
and that
should not blush to com-
infidelity in respect to their wives,
mit an
should their wives be guilty,
it
of which,
would throw them
into
the utmost anguish and despair.
What I
have said of the justice and temperance of
own mouth
make him speak
Nicocles, Isocrates puts into that prince's
and
in
it is
not probable that he should
such a manner,
such sentiments.
conduct had not agreed with
if his
It is in
a discourse, supposed to
be
addressed by that king to his people, wherein he describes to
them
the duties of subjects to their princes
love, respect, obedience, fidelity,
service
and
to
and devotion
engage them more
to their
effectually
to
the discharge of those duties, he does not disdain to
give
them an account of
his
own conduct and
senti-
ments.
In another discourse, which precedes
explains to Nicocles
all
and makes excellent
reflections
which
this, Isocrates
the duties of the sovereignty,
upon
that subject, of
can repeat here only a very small part.
He
begins by telling him, that the virtue of private persons
much
better supported than his
is
own, by the mediocrity
of their condition, by the employment and cares inseparable from
it,
by the misfortunes
frequently exposed,
and luxury, and
by
to
their distance
particularly,
Isocrat.
by the
ad Nicoc.
which they are

from pleasures
liberty
which their
HISTORY OF THE
406
them advice
friends and relations have of giving
ivhereas the generality of princes have none of these
He
advantages.
who would make
adds, that a king,
himself capable of governing well, ought to avoid an
and inactive
idle
life,
should set apart a proper time
and the public
for business
should form his
affairs,
council of the most able and experienced persons in
make himself
his kingdom, should endeavour to
much
he
by
is
and
for that
and wisdom, as
purpose love them sincerely,
upon himself
and look
his merit
and especially acquire the love of
his dignity,
his subjects,
"
by
superior to others
as
as
common
their
Persist," said he, " in the religion
father.
you have receiv-
ed from your forefathers; but be assured that the
most
grateful adoration
to the Divinity,
self
is
and
sacrifice that
you can
offer
that of the heart, in rendering your-
good and just.
Show, upon
all
occasions, so high
may be
Be a war-
a regard for truth, that a single word from you
more confided
rior,
by your
in than the oath of others.
ability in military affairs,
warlike provision as
but
may
your inclinations be
let
and by such a
intimidate your enemies

pacific,
and be rigidly ex-
act in never pretending to, or undertaking any thing
The
unjustly.
ed
well, will
only certain proof that you have reign-
be the power of bearing
yourself; that your people are
this testimony to
become both more
happy, and more wise, under your government."
What
course,
king,
seems
is,
is
to
me most
that the advice
in this dis-
which Isocrates gives the
neither attended with praises, nor with those
studied reservations and

fearful
remarkable
artificial turns,
without which
and modest truth dares not venture to approach

This
the throne.
407
most worthy of applause, and
is
more for the prince's than the writer's praise. Nicocles,

from being offended
far
them with joy
made him a
these councils, received
at
and to express
his gratitude to Isocrates,
present of twenty talents, that
is
to say,
twenty thousand crowns."
SECTION
A.RTAXERXES
IX.
MSEMOS UNDERTAKES THE REDUCTION OF EGYPT.
Artaxerxes,"
after
having given his people a re-
laxation of several years, had
formed the design of
reducing Egypt, which had shaken off the Persian
yoke long before, and made great preparations
war
in
Achoris,
for that purpose.
given Evagoras
Egypt, and had
against
abundance of troops of
pay a
great
auxiliary soldiers, of
He
mand.
then reigned
powerful aid
foreseeing the storm,
the Persians,
into his
who
own
his
for
subjects,
raised
and took
body of Greeks, and other
whom
Chabrias had the com-
had accepted that
office
without the
authority of the republic.
Pharnabasus, having been charged with this war,

sent to
Athens to complain that Chabrias had en-
gaged himself to serve against his
master,
and
threatened the republic with the king's resentment,

if
he was not immediately recalled.
at the
same time
Iphicrates, another
He demanded
Athenian, who
was looked upon as one of the most excellent canra
A. M. 3627.
Plut, in vit. Isoc.p. 838.
Ant.
J.
C377.
Cor. Nep. in
Diod.l. xv. p. 323, et 347-
Chah
et in Iphic.
HISTORY OF THE
408
tains of his time, to give
him
the
command
of the body
The
of Greek troops in the service of his master.
Athenians,
who had
a great interest in the continuance
of the king's friendship, recalled Chabrias, and order-
ed him, upon pain of death, to repair to Athens by

a certain day. Iphicrates was sent to the Persian army.
The
preparations of the Persians went on so slowly,
two whole years elapsed before they entered upon
that
action,
Achoris king of Egypt died in that time,
and was succeeded by Psammuthis, who reigned but

a year.
Nephretitus was the next, and four months
after Nectanebis,
q
who
reigned ten or twelve years.
Artaxerxes, to draw more troops out of Greece,
sent
ambassadors
thither, to declare to the several
states, that the king's intent
was they should
all live
in
peace with each other, conformably to the treaty of

Antalcides, that
all
all
garrisons should be withdrawn, and
the cities suffered to enjoy their liberty under their
respective laws.
All Greece received this declaration
who
with pleasure, except the Thebans,
conform to
r
At
refused to
it.
length, every thing being in a readiness for the
invasion of Egypt, a
camp was formed
at Acas, since
called Ptolemais, in Palestine, the place appointed for
the general rendezvous.
In a review there, the
army
was found to consist of two hundred thousand Persians,

under the command of Pharnabasus, and twenty thousand Greeks under Iphicrates.
The
were in proportion to those at land
forces at
sea
their fieet con-
sisting of three hundred galleys, besides two hundred

p
A. M. 3330.
E'iseb. in Chron.
Ant. J. C. 374.
Diod. 1. xv.
p.
355.
Ibid. p. 358, 359.
409
vessels of thirty oars, and a prodigious
number of
barks to transport the necessary provisions for the fleet
and army.
The army and

and
that they
fleet
began to move
might act
from each other as
same time,
they separated
in concert,
The war was

Pelusium but so much
as possible.
little
open with the siege of
to
at the
time had been given the Egyptians, that Nectanebis
had rendered the approach
The
sea and land.
fleet,
to
it
impracticable both
therefore, instead of
by
making
a descent, as had been projected, sailed forwards, and
entered the
The
mouth of
the
Nile called Mendesium.
Nile at that time emptied
itself into
seven different channels, of which only two
and
the sea
s
each of those mouths there was a
this
day
fort
with a good garrison to defend the entrance.
Mendesium
at
enemy was expected
made with no
was carried sword

those
in
who were found
to
land, the
great difficulty.
The
fort
hand, and no quarter given to

in
it.
After this signal action, Iphicrates thought

able to
The
not being so well fortified as that of Pelu-
sium, where the

descent was
by
remain at
reembark upon the Nile without
and to attack Memphis the
capital of
it
advis-
loss of time,
Egypt.
If that
opinion had been followed before the Egyptians had
recovered the panic into which so formidable an invasion,
and the blow already received, had thrown them,
they had found the capital without any defence,

inevitably fallen into their hands,
reconquered.
But
vol.
4.
and
all
it
had
Egypt been
the gross of the army^ not being
Damietta and Rosetta,
53
410
HISTORY OF THE
arrived, Pharnabasus believed
it
necessary to wait
coming up, and would undertake nothing,

reassembled
all
would then be
his troops
he had
under pretext, that they
and
invincible,
till
its
would be no
that there
obstacle capable of withstanding them.

Iphicrates,
ially,
who knew
there are
ments, which
certain
war espec-
that in affairs of
favourable and decisive
mo-
absolutely proper to seize, judged
it is
quite differently, and in despair to see an opportunity

suffered to escape, that might never be retrieved,
made
he
pressing instances for permission to go at least
with the twenty thousand
men under
command.
his
Pharnabasus refused
to comply with that demand, out
of abject jealousy
apprehending, that
prise succeeded, the whole glory of the
dound
to Iphicrates.
if
the enter-
war would
re-
This delay gave the Egyptians
They drew
time to look about them.
all
their troops
together into a body, put a good garrison into Memphis,
and with the
rest of their
army kept
the
field,
and
harassed the Persians in such a manner, that they pre-
vented their advancing farther into the country.
After
which came on the inundation of the Nile, which

ing
all
Egypt under
lay-
water, the Persians were obliged
to return into Phenicia, having first lost ineffectually the
best part of their troops.
Thus
this expedition,
which had cost
immense
sums, and for which the preparations alone had given

so
much
difficulty for
upwards of two
years, entirely-
miscarried, and produced no other effect, than an irrec-
oncilable enmity between the two generals,

the
command
of
it.
who had
Pharnabasus, to excuse himself,
accused Iphicrates of having prevented
its
success

Iphicrates, with
and
much more
laid all the
But well assured
upon Pharnabasus.
fault
reason,
411
that the
Persian lord would be believed at his court in prefer-
ence to him, and remembering what had happened to
Conon, to avoid the

he chose
fate of that illustrious
Athens
to retire secretly to
which he
Pharnabasus
hired.
Athenian,
in a small vessel
caused
him
to
be
accused there, of having rendered the expedition against
Egypt
abortive,
that if he could
The
people of Athens
be convicted of that crime, he should
be punished as he deserved
known
too well
upon
made answer,
at
Athens
that account.
It
but his innocence was
to give
does
him any
not appear
disquiet
that
he
and some time
was ever
called in question about
after, the
Athenians declared him sole admiral of their
it
fleet.
Most of the
ried
by
projects of the Persian court miscar-
Their generals' hands were
in execution.
up, and nothing
tied
They had
left to their discretion.
their instructions,
was
a plan of conduct in
from whfeh they did not dare to de-
If any accident
part.
them
their slowness in putting
happened
foreseen and provided for, they
that
had not been
must wait
for
new
orders from court, and before they arrived, the opportunity
was
entirely lost.
Iphicrates, having observed
that Pharnabasus took his resolutions with
all
the pres-
ence of mind and penetration that could be desired in
an accomplished general," asked him one day,
happened that he was
lio
slow in his actions ? "
Piod.
1.
xv. p. 358.
how it
quick in his views, and so

It is," replied
Pharnabasus,
Ibid, 375.
HISTORY OF THE
412
my views depend only

upon my master."
" because
execution
SECTION
upon me, but
their
X.
THE LACEDEMONIANS SEND AGESILAUS TO THE AID OF
TACHOS.'
HIS DEATH.
After
the
battle
of
Mantinea,* both parties,
equally weary of the war, had entered into a general
peace with
all
the
other states of Greece, upon the
king of Persia's plan, by which the enjoyment of

laws and
liberties
was
Messenians included
sition
it.
in
its
secured to each city, and the

it,
notwithstanding all the oppo-
and intrigues of the Lacedemonians to prevent
Their rage upon
this occasion separated
They were
the other Greeks.
them from
the only people
who
resolved to continue the war, from the hope of recov-
ering the whole country of Messenia in a short time.
That
resolution, of whicji Agesilaus
occasioned
him
and obstinate man,
who was
was the author,
be justly regarded as a violent
to
insatiable of glory
and command,
not afraid of involving the republic again in
inevitable misfortunes,
from the necessity
to
which the
want of money exposed them of borrowing great sums,

and of levying great imposts, instead of taking the
favourable opportunity of concluding a peace, and of
putting an end to
all
" Plut, in Agesil. p.
their evilsv
616618.
Diod.
I.
xv. p.
39/ 401.

w Whilst
413
passed in Greece, Tachos,
this
ascended the throne of Egypt,
drew together
who had
as many
troops as he could, to defend himself against the king
of Persia,
who
new
meditated a
notwithstanding the
ill
invasion of Egypt,
success of his past endeavours to
reduce that kingdom.
For
this
purpose Tachos sent into Greece, and
obtained a body of troops from the Lacedemonians,
with Agesilaus to
to
make
command them, whom he promised

The Lacedemo-
generalissimo of his army.
nians were exasperated against Artaxerxes, from his
having forced them to
include the Messenians
in
the late peace, and were fond of taking this occasion
Chabrias went also into
to express their resentment.
the service of Tachos, but of his

republic's participation.
the
own
head, and without
This commission did
was thought below
the
dignity of a king of Sparta, and a great captain,
who
Agesilaus no honour.
It
name glorious throughout

was then more than eighty years old,
had made
his
pay of an Egyptian, and
the world, and

to receive the
who had
to serve a barbarian,
revolted against his master.
When
generals,
he landed
in
and the great
Egypt, the king's principal

officers
to his ship to receive, and
The
rest of the
of his house, came
make
their court to him.
Egyptians were as solicitous to see
him, from the great expectation which the name and
renown of Agesilaus had excited
in
them, and came
multitudes to the shore for that purpose.
in
when
w
A.
Nep.
instead of a great and
M.
3641.
Ant. J. C. 363.
in Agesil. c. viii.
magnificent
Xenoph. de reg. Agesil.
But
prince,
p. 663.
Cor.
414
HISTORY OF THE
according to the idea
his exploits
had given them
of him, they saw nothing splendid or majestic either
saw only an old man
in his person or equipage, and
mean
of a
aspect and small body, without any ap-
pearance, and drest in a bad robe of a very coarse
they were seized with
stuff,
sition to laugh,
tain in labour
When
an immoderate dispo-
and applied the fable of the mounto him.
he met king Tachos, and had joined his
troops with those of Egypt, he was very
much
sur-
prised at not being appointed general of the whole
army, as he expected, but only of the foreign troops
and
Chabrias was made general of the sea forces,
that
Tachos retained the command
that
in chief to
which was not the only mortification he had
himself,
experienced.
Tachos came
Phenicia, thinking
to
resolution
more
it
march
to
advisable to
into
make that
enemy
country the seat of the war, than to expect the

in Egypt.
to
him
who knew
Agesilaus,
in vain, that his affairs
established to admit his
ions
that
better, represented
were not
removing out of
he would do
much
sufficiently
his
domin-
better to remain
in
them, and content himself with acting by his genthe
erals in
this
Tachos despised
enemy's country.
wise counsel, and expressed no less disregard for
him on
all
Agesilaus was so
other occasions.
much
incensed at such conduct, that he joined the Egyptians,
who had
and had
taken arms against him during

placed Nectanebis his
'
his absence,
cousin
upon the
Agesilaus, abandoning the king, to whose
throne.
aid he had been sent,

s
Diodorus
calls
and joining the rebel who had
him
his son
Plutarch, his cousin.

dethroned him, alleged
in justification
415
of himself, that
he was sent to the assistance of the Egyptians
up arms
they, having taken
not at liberty to serve against
He
from Sparta.
and that
against Tachos, he was

them without new orders
dispatched expresses thither, and
the instructions he received, were to act as he should
judge most advantageous
quit Egypt, retired to Sidon,
the court of Persia.

his fnult, but
added
He imme-
for his country.
Tachos, obliged to
diately declared for Nectanebis.
from whence he went to
Artaxerxes not only forgave him

to his
clemency the
command
of
his troops against the rebels.
Agesilaus covered so criminal a conduct with the

But, says Plutarch, remove
veil of the public utility.
that delusive blind, the
most just and only true name,
which can be given the
action,
treason.
It is true,
is
and
making the
that of perfidy
the Lacedemonians,
glorious and the good consist principally in the service
of that country, which they idolized,

jastice than
what
knew no
grandeur of Sparta, and the extending of

ions.
am
other
tended to the augmentation of the

its
domin-
surprised so judicious an author as
ophon should endeavour
to palliate a
Xen-
conduct of this
kind, by saying only, that Agesilaus attached himself

to that of the
two kings, who seemed the best
afFected
to Greece.
At
the
same time, a
third prince of the city of Men-
des set up for himself, to dispute the crown with Nectanebis.
This new competitor had an army of one
hundred thousand men
to
support his pretensions.
Agesilaus gave his advice to attack them, before they
were exercised and disciplined.
Had that counsel been
HISTORY OF THE
416
followed,
it
had been easy
to
have defeated
body of
people, raised in haste, and without any experience in
war.
But Nectanebis imagined,
gave him
as he had
He
done Tachos.
consequence,
in
enemy
therefore gave his
time to discipline his troops,
him
him
advice to betray
this
that Agesilaus only
who soon
to retire into a city, fortified with
reduced
after
good
walls,
and
Agesilaus was obliged to follow
of very great extent.
him thither, where the Mendesian prince besieged them.

Nectanebis would then have attacked the enemy before the
works he had begun were
pressed Agesilaus to that purpose
compliance
work
but he refused his
which extremely augmented the
at first,
At
suspicions conceived of him.

the
advanced, and
far
length,
in a sufficient forwardness,
when he saw
and
that there
remained only as
much ground between
of the
troops within the city might occupy,
line, as the
drawn up
in a battle,
the
two ends
he told Nectanebis that
time to attack the enemy, that their
own
it
was
would
lines
prevent their surrounding him, and that the interval
between them was exactly the

for ranging
might
all
his
troops
in
space he
wanted,
such a manner, as they
The
act together effectively.
was
attack
executed according to Agesilaus's expectation
the
besiegers were beaten, and from henceforth Agesi_

laus conducted
so
much
The
the operations of
success, that the
overcome, and
y
all
at last
enemy
the war- with
prince was always
taken prisoner.
following winter, after having well estab-
lished Nectanebis, he
embarked
to,
return to Lace-
demon, and was driven by contrary winds upon the

y
A.M. 3643,
Ant.
J.
C. 361.
417
Mene-
coast of Africa, into a place called the Port of

laus,
where he
fell
sick and died, at the age of eighty
He had
four years.
reigned forty one of them at
had passed
Sparta, and of those forty one, he
thirty
with the reputation of the greatest, and most powerful
of
all
the Greeks, and had been looked
leader and king of almost
His
Leuctra.
latter
all
Greece,
eulogium of
the preference to
this prince,
all
the battle of
years did not entirely support
the reputation he had acquired

his
till
upon as the
and Xenophon, in
wherein he gives him
other captains, has been found
to exaggerate his virtues, and extenuate his faults too
much.
The body of Agesilaus was carried to Sparta.

Those who were about him not having honey, with
which
it
was the Spartan custom
they would embalm,
made use of wax
His son Archidamus succeeded

continued in his house
to cover the bodies
down
in its stead.
to the throne,
to Agis,
which
who was the
fifth
king of the line of Agesilaus.
Towards
est
part of
the end of the Egyptian war, the great-
the provinces in subjection
to
Persia
revolted.
Artaxerxes
Mnemon
had been the involuntary oc-
That
casion of this defection.
prince, of himself,
good, equitable, and benevolent.

ple,
and was beloved by them.
was
He loved his peoHe had abundance
of mildness, and sweetness of temper in his character
but that easiness degenerated into sloth and luxury,
and
particularly in the latter years of his
he discovered a dislike for
from whence the good
vol.
4.
all
qualities,
54
life,
in
which
business and application,
which he otherwise
418
HISTORY OF THE
possessed, as well as his beneficent intentions,

useless,
and without
The
effect.
became
and gover-
nobility
nors of provinces, abusing his favour and the infirmi-
of his great age, oppressed the people, treated
ties
them with
insolence and cruelty, loaded
them with
taxes, and did every thing in their power to render the
Persian yoke insupportable.
The
discontent
became
general, and broke out, after
long suffering, almost at the same time on
all
sides.
Asia Minor, Syria, Phenicia, and many other provinces, declared themselves openly,
The
and took up arms.
principal leaders of the conspiracy
were Ario-
barzanes, prince of Phrygia, Mausolus, king of Caria,
Orontes, governor of Mysia, and Autophradates, gov-
Datmes, of whom mention has been
ernor of Lydia.
made
before,
engaged
also
and who commanded

in
it.
By
this
in
Cappadocia, was
means, half the revenues
of the crown were on a sudden diverted into different

channels, and the remainder did not suffice for the ex-
penses of a war against the revolters, had they acted in

concert.
But
their union
was of no long continuance
and those, who had been the
first,
and most zealous
in
shaking off the yoke, were also the foremost in resuming
it,
and
in betraying the interests of the others, to
make their peace with the king.

The provinces of Asia Minor, on withdrawing from
their obedience,
their
had entered
into
a confederacy for
mutual defence, and had chosen Orontes, gover-
nor of Mysia, for
their
general.
They had
also
resolved to add twenty thousand foreign troops to

those of the country, and had charged
Orontes with the care of raising them.
the
same
But when he

had got the money
419
for that service into his hands, with
the addition of a year's pay, he kept

delivered to the king the persons
it
for himself,
and
who had brought
it
from the revolted provinces.

Reomithras, another of the chiefs of Asia Minor,
being sent into Egypt
from that country
five
com-
to negotiate succours
Having brought
mitted a treachery of a like nature.
hundred
talents,
and
of war, he assembled the principal revolters
fifty
at
Leucas,
a city of Asia Minor, under pretence of giving
an account of his negotiation, seized them
all,
ships
them
deliver
ed them to the king to make his peace, and kept the
money he had received in Egypt for the confederacy.

Thus this formidable revolt, which had brought the
Persian empire to the very brink of ruin, dissolved of
or, to
itself,
some
speak more properly, was suspended for
time.
SECTION
XI.
TROUBLES AT THE COURT OF ARTAXERXES CONCERNING HIS

CESSOR. DEATH OF THAT PRINCE.
The
cabals.
end of Artaxerxes's reign abounded
The whole
concubines,
1
it
who
in
number
fifty
by
his
three hundred and
it Is
more
likely that
to Nectanebis.
Plut, in Artax. p.
c. 1,
pretended to
one hundred and
Diodorus says he was sent to Tachos, but'
was
a
He had
who were
with
court were divided into factions
in favour of one or other of his sons,
the succession.
SUC-
2.
10241027-
Diod.
1.
xv. p. 400.
Justin.
1,
x.
HISTORY OF THE
420
sixty,
and three by his lawful wife Atossa
To
Ariaspes, and Ochus.
Darius,
put a stop to these practi-
ces, he declared Darius, the eldest, his successor
to
remove
all
he permitted him to assume from
thenceforth the
tiara.
But
and
cause of disputing that prince's right
after his death,
title
thing more real
of king, and to wear the royal
young prince was
the
having some-
for
besides which, the refusal of Arta-
xerxes to give him one of his concubines,
whom
he
had demanded, had extremely incensed him, and he

formed a conspiracy against
he engaged
It
life,
where hi
of his brothers.
fifty
was Tiribasus, of
already,
his father's
whom
who contributed
mention has been made
the most to his taking so un-
natural a resolution, from a like subject of discontent
against the king

first
who, having promised to give him
one of his daughters in marriage, and then another,
broke his word both times, and married them himself:

such abominable incests being permitted
in Persia, the religion
at that
time
of the nation not prohibiting
them.
The number
great,
of the conspirators were already very
and the day fixed
for the execution,
nuch, well informed of the whole

the king.
it
Upon
discovered
eu-
it
to
that information, Artaxerxes thought
would be highly imprudent
ger by neglecting a
to despise so great a dan-
strict inquiry into
would be much more

b
plot,
when an
it
so, to give credit to
but that
it
it
without
This tiara was a turban, or kind of head dress, with the plume
of feathers standing upright upon it. The seven counsellors had also
plumes of feathers, which they wore aslant, and before.
All others
wore them
aslant,
and behind.

certain and unquestionable proof.
self of
with his
it
eyes.
He
assured him-
The
conspirators
to enter the king's apartment,
were suffered
Darius and
seized.
own
421
all
and then
were punished
his accomplices
as they deserved.
After the death of Darius, the cabals began again.
Three of
his brothers
The two first
Ochus, and Arsames.

throne in right of birth,
The
third
were competitors, Ariaspes,

pretended to the
being the sons of the queen.
had the king's favour, who tenderly loved
him, though only the son of a concubine.
prompted by
the
Ochus,
his restless ambition, studied perpetually
means to rid himself of both his rivals.
As he was
equally cunning and cruel, he employed his craft and

artifice against
Ariaspes, and his cruelty against Arsa-
Knowing the former to be extremely simple and

made the eunuchs of the palace, whom
he had found means to corrupt, threaten him so terribly
in the name of the king his father, that expecting every
moment to be treated as Darius had been, he poisoned
mes.
credulous, he
himself to avoid
Arsames
all
to give
it.
After
this,
there remained only
him umbrage, because
the world considered that prince as
his father,
and
most worthy of
the throne, from his ability and other excellent qualities.
Him
he caused to be assassinated by Harpates,
son of Tiribasus.
This
loss,
which followed close upon the
the exceeding
wickedness with which
other,
both
and
were
attended, gave the old king a grief that proved mortal
nor
is it
surprising that at his age he should not have
strength enough to support so
great an affliction.
HISTORY OF THE
422
c
He
sunk under
into his
it
tomb,
after a reign of forty
three years, which might have been called happy,
not interrupted by many
That of
revolts.
if
his sue
cessor will be no less disturbed with them.
SECTION
XII.
CAUSES Or THE FREQUENT INSURRECTIONS AND REVOLTS IN THE
PERSIAN EMPIRE.
have
happened
taken care, in relating the seditions, that

in the Persian empire, to observe
to time the abuses
which occasioned them.
these revolts were

latter years,
and
ceeding reign,
from time
more frequent than ever
will
be more
thought
it
But
as
in
the
so, especially in the suc-
would be proper
to unite
here under the same point of view, the different causes

of such insurrections, which foretell the approaching
decline of the Persian empire.
I.
After the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus, the
kings of Persia abandoned themselves more and more

to the
charms of voluptuousness and luxury, and the
delights of an indolent and inactive

erally in their palaces
flatterers,
soft
Shut up gen-
amongst women, and a crowd of
they contented themselves with enjoying, in
effeminate
universal
life.
ease
and idleness, the pleasure of
command, and made
in the splendid glare of riches,
their
grandeur consist
and an expensive mag-
nificence.
c
A. M. 3643,
Ant.
J.
C. 361.
They were
II.
423
besides princes of no great talents
conduct of affairs, of small capacity to govern,
for the
and void of
Not having
taste for glory.
extent of mind to animate
all
a sufficient
the parts of so vast an
empire, nor ability to support the weight of
it,
they
transferred to their officers the cares of public business, the fatigues of
commanding
armies, and the dan-
gers which attend the execution of great enterprises
confining their ambition to bearing alone the lofty title
of the great king, and the king of kings.

III.
The
great officers of the crown, the govern-
ment of the provinces, the command of armies, were

upon people without
generally bestowed
or merit.
was the
It
either service
credit of the favourites, the secret
women
intrigues of the court, the solicitations
of the
of the palace, which determined
choice of the
persons
the
who were
empire
the officers
their
own
to
fill
the'
the most important posts of
and appropriated the rewards due to
who had done
the state real service, to
creatures.
IV. These courtiers, often out of a base, mean

jealousy of the merit that gave
them umbrage, and
reproached their small
removed
abilities,
from public employments, and rendered

useless to the
cause their
tions,
state.
fidelity to
bring them to
Sometimes they would even
be suspected by
trial,
their rivals
their talents
false
informa-
as criminals against the state,
and force the king's most
faithful servants, for their
defence against their calumniators, to seek their safety

in revolting,
H
and
in
turning those arms against their
Pharnabasus, Tiribasus, Datmes, &c,
424
HISTORY OF THE
which they had so often made triumph
prince,
for his
and the service of the empire.
glory,
V. The
ministers, to hold the generals in depend-
ence, restrained
obliged them to
them under such

slip
let
limited orders as
the occasions of conquering,
and prevented them, by attending new orders, from
They
pushing their advantages.
them
let
also
often
made
responsible for their bad success, after having
them want every thing necessary
to the service.
VI. The kings of Persia had extremely degenerated from the frugality of Cyrus, and the ancient Persians,
who
contented themselves with cresses and
lads for their food, and water for their drink.
sal-
The
whole nobility had been infected with the contagion

In retaining the single meal of
of this example.
their ancestors,
est part of
night,
made
they
during the great-
and prolonged
the day,
by drinking
last
it
to excess
and
it
far into the
far
from being
ashamed of drunkenness, they made

as
we have seen in the example

VII. The extreme remoteness
it
their glory,
of young Cyrus.
of the provinces,
which extended from the Caspian and Euxine,
Red
sea and Ethiopia, and from the rivers
and Indus
to the
Egean
sea,
had the
who knew them
taxations,
of their
only by the weight of their
and by the pride and avarice of
satraps, or governors
selves to
who never
to enjoy the presence
satisfaction
Ganges
was a great obstacle
to the fidelity and affection of the people,
masters
the
court,
and who,
to
to the
make
in transporting
their
their
them-
demands and
complaints there, could not hope to find access to

princes,,
who
believed
it
contributed to the majesty
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS
make themselves
of their persons to
425
and
inaccessible
invisible.
VIII.
The
multitude of the provinces in subjection
to Persia, did not
compose an uniform empire, nor the
regular body of a state, whose
by the common
religion,
ties
members were united
of interest, manners, language, and
and animated with the same
of govern-
spirit
ment, under the guidance of the same laws.

rather a confused, disjointed, tumultuous,
was
It
and even
forced assemblage of different nations, formerly free
and independent, of
native
their
forefathers,
whom
some,
who were
torn
from
and the sepulchres of their
countries,
saw themselves
with
pain
transported
unknown regions, or among enemies, where

they persevered to retain their own laws and cusinto
toms, and a form of government peculiar to themselves.
These
without any
different nations,
common
who not only lived

among them, but
or relation
tie
with a diversity of manners and worship, and often

with antipathy of characters and inclinations, desired
nothing so ardently as their liberty, and reestablish-
ment
fore
pire,
in their
own
countries.
were unconcerned
which was the
for the preservation of an
sole obstacle to their so
just desires, and could
treated
them always
All these people there-
em-
warm and
not affect a government that
as strangers
and subjected nations,
and never gave them any share in
its
authority or priv-
ileges.
IX.
The
extent of the empire, and
from the court, made
its
remoteness
necessary to give the viceroys
it
of the frontier provinces a very great authority in every
branch of government
vol. 4,
to raise
55
and pay armies
to
426
HISTORY OF THE
impose tribute
adjudge the differences of
to
provinces, and vassal kings
and to make
the neighbouring states.
cities^
treaties
with
power so extensive and
many
almost independent, in which they continued
years without being changed, and without colleagues

or council to deliberate
upon the
accustomed them to the pleasure of command-
inces,
ing absolutely, and of reigning.
which,
it
In consequence of
was with great repugnance they submitted to
be removed from
their
governments, and often endeav-
oured to support themselves
in
them by
X. The governors of provinces,

armies, and
it
of their prov-
affairs
for their
all
force of arms.
the generals of
the other officers and ministers, thought
honour to imitate
moveables, and habits, the
in their equipages, tables,
pomp and
splendour of the
To
court in which they had been educated.
support
so destructive a pride, and to furnish out expenses so
much above
the fortunes of private persons, they were
reduced to oppress the subjects under

tion with
exhorbitant taxes, flagrant extortions, and
the shameful
traffic
to sale for
offices
their jurisdic-
of a public venality, that set those
money, which ought
granted only to merit.
to have
been
All that vanity lavished, or
luxury exhausted, was made good by mean
arts,
and
the violent rapaciousness of an insatiable avarice.
These gross
irregularities,
and abundance of others,
which remained without remedy, and

daily
augmented by impunity,
tience,
which were
tired the people's pa-
and occasioned a general discontent amongst
them, the usual forerunner of the ruin of states.
Their
just complaints, long time despised, were followed
an open rebellion of several nations,
by
who endeavoured

to
do themselves
that justice
by
refused to their remonstrances.
force,
427
which was
In such a conduct,
they failed in the submission and fidelity which subjects
owe
carry
its
to their sovereigns
lights so far,
a perfection,
but paganism did not
and was not capable of so sublime
which was reserved
teaches, that no pretext,
no
for
injustice,
a religion
thajt
no vexation, can
ever authorize the rebellion of a people against their

prince.
BOOK THIRTEENTH.
PERSIANS
ISTORY
AND
SECTION
GRECIANS.
I.
ASCENDS THE THRONE OF PERSIA.
OCHl'S
HIS CRUELTIESt
REVOLT
OF SEVERAL NATION'S.
1 HE more the memory of Artaxerxes Mnemon was

honoured and revered throughout the whole empire,
the
self
more Ochus believed he had reason

;
to fear for
him-
convinced, that in succeeding to him, he should
not find the same favourable dispositions in the people
and
nobility, of
whom
by the murder of
his
he had made himself the horror
two brothers.
To prevent
that
aversion from occasioning his exclusion, he prevailed
upon
the eunuchs, and others about the king's person,
to conceal his death from the public.

Polyaen, Stratag.
vii.
He began by
HISTORY OF THE
430
taking upon himself the administration of

ing orders, and sealing decrees
xerxes, as
if
he had been
in the
alive
still
affairs, giv-
name
of Arta-
and by one of
those decrees, he caused himself to be proclaimed
king throughout the whole empire, always by the

After having governed in this
order of Artaxerxes.
ten months,
manner almost
he
ficiently established,
believing himself suf-
at length declared the death
of his father, and ascended the throne,
name
himself the
name
Authors, however,
of Artaxerxes.
most frequently give him

I shall generally call
that of
him
taking upon
Ochus, by which
in the sequel of this
history.
Ochus was
the
most cruel and wicked of all the prin-
ces of his race, as his actions soon explained.
In a
very short time, the palace and the whole empire were
with his murders.
filled
volted provinces
royal family
all
To remove
from the
re-
means of setting some other of the
upon the throne, and
to rid himself at once
of all trouble, that the princes and princesses of the blood
might occasion him, he put them
all
to death, without
He
regard to sex, age, or proximity of blood.

his
own
caused
Ocha, whose daughter he had married,
sister
to be buried alive
and having shut up one of
his
uncles, with one hundred of his sons and grandsons, in

a court of the palace, he ordered
them
all
to be shot to
death with arrows, only because those princes were
much esteemed by
valor.
the Persians for their probity and
That uncle
is
apparently the father of Sisy-
gambisthe mother of Darius Codomannus: "forQuinb
A. M. 3644.
? Val.
ax.
Ant.
1,
J.
C. 360.
ix, c. 2.
Justin.
Quint. Curt.
1.
1.
x.
x. c. 3.
5.

tits
Curtius
tells
us, that
431
Ochus had caused
eighty of
her brothers with her father to be massacred in one
He
day.
treated with the
the whole empire,
same
those
all
barbarity, throughout
who gave him any um-
brage, sparing none of the nobility,
whom
he suspected
of the least discontent whatsoever.

f
The
by Ochus, did not deliver
cruelties exercised
him from
Artabasus, governor of one of
inquietude.
the Asiatic provinces, engaged Chares the Athenian,
who commanded
parts, to assist
a fleet
of seventy thousand
Artabasus,
him.
Chares
him.
war of
men
in those
this
sent
by the king to reduce
reward of so great a service, made
money
to defray the
The king
armament.
exceedingly
to
in
a present of
ses of his
and a body of troops
him, and with his aid defeated an army
whole expen-
of Persia resented
conduct of the Athenians
in
regard
They were at that time employed in the

the allies.
The king's menace to join their
enemies with
numerous army obliged them
to
recal Chares.
g
Artabasus, being abandoned by them, had recourse
Thebans, of
to the
men,
whom
whom
he obtained
five
thousand
he took into his pay, with Pamenes to
command them.
This reinforcement put him into a
condition to acquire two other victories over the king's
Those two
troops.
their
actions did the
commander, great honour.
Theban troops, and

Thebes must have
been extremely incensed against the king of Persia, to

send so powerful a succour to his enemies, at a time
when
that republic
*'
A, M. 3648.
was engaged
Ant.
J.
SA, M.
C. 356.
3651.
in a
Di od.
Ant
I.
war with the
xvi. p.
J. G. 353.
433 434,
HISTORY OF THE
432
Phoceans.
It
was perhaps an
effect
of their policy, to
render themselves more formidable, and to enhance the

price of their alliance.
they
made
It is certain, that
who
their peace with the king,
three hundred talents, that
is
was overcome at last,

Macedon.
alter,
paid
them
hundred
to say, three
Artabasus, destitute of
thousand crowns.
soon
all
support,
and obliged to take refuge with
Philip of
Ochus being
delivered at length from so dangerous
an enemy, turned
all
his
thoughts on the side of Egypt,
which had revolted long
before.
About
the
same
time, several considerable events happened in Greece,
which have
little
or no relation with the affairs of Per-
I shall insert
sia.
them
here, after
which
I shall return
to the reign of Ochus, not to interrupt the series of his

history.
SECTION
II.
WAR OF THE ALLIES AGAINST THE ATHENIANS.
Some few
of which
years after the revolt of Asia Minor, 1
have been speaking,
hundred and
fiftieth
in the third
year of the
Olympiad, Chio, Cos, Rhodes, and
Byzantium took up arms against Athens, upon which

till
then they had
d;
To
pended.
reduce them, they
employed both great forces and great

*
Diod.
1.
xvi. p. 438.
'<
captains.
A. M. 3646.
Ant.
J.
Cha-
C. 358.

brias,
last
Iphicrates,
of the Athenian generals,
country
and Timotheus.
no one
after
who
433
They were
the
did honour to their
them being distinguished by
merit or reputation.
1
Chabrias had already acquired a great name, when
having been sent against the Spartans to the aid of the
Thebans, and seeing himself abandoned
by the
allies,
in the battle
who had taken flight, he sustained alone

enemy his soldiers, by his order,
the charge of the
having closed their
files
with one knee upon the ground
covered with their bucklers, and presented their pikes

in front, in
such a manner, that they could not be broke,
and Agesilaus, though victorious, was obliged to

tire.
The Athenians
re-
erected a statue to Chabrias in
the attitude he had fought.

Iphicrates
was of very mean extraction,
having been a shoemaker
his father
but in a free city like
Athens, merit was the sole nobility.
may
This person
be truly said to be the son of his actions.
Having
sig-
nalized himself in a naval combat, wherein he was only

a private soldier, he
distinction,
was soon
after
employed with
and honoured with a com mand.
ecution carried on against
him before
In a pros-
the judges, his
who was one of the descendants of Harmodius,

and made very great use of his ancestor's name, having
accuser,
reproached him with the baseness of his birth, " Yes,"

replied he,
k
the nobility of
my
family begins in
Hc
me
extremafuit etas imperatorum Atheniensium, Iphicratis, ChaTimothei neque post illorum obitum quisquam dux in ilia urbe
dignus memoria. Cor. Nep. in Timoth. c 4.
brise,
fuit
,c
vol.
4.
Cor. Nep. in Chab.
56
c. i.
HISTORY OF THE
434
that of your's ends in you."
He
married the daughter
of Cotys, king of Thrace.

m
He is n ranked with the greatest
especially in
He made
military discipline.
tions in the soldiers' armour.

lers
men
of Greece,
what regards the knowledge of war and

several useful altera-
Before him, the buck-
were very long and heavy, and
for that reason, were
too great a burden, and extremely troublesome
had them made shorter and
lighter, so that,
posing the body, they added to
On the
to
its
without ex-
force and agility.
contrary, he lengthened the pikes and swords,
make them capable
He
greater distance.
of reaching the
also
enemy
at a
changed the cuirasses, and
instead of iron and brass, of which they were
made of flax.
before, he caused
them
easy to conceive
how such armour
to be
made
could defend the
But
or be any security against wounds.
that flax
being soaked in vinegar, mingled with
was prepared
in
such a manner, that
became impenetrable
it
either to
was common among
No troops
and
it
salt,
grew hard, and
sword or
The
fire.
several nations.
were ever better exercised or disciplined
than those of Iphicrates.

action,
not
It is
soldiers,
use of
he
in
them perform
He
kept them always in
times of peace and tranquillity,

all
made
the necessary evolutions, either in
attacking the enemy, or defending themselves
in
laying ambuscades, or avoiding them; in keeping their
ranks even in the pursuit of the enemy, without abanm Diod.
1.
xv. p. 360.
Cor. Nep. in Iphic.
c. i.
Iphicrates Atheniensis, non tarn magnitudine rerum gestarum,
quam
enim talis dux, ut non solum aetatis suae cum primis compararetur, sed ne de majoribus natu quidem
quisquam autcponeretur. Cor, Nep.
disciplina militari nobilitatus est.
Fuit
435
doning themselves to an ardour which often becomes

pernicious
to break
or to rally with success, after having
and give way
be given,
all
was
in
so that
when the
battle
was
to
motion with admirable prompti-
The officers and
tude and order.
up without any
selves
begun
soldiers
and even
trouble,
drew them-
in the heat
of
action performed their parts, as the most able general
would have directed them
a merit very rare, as I have
been informed, but very estimable
more than can be imagined
it
contributes
to the gaining of a battle,
uncommon
and implies a very
as
superiority of genius in
the general.
Timotheus was the son of Conon, so much
cele-
brated for his great actions, and the important services he had rendered his country.
He
did not
degenerate from his father's reputation, either for his

merit in the
the state
which
or his ability in the
field,
government of
but he added to those excellencies, the glory
results
from the talents of the mind, having
dis-
tinguished himself particularly by the gift of eloquence,
and a
p
taste for the sciences.
No captain
self the
at first
ever experienced less than him-
inconstancy of the fortune of war.
only to undertake an enterprise to accomplish
He had
Suc-
it.
Such
cess perpetually attended his views and desires.
uncommon
prosperity did not
fail
to excite jealousy.
Hie a patre acceptam gloriam multis auxit
disertus, impiger, laboriosus, rei
regends.
Cor. Nep.
Timotheus Cononis
ad earn laudem
pater,
offic. n.
c.
virtutibus.
militaris peritus,
Fuit enim
neque minus
civitati3
i.
filius,
cum
belli
laude non inferior fuisset
doctrinae et ingenii gloriam adjecit.
116.
p
Plut, in Sylla, p. 454.
Cic.
quam
1. i.
de
HISTORY OF THE
436
Those who envied him,
as I have already observed,
caused him to be painted asleep, with Fortune by him,
him
taking cities for
" If I take places
when
more
am awake
Timotheus
in nets.
coldly,
in
He
?"
my
sleep,
what
retorted
shall I
do
took the thing afterwards
seriously, and, angry with those
who
pretended
to lessen the glory of his actions, declared in public,
owe
that he did not
his success to fortune
That goddess, says Plutarch, offended
self.
pride and arrogance, abandoned
was never afterwards

employed
q
but to him-
The war and
the
and he
chiefs
allies.
campaign opened with the siege
Chares commanded the land, and Chabrias
of Chio.
All the allies exerted themselves in
the sea forces.
Chabrias, having forced the
sending aid to that island.

passage, entered the
afraid to follow,
notwithstanding
port,
endeavours of the enemy.
The
damaged by
on
all
sides,
all
the
other galleys were
He was imme-
and abandoned him.
diately surrounded
ingly
entirely,
Such were the
successful.
war of the
in the
him
at his
and
his vessel
the assaults of the enemy.
exceed-
He might
have saved himself by swimming to the Athenian

fleet,
as his soldiers did
but from a mistaken princi-
ple of glory, he thought
it
inconsistent with the duty
of a general, to abandon his vessel in such a manner,
and preferred a death, glorious in his

shameful
This
flight.
first
>
attempt having miscarried, both sides
applied themselves vigorously to

tions.
leys,
The
sense, to a
Athenians
fitted
and appointed Chares to

iDiod.
I.
xvi. p. 412.
making new prepara-
out a
of sixty gal-
fleet
command
it,
Cm". Nen. in Chab.
and armed
c iv.
more under
sixty
of the
fleet
The
Iphicrates and Timotheus.
consisted of one hundred
allies
43f
After
sail.
having ravaged several islands belonging to the Athe-
where they made a great booty, they
nians,
The Athenians on
before Samos.
united
allies
made
all
down
having
The
besieged Byzantium.
their forces,
all
sat
their side,
possible haste to
its relief.
The two
fleets being in view of each other, prepared to fight,
when suddenly
a violent storm arose, notwithstanding
which, Chares resolved
The two
to
other captains,
advance against the enemy.
who had more prudence and
experience than him, thought

battle in
improper to hazard a
it
Chares, enraged at their
such a conjuncture.
not following his advice, called the soldiers to witness,

that
was not
it
He was
self ;
his fault they did not fight the
enemy.
naturally vain, ostentatious, and full of
one
who exaggerated
his
own
him-
services, depre-
ciated those of others, and arrogated to himself the
He
whole glory of successes.

against his
two
colleagues,
cowardice and treason.

people,
1-
capricious,
Upon
warm,
wrote to
Athens
and accused them of

his complaint,
the
suspicious, and naturally
jealous of such as were distinguished by their extraor-
dinary merit or authority, recalled those two generals,
and brought them to a
The
trial.
faction of Chares,
which was very powerful
at
Athens, having declared against Timotheus, he was

sentenced to pay a fine of one hundred talents, 8 a
worthy reward
1
for the noble disinterestedness
he had
Populus acer, suspicax, mobilis, adversarius, invidus etiam potently,

revocat. Cor. Nep.
domum
100,000 crowns.
HISTORY OF THE
438
shown upon another
occasion, in bringing
country twelve hundred talents
home
to his
of booty taken from
he enemy, without the least deduction for himself.
He
could bear no longer the sight of an ungrateful
city,
and being too poor to pay so great a
fine, retired
After his death, the people, touched with
to Chalcis.
repentance, mitigated the fine to ten talents, which
they
made
his son
Conon pay,
to rebuild a certain part
Thus, by an event
of the walls.
sufficiently odd, those
very walls, which his grandfather had rebuilt with the
enemy, the grandson,
spoils of the
Athens, repaired in part at his

u
Iphicrates
was
own
It
was upon
shame of
expense.
answer
also obliged to
before the judges.
to the
for himself
this occasion, that
Aristophon, another Athenian captain, accused him of
having betrayed and sold the fleet under his command.

Iphicrates, with the confidence an established reputation inspires, asked him, "
Would you
mitted a treason of this nature ?"

Aristophon, "
am
man
of too
have com-
" No," replied
much honour
for
" How," replied Iphicrates,

such an action !"
" could Iphicrates do what Aristophon would not
do?"
v
He did not
only employ the force of arguments in
his defence, but called in also the assistance of arms.
Instructed by his colleague's

that
it
was more necessary
his judges.
He
ill
success, he
saw
plainly
to intimidate than convince
posted round the place where they
assembled a number of young persons, armed with

poniards which they took care to show from time to
Arist. Rhet.
1. ii.
1,200,000 crowns.
c. 23.
Polyxn Stratag.
1, iii,

time.
They could
439
not resist so forcible and trium-
phant a kind of eloquence, and dismissed him acquit-
When he
ted of the charge.
was afterwards reproach-
ed with so violent a proceeding, " I had been a fool

indeed," said he, "
if,
for the Athenians, I
having made war successfully
had neglected doing so
for
my-
self."
Chares, by the recal of his two colleagues, was

sole general of the
to
whole army, and was
have advanced the Athenian
the Hellespont,
if
he had
affairs
known how
nificent offers of Artabasus.
That
left
in a condition
very
much
to resist the
viceroy,
in
mag-
who had
Minor against the king of Persia his

master, besieged by an army of seventy thousand men,
revolted in Asia
and just upon the point of being ruined from the inequality of his forces, corrupted Chares.
who had no
That
general,
thoughts but of enriching himself, march-
ed directly to the assistance of Artabasus, effectually

relieved him, and received a reward suitable to the
service.
crime.
This action of Chares was treated as a capital
He
had not only abandoned the service of ;he
republic for a foreign war, but offended the king of

Persia,
who
threatened by his ambassadors to equip
three hundred
allied against
sail
of ships, in favour of the islanders
Athens.
again upon this, as
on like occasions.
it
The credit of Chares saved him

had done several times before
The
Athenians, intimidated by the
king's menaces, applied themselves seriously to pre-
vent their effects by a general peace.

Prior to
these
recommended
menaces, Isocrates had earnestly
this treaty to
w De
them
in a fine discourse,
pace, seu socialis.
HISTORY OF THE
440
which
He
advice.
them excellent
extant, wherein he gives
is still
reproaches them with great liberty, as
does Demosthenes in almost
all
his orations, of aban-
doning themselves blindly to the insinuations of ora-
who
tors,
flatter their
with contempt
He
sels.
them
who
passions, whilst they treat those
them the most
give
salutary coun-
applied himself particularly to correct in
their violent passion for the
augmentation of their
power, and dominion over the people of Greece, which
had been the source of

recals
all
He
their misfortunes.
remembrance those happy days, so
to their
glorious for Athens, in which their ancestors, out of a
noble and generous disinterestedness, sacrificed every

thing for the support of the
common
liberty,
and the
them with the
preservation of Greece, and compares
present sad times, wherein the ambition of Sparta, and
afterwards that of Athens, had successively plunged
both states into the greatest misfortunes.
He
repre-
sents to them, that the real and lasting greatness of a

state
does not consist
extending
its
in
augmenting
its
dominions, or
conquests to the utmost, which cannot
be effected without violence and
injustice,
but in the
wise government of the people, in rendering them

happy, in protecting their
"
beloved
their neighbours,
ing the arbiter of
how
being
in
and feared by their

"
cannot fail of becomstate," says he,
and esteemed by
enemies.
allies,
all
to unite in its
justice and power,
its
neighbours,
when
measures the two great
it
qualities,
which mutually support each
and ought to be inseparable.
For
knows
other,
as power, not reg-
ulated by the motives of reason and justice, has re-
course
to the
most violent methods
to crush
and

subvert whatever opposes
it
ed and without power,
is
so justice,
others."
when unarm-
exposed to injury,
neither in a condition to defend
The
441
and
nor protect
itself,
conclusion drawn by Isocrates from
would be happy, and
that Athens, if it
this reasoning,
is,
in tranquillity,
ought not
sea for the sake of lording
to affect the
it
over
all
empire of the
other states
but
should conclude a peace, whereby every city and people should be left to the full
enjoyment of their liberty;
and declare themselves irreconcileable enemies of those
who
should presume to disturb that peace, or contra-
vene such measures.
The peace was concluded
conditions, and
it
was
accordingly under such
stipulated, that
Rhodes, Byzan-
The
tium, Chio, and Cos, should enjoy entire liberty.
war of the
allies
ended in
this
manner
after
having
continued three years.
SECTION
III.
DEMOSTHENES EXCITES THE ATHENIANS FOR WAR. DEATH OB

MAUSOLUS. GRIEF OF ARTEM1SA HIS WIFE.
This
peace did not entirely remove the apprehen-
sion of the Athenians with regard to the king of Persia. 5
'
The
great preparations he
them umbrage
and they were
was making gave
afraid so formidable
armament was intended against Greece, and

was only
a plausible pretext with
that
an
Egypt
which the king cov-
ered his real design.
A, M. 3648.
vol.
4.
Ant.
J.
C. 356.
57
A.
M.
3649.
Ant.
J.
355.,
442
HISTORY OF THE
Athens took the alarm upon
The
rumour.
this
orators increased the fears of the people by their dis-
courses, and exhorted
them
to have an
immediate
re-
course to their arms, to prevent the king of Persia by a

previous declaration of war, and to
all
the people of
Greece against the
Demosthenes made
this time,
Upon
ter.
his first appearance in public at
opinion.
I shall
a league with
common enemy.
and mounted the tribunal
to give his
age.
make
He was
harangues
for
twenty eight years of
speak more extensively of him hereaf-
the present occasion,
precipitate orators,
more wise than those
and having undoubtedly
view
in
the importance to the republic of the aid of the Persians against Philip, he dared not indeed oppose in a
direct
manner
self suspected
first,
that
it
their advice, lest he should render

;
was necessary
sia as the eternal

it
him-
but, admitting as a principle from the

to consider the king of Per-
enemy of Greece, he
was not consistent with prudence,
represented that
an
in
affair
great consequence, to precipitate any thing
of such
that
it
was
very improper, by a resolution taken upon light and

uncertain reports, and by a too early declaration of war,
to furnish so powerful a prince with a just reason to
turn his arms against Greece

essary at present, was to
sail,
in
fit
that
out a
all
fleet
which was nec-
of three hundred
what manner he proposed a scheme,* and
hold the troops in a readiness and condition to
make
an effectual and vigorous defence, in case of being

tacked
3 I
that
by so doing,
all
to
at-
the people of Greece,
reserve this scheme for the seventh section, being curious, and very
proper to explain in what manner the Athenians fitted out, and subsisted
their fleets.
443
without further invitation, would be sufficiently ap-
common
prized of the
danger to join them; and that
the report alone of such an

to induce the
armament would be enough
king of Persia to change his measures,
admitting he should have formed any designs against
Greece.
For the
rest,
he was not of opinion that
essary to levy any immediate tax
upon the
it
was nec-
estates of
private persons for the expense of this war,
would not amount

"
occasion.
It is
to a great
sum, nor
suffice for the
better," said he, " to rely upon the
zeal and generosity of the citizens.

said to be almost as rich as
He had
together."
which
all
Our
city
may be
the other cities of Greece
before observed, that the estimate
of the lands of Attica amounted to six thousand talents,
about eight hundred and fifty thousand pounds ster" When we shall see the reality and approach
ling.
of the danger, every body will be ready to contribute
to the expenses of the
war
body can be so void
as no
of reason as to prefer the hazard of losing their whole

estate with their liberty, to sacrificing a small part of
to their
"
own, and
And we
it
their country's preservation.
ought not
to fear, as
some people would
insinuate, that the great riches of the
king of Persia
enabled him to raise a great body of auxiliaries, and

render his army formidable against us.
when they
are to
march
Our Greeks,
against Egypt, or Orontes,
and the other barbarians, serve willingly under the

Persians
a single
but not one of them,
man
dare be assured, not
of them, will ever resolve to bear arms
against Greece."
444
HISTORY OF THE
This discourse had
The
all its effect.
refined
and
delicate address of the orator in advising the imposi-
and
tion of a tax to be deferred,
the
same
time, that
was highly proper
it
would
artfully explaining, at
only upon the rich,
fall
to render abortive an affair,
had no other foundation than
which
the overheated imag-
in
ination of some orators, who were perhaps interested in
the
*
war they advised.
Two
years after, an enterprise of the Lacedemo-
nians against Megalopolis, a city of Arcadia, gave
Demosthenes another opportunity

and display
That
his eloquence.
to signalize his zeal,

city,
by the Arcadians, who had
lately established
numerous colony there from different

might serve as
which had been
a fortress
cities,
settled a
and which
and bulwark against Sparta,
gave the Lacedemonians great uneasiness, and alarm-
They resolved therefore to

make themselves masters of it. The Me-
ed them extremely.
attack and
galopolitans,
who, without doubt, had renounced
alliance with
Thebes, had recourse to Athens, and im-
plored
its
protection.
The
their
other people concerned
sent also their deputies thither, and the afilur was de-
bated before the people.

b
Demosthenes founded
ginning of
last
upon
it
his discourse
this principle
That
from the beit
was of the
importance to prevent either Sparta or Thebes
from growing too powerful, and from being

tion to give
law to the rest of Greece.
in a condi-
Now
it
is
we abandon Megalopolis to the Lacedemonians, they will soon make themselves masters of
evident, that
if
A. M. 3651.
b
Ant.
De most,
J. C. 353.
Orat. pro
Diod.
Me galop,
xv. p. 401,
Messene
are a
also,
two strong neighbouring
check upon Sparta, and keep
The
bounds.
alliance
we
cities
means
the Arca-
therefore the
dians, in declaring for Megalopolis, is
certain
within due
it
make with
shall
which
to preserve so necessary a balance be-
tween Sparta and Thebes
because whatever happens,
neither the one nor the other will be able to hurt us,
whilst the Arcadians are our
allies,
whose
in
forces,
conjunction with ours, will always be superior to those
of either of them.
A weighty objection to this advice of Demosthenes,

was
the alliance actually subsisting between Athens
and Sparta
Demosthenes, what idea
we change
if
in
will the
very words
We ought,"
I shall
it
Demosthenes, whose
we ought inmake it the
view, and to
but, at the
same time, our con-
should consist with the public good and
the interest of the state.
im with us
in
? or is
to the faith of
repeat in this place, "
rule of our conduct

it
no regard
replied
deed always to have justice
formity to
world have of Athens,
such a manner with the times
consistent with justice to pay

treaties ? "
who opposed
for, in fine, said the orators
It
to assist the
has been a perpetual
oppressed."
He
max-
cites the
Lacedemonians themselves, theThebans andEubeans,

"
as examples.
The
ciple.
to
fall
upon
We have never varied from this prin-
reproach of changing therefore ought not

us, but
upon those, whose
injustice
and
usurpation oblige us to declare against them."

I
admire the language of politicians.
talk,
e
it is
always reason and the
o-kottuv /utv
a.i.1
Kctt
TT^Tlin t*
To hear them
strictest justice
<hx.su* a-uy.Ta^ctJuâv fi, tiras
that
<ty.<t.
khi
HISTORY OF THE
446
determine them
but to see them
act,
makes
it
evi-
dent that interest and ambition are the sole rule and
Their discourse
guide of their conduct.
is
an effect
of that regard for justice which nature has implanted
mind of man, and which they cannot entirely

There are few who venture to declare
shake off.
in the
against that internal principle in their expressions, or

to contradict
observe
it
with
it
openly.
But there
fidelity
and constancy
Greece never was known

ance than
at the
time
were they ever less
are
is
treaties of
speaking
of,
alli-
nor
This contempt of
regarded.
the religion of oaths in states,

cline,
now
who
in their actions.
have more
to
we
are also few,
a proof of their de-
and often denotes and occasions
their approach-
ing ruin.
d
The
Athenians,
moved by
the eloquent discourse
of Demosthenes, sent three thousand
foot,
and three
hundred horse, to the aid of the Megalopolitans, under

the
command
stated in
had
its
of
Pammenes. e Megalopolis was rein-
former condition, and
retired into their
own
its
countries,
inhabitants,
who
were obliged to
return.
The
allies,
peace, which had put an end to the war of the
did not procure for
all
of them the tranquillity
they had reason to expect from
it.
The
Rhodes and Cos, who had been declared

treaty, only
Caria,
who
changed
assisted
yoke, imposed his
This is not the

tiade before.
them
in
Diod.
Pammenes
I.
free
by
that
Mausolus, king of
throwing off the Athenian
own upon them.

d
their master.
people of
Having publicly
xv. p. 402.
of Thebes, of
whom mention
has been
447
declared himself for the rich and powerful, he enslaved

the people, and
made them
He
suffer exceedingly.
died the second year after the treaty of peace, having

reigned twenty four years.
ceeded him
Artemisa his wife suc-
and as she was supported with
all
influence of the king of Persia, she retained her
the
power
in the isles lately subjected.
In speaking here of Artemisa,

that she
who
sa,
it is
proper to observe,
must not be confounded with another Artemihundred years before,
lived above one
in the
who distinguished her resolution

much in the naval battle of Salamin.
time of Xerxes, and
and prudence so
Several celebrated writers have fallen into this error
through inadvertency.
s
This princess immortalized herself by the honours
memory of Mausolus her husband.

She caused a magnificent monument to be erected for
him in Halicarnassus, which was called the Mausoum,
she rendered to the
and
for its
beauty was esteemed one of the wonders of
the world, and gave the
name of Mausoum
ture great and magnificent structures of the

h
She endeavoured
also to eternize the
to
all
fu-
same kind
name of
Mausolus by other monuments, which she believed
more durable than those of brass or marble, but
are
often no better proof against the injuries of time
mean works of wit. She caused excellent panegyrics

to be made in honour of her husband, and proposed a
prize of great value for the person
A. M. 3650. Ant.
8
h Aul. Gel.
1.
J.
Plin.
C.354.
1.
Diod.
xxxvi. c.
x. c. 1?,
whose performance
!.xvi. p. 435.
v.
Plut, in sorat. p 838.
HISTORY OF THE
448
Amongst many
should be the best.
others, the cele*
brated Isocrates, and Theopompus, his disciple, were
competitors for
it.
Theopompus
weakness and
carried
from them
it
ed the prize against his master
common,
and had the
preferring, as
is
the fame of fine parts to the glory of a
He
heart*
all,
vanity to boast in public of having gain-
had represented Mausolus
in his
whom
as a prince most sordidly avaricious, to
good
history
all
means
He
of amassing treasure were good and eligible.
him without doubt
painted
his panegyric, or else he
too
in very different colours in
would never have pleased the
princess.
1
That
widow prepared a
illustrious
Mausolus than that
for
Having gathered
his ashes,
have
different
tomb
been speaking
of.
and had the bones beaten
in a mortar, she
mingled some of the powder every
day
till
by
in her drink,
means
that
to
she had drank
it all
make her own body
off; desiring
the sepulchre of
She survived him only two years, and
her husband.
her grief did not end but with her
life.
Instead of tears, in which most writers plunge Ar-
temisa during her widowhood, there are some
made very
say she
who
k It ap-
considerable conquests.
pears by one of Demosthenes's orations, that she was
not considered at
Athens as a
neglected the
of her kingdom.
affairs
something more decisive upon
forlorn relict,
who
But we have
this head.
Vitruvius
that after the death of Mausolus, the Rhodians*
tells us,
Cic. Tusc. Qusest.

k
1. iii.
n. 75.
Val.
Demost. de Libertat. Rhod.

f
Vitruv. de Architect.
1. ii.
Max. 1. iv.
p. 145.
c. 8
c.
6t
woman
offended that a
pose with their
fleet,
left
Rhodes
for that pur-
and entered the great port of Hali-
The queen
carnassus.
should reign in Caria, under-
They
took to dethrone her.
449
being informed'of their design,
had given the inhabitants orders to keep within the
and when the enemy should
walls,
express
arrive, to
by shouts and clapping of hands, a readiness to surThe Rhodians quitted their

render the city to them.
and went
ships,
their fleet
in all haste to the public place, leaving
without any to guard
In the
it.
mean
Artemisa came out with her galleys from the
time,
little
port
through a small canal, which she had caused to be cut
on purpose, entered the great

fleet
enemy's
port, seized the
without resistance, and having put her soldiers
and mariners on board of it, she

dians, having
no means of escaping, were
The queen
sword.
When
Rhodes.
all
The Rho-
set sail.
all
put to the
the while advanced towards
the inhabitants
saw
their vessels
approach, adorned with wreaths of laurel, they raised

great shouts, and received their victorious and trium-
phant
fleet
with extraordinary marks of joy.
was
It
so in effect, but in an another sense than they imagined.
Artemisa, having met with no resistance,
took possession of the

inhabitants to death.
and put the principal
She had caused
victory to be erected in
brass
city,
it,
and
set
up two
one of which represented the
and the other Artemisa, branding
a trophy of her
it
statues of
city of
Rhodes,
with a hot iron.
Vitruvius adds, that the Rhodians dared never demolish that trophy, their religion forbidding
surrounded
tirely
it
from being seen.
vol. 4,
it
but they
with a building, which prevented
58
it
en-
HISTORY OF THE
450
All
Monsieur Bayle observes
this, as
ary, does not express a forlorn
in his Diction-
and inconsolable widow,
that passed her
whole time
which makes
reasonable to suspect, that whatever
it
and lamentation
in grief
is
reported of excessive in the mourning of Artemisa,
has no other foundation, but
its
being advanced
at
venture by some writer, and afterwards copied by
all
the rest.
should be better pleased, for the honour of Arte-
misa,
in
it,
if it
that
had been
nothing incredible
said, as there is
by a fortitude and greatness of mind, of which
many examples,
her sex has
unite the severe
affliction
known how to
widow with the active
she had
of the
courage of the queen, and made the
affairs
ernment serve her instead of consolation.

pro
of her gov*
Negotia
solatiis accipiens,
The Rhodians being treated by Artemisa in the

manner we have related, and unable to support any
longer so severe and shameful a servitude, they had
recourse to the Athenians, and implored their protec-
Though
tion.
they had rendered themselves entirely
unworthy of it by
him
their revolt,
Demosthenes took upon
to speak to the people in their behalf.
with setting forth their crime in
its full
larged upon their injustice and perfidy
He began
light
he en-
he seemed to
enter into the people's just sentiments of resentment
and indignation, and
it
might have been thought, was
going to declare himself in the strongest terms against

the Rhodians
orator,
ion,
but
was only the
art
of the
to insinuate himself into his auditors' opin-
and to excite
a Tacit.
all this
A.
M.
in
them
3653.
Ant.
quite contrary sentiments of

J.
C. 351.
Dem. de
Libert.
Rhod
PERSIANS AND GRECIANS,

goodness and compassion for a people,
edged
who
their fault,
451
who
acknowl-
confessed their unworthiness,
and who nevertheless were come to implore the repub-
He
protection.
lic's
ims, which in
sets before
Athens, the forgiving of

rebels,
them the great max-
ages had constituted the glory of
all
injuries,
the pardoning of
and the taking upon them the defence of the
To
unfortunate.
those of interest
the motives of glory, he annexes

in
showing the importance of declar-
ing for a city, that favoured the democratic form of gov-
ernment, and of not abandoning an island so powerful

as that of
Rhodes
which
is
the substance of
thenes's discourse, entitled, "
For the
Demos-
liberty of the
Rhodians."
The
year,
it is
death of Artemisa, which happened the same
very
their liberty.
eu&,
reestablished
likely,
the Rhodians in
She was succeeded by her brother Idri-
who espoused
had done Artemisa.
his
own
It
sister
Ada, as Mausolus
was the custom
in Caria for
the kings to marry their sisters in this manner, and for
the
widows
to succeed their husbands in the throne in
preference
and even the children of
to the brothers,
the defunct.
SECTION
IV.
IXPEDITION OF OCHUS AGAINST PHENICIA, CYPRUS, AND EGYPT-
Ochus
Egypt
meditated in earnest
to his obedience,
Strab.
I.
xiv. p. 656.
the reduction of
which had long pretended to

?
A.
M.
3653.
Ant. J. C. 351,
HISTORY OF THE
452
maintain
itself in
Whilst he was mak-
independence.
ing great preparations for this important expedition,

q
he received advice of the revolt of Phenicia.
That
people, oppressed by the Persian governors, resolved
made
to throw off so heavy a yoke, and
Nectanebis king of Egypt, against
marching
its
As
armies.
for that invasion but
Persia was
was no other passage
there
through Phenicia,
who
very seasonable for Nectanebis,
Mentor
the
Rhodian
was
this revolt
therefore sent
to support the rebels, with four
thousand Grecian troops.

to
a league with
whom
He
intended by that means
make Phenicia his barrier, and

The Phenicians took the
to stop the Persians
there.
field
with that rein-
forcement, beat the governors of Syria and Cilicia that
had been sent against them, and drove the Persians

entirely out of Phenicia.
The
Cyprians,
who were
not better treated than
the Phenicians, seeing the good success which had
attended
this
revolt,
followed
joined in their league
with
Ochus sent
make war against
Egypt.
orders to Idrieus king of Caria, to
them
who
soon after
eight thousand
mand
out
Greeks along with
it,
fleet,
and sent
under the com-
of Phocion the Athenian, and Evagoras,
was believed
is
fitted
example, and
their
to
who
have been the son of Nicocles.
It
probable that he had been expelled by his uncle
Protagoras, and that he had embraced with pleasure

this
opportunity
knowledge
there,
of reascending
the
throne.
of the country, and the party
he
had
made the king of Persia choose him very

command in this expedition. They made a
wisely to
s
His
Diod.
1.
xvi. p. 439.
Diod.l.xvi. p, 440, 441.
453
descent in the island, where their army increased to
double
its
number by
the reinforcements which
and
The hopes
Syria
from
Cilicia.
themselves by the spoils
of enriching
which was
of this island,
very rich, drew thither abundance
of
came
and
troops,
they formed the siege of Salamin by sea and land.
The
Cyprus had
island of
at that
time nine
considerable enough to have each of
But
king.
all
those kings were however subjects of
They had upon
Persia.
to throw
cities,
them a petty
off that
this occasion united together
yoke, and to render themselves
in-
dependent.
Ochus, having observed that the Egyptian war was

always unsuccessful from the
ill
conduct of the gen-
erals sent thither, resolved to take the care of
But before he
himself.
sire to the states
end
set out,
it
upon
he signified his de-
of Greece, that they would put an
to their divisions,
and cease to make war upon
one another.
It is a just
should
sia
people
matter of surprise, that the court of Per-
insist so earnestly
and so often, that the
of Greece should live
each other,
and
observe
in
with
tranquillity
inviolably the articles of
the treaty of Antalcides, the principal end of which
was
establishment of a lasting union amongst
the
them.
had formerly employed a quite
It
different
policy.
From
the miscarriage of the enterprise
Greece under Xerxes, judging gold and

proper
means
sword,
the
force, but
for
subjecting
Persians
did
not
it
than
attack
by the method of secret
against
silver a
more
that of
it
the
with open
intrigues.
They
HISTORY OF THE
454
conveyed considerable sums
into
it
privately, to cor-
rupt the persons of credit and authority in the great

cities,
and were perpetually watching occasions to
arm them
against each other, and to deprive
the leisure and
were
means
to invade themselves.
They
sometimes
for one>
particularly careful to declare
sometimes
them of
for another, in order to support a kind of
balance amongst them, which put
it
out of the power
of any of those republics to aggrandize
itself too
much,
and by that means to become formidable to Persia.
That nation employed a
quite different conduct at
in prohibiting all
this time,
wars to the people
of
Greece, and commanding them to observe an universal
peace, upon pain
of incurring their displeasure
and arms, to such as should disobey.
Persia, without
doubt, did not take that resolution at a venture, and had

its
reasons to behave in such a manner with regard to
Greece.
Its
design might be to soften their
grees, in disarming their hands

that valor
spirit
to blunt the
edge of
which spurred them on perpetually by no-
ble emulation
to extinguish in
glory and victory
them
their passion for
to render languid,
by long
in fine, to bring
quiet
lose in sloth
iner-
them and,
number of those people,
and effeminate life enervates, and who
tion and forced ease, the activity natural to
whom a
by de-
them
into the
and peace that martial ardour, which com-
bats and even dangers are apt to inspire.
The
king of Persia, who then reigned, had a per-
sonal interest, as well as his predecessor,
these terms
off he
upon the Greeks.
yoke, and given the
in
imposing
Egypt had long thrown

empire just
cause of
Ochus had
inquietude.
the expedition extremely
and neglected nothing that could promote
at heart,
its
resolved to go in person to
He had
reduce the rebels.
455
The famous retreat of the ten

enumerating many other actions
success.
without
nature, had
left
That prince
Greeks
in his pay, than
more upon
relied
numerous
it
was
In
good
action in Egypt,
ence,
the most certain
was
till
revolt,
and
he could not enter
he had pacified
its
all
behind
neighbouring provinces*
means
to hold
them
them of all hope of
to deprive
Greeks, to
number of soldiers he
politician,
him, Ionia especially, and
Now,
and he well knew,
for.
line, as
upon
body of
Greece would render the
incapable of supplying the
had occasion
a small
upon the whole army of the
as
that the intestine divisions of

cities
of a like
a great idea in Persia of the Grecian
valor.
Persians, as
thousand,
in obedi-
aid from the
whom they had always recourse in times of

without whom they were in no condition to
form any great enterprises. 3
When Ochus
had taken
all
his measures,
and made
the necessary preparations, he repaired to the frontiers
of Phenicia, where he had an
thousand
foot,
self at the
and
thirty
head of
it.
army of
Mentor was
The approach
Grecian troops.
three
hundred
thousand horse, and put himat
Sidon with the
of so great an
army
staggered him, and he sent secretly to Ochus, to
make
him
offers,
not only of surrendering Sidon to him, but
to
serve
him
in
Egypt, where
he was well
ac-
quainted with the country, and might be very useful

to him.
Ochus agreed
8
Diod*
1.
entirely to the proposal,

xvi. p.
441443
upon
HISTORY OF THE
456
which he engaged Tennes, king of Sidon,

and they surrendered the place
treason,
in the
same
in concert to
Ochus.
The
Sidonians had set
fire to their
ships
upon the
approach of the king's troops, in order to lay the

people under the necessity of making a good defence-,
by removing
hope of any other security.
all
they saw themselves betrayed, that the
masters of the
city,
When
enemy were
and that there was no
possibility
of escaping either by sea or land, in the despair of their

condition, they shut themselves
set<hem on
up in
their houses,
and
Forty thousand men, without reck-
fire.
oning
women and
The
fate
children, perished in this manner.
of Tennis,
their
king,
was no
better.
Ochus, seeing himself master of Sidon, and having
no further occasion
to death; a just
for him,
caused him to be put
reward of his treason, and an evi-
dent proof, that Ochus did not yield to him
At
fidy.
the time this misfortune happened, Sidon
The
was immensely
rich.
gold and
Ochus
siderable
The
ror into
in per-
silver,
sum
fire
having melted the
sold the cinders for a con-
of money.
dreadful ruin of this city cast so great a terall
the rest of Phenicia, that
it
submitted, and
obtained conditions reasonable enough from the king.
Ochus made no
their
great difficulty in complying with
demands, because he would not
there,
he had so
much
his projects against
lose the time
occasion for in the execution of
Egypt.
it,
he was
joined by a body of ten thousand Greeks.
From
Before
he
began his march to enter
the beginning of this expedition, he had
demanded
457
The Athenians and Lacedemo-
troops in Greece.
nians had excused themselves from furnishing

at that
time
being impossible for them
it
whatever desire they might have, as they
Thebans
him
sent
of Lachares
der Nicostratus.
Asia.
do
men under
a thousand
it,
said, to cul-
The
good correspondence with the king.
tivate a
mand
him any
to
the
com-
the Argives, three thousand un-
The
rest
came from
the cities of
him immediately
All these troops joined
after
the taking of Sidon.
The Jews must have had some
the Phenicians against Persia
share in this war of
for
Sldon
no
was
sooner taken, than Ochus entered Judea, and besieged

the city of Jericho, which he took.
Besides which,
it
number of Jewish
many others into Hyr-
appears that he carried a great

captives into Egypt, and sent
cania,
where he
settled
them along the coast of
the
Caspian sea.
u
the
Ochus
also put an
same time.
end to the
\yar with
That of Egypt so
Cyprus
at
entirely engrossed
his attention, that in order to have nothing to divert
him from
it,
he was
satisfied to
come
to an
dation with the nine kings of Cyprus,

to
him upon
in their
certain conditions, and
kingdom of Salamin.
stated in the
proved,
that
who submitted
were
all
Evagoras demanded
little states.
accommo-
It
continued
to be rein-
was evidently
he had committed the most flagrant
oppressions during his reign, and that he had not been

unjustly dethroned.
Protagoras was therefore con-
firmed in the kingdom of Salamin, and the king gave

c
Solin. c. xxxv.
D.iod.
VOL.
4.
59
Euseb.
1.
in
Chron,
xvi. r. 443.
&c
HISTORY OF THE
458
Evagoras a remote government.

better in that, and
was again expelled.
He behaved no
He afterwards
returned to Salamin, and was seized, and put to death.

Surprising difference between Nicocles and his son
Evagoras
v
After the reduction of the
isle
of Cyprus, and the
province of Phenicia,Ochus advanced at length towards
Egypt.
Upon
he encamped before Pelusium,
his arrival,
from whence he detached three bodies of his troops,

each of them commanded by a Greek and a Persian
with equal authority.
the
The
first
was under Lachares
Theban, and Rosaces, governor of Lydia and
The second was
Ionia.
give,
given to Nicostratus the Ar-
and Aristazanes, one of the great
crown.
The
third
officers
Bagoas, one of Ochus's eunuchs,
Each detachment had
its
at the
head of it.
particular orders.
king remained with the main body of the army
camp he had made
choice of
at first, to
The
in the
wait events,
and to be ready to support those troops

ill
of the
had Mentor the Rhodian, and
in case of
success, or to improve the advantages they might
have.
Nectanebis had long expected
made so much noise.

men on foot, twenty
preparations for which had
He
this invasion, the
had one hundred thousand
thousand of
whom
were Greeks, twenty thousand
Lybians, and the rest of Egyptian troops.
them he bestowed
in the places
and posted himself with the
upon the
rest in the
dispute the enemy's entrance into Egypt.

T
Diod. 1, xvi.
p.
444 et 450.
Part of
frontiers,
passes, to
Ochus's
459
detachment was sent against Pelusium, where
first
there
was
a garrison of five thousand Greeks.
chares besieged the place.
La-
That under Nicostratus,
on board of twenty four ships of the Persian
fleet,
entered one of the mouths of the Nile at the same time,
and
and
sailed into the heart of
in a
camp, of which the
was very advantageous.
All the Egyptian
fortified
situation
Egypt, where they landed,
themselves well
troops in these parts were immediately drawn together
under
Clinias, a
to repel the
Greek of the
and the
of Cos, and prepared
A very warm action
enemy.
which Clinias with

killed,
isle
five
ensued, in
thousand of his troops were
rest entirely
broke and dispersed.
This action decided the success of the war.
Nec-
tanebis, apprehending that Nicostratus after this vic-
tory
would embark again upon the Nile, and take
Memphis, the
capital of the
haste he could to defend
which
it
was of the
last
it,
kingdom, made
the
and abandoned the passes,
importance to secure, to pre-
When
vent the entrance of the enemy.

that defended Pelusium,
all
were apprized of
tate retreat, they believed all lost,
the
Greeks
this precipi-
and capitulated with
Lachares, upon condition of being sent back into
Greece with
all
that belonged
to
them, and without
suffering any injury in their persons or effects.
who commanded
Mentor,
the third detachment,
finding the passes clear and unguarded, entered the
country, and
opposition
made himself master

for,
after
those
who would
it
without any
having caused a report to be
spread throughout his camp, that

all
of
Ochus had ordered
submit, to be treated with favour,
and that such as made resistance should be destroyed,
460
HISTORY OF THE
as the Sidonians had been
he
into the country
towns and villages what they had heard
The
prisoners
news
Those poor people reported
round about.
camp.
his
let all
escape, that they might carry the
brutality of
enemy's
in the
Ochus seemed
and the terror was so great,
in their
to confirm
Greeks as Egyptians, strove which should be the
most
w
in
making
it
that the garrisons, as well

fore-
their submission.
Nectanebis, having
hope of being able to
lost all
defend himself, escaped with his treasures and best

effects into Ethiopia, frofi
He was
ed.
whence he never
return-
Egypt of
Egyp-
the last king of
tian race, since
whom
it
the
has always continued un-
a foreign yoke, according to the prediction of
der
Ezekiel. v
Ochus, having
entirely
manner, dismantled the
and returned
in
conquered Egypt
it
pillaged the temples,
cities,
triumph to Babylon, laden with
and especially with gold and

ried
in this
away immense sums.
silver,
He
left
spoils,
of which he car-
the government of
to Pherendates, a Persian of the first quality.

y
Here Manethon
tory of Egypt.
commentaries, or
finishes his
He was
a priest
country, and had written the history of

dynasties from the
times
we now
commencement of the
treat of.
his-
of Heliopolis in that
His book
is
its
different
nation to the
often cited
by
Josephus, Eusebius, Plutarch, Porphyry, and several

others.
meus
This historian lived
in the
Philadelphus, king of Egypt, to

w A. M.
x
Svncel. p. 256.
3654.
Ant.
J.
Ezek. xxix. 14,
reign of Ptole-
whom
C. 350.
15.
Voss, de Hist. Grsc.
1. i.
c.
14.
he dedi-

cates his work, of
which Syncellus
461
has preserved us
the abridgment.
Nectanebis
lost the
He had
of himself.
crown by
his too
good opinion
been placed upon the throne by
Agesilaus, and afterwards supported in
it
by the valor
and counsels of Diophantes the Athenian, and Lamius
command
the Lacedemonian, who, whilst they had the
of his troops, and the direction of the war, had render-
ed his arms victorious over the Persians
had formed against him.
enterprises they
in all the
It is a pit}"
we have no account of them, and that Diodorus is silent

upon this head. That prince, vain from so many
successes, imagined, in consequence, that he
come
sufficiently capable of
and dismissed them to
in person,
ed for
all
conducting his
those advantages.
He
whom he
was be-
own
affairs
was indebt-
had time enough
to
repent his error, and to discover that the power does

not confer the merit of a king.
a
Ochus rewarded very
Mentor
the
in the
which
reduc-
and the conquest of Egypt. Before he
tion of Phenicia,
left that
liberally the service
Rhodian had rendered him
kingdom, he dismissed the other Greeks laden
with his presents.
As
for
Mentor, to
whom
the whole
success of the expedition was principally owing, he
made him a present of one hundred talents* in

money, besides many jewels of great value, but gave
him the government of all the coast of Asia, with the
not only
direction of the
2
George, a
monk
lus, or vicar to the
war against some provinces, which
of Constantinople, so called from bis being SyncelPatriarch Tarasus, towards the end of the ninth
century.
*
A.
M.
3655.
Ant.
J.
C. 349.
100,000 crowns.
HISTORY OF THE
had revolted in the beginning of his
reign,
and declared
him generalissimo of all his armies on that side.

Mentor made use of his interest to reconcile the king
with his brother Mexnnon and Artabasus, who had
married their sister. Both of them had been in arms
We have
against Ochus,
already related the revolt of
Artabasus, and the victories he obtained over the king's
He
troops.
was, however, overpowered at
and
last,
reduced to take refuge with Philip, king of Macedon
and Memnon, who had borne a part

also a share in his banishment.
tion,
services; especially
most
valiant
men
in the art of war.
After this reconcilia-
Ochus and
they rendered
had
in his wars,
his successors signal
Memnon, who was one
of the
of his times, and no less excellent
Neither did Mentor want his great
merits, nor deceive the king in the confidence he had
reposed in him
his government,
for
he had scarce taken possession of
when he
reestablished every where
the king's authority, and reduced those
volted in his
ence
neighbourhood
some he brought over by
his address
stratagems, and others by force of arms.
he knew so well
how
who had
re-
to return to their obedi-
and
In a word,
to take his advantages, that at
length he subjected them
all
to the yoke, and reinstated
the king's affairs in those provinces.

c
In the
first
year of the hundred and eighth Olym-
piad died Plato, the famous Athenian philosopher.
may
not
shall defer
speaking of him at present, that
interrupt the chain of the history.
A.M. 3656.
Ant
J.
C. 348.
SECTION
DEATH OF OCHUS.
OcHus, d
after the
463
V.
ARSES SUCCEEDS HIM.
conquest of Egypt, and reduc-
tion of the revolted provinces of his empire,
ed himself
rest of his
to pleasure
life,
and
left
The two
ministers.
abandon-
and luxurious ease during the

the care of affairs entirely to his
them were the eu-
principal of
nuch Bagoas, and Mentor the Rhodian, who divided

power between them, so
all
that the first
provinces of the Upper, and the
latter, all
had
all
the
those of the
Lower Asia under him.

e
Ochus
After having reigned twenty three years,
died of poison given him by Bagoas.
who was by
That eunuch,
had always retained
birth an Egyptian,
a love for his country, and a zeal for
When
self,
his
that
master conquered
it
would have been
its
religion.
it,
he flattered
in
his
power
himhave
to
softened the destiny of the one, and protected the other
from
insult.
of his prince,
But he could not
who
both, which the
restrain the brutality
acted a thousand things in regard to
eunuch saw with extreme sorrow, and
always violently resented
in his heart.
Ochus, not contented with having dismantled the

cities,
said,
and pillaged the houses and temples, as has been
had besides taken away
all
the archives of the
kingdom, which were deposited, and kept with

ious care in the temples of the
f
derision of their worship, he

d
A.
M. 3666.
Ant.
Egyptians
relig-
and in
had caused the god
Diod.l. xvi. p. 490.

J.
C. 338.
JElian.
1. iv.
8.
464
Apis
to
be
HISTORY OF THE
killed, that is, the sacred bull
adored under that name.

g
this last action was, that
was
as he
qualities,
What
which they
gave occasion for
Ochus being as lazy and heavy
cruel, the Egyptians, from the
of those
first
had given him the shocking sirname of the
stupid animal they found he resembled.
enraged
at this
make them
and
sensible he
that the
Ochus
affront,
ass,
was not an
whom
should eat their ox.
said
they
Violently
he would
that
but a
ass,
despised
so
lion,
much,
Accordingly he ordered Apis to
be dragged out of his temple, and sacrificed to an

After which he
made his cooks
dress,
and serve him up
This piece of wit
to the officers of his household.
censed Bagoas.
ass.
in-
As for the archives, he redeemed them
afterwards, and sent
them back
to the places
where
it
was the custom to keep them but the affront, which had
been done to his religion, was irreparable and it is be:
lieved, that
h
was the real occasion of his master's death.
His revenge did not stop there, he caused another
body
to be interred instead
avenge his having made the

the
god Apis, he made
he gave them cut
of the king's, and to
dead body, which
cats eat his
in small pieces
and
the natural symbols of his cruelty.
It is
some new cause had awakened
monster his ancient resentment
for his bones,
knives and swords,
those he turned into handles for
that
house eat
officers of the
very probable,
in the heart of this
without which,
it
is
not to be conceived, that he could carry his barbarity

so far in regard to his master and benefactor.
s
Plut,
de Ised, et Qsir.
p.
363.
h ^lian.
1.
vi. c. 8.
465
After the death of Ochus, Bagoas, in whose hands
power was
all
at that time,
placed Arses upon the
throne, the youngest of all the late king's sons, and put
the rest to death, in order to possess, with better secu-
he had usurped.
rity,
and without a
He
gave Arses only the name of king, whilst he
rival, the authority
reserved to himself the whole power of the sovereignty.
But perceiving
that the
young prince began
to discov-
er his wickedness, and took measures to punish
it,
he
prevented him by having him assassinated, and destroy-
ed his whole family with him.

Bagoas, after having rendered the throne vacant by
the
murder of Arses, placed Darius upon
of that
name who reigned
in
His true name
Persia.
was Codomanus, of whom much
the third
it,
be said here-
will
after.
We
ill
see here in a
full
light the sad effect of the
policy of the kings of Persia, who, to ease them-
abandoned
selves of the weight of public business,

their
whole authority to an eunuch.
Bagoas might
have more address and understanding than the
and thereby merit some
distinction.
of a wise prince to distinguish merit

sistent for
him
to continue
judge, and arbiter of his
who had made
Bagoas,
perfidy and cruelty.

effects.
vol.
Had
4.
the duty
it is
as con-
always the entire master,
affairs.
A prince, like Ochus,
who had supported
by the same measures, deserved
minister as
is
the greatest crimes his steps for as-
cending the throne, and

it
It
but
rest,
who
to
himself in
have such a
vied with his master in
Ochus experienced
their first
he desired to have nothing to fear from
60
HISTORY OF THE
466
him, he should not have been so
imprudent as to
render him formidable, by giving him an unlimited
power.
SECTION
VI.
ABRIDGMENT OF THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES.
As Demosthenes
will
have a great part
in the his-
tory of Philip and Alexander, which will be the subject
of the ensuing volume,
it
necessary to give the
is
reader some previous idea of him, and to
by what means he
cultivated,
let
him know
and to what a degree of
perfection he carried his talent of eloquence
made him more
which
awful to Philip and Alexander, and
enabled him to render greater services to his country,

than the highest military virtue could have done.
1
That
orator,
born k two years before Philip, and
two hundred and eighty before Cicero, was not the

son of a dirty smoky blacksmith, as
seem
to intimate, but of a
man
got considerably by forges.
Demosthenes could derogate

reputation,
whose works
Juvenal would
moderately rich,
Not
that the
in the least
are an higher
title
than the most splendid the world aifords.

thenes
i
tells
Quem
birth of
from
his
of nobility
m
Demos-
us himself, that his father employed thirty
A. M. 3623.
'
who
Ant.
The
J.
C. 381.
Plut in Demost. p. 847849.
fourth year of the 99 th Olympiad.
pater ardentis massse fuligine lippus,
A carbone et forcipibus, gladiosque parente

Incude, et luteo Vulcano ad rhetora misit.
m In Orato
i.
cont.
Aphob.
Juv
p. 896.
l.iv. Sat. 10.
467
slaves at his forges, each of them valued at three minas,
or
fifty
crowns
two excepted, who were without
doubt the most expert
the work, and those were each of
hundred crowns.
It
is
and directed
in the business,
well
them worth one
known
that part of the
Those
wealth of the ancients consisted in slaves.
charges paid, cleared annually thirty minre,
forges,
all
that
fifteen
is,
To
hundred crowns.
this first
factory, appropriated to the forging of swords
manu-
and such
kind of arms, he added another, wherein beds and
wood and
tables of fine
brought him
in yearly
were made, which
ivory
In this only
twelve mince.
twenty slaves were employed, each of them valued at
two minae, or one hundred
livre s.
Demosthenes's father died possessed of an estate of
He
fourteen talents.
had the misfortune to
the hands of sordid and avaricious guardians,
no views but of making the most out of
They
into
fall
who had
his fortune.
carried that base spirit so far as to refuse their
pupil's masters the
reward due to them
so that he
was
not educated with the care, which so excellent a genius

as his required
constitution,
besides which, the weakness of his
and the delicacy of his health, with the
excessive fondness of a mother that doated upon him,
prevented his masters from obliging him to apply
much
to his studies.
The school
men had been
of Isocratcs, p in which so
many
great
educated, was at that time the most
famous at Athens. But whether the avarice of Demosn

p
About
Isocrates
pes exierunU
41. 10s.
cujus e ludo, tanquam ex

De
orat. n. 94,
14,000 crowns.
equo Trojano, innuraeri prjnci
468
HISTORY OF THE
thenes's
prevented him from improving
guardians
under a master, whose price was very high,* or

the soft and peaceful eloquence of Isocrates
that
was not
to his taste, at that time he studied under Iseus,
whose
He
found
character was strength and vehemence.
means however
to get the principles of rhetoric taught
by
but
the former
most
in
Plato, in reality, contributed the
forming Demosthenes; he read his works with
great application, and received lessons from him also
and
it
is
easy to distinguish in the writings of the dis-
ciple the noble

8
and sublime
air
of the master.
But he soon quitted the schools of Iseus and Plato
for another,
under a
different
The
kind of direction
mean,
of which this was the occasion.
to frequent the bar,
orator Callistratus
was appointed to plead
the cause
of the city Oropus, situated between Beotia and Attica.

Chabrias, having disposed the Athenians to march to
the aid of the Thebans,
who were
in great distress,
they hastened thither, and delivered them from the
The Thebans,
enemy.
forgetting so great a service,
took the town of Oropus, which was upon their fron-
from the Athenians.
tier,
'
Chabrias was suspected,
and charged with treason upon

stratus
was chosen
this occasion.
The
to plead against him.
tation of the orator,
Calli-
repu-
and the importance of the cause,
excited curiosity, and

<J
made
About
a great noise in the city.
22/. 10s.
Lectitavisse Platonem studiose audivisse etiam, Demosthenes diciCic. in Brut.

iJque apparet ex gnre et granditate sermonis.
tur
1
n. 121.
Iliad jusjurandum, per exsos in Marathone ac Salamine propugnatores

reip. satis manifesto docet,
prxcepto rem ejus Platonem
fuisse.
Quint
xii. c. 10.
'
Aul. Gel.
1.
iii.c. 13.
'Demost.
in
Midi. p. 613,

*
469
Demosthenes, who was then sixteen years of age,
him with them
earnestly entreated his masters to carry
he might be present
to the bar, that

trial.
The
orator
at so
was heard with great
famous a
attention, and,
having had extraordinary success,
was attended home
by a crowd of illustrious
who seemed
to vie
and admiring him.
The
with each other
citizens,
in praising
young man was extremely affected with the honours

which he saw paid to the orator, and still more with the
supreme power of eloquence over the minds of men,
over which
it
to resist
He
exercises a kind of absolute power.
was himself sensible of
its effects,
and not being able
charms, he gave himself wholly up to
its
from thenceforth renounced
it,
other studies and pleas-
all
ures, and during the continuance of Callistratus at
Athens, he never quitted him, but
provement he could from
The
fortune.
whom
his precepts.
this success,
speak before the people, but with very

voice, a thick
short breath
the im-
he obliged to refund a part of his
Encouraged by
had a weak
all
essay of his eloquence was against his
first
guardians,
made
he ventured to
ill
success.
way of speaking, and
He
a very
notwithstanding which, his periods were
so long, that he was often obliged to stop in the midst
of them for respiration.
This occasioned
hissed by the whole audience
his being
from whence he
retir-
ed entirely discouraged, and determined to renounce

for ever a function of
pable.
One
which he believed himself inca-
of his auditors,
who had observed an
cellent fund of genius in him,
which
came very near
A. M. 3639.
that of Pericles,
Ant.
ex-
and a kind of eloquence
J.
C. 365.
gave him
HISTORY OF THE
470
new
spirit
from the grateful idea of so glorious a
resemblance, and the good advice which he added

to
it.
He
therefore to appear a second time
ventured
before the people, and was no better received than
As he
before.
in the
withdrew, hanging
down
his head,
and
utmost confusion, Satyrus, one of the most ex-
who was
cellent actors of those times,
his friend,
met
him, and having learnt from himself the cause of his
being so
much
dejected, he assured
was not without remedy, and

repeat
desired
some of Sophocles orEuripides's
which he accordingly
that the evil
that the case
He
desperate as he imagined.
him
was not so
him only
verses to
to
him
Satyrus spoke them after
did.
him, and gave them such graces by the tone, gesture,
and
with which he pronounced them, that De-
spirit,
mosthenes himself found them quite
what they were
in his
own manner
different
from
of speaking.
He
perceived plainly what he wanted, and applied himself

to the acquiring of
His
it.
efforts to correct his natural defect
of utterance,
and to perfect himself in pronunciation, of which his

friend
had made him understand the value, seemed
almost incredible, and prove, that an industrious perseverance can surmount
all
things.
He stammered
to such a degree, that he could not pronounce

letters,
the art
amongst
w
others, that with
he studied begins
some
which the name of
and he was so short
breathed, that he could not utter a whole period with-
out stopping.
Cic.
i.
de
He overcame
orat. n. 260, 261.
these obstacles at length
Rhetoric.

by putting small pebbles
into his
471
mouth, and pronounc-
ing several verses in that manner without interruption;
and
that
walking, and going up steep and
difficult
made him
hesitate,
places, so that at last,
no
and
through the longest periods.
his breath held out
He went
were
in the
letter
and whilst the waves
also to the seaside,
most violent
agitation,
he pronounced ha-
rangues, to accustom himself, by the confused noise
of the waters, to the roar of the people, and the tumul-
tuous cries of public assemblies.

y
Demosthenes took no
his voice
less care of his action than of
he had a large looking glass in his house, which
served to teach him gesture, and at which he used to de
To correct a fault,
claim, before he spoke in public.
which he had contracted by an
ill
habit of continually
shrugging his shoulders, he practised standing upright

in a kind of very
hung
narrow pulpit or rostrum, over which
a halberd in such a manner, that if in the heat of
action that motion escaped him, the point of the
might serve
at the
same time
to
weapon
admonish and correct
him.
His pains were well bestowed
for
it
was by
this
means, that he carried the art ofdeclaimingto the highest

degree of perfection of which
is
it
he well knew
plain,
When
it
its
was capable whence,

;
value and importance.
he was asked three several times, which quality
he thought most necessary
in
an orator, he gave no oth-
er answer than pronunciation

that reply
insinuating by
making
three times successively, that qualification
* Quintil.
1.
x. c. 3.
y Ibid.
1.
xi. c. 3.
Actio in dicendo una dominatur. Sine hac summus orator esse ia

numro nullo potest mediocris hac instructus summos ssepe superare.
Huic primas ddisse Demosthenes dicitur,cum rogaretur quid in dicendo
:
esset
primum
huic secundas,huic tertias.
Cic. de orat.
1. iii.
n. 213,
HISTORY OF THE
472
to be the only one, of
which the want could be
least
concealed, and which was the most capable of concealing

other defects
and that pronunciation alone could give
weight even to an
considerable
when, without
it,
He must have had a
least success.
as to attain a perfection in
it,
orator
indifferent
the most excellent could not hope the
it,
very high opinion of
and
for the instruction
of Neoptolemus, the most excellent comedian then in
sum
being, he devoted so considerable a
as ten thou-
sand drachms,* though he was not very rich.
To
His application to study was no less surprising.

be the more removed from noise, and
distraction,
less subject to
he caused a small chamber to be made for
him under ground,
in
which he shut himself up some-
times for
whole months, shaving on purpose half
head and
face, that
go abroad.
It
his
he might not be in a condition to
was
there,
by the
light
of a small lamp,
he composed the admirable orations, which were said
by those who envied him

that they
to smell of the oil
"It
were too elaborate.
he, " yours did not cost you so
is
much
to
imply
plain," replied
trouble."
He
rose very early in the morning, and used to say, that he
was sorry when any workman was

before him.
efforts to
We may judge
at his business
of his extraordinary
accquire an excellence of every kind, from
the pains he took in copying Thucydides's history eight
times with his

that great
man
own hand, in
familiar to him.
a
order to render the style of
About
240/. sterling.
Cui non sunt audits Demosthenes
quando opificum antelucana
vigilise
qui dolere se aiebat,
victus esset industria.
44.
c
Luci
an. Advers. Indoc. p. 639.
Tusc.
qujest.
1.
si
iv* n

Demosthenes,
having exercised his talent of
after
made
his appear-
mounted the
tribunal of
eloquence in several private causes,
ance
in
and
light,
full
harangues, to treat there upon the public
what success we
that his success
crowds
473
was so
great, that
affairs
Cicero
shall see hereafter.

all
us,
Greece came in
Athens to hear Demosthenes speak
to
with
tells
and
he adds, that merit, so great as his, could not but have
had that
do not examine
effect.
character of his eloquence

ly
upon
that elsewhere
in this place into the
have enlarged
only consider
its
sufficient-
wonderful
effects
If
we may
is certainly
believe Philip
upon
an evidence of unquestionable authority/
the eloquence ofDemosthenes alone did
than
all
of which he
this head,
him more hurt
the armies and fleets of the Athenians.
His
harangues, he said, were like machines of war, and

batteries raised at a distance against
he overthrew
prises,
effect.
all
without
" For
its
being
him
and ruined
his projects,
possible to prevent their
that
should have concluded the
vehement orator declaim,
first,
that
it
was indispensa-
bly necessary to declare war against me."
seemed impregnable
illud
quidem
No
city
to that prince, provided he could
introduce a mule laden with gold
Ne
his enter-
myself," says Philip of him, " had I
been present, and heard
by which
intelligent,
non modo
into
ita
it
but he con-
memorize proditum
esse...
sed ita necesse fuisse, cum Demosthenes dicturus esset, ut concursus,

audiendi causa, ex tota Grxcia firent. In Brut. n. 239.
e
VOL, 4 4
Art of Studying the Belles Lettres, Vol. IL

Lucian. in
Encom, Demost.
61
p.
940,
94L
HISTORY OF THE
474
fessed, that, to his sorrow,
Demosthenes was
in that respect, and that he always found

sible to
Philip,
was struck with extreme dread
victor,
at the prospect of the great danger, to

tor,
him inacces-
After the battle of Cheronea,
his presents.
though
invincible
which
by the powerful league he had been the
that ora-
sole cause
of forming iigainst him, exposed himself and his king-
dom.
s
" I
Antipater spoke to the same effect of him.
value not," said he, " the Pireus, the galleys, and ar-
mies of the Athenians

a people continually
for
what have we to
employed
games,
in
Demosthenes alone
Bacchanals ?
differ in
meanest people of Greece.
He
animates them.
It is
feasts,
gives
Without him the Athenians
fear
me
from
and
pain.
nothing from the
alone excites and
he that rouses them from their
lethargy and stupefaction, and puts their arms and

oars into their hands almost against their will
inces-
them the famous battles of

Marathon and Salamin, he transforms them into new
santly representing to
men by
the ardour of his discourses,
them with
and inspires
incredible valor and fortitude.
Nothing
escapes his penetrating eyes, nor his consummate prudence.

all
He
foresees
all
our designs, he countermines
our projects, and disconcerts us in every thing;
and did Athens
entirely confide in him,
follow his advice,
and wholly
we were undone without remedy.
Nothing can tempt him, nor diminish
his love for his
All the gold of Philip finds no
country.
more
ac-
cess to him, than that of Persia did formerly to Aristides."

s
Lucian. in Encom.
Demost.
p.
934936.
He was
475
reduced by necessity to give
this glori-
ous testimony for himself in his just defence against
" Whilst
Eschines, his accuser and declared enemy.

all
the orators have suffered themselves to be corrupt-
ed by the presents of Philip and Alexander,
known," says
any thing
able to induce
of
my
is
well
he, "that neither delicate conjunctures,
engaging expressions, magnificent

fear, favour,
it
me
in the world,
to give
He
country."
promises, hope,
up
have ever been
the least right or interest
adds, that instead of acting like
those mercenary persons, who, in
all
they proposed,
declared for such as paid them best, like scales, that
always incline to the side from whence they receive

most, he, in
all
the counsels he had given, had solely
in view, the interest
and glory of his country, and that
he had always continued

to the
Macedonian
inflexible
gold.
The
and incorruptible
sequel will
show how
well he supported that character to the end.
Such was
the orator
who
is
about to ascend the
tri-
bunal of harangues, or rather the statesman, to enter
upon the administration of the public

the principal and soul of
all
affairs,
and to be
the great enterprises of
Athens against Philip of Macedon.
SECTION
DIGRESSION ON THE MANNER OF
VII.
FITTING OUT FLEETS BY THE
ATHENIANS.
The
subject of this digression ought properly to
have had place
where
in the fourth section of the tenth
book,
have treated of the government and maritime
HISTORY OF THE
476
of the Athenians.
affairs
But
at that time, I
had not
the orations of Demosthenes, which speak of them, in
my
thoughts.
history,
thinks
It is
a deviation from the chain of the
which the reader may
easily turn over, if
he
fit.
trierarchs h signifies
The word
than commanders of galleys.

also called trierarchs,
no more
But those
who were
cities
appointed to
galleys in time of war, and to furnish
in itself
fit
were
out the
them with
all
things, necessary, or at least with part of them.
They were chosen
out of the richest of the people,
and there was no fixed number of them.
Sometimes
two, sometimes three, and even ten trierarchs, were
appointed to equip one vessel.

1
at
At length
the
number of trierarchs was
twelve hundred in this manner.
ed into ten tribes
established
Athens was divid-
one hundred and twenty of the
richest citizens of each tribe were nominated to furnish
the expenses of these armaments
and thus each
furnishing one hundred and twenty, the

trierarchs
amounted
number of the
to twelve hundred.
Those twelve hundred men were again divided

two
parts, of six
hundred each
subdivided into two
The
first
tribe
into
and those six hundn.d
more, each of three hundred.
three hundred were chosen from amongst
such as were
richest,
Upon
pressing occasions they
advanced the necessary expenses,
and were reim-
bursed by the other three hundred, who paid their proportion, as the state of their affairs
A law was
would admit.
afterwards made, whereby those twelve
hundred were divided

> IgiHa.X''
into different companies, each

'
ylpian in Q!*ntli= " P 33

men, who joined
consisting of sixteen
ment of a
477
in the equip-
That law was very heavy upon the
galley.
poorer citizens, and equally unjust at bottom
as
it
decreed that this number of sixteen should be chosen
by
and not their
their age,
citizens,
from twenty
estates.
ordained, that
It
all
should be included
five to forty,
one of these companies, and contribute one six-
in
teenth
so that by this law the poorer citizens were to
contribute as
found
as the
From whence
their power.
the
fleet
out
most opulent, and often
much
impossible to supply an expense so
it
above
much
was
armed
either not
it
happened, that
in time, or very
ill
fitted
by which means Athens lost the most favourable
opportunities for action.

k
to
Demosthenes, always
intent
upon the public good,
remedy those inconveniences, proposed
tion of this law
By
by another.
the abroga-
the latter, the trie-
number of their
fortunes.
Each citizen,
rarchs were to be chosen, not by the

years, but the value of their
whose
fit
on
amounted
estate
out one galley, and

in proportion.
were
to ten talents,
if to
Such
as
many
to join with as
twenty
complete that sum, and to
which reformed
these
means
ed with
erably
with
as
all
the fleet
for,
by the
two
and so
talents,
others as were necessary to

fit
out a galley.
this
law of Demosthe-
the abuses of the other.
was
fitted
things necessary
relieved,
it
all
was obliged to
talents,
were not worth ten
Nothing could be wiser than

nes,
By
out in time, and providthe poor were consid-
and none but the rich displeased
instead of contributing only a sixteenth,

#
first
law, they were sometimes obliged
* Demost. in Orat,
de
Classib.
10,000 crowns.
by
HISTORY OF THE
478
the second to equip a galley, and sometimes two or
more, according
The
rich
to the
were
in
their estates.
consequence very much offended
Demosthenes upon
at
amount of
regulation
this
and
without doubt, an instance of no small courage
in
to disregard their complaints, and to hazard the
many enemies
ing himself as
he, speaking to the
ing,'* says
affairs are
him
mak-
were powerful
in
Let us hear himself.
citizens in Athens.
maritime
as there
was,
it
Athenians,
" See-
" your
in the greatest decline, the rich
possessed of an immunity purchased at a very low

of middle or small fortunes ate up
rate, the citizens
with taxes, and the republic
itself,
consequence
in
of these inconveniences, never attempting any thing

too
till
for
late
their
its
service, I
had the courage to
whereby the rich are restrained
establish a law,
to
duty, the poor relieved from oppression, and
what was of the highest importance, the republic
make
enabled to
in
adds, that there
would not have given him
posing
its
He
due time."
rich
the necessary preparations for
swayed
to forbear the pro-
by
their threats or promises,
Not having been

for
stigation, that
cited
make him change
his
contrived a stratagem to render
resolution, they
;
able to
and con-
tinued firm to the public good.
ineffectual
the
but he did not suffer himself to be
either
war
law, or at least to have suspended
of this
execution
was nothing
it
was without doubt

certain
Demosthenes before
person,
the
at their in-
named
judges,
it
Patroelus,
and prose-
cuted him juridically as an infringer of the laws of

m Demost. pro
Ctesip. p. 419.

his country.
The
479
accuser having only the
fifth
part
of the voices on his side, was, according to custom,
hundred drachms,
fined five
quitted of the charge
who
and Demosthenes ac-
11
relates this circumstance
himself.
It is doubtful,
whether
latter times, the affair
for
we
the
see, that
tribunes
this turn
whatever attempts were made by
and
of the people,
rich,
especially in the
would have taken
tremity the quarrel arose,
induce the
Rome,
at
whatever
ex-
never was possible to
it
who were
to
more powerful and
far
enterprising than those of Athens, to renounce the
possession of the lands, which they had usurped in
manifest contravention of the institutions of the state.
The law
of Demosthenes was approved
and con-
firmed by the senate and people.
We
erarchs
their
from what has been
find,
fitted
own
said, that the tri-
out the galleys and their equipage at
The
expense.
state paid the
mariners
and
soldiers, generally at the rate
five
pence a day, as has been observed elsewhere.
The officers had greater pay.

The trierarchs, commanded
all
When
orders on board.
to a ship, each
When
commanded
they quitted their
of three oboli, or
the vessel, and gave
there were
two of them
six months.
office,
they were obliged
to give an account of their administration,
and deliver
a state of the vessel's equipage to their successor, or

the republic.
mediately and
The
fill
successor was obliged to go im-
up the vacant place

"
About
12/. Ss.
and
if
he
failed
480
HISTORY OF THE
to be at bis post
by
a time assigned him, he
was
fined
for his neglect.
As
the charge of trierarch was very expensive,
who were nominated
those
some
point out
to
were admitted to
it,
person richer
other
than
them-
and to demand that they should be put into
selves,
their place
provided they were ready to change es-
such person, and to act
tates with
trierarch after such exchange.
in the function of
This law was
institut-
ed by Solon, and was called the law of exchanges.

Besides the equipment of galleys, which must have
amounted
to very great sums, the rich
charge to support in the time of war
had anpther
that
was the
extraordinary taxes and imposts laid on their estates
upon which, sometimes the hundredth, sometimes a

and even a twelfth were
fiftieth,
levied, according to
the different occasions of the state.
No body at Athens, upon
any pretence whatsoever,
could be exempted from these two charges, except

the novemviri, or nine archontes,
ed
to
fit
So
out galleys.
that
money, the republic was not

support wars, or defend
There were
other
which were granted
we
who were
without ships or
see,
in a condition either to
itself.
immunities and exemptions,
to such as
had rendered great
vices to the republic, and sometimes even
descendants
with
ercise,
not oblig-
ser-
to all their
such as maintaining public places of ex-
all
things necessary for such as frequent-
ed them
tribes
and defraying the expenses of games and
shows
instituting a public feast for
all
which amounted
Demost. ad
to great
vers. Lept. p.
one of the ten
sums.
545.
481
as has already been said,
These immunities,
were
marks of honour and rewards of services rendered die

state
as well as statues
men, the freedom of the
which were erected
city,
to great
and the privilege of being
maintained in the Prytaneum at the public expense.
The view
was
of Athens in these honourable distinctions
to express their high
kindle at the
same time
sense of gratitude, and to
in the hearts of their citizens,
and an ardent love for their
a noble thirst of glory,

country.
Besides
statues erected
the
to
Harmodius and
Aristogiton, the deliverers of Athens, their descendants
were
ployments,
for ever
and
many ages after,

p As Aristides
exempted from
all
public
em-
enjoyed that honourable privilege
died without any estate, and
left
his
son Lysimachus no other patrimony, but his glory and

poverty, the republic gave
woodj and
much
as
him an hundred
arable land in
acres of
Eubea, besides
an hundred mina2,<iat one payment, and four drachms,
or
forty pence, a day.

r
Athens, in these services which were done
regarded more the good
will
certain person of Cyrene,
than the action
itself.
named Epicerdus, being
it,
A
at
Syracuse when the Athenians were defeated, touched

with compassion for the unfortunate prisoners dispersed in Sicily,
whom
he saw ready to expire for
want of food, distributed one hundred minae amongst

them, that
?
Demost.
in orat.
1
VOL.
about two hundred and forty pounds,
is,
4.
ad Lep.
Demos',
p. 558.
in orat.
62
ad Lep.
22/, 10s, sterling.
p. 757.
482
HISTORY OF THE
Athens adopted him

and granted him
Some time
all
number of
into the
after, in the
war against the
same Epicerdus gave the
the
its
citizens,
the immunities before mentioned*

thirty tyrants,
s
city a talent.
These
were but small matters on either occasion with regard
power of Athens
to the grandeur and

infinitely
who
affected with the
but they were
good heart of a
stranger,
without any view of interest, in a time of public
calamity, exhausted himself in

relief of those, with
whom
1
some measure
whom he had
no
affinity,
for the
and from
he had nothing to expect.
The same freedom
of the city of Athens granted
an exemption from customs to Leucon,
who
reigned in
the Bosphorus, and his children, because they yearly
imported from the lands of that prince, a considerable

quantity of corn, of which they were in extreme want,
subsisting almost entirely upon what
parts.
Leucon,
generosity,
in
came from other
his turn, not to be
outdone in
exempted the Athenian merchants from
the duty of a thirtieth
upon
all
grain exported from his
dominions, and granted them the privilege of supply*

ing themselves with corn in his country in preference
to all other people.
considerable
sum
That exemption amounted

for they
two millions of quarters of corn, of which the

part
amounted
to a
brought only from thence

thirtieth
to almost seventy thousand.
Conon and Chabrias were also

granted an immunity from public offices. The names
The
only of
of
children
those
illustrious
tify that liberality
generals sufficiently jus-
A person,
of the Athenian people.
however, called Leptinus, out of a mistaken zeal

s
1000 crowns.
Demost. in
orat.
ad Lep.
p.
545, 546.
for
PERSIAN'S
AND GRECIANS.
the public good, proposed the abrogation
of
all
by
new law
which had been made
the grants of that kind,
from immemorial time
483
except those which regarded
the posterity of Ilarmodius and Aristogiton
and to
enact, that for the future the people should not be ca-
pable of granting such privileges.
Demosthenes strongly opposed
this law,
who proposed
great complacency to the person

praising his
good
but with esteem
intentions,
much more
style,
efficacious
and shows
tuting injurious terms
its
weak
for reasons,
manner of
and that eager
which serve only to
people, and to render an orator suspected,

his cause himself,
it
and not speaking of him
refuting, than those violent invectives,
and passionate
though with
alienate the
who
decries
by
substi-
side,
which are alone
ca-
pable of convincing.
After having shown, that so odious a reduction
would prove of little or no advantage
to the republic,
from the inconsiderable number of the exempted persons, he goes
them
"
on
to explain its conveniences,
and
set
in a full light.
It is first,"
says he, " doing injury to the
memory
of those great men, whose merit the state intended to
acknowledge and reward by such immunities

in
some manner
is
it is
throwing a suspicion
their great actions, injurious to, if not destructive
of their glory.
And were
they
ent in this assembly, which of us

offer
them such an
owe
their
alive
it
calling in question the services they
have done their country
upon
affront ?
now
all
alive
and pres-
would presume
to
Should not the respect we
memories make us consider them as always
and present
484
HISTORY OF THE
" But
we are little affected with what concerns

them, can we be insensible to our own interest
Beif
ancient a law
sides, that cancelling so
the conduct of our ancestors, what
bring upon ourselves,
do our reputation
every well governed

gratitude, to
to
keep
shame
shall
shall
these respects,
afraid of
shall the
is
being
we
we
The
glory of Athens, and of
state,
is
word
its
condemn
and what an injury
to value itself upon
its
and to be true
religiously,
who fails in
and who is not
hated and abhorred
reproached with ingratitude ? And
engagements.
all its
to
is
private person
;
commonwealth,
in cancelling a
law that has
received the sanction of public authority, and been in

a
manner consecrated by the usage of so many
be guilty of so notorious a prevarication
ages,
We prohibit
lying in the very markets under heavy penalties, and

require truth and faith to be observed in
shall
we renounce them
grants, passed in
private
"
To
man
all
them
and
ourselves by the revocation of
their forms,
and upon which even-
has a right to insist ?
act in such a
manner, would be to extinguish
in the hearts of our citizens
emulation for glory,
all
all
desire to distinguish themselves by great exploits,
all
zeal for the
honour and welfare of
their country
which are the great sources and principles of almost

all
the actions of
ject the
life.
it is
to
no purpose
to ob-
example of Sparta and Thebes, which grant no
such exemptions
bling them in
in
And
many
do we
things ?
repent our not resem-
And
is
there any
wisdom
proposing their defects, and not their virtues for our
imitation."
Demosthenes concludes with demanding the law

of exemptions to be retained in
all its
extent, with this

exception, that
benefits of
and
it,
485
persons should be deprived of the
all
who had
but those
have only made a very
It is plain that I
tract in this place of
to
title
them;
made for that purpose,
should be
that a strict inquiry
a just
slight ex-
an exceeding long discourse, and
that I designed to express only the spirit and sense,
without confining myself to the method and expressions of
it.
There was
meanness of spirit
to obtain a trivial advantage
in Leptinus's desiring
for the republic,
by
re-
trenching the moderate expenses that were an honour

to
it,
and no charge to himself, whilst there were other
abuses of
far greater
importance to reform.
Such marks of public
gratitude, perpetuated in a
family, perpetuate also in a state an ardent zeal for
happiness, and a
warm
sion
by glorious
find
amongst ourselves,
granted to
its
desire to distinguish that pas-
actions.
It is
not without pain I
that part
of the privileges,
the family of the maid of Orleans, have
been retrenched.
11
Charles VII. had ennobled her,
her father, three brothers, and
even by the female
line.
all
their descendants,
In 1614, at the request of
the attorney general, the article of nobility
women was retrenched.
Mezerai.
by the
BOOK FOURTEENTH.
HISTORY OF
SECTION
PHILIP.
I.
THE BIRTH AND INFANCY OF PHILIP. HIS FIRST CON QJJESTS4

THE BIRTH OF ALEXANDER.
JVX ACEDON was an hereditary kingdom, situated

in ancient Thrace, and bounded on the south by the
mountains of Thessaly
Pieria
on the east by Beotia and
on the west by the Lyncestes and on the north

;
by Mygdonia and Pelagonia
but after Philip had
conquered part of Thrace and Illyrium,
this
kingdom
extended from the Adriatic sea to the river Strymon.
Edessa was
at first the capital
of
it,
but afterwards re-
signed that honour to Pella, famous for giving birth to

Philip and Alexander.
Philip,
whose history we are going
the son of Amnytas II.
who is reckoned
to write,
was
the sixteenth
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
488
king of Macedon from Caranus,
who had founded
kingdom about four hundred and
that
before, that
Anno Mundi
is,
seven hundred and ninety

these monarchs
little
3212, and before Christ
four.
The
wars with the
several
history of
all
obscure, and includes
is sufficiently
more than
years
thirty
Illyrians, the
Thracians, and other neighbouring people.
The
kings of
Macedon pretended
to descend
from
Hercules, by Caranus, and consequently to have been
Greeks
originally.
nes often styles
Notwithstanding
them
name
Demosthe-
barbarians, especially in his in-
The Greeks,
vectives against Philip.

this
this,
indeed, gave
to ail other nations, without excepting the

a
Macedonians.
Alexander, king of Macedon,
in the
reign of Xerxes, was excluded, upon pretence of his
being a barbarian, from the Olympic games

not admitted to share in them,
till
after
and was
having proved
being originally descended from Argos.
his
The
above mentioned Alexander, when he went over from

the Persian
camp
acquaint the
to
that of the Greeks, in order to
latter, that
Mardonius was determined
charge them by surprise

perfidy
by
at
his ancient descent,
day break,
to
justified his
which he declared
to
be
from the Greeks.
The
ancient kings of
Macedon did
not think
it
be-
neath themselves to live at different times under the

protection of the Athenians, Thebans, and Spartans,
changing their
Of
alliances as
it
suited their interest.
we have several instances in ThucydideSo

One of them, named Perdiccas, with whom the Athe^
this
Herod
1,
v, c, 22-
Idemi
1.
ix. c. 44.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
489
nians were dissatisfied, became their tributary
continued from
settling a colony in
their
which
Amphipolis,
under Agnon, the son of Nicias, about forty eight

years before the Peloponnesian
the
war,
Brasidas,
till
Lacedemonian general, about the
or sixth
fifth
year of that war, raised that whole province against
them, and drove them from the frontiers of Macedon.
We shall
soon see
had paid tribute

arbiter of
over
all
Macedon, which formerly
this
to Athens,
Greece
become, under
and triumph, under Alexander,
the forces of Asia.
Amyntas, c
father of Philip,
began
year of the ninety sixth Olympiad.

year
Philip, the
to reign the third
Having, the very
been warmly attacked by the
after,
Illyrians,
and dispossessed of a great part of his kingdom, which

he thought
it
him ever
scarce possible for
to recover
again, he addressed himself to the Olynthians
and in
order to engage them the more firmly in his interest,
he had given up to them a considerable
According
the neighbourhood of their city.

authors, Argaeus,
who
tract of land in
to
some
was of the blood royal, be-
ing supported by the Athenians, and taking advantage of the troubles which broke out in Macedonia,
Amyntas was
reigned there two years. d
the throne by the Thessalians,
restored to
upon which he was
desirous of resuming the possession of the lands, which
nothing but the
him
ill
situation of his affairs
This occasioned a
to resign to the Olynthians.

c
A. M. 3621.
VOL*
4.
A.
M.
Ant.
3606.
J.
Ant.
C. 383,
63
J.
had obliged
C. 398.
Diod.
1.
xiv. p.
307 et 341,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
490
war
but Amyntas, not being strong enough to
make
head singly against so powerful a people, the Greeks,

and the Athenians
and enabled him
who
ans,
ruin.
him succours,
weaken the power of the Olynthi-
in
to
particular, sent
threatened him with a total and impending
was then
It
that
Amyntas,
in
an assembly of
the Greeks, to which he had sent a deputation, engag-
ed to unite with them to enable the Athenians to

possess themselves of Amphipolis, declaring that this
belonged to the
city
strong
last
mentioned people.
was continued
alliance
after his
queen Eurydice, his widow, as we

f
calling
for
him
monarch declared war against the
this
This Philip was father of Alexander the
Olynthians.
;
soon see.
one of the sons of Amyntas, was born the
Philip,
same year
Great
shall
This
death with
we
cannot distinguish him better, than by

s
the father of such a son, as Cicero
ob-
serves of the father of Cato of Utica.

h
Amyntas
He
years.
died, after having reigned twenty four
three
left
legitimate
Eurydice had brought him,

diccas, and Philip,
whom
children,
viz.
Alexander, Per-
and a natural son named Ptolemy.
Alexander succeeded
In
his father as eldest son.
the very beginning of his reign he
was engaged
sharp war against the Illyrians, neighbours

perpetual enemies of Macedonia.
in
to,
Concluding
and
after-
wards a peace with them, he put Philip, his younger

e
jEschin. de Fais. Lgat, p. 400.

f
M. Cato
cjeteri
ex patribus,
nandus.
h
De
A. M. 3621.
Ant. J.
C 383.
Ut enim
sententiam dixit hujus nostri Catonis pater.
Offic.
A. M, 3629.
sic hie, qui

1.
iii.
lumen
illud progenuit,
ex
Alio est
nomi-
n, 66.
Ant.
}. C. 375.
Diod.
p. 273.
Justin.
1.
vii. c. iv.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
491
brother, an infant, into their hands,
by way of hostage,
who was
Alexander reigned
soon sent back to him.
but one year.
The crown now belonged by right to Perdiccas

who was become eldest by his death but
Pausanias, a prince of the blood royal, who had been
*
his brother,
exiled, disputed
great
it
He began by
number of Macedonians.
was then
in that country, whither the
him with
seizing
Happily for the new king, Iphicrates
some fortresses.
sent
with him, and was supported by a
a small fleet
Athenians had
not to besiege Amphipolis
as yet, but only to take a view of the place, and
the necessary preparations for besieging
make
Eurydice
it.
hearing of his arrival, desired to see him, intending
When
to request his assistance against Pausanias.
he was come into the palace, and had seated himself,

the afflicted queen, the better to excite his compassion,
takes her two children, Perdiccas and Philip, k and sets

the former in the arms, and the latter on the knees of
Iphicrates
she then spoke thus to him
ber, Iphicrates, that
Amyntas, the
you under
that king
for his
"
Remem-
father of these un-
happy orphans, had always a love

and adopted you
for
your country,
This double
son.
a double obligation.
tie lays
The amity which
entertained for Athens, requires that
you
should acknowledge us publicly for your friends
and the tenderness which

son, claims
Iphicrates,
A. M. 3630.
k
had
for
your per-
from you the heart of a brother to these
children."
*
that father
Ant.
Philip
J.
moved with
374.
was then not
jEsch.
de
this
sight,
and
Fais. Lgat, p. 399, 400.
less than nine years old.
492
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
discourse, expelled die usurper, and restored the lawful sovereign.

1
Perdiccas
A new enemy,
did not long continue in tranquillity.
more formidable than
invaded his repose

natural son of
this
The two
eldest son,
He
and claim the crown
revered for his probity than his valor.

in
soon
brothers referred the decision of
their claim to Pelopidas, general of the
termined
first,
his brother,
Amyntas, as was before observed.
might possibly be the

as such.
the
was Ptolemy
favour of Perdiccas
Thebans, more
Pelopidas de-
and having judged
it
necessary to take pledges on both sides, in order to

oblige the
two competitors
to
the treaty accepted by them,
him
carried Philip with

several years.
He was
dice, at her leaving this
observe the articles of
among
other hostages, he
Thebes," where he resided
to
then ten years of age.
much
Eury-
loved son, earnestly be-
sought Pelopidas to procure him an education worthy

of his birth, and of the city to which he was going an
hostage.
Pelopidas placed him with Epaminondas,
who had
a celebrated Pythagorean philosopher in his
house for the education of

greatly
his son.
by the instructions of
Philip improved
his preceptor,
more by those of Epaminondas, under

'
and
much
whom
he
m Plutarch supposes,
that it was with Alexander that Ptolemy

disputed the empire, which cannot be made to agree with the relation
of jEschines, who, being his contemporary, is more worthy of credit.
I therefore thought proper to substitute Perdiccas instead of Alex-
ander.
n
Thebis triennio obses habitus, prima pueritiae rudimenta in urbe

domo Epaminondse summi et philosophi et im-
severitatis antiquae, et in
peratoris, deposuit.
Justin
I. vii.
three, but nine or ten years.
c.
5.
Philip lived in
Thebes not only
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
made some campaigns, though no men-
undoubtedly
tion
is
more
of
made of this. He could
not possibly have had a
excellent master, whether for
life
a great philosopher, that
war or the conduct
Theban was at the same time
for this illustrious
is to
and virtuous
say, a wise
man, and a great commander, as well
man.
493
as a great states-
Philip was very proud of being his pupil,
proposed him as a model to himself

could he have copied him perfectly
rowed from Epaminondas

promptitude
and
most happy,
Perhaps he bor-
his activity in war,
and his
improving occasions, which however
in
formed but a very inconsiderable part of the merit of

this
personage
illustrious
but with regard to his
temperance, his justice, his disinterestedness, his sincerity, his
him
magnanimity, his clemency, which rendered
truly great, these
were virtues which Philip had
not received from nature, and did not acquire by

imitation.
The Thebans
did not
know
that they
were then
forming and educating the most dangerous enemy of

Greece.
After Philip had spent nine or ten years in
their city, the
him
news of a revolution
resolve to leave
ing he steals away,

finds the
their
Thebes
in
Macedon made
clandestinely.
Accord-
makes the utmost expedition, and
Macedonians greatly surprised
at
having
lost
who had been killed in a great

but much more so, to find they
many enemies as neighbours. The Illyrians
king Perdiccas,
battle
had as
by the
Illyrians,
were on the point of returning into the kingdom with

a greater force
ual incursions
the Peonians infested
it
with perpet-
the Thracians were determined to
Diod.
1.
xvi. p. 407.
Justin
1.
vii. c. 5.
494
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
place Pausanias on the throne,
ed
his pretensions
whom
Argzeus,
not abandon-
and the Athenians were bringing
Mantius
support with a strong
Macedonia
troops.
who had
was ordered to
their general
and a considerable body of
fleet
time wanted a prince of
at that
years to govern, and had only a child, Amyntas, the son
of Perdiccas, and lawful heir of the crown.
governed the kingdom

guardian to the prince
ed, deposed the
some
for
time,
Philip
by the
title
of
but the subjects, justly alarm-
nephew
in favour of the uncle
and
whom nature had given them, set

throne whom the present conjuncture of
instead of the heir,
him upon
affairs
the
required
are superior to
persuaded that the laws of necessity

p
others.
all
Accordingly Philip,
twenty four years of age, ascended the throne the

year of the hundred and
The new
mind, used
fifth
at
first
Olympiad.
king, with great coolness and presence of

all
his
endeavours to answer the expecta-
tions of the people
accordingly, he provides for and
remedies every thing, revives the desponding courage

of the Macedonians, and reinstates and disciplines the
army.
knowing
ed on
it.
He was
inflexibly rigid in the last point
that the success of
them down
to have stood to
him he immediately
order-
be put to death.
to
It
depend-
which Philip punished with great
Another soldier, who ought
his arms, laid
ed
his enterprises
well
A soldier who was very thirsty, went out of
the ranks to drink,

severity.
all
was
at this
time he established the Macedonian
phalanx, which afterwards became so famous, and

p
A. M. 3644.
Ant. J. C. 360.
1 jElian.
1.
Diod.
1.
xiv. c. 49.
xvi. p.
404413.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
was the choicest and best
disciplined
495
body of an army
the world had ever seen, and might dispute preceden-
cy
Salamin.
it
with the Greeks of Marathon and
in those respects
He drew up
improved
the plan, or at least
from the idea suggested by Homer.
describes the union of the Grecian
1-
That poet
commanders under
the image of a battalion, the soldiers of which, by the
assemblage or conjunction of their
shields,
impenetrable to the enemy's darts.

that Philip
form a body
I rather
believe
formed the idea of the phalanx from the
lessons of Epaminondas, and the sacred battalion of
Thebans.
He treated
those chosen foot soldiers with
peculiar distinction, honoured

s
companions
his comrades, or
them with the
title
of
and by such marks of
honour and confidence induced them to bear, without

any murmuring, the hardest
fatigues,
and to confront
Such
the greatest dangers with intrepidity.

ities
as these cost a
mon
monarch
advantage to him.
this section, a
more
lanx, and the use
little,
familiar-
and are of no com-
I shall insert, at the
end of
particular description of the pha-
made of it
in battles.
I shall
borrow
which
from Polybius
this
would too much
interrupt the series of our history
description, the length of
being placed separately,

ially
ed
by the judicious
in the art of
One
of the
so well
skill-
with
the
whom he
Athenians,
was not
will-
his enemies, in the beginning of a reign

1
man
things Philip took care of was, the
whose power he dreaded, and
make
yet
that historian.
negotiating a cautious peace
ing to
probably please, espec-
reflections of a
war as
first
may
Iliad.
N.
v.
130.
PfT*/cj signifies verbatim, a foot soldier,
comrade, companion.
496
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
hitherto but
ill
He
established.
am-
therefore sends
bassadors to Athens, spares neither promises, nor

protestations of amity,
and
at last
knew how
conclude a treaty, of which he

all
was so happy
to
as to
make
the advantages he had proposed to himself.
Immediately
to act like a
after this,
he does not seem so
much
monarch of but twenty four years of
age,
as like a politician profoundly versed in the art of dis-
simulation
rience,
at a
and who, without the assistance of expe-
was already
sensible, that to
proper season
is
to gain.
know when
He
to lose
had seized upon
Amphipolis, a city situated on the frontiers of his king-
dom, which consequently stood very convenient
He
him.
ened
his
nians,
could not keep
it,
army too much, not
whose friendship
it
as that
to
was
would have weak-
mention that the Athe-
his interest to preserve,
would have been exasperated
at his
which they claimed as
colony.
side,
for
their
holding a place
On
the other
he was determined not to give up to his enemies
one of the keys to his dominions.
He
therefore took
the resolution to declare that place free, by permitting

the inhabitants to govern themselves as a republic, and
in this
manner
to set
At
cient masters.
them
the
at variance
with their an-
same time he disarmed the
Peonians by dint of promises and presents, resolving

to attack them, after he
weakened them by
had disunited his enemies, and
that disunion.
This address and
subtilty established
him more
firmly on the throne, and he soon found himself with-
Having barred the entrance of
out competitors.
kingdom
to Pausanias,
*
his
he marches against Argus,
Polyxn. Stratag.
1.
iv. c. 17,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
comes up with him
road from Egre to Methone
in the
number of his
defeats him, kills a great
takes 'a multitude
prisoners;
and subjects them
to his
arms against the
his
obliges
them
bv them
u
in
Much
497
attacks the Peonians,
power
he afterwards turns
Illyrians, cuts
him
to restore to
and
soldiers,
all
them
to pieces,
and
the places possessed
Macedonia.
about
time the Athenians acted with
this
the greatest generosity in regard to the inhabitants of
That
Eubea.
by
the Euripus,
tiful
which
island,
was so
pasture lands, and
had been subject

of
now
from
its
called
large and beau-
who had
to the Athenians,
Thucydides
it.
Negropont.
Eretria and Chalcis, the two
colonies in
cities
called
is
separated from Beotia
is
relates, that
in
It
settled
principal
the
Pelo-
ponnesian war, the revolt of the Eubeans dismayed
much, because they drew
the Athenians very

er revenues from
that time
thence than from Attica.
Eubea became
at the time
of which
we
a
are
prey
now
to factions
great-
From
;
and
speaking, one of
these factions implored the assistance of Thebes, and
the other of Athens.
no
obstacle,
and
easily
At first the Thebans met with

made the faction they espoused
However,
triumphant.
at the arrival
of the Athenians,
Though they were

Eubeans, who had behaved
matters took a very different turn.
very
much
offended at the
very injuriously towards them, nevertheless, sensibly

affected with the great
danger to which they were ex-
posed, and forgetting their private Resentments, they
p.
Veil. Paterc.
489.
1.
i.
A.M.
c. 4.
3646,
Thucyd.
Ant. J. C. 358.
l.viii. p.
iEschin. contra Ctesiph. p. 441.
vol.
4.
64
613.
Demost. pro Ctesiph.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
498
immediately gave them such powerful succour both
by sea and
Thebans
land, that
a few days they forced the
ii
And now,
to retire.
being absolute masters
of the island, they restored the inhabitants their cities
and
liberty,
persuaded, says Eschines w in relating this
we should obliterate the remembrance of past injuries when the party

offending repose their trust in the offended.
The
circumstance, that justice requires
Athenians, after having restored

tranquillity, retired,
Eubea
to
its
former
without desiring any other benefit
for all their services than the t glory of
having appeased
the troubles of that island.
But they did not always behave

regard to other states
s
" the war of the
and
allies,"
it
in this
was
of which
manner with
gave
this
rise to
have spoken
else-
where.
Hitherto Philip, that
reign,
had employed
is,
during the
first
his competitors for the throne
years of his
triumph over
his endeavours to
to pacify
divisions, to repel the attacks of his foreign
domestic
enemies 5
and to disable them, by his frequent victories, from

troubling
But he
him
is
in the possession of his
now going to
kingdom.
appear in another character.
Sparta and Athens, after having long disputed the
empire of Greece, had weakened themselves by their
This circumstance had
reciprocal divisions.
Thebes an opportunity of regaining

deur ; but Thebes having weakened
in
which
w Qu%
it
its
given-
former gran-
itself
by the wars
had^been engaged against Sparta and
yx/Jiivci S'lx.ttiav uvtti
A.
M.
epytiv
S646.
MropMftoi/ivuv
Ant.
J.
C. 358.
iv
t&>
mrtv&ma.t.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
499
Athens, gave Philip an occasion of aspiring also in his
And
turn to the sovereignty of Greece.

politician
now, as a
how he may
and a conqueror, he resolves
best extend his frontiers, reduce his neighbours, and
whom
weaken those
present
how
may introduce
he
of Greece, share in
arbiter, join
he was not able to conquer at
its
himself into the
intestine feuds,
make himself its
with one side to destroy the other
word, to obtain the empire over
all.
nor promises.
force, presents,
purpose negotiations,
treaties,
of them, singly, in such a
artifices,
He employs
and
manner
alliances,
him
in the choice of
open
for this
and each
most
as he judges
conducive to the success of his design

solely determining
in a
In the execution
of this great design, he spared neither
We shall
affairs
advantage
measures.
always see him acting under this second
character, in
the steps he takes henceforth,
all
assumes a third and
last
character
which
is,
till
he
prepar-
ing to attack the great king of Persia, and endeav-
ouring to become the avenger of Greece, by subverting an

subject
it,
oncilable
empire which before had attempted to
and which had always continued
enemy,
'
either
its irrec
by open invasions or
secret
intrigues.
We
have seen that Philip,
his reign,
in the
very beginning of
had seized upon Amphipolis, because well
situated for his views
the Athenians,
but that to avoid restoring
who claimed
he had declared
it
it
a free city.
it
to
as one of their colonies,
But
at this time,
being
no longer under such great apprehension from the

Athenians, he resumed his former design of seizing
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
500
Amphipois.
The
inhabitants of this city being
threatened with a speedy siege, sent ambassadors to
the Athenians, offering to put themselves and their
under the protection of Athens, and beseeching
city
them
to accept the keys of Amphipolis.
republic rejected their
offer, for fear
But
that
of breaking the
peace they had concluded the preceding year with

z
Philip.
However,
in this point
means of
monarch was not so
for he besieged
delicate
and took Amphipolis by
the intelligence he carried on in the city,
and made
one of the strongest
it
kingdom.
Demosthenes,
ly
reproaches
on
this occasion,
in his orations,
by representing
ought, they would
barriers of his
frequent-
Athenians with their indolence
the
acted at this
they
this
had
to them, that
time with the
expedition they
have saved a confederate
city,
and spared themselves a multitude of misfortunes.

a
Philip had
promised the Athenians to give up
Amphipolis into
made them
their hands,
and by
supine and inactive
this
promise had
but he did not
value himself upon keeping his word, and sincerity
was
in
no manner the virtue he professed. So
surrendering this
Pydna
city,
them
the least injury
A. M. 3646.
Ant.
The Athenians
and gave up
them
C. 358.
this city
to the
in his interest.
Demost. Olynth.
J.
kept a gar-
these he dismissed without doing
Olynthians, to engage
Diod.
i.
p. 2.
p. 412.
Pydna, a city of Macedon, situated on the gulf anciently

Sinus Thermaicus, and now Golso di Salonichi.
It
from
he also possessed himself of
and of Potidea. c
rison in the latter
far
Ibid.
called
Potidxa, another city of Macedonia, on the borders of ancient Thrace

ljut 60 stadia, or three leagues from Olynthus.
was
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
a
From whence he proceeded
which the Thasians had
built
501
to seize
Crenides,
two years before, and
which he called Philippi from his own name.
It
was
near this city, afterwards famous for the defeat of
Brutus and Cassius, that he opened certain gold mines,
which every year produced upwards of a thousand

talents,
that
is,
about ^ne hundred and forty four
sum of money
By this means money became much more
Macedon than before
and Philip first
thousand pounds sterling

in that age.
current in
a prodigious
caused the golden specie to be coined there, which

outlived
monarchy.
Superiority of finances
endless advantage to a state
them
of
is
and no prince understood
them
better than Philip, or neglected
less.
By
this fund, he was enabled to maintain a powerful army
of foreigners, and to bribe a

in
most of the
cities
number of
creatures
of Greece.
Demosthenes says, that when Greece was in its

most flourishing condition, " gold and silver were
f
ranked in the number of prohibited arms."

Philip thought,
spoke and acted in a quite different
But
Diod.
p. 413.
Gratus Alexandro regi magno
fuit ille
male natis
numisma, Phtlippos.
Choerilus, incultis qui versibus et
Rettulit acceptes, regale
Horat.
1.
ii.
Ep. ad August
Cherilus the Pelean youth approv'd,
Him he rewarded well, and him he lov'd ;

His dull, uruven verse, by great good fate,
Got him his favours, and a fair estate.
Creech's Hor.
Hie sunt numerati aurei trecenti nummi, qui vocantur Philippi,

Plaut. in Pn.
{ Philip,
iii.
p. 92.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
502
manner,
e It
is said,
consulting the oracle of
that,
Delphos, he received the following answer
Make
coin thy weapons, and thou'lt conquer
carried
it
He
with great success.
more places
forced a gate,
a golden key
till
into
that he never
having attempted to open it with
that he did not think
any
fortress
which a mule laden with
entrance.
was a merchant
owned, that he had
by money than arms,
after
and
impregnable,
could find
all.
of the priestess became his rule, and he
The advice
applied
It
silver
has been said, that he
rather than a conqueror
that
it
was
and
not Philip, but his gold, which subdued Greece

that he
bought
had pensioners
rather than
its cities
in all the
commonwealths of Greece,
and retained those
in his
share in the public
affairs.
proud of the success of a

tiation,
who had
pay
less
than that of a nego-
well knowing, that neither his generals nor his
honour of the
Juv. Sat. xii.
Val.
Diffidit
latter.
Suidas.
Callidus emptor Olynthi.
Philippus majore ex parte mercator Gneci<e,
the greatest
And, indeed, he was
battle
soldiers could share in the
Jl
He
took them.
quam victor.
Max. lib. vii.
c.
47.
ii.
hostium
Portas vir Macedo,

Reges muneribus.
et subruit semulos
Horat.I.
When engines,
and when arts do

The golden wedge can cleave the
Gold Philip's
1.
rival
iii.
od. xvi.
fail,
wall
kings o'erthrew-
Creech's Hoi*.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
503
Philip had married Olympias, daughter of Neopto-
The
lemus.
was son of Alcetas, king of Mo-
latter
lossus, or Epirus. Olympias brought
who was born
sirnamed the Great,

of Macedonia, the
first
him Alexander,
at Pella, the capital
year of the hundred and sixth
who
time was absent from
Olympiad.
his kingdom,
had three veryagreeable k advices brought
him
games
at that
he had carried the prize in the Olympic
that
Philip,
that Parmenio,
one of
wife
was delivered of
and that his
This prince,
a son.
had
generals,
his
gained a great victory over the Illyrians
terrified at
so signal a happiness, which the heathens thought

frequently the
omen
of some mournful catastrophe,
cried out, " great Jupiter, in return for so

ings,
me
send
as soon as possible
some
many
bless-
slight misfor-
tune."
We
may form
judgment of
Philip's care
and
attention with regard to the education of this prince,
by the
totle,
letter
he wrote a
choice of
him
little
him so
to acquaint
for his son's preceptor.
form you," said he, "
that I
thanks to the gods, not so

to
will
may
make him
much
A. M. 3648.
Plut, in
return
having given him
in the
time that Aris-
you
a successor worthy of us both, and a
Ant.
Apopb.
me
for
justly promise myself, that
king of Macedonia."
16.
he had made
" I am to in-
have a son born.
me, as to have given him
totle lived.
after his birth to Aris-
early, that
J.
C. 356.
What
noble thoughts
Plut, in Alex. p. 666.
Justin.
arise
1. xii. c.
p. 187.
k Plutarch supposes,
that this news was brought him immediately after
the taking of Potidse, but this city had been taken two years before.
>
Aul. Gel.
1.
ix. c. 3.
504
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
from the perusal of
this
from the
letter, far different
manners of the present age, but highly worthy of a

great monarch and a good father
I shall leave the
!
reader to
make such
reflections
on
it
as he shall think
proper, and shall only observe, that this example
serve as a lesson even to private persons, as
them how highly they ought
to value a
it
may
teaches
good master,
and the extraordinary care they should take to find

such an one m for every son
;
father.
It
is
appears that Philip
early under Aristotle,
an Alexander to his
convinced that the success of
studies depends on the foundation
man
the
cannot be too able,
ples of learning and
put his son very
who
is
knowledge
first laid
and that
to teach the princi-
in the
manner they
ought to be inculcated.
A
p
of the Macedonian Phalanx.
description
was a body of
the centre of the battle.
Greeks
placed in
by the
This pike was fourteen cubits long,
sarissa.
twenty one French feet
is,
sists
of a foot and a
for the cubit con-
half.
Alexandrum dari nobis, impositum gremio, dignum

(quanquam suus cuique dignus est.) Quintil. 1.
tanta cura infantem

i.
who were always
Besides a sword, they were
a shield, and a pike, or spear, called
that
m Fingamus
This
infantry, consisting of sixteen thou-
sand heavy armed troops,
armed with
c. 1.
" An Philippus Macedonum rex Alexandro filio suo prima Hterarum

elementa tradi ab Aristotele summo ejus setatis philosopho voluisset,
aut ille suscepisset hoc officium, si non studiorum initia a perfectissimo
quoque optime tractari, pertinere ad summam credidisset ? Quintih
ibid.
Polyb.
1.
xvii. p.
764 767.
Id.
I.
xii. p.
064.
jfclian.
de Instruend.
acieb.
p
Decern
et
sex millia Peditum more Macedonum armati fuere, qui

Hsec media acies fuit in fronte, in decern
phalangitse appeUabantur
partes divisa.
Tit. Liy.
1.
xxxvii. n. 40.
505
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
phalanx was commonly divided into ten corps
The
or battalions, each of
which was composed of sixteen
hundred men, one hundred
Sometimes the
file.
and sixteen in
feet in rank,
of sixteen was doubled, and
file
sometimes divided according to the occasion
was sometimes but
the phalanx
times thirty two deep
but
its
eight,
and
so that
at
other
usual and regular depth
was of sixteen.
The
was
space between each soldier upon a march
which
six feet, or,
is
the same, four cubits
and
When the
the ranks were also about six feet asunder.
phalanx advanced towards an enemy, there was but

three feet distance between each soldier, and the ranks
were closed
was
in proportion.
to receive the
drew
still
enemy, the
when the phalanx

men who composed it
fine,
each soldier occupying only the space
closer,
of a foot and a
In
half.
This evidently shows the

front of the phalanx took
up
different space
which the
in th ese three cases, sup-
posing the whole to consist of sixteen thousand men,

at sixteen deep,
men
was
in front.
and consequently always one thousand
This space, or distance,
in the first case
six thousand feet, or one thousand fathoms,
make
case
ten furlongs, or half a league.
was but
it
longs, or
case,
it
five
half so
much, and took up
hundred fathoms.*
which
In the second
And
five fur-
in the third
was again diminished another half, and extend-
ed to the distance of only two furlongs and a
two hundred and
fifty
fathoms.
vol.
4.
Five stadia.
65
half,
or
506
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
Polybius examines the phalanx in the second case,

in
which
it
was three
We
ier.
marched to attack the enemy.
feet in breadth
observed above, that their pikes were four-
The
space between the two hands
that part of the pike
which projected beyond the
teen cubits long.
and
There then
and depth between each sold-
right, took
up
four,
and consequently the pike advanc-
ed ten cubits beyond the body of the soldier who carried
This being supposed, the pikes of the
it.
placed in the
fifth
rank,
whom
soldiers
so of the rest, projected two cubits beyond the
rank
thirds,
fine,
the pikes of the fourths, four

six
and
I will call the fifths,
first
those of the
those of the seconds, eight cubits
the pikes of the soldiers
who formed
the
in
first
rank, advanced ten cubits towards the enemy.
The reader will easily

iers who composed the
conceive, that
when
the sold-
phalanx, this great and un-
weildy machine, every part of which bristled with
we have
seen,
moved
all at
their pikes to attack the
enemy,
that they
pikes, as
with great force.

fifth
The
soldiers,
once, presenting
must charge
who were behind
rank, held their pikes raised, but reclining a
over the ranks
who preceded them
the
little
thereby forming
a kind of roof, which, not to mention their shields, se-
cured them from darts discharged

fell
at a distance,
which
without doing them any hurt.
The
soldiers of
all
the other ranks
beyond the
fifth,
could not indeed engage against the enemy, nor reach
them with
their pikes, but then they
gave great
ance in battle to those in the front of them
assist-
for
by
supporting them behind with the utmost strength, and
propping them with their backs, they increased
in a
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
507
prodigious manner the strength and impetuosity of the

onset they gave their comrades such a force as render;
ed them immoveable in attacks, and
same time
at the
deprived them of every hope or opportunity of flight
by the
rear
so that they were under the necessity
either to conquer or die.
And
indeed Polybius acknowledges, that as long as
the soldiers of the phalanx preserved their disposition
and order as a phalanx, that

ranks in the close order
possible for an
to
enemy
open and break
in a plain
iers
for
is,
we have
this
and sensible manner.
it is
described,
either to sustain
And
it.
as long as they kept their
its
it
was im-
weight, or
he demonstrates to us
The Roman
sold-
those he compares to the Greeks in the
place in question
says he, take
up
in fight three feet
each.
And
much,
either to shift their bucklers to the right
left, in
defending themselves, or to thrust with the
as they
must
necessarily
point, or strike with the edge,
move about very
we must be
and
obliged to
suppose the distance of three feet between every sold-
Roman soldier takes up six feet,

much distance as one of the phalanx/
In this every
ier.
that
is,
twice as
and consequently opposes singly two soldiers of the

rank
first
make head
Now
it is
force his
r
feet
It
and
for the
same reason,
against ten pikes, as
we
is
obliged to
before observed.
impossible for a single soldier to break or
way through
was before
said, that
when he advanced
ten pikes.
each soldier of the phalanx took up three
to attack the
he waited
his coming' up.
obliged to
make head
enemy, and but
In this last case, each
against twenty pikes,
half'so
Roman
much when
soldier
was
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
508
s
This Livy shows evidently
he describes
in
consul, says he,
When
made
the latter,
vanced forward
The
at the siege of a city.
his cohorts to advance, in order,
penetrate the
to
possible,
few words, where
what manner the Romans were repuls-
ed by the Macedonians
if
in a
Macedonian phalanx
keeping very close together, had ad-
their long pikes, the
Romans having
discharged ineffectually their javelins against the Macedonians, whom their shields pressed very close together
covered like a roof and a tortoise
drew
But
their swords.
come
either to
to a close
the pikes of the
it
the
Romans,
was not possible
I say,
for
them
engagement, or cut or break
enemy
and
if
they happened to
cut or break any one of them, the broken piece of the
pike served as a point; so that this range of pikes,

with which the frqnt of the phalanx was armed,
still
existed.
1
Paulus Emilius, owned, that in the
Perseus, the
brass,
filled
and
last
rampart of
this
forest of pikes, impenetrable to his legions,
him with
remember, he
phalanx
king of Macedon,
battle with,
terror
said,
and astonishment.
He
and often afterwards declared,
did not
any thing so formidable as
this
that this
made so strong an impression

almost made him despair of the vic-
dreadful spectacle had
upon him,
as
tory.
From what
has been said above,
Macedonian phalanx was
we
find
by
it
invincible
history, that the
follows, that the

;
nevertheless,
Macedonians and
their
phalanx were vanquished and subdued by the Romans.

It
""
was
Liv,
invincible, replied Polybius, so long as

I.
xxii. n.
17.
it
con-
Pint, in Paul. j'EmiL p. 26J.
fnaioKY of FHiLir.
509
tinued a phalanx, but this happened very rarely

in order to its
being
so,
it
required a
flat
ground of large extent, without either

intrenchment, ditch, valley,
seldom
find a spot of
Now we
this kind,
of
fifteen,
for so large
necessary for containing a whole army, of
is
which the phalanx
But
ground of
is
but a part.
us suppose,
let
it is
who
Polybius
still
speaks,
thaf a tract of ground, such as could be wished,
found
up
yet of what use could a body of troops
in the
for
bush,
tree,
or river.
furlongs u in extent
twenty, or more
a space
hill,
even spot of
were
drawn
form of a phalanx be, should the enemy,
in-
stead of advancing forward and offering battle, send
out detachments to lay waste the country, plunder the

or cut off the convoys ? That in case the ene-
cities,
my
should
command
give
come
to a battle, the
general
need only
part of his front, the centre for instance, to
way and fly, that the phalanx may have an opportu-
nity of pursuing them.
In this case,
it is
manifest the
phalanx would be broke, and a large cavity made in

in
it,
which the Romans would not fail to charge the phal-
anx
in flank
on the right and
that those soldiers,
who
left,
at the
are pursuing the
same time
enemy, may
be attacked in the same manner.
This reasoning of Polybius appears to

and
at the
manner
in
same time gives us a very just idea of the

which the ancients fought
ought to have
part of
me very clear,
its
place in history, as
which
it is
certainly
an essential
it.
Three quarters of a league, or
& league, or perhaps more.
510
HISTORY OF FHILIF.
Hence
Mr. Bossuet
appears, as
observes after
Polybius, the difference between the Macedonian w
phalanx formed of one large body, very thick on
which was obliged
sides,
Roman army
to
move
all at
once
all
and the
divided into small bodies, which for that
reason were nimbler, and consequently more aptly
The phalanx
disposed for motions of every kind.
cannot long preserve

Polybius's words
it
ground, and those, as
by
to say,
requires
were,
it
want of such
that for
natural property
that is
thickness, because
and
its
own
itself
if
once broke, the sold iers
it is
never
its
these are
made purposely
it
for
motion, not to mention, that,
advantage
of
places and situations, and suits itself to them.
united or separated at pleasure.
It files off,
together, without the least difficulty.
In
whole or
fine, it
It
and form every kind
easily detach, rally,
require.
incumbers or rather
division into small bodies, takes
lution,
it
who compose it can

Whereas the Roman army, by its
rally again.
either in
and
solidity
peculiar spots of
its
tracts,
breaks
its
in part,
all
It is
or draws
can very
of evo-
as occasion
may
has a greater variety of motions,
and consequently more
activity
and strength than the
phalanx.
*
et unius generis
bilis,
constans;
Liv.
Discourse on Universal History.
Statarius uterque miles,
1.
ordines servans
Romana
facilis partienti
acies distinctior,
quacumque opus
sed
ilia
phalanx immo-
ex pluribus partibus
esset, facilis jungenti.
Tit.
ix. n. 19.
E-ant pleraque sylvestria circa, incommoda phalangi, maxime Mace^

donum, qua, nisi ubi prjelongis liastis velut vallum ante clypeos objecit,
quod ut fiat, libera campo opus est, nullius admodum usus est. Id. 1. xxxi
n. 39.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
x
This enabled Paulus Emilius
He
brated victory over Perseus.
phalanx in
511
to gain his celefirst
attacked the
But the Macedonians, keeping
front.
very-
and
close together, holding their pikes with both hands,
presenting this iron rampart to the enemy, could not
be either broke or forced
any manner, and so
in
a dreadful slaughter of the
But
Romans.
made
the
at last,
unevenness of the ground, and the great extent of the

front in battle,
tinue in
all
not allowing the Macedonians to con-
and pikes, Pau-
parts that range of shields
lus Emilius observed, that the phalanx
was obliged
Upon
leave several openings and intervals.
this
to
he
attacked them at these openings, not as before, in

front,
and
in a general onset,
and
in different parts, at
this
means
whole
the phalanx
force,
but by detached bodies,
in
an instant, and
it
made
all
at
its
in its union,
and
once, was entirely
lost,
which consisted merely
the impression
By
one and the same time.
was broke
and Paulus Emilius gained the victory.

z
The same Polybius
served by the cavalry.

*
According
Plut, in Paul ^mil. p. 265, 266.
Secunda legio immissa
causa
victorise fuit,
book above
few words the order of
cited, describes in
in the twelfth
dissipavit
quam quod
to him, a
Liv.
phalangem
1.
battle ob-
squadron
xliv. n. 41.
neque
ulla evidentior
niulta passim prselia erant, qurc, fluctu-
antem turbarunt primo, deinde disjecerunt phalangem
cujus confertx,
etinlentis horrentishastis,intolerabiles vires sunt. Sicarptimpg-grediendo
circumagere immobilem longiludine et gravitate hastam cogas, confusa

striie implicantur
si vero ab latere, aut ab tergo, aliquid tumultus
increpuit, minx modo turbantur.
Sicut turn adversus catervatim irru;
entes Romanos, et interrupta multifariam acie, ob\iam ire cogebantur
Romani, quacumque data intervalla essent, insinuabant ordines suos.

Qui si universa acie in frontem adversus instruclam phalangem concurrissent, induissent se hastis, nee confeitam aciem sustinuissent. Tit.
et
Liv. v.
7
Lib.
xii, p.
663.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
512
of horse consisted of eight hundred, generally drawn
up one hundred
in front
and eight deep
consequently
such a squadron as this took up a furlong, or one
hundred fathoms, supposing the distance of one
om, or
make
necessarily have, to
Ten
horseman
six feet, for each
fath-
a space he must
and to
his evolutions
rally.
squadrons, or eight thousand horse, occupied
ten times as
much
ground, that
one thousand fathoms,
is,
ten furlongs, or
which makes about half a
league.
From what has been said,

how much ground an army
the
number of
infantry
the reader
may judge
took up according tc
and cavalry of which
it
con-
sisted,
SECTION
THE SACRED WAR.
II.
SEQUEL OF THE HISTORY OF PHILIP.
Discord, a which fomented
perpetually in
the
Greeks dispositions not very remote from an open

rupture, broke out with great violence
upon account
who
inhabited the
of the Phoceans.
Those
territories adjacent to
people,
Delphos, ploughed up certain
lands that were sacred to Apollo, which were thereby
Immediately the people in the neighbour-
profaned.
hood exclaimed against them, as
some from
a spirit of sincerity,
guilty of sacrilege,
and others
in order to
cover their private revenge with the veil of religion.
The war
that
broke out on
this
occasion was called
the sacred war, as undertaken from a religious motive,

*
A,
M.
3649.
Ant.
J.
C. 355.
Diod.
1.
xvi. p.
425433.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
and
513
The people guilty of this prosummoned to appear before the Amphyc-
lasted ten years.
fanation were
tions, or states general of
Greece
and the whole
affair
being duly examined, the Phoceans were declared

sacrilegious,
and sentenced
to
pay a heavy
fine.
Phiiomelus, one of their chief citizens, a bold man,
and of great authority, having proved by some verses
Homer, b
in
that the sovereignty of
anciently to the Phoceans, inflames
decree, determines with
them
Sparta, to engage the
They were very much
them against
to take
He
appointed their general.
Delphos belonged
up arms, and
solicitation of the
also
condemned
the citadel of
to
is
immediately went to
Lacedemonians
in his interest.
disgusted at the sentence which
Amphyctions had pronounced against them,
the
this
at the
Thebans, by which they had been
pay a
fine, for
having seized upon
Thebes by fraud and
Ar-
violence.
chidamus, one of the kings of Sparta, gave Phiio-
melus a handsome reception.
This monarch, how-
ever, did not dare to declare openly in favour of the
Phoceans, but promised to

to furnish
him
assist
him with money, and
secretly with troops, as he accordingly
did.
Phiiomelus, at his return home, raises soldiers, and
begins by attacking the temple of Delphos, of which
he possessed himself without any great

inhabitants of the country
ance.
The
making but
difficulty,
weak
the
resist-
Locrians, c a people in the neighbourhood
of Delphos, took arms against him, but were defeated
Phiiomelus, encouraged by
in several rencounters.
b Iliad
VOL.
1. ii.
4.
y.
516.
66
Or Locri.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
514
these
first
successes, increased his troops daily, and
put himself
in
Accordingly he enters the temple, tears
with vigor.
from the
to carry on his enterprise
a condition
decree of the Amphyctions against
pillars the
the Phoceans, publishes
over the country, that he
all
has no design to seize the riches of the temple, and

that his sole
view
is
cient rights and privileges.

to
Phoceans
to restore the
It
their an-
was necessary
who
have a sanction from the god
for
him
presided at Del-
phos, and to receive such an answer from the oracle as
The
might be favourable to him.
priestess at
fused to co-operate on this occasion

fied
by
his
first
re-
but, being terri-
menaces, she answered, that the god per-
mitted him to do whatever he
should think proper
a circumstance he took care to publish to
all
the
neighbouring nations.
The
affair
was now become
Amphyctions meeting
formed
to declare
The
a serious one.
a second time, a resolution
war against the Phoceans.
was
Most of
the Grecian nations engaged in this quarrel, and sided
The
with the one or the other party.

crians,
Lo-
Beotians,
Thessalians, and several other neighbouring
people, declared in favour of the god
Athens, and some other

with the Phoceans.
cities of
whilst Sparta,
Peloponnesus, joined
Philomelus had not yet touched
the treasures of the temple
but being afterwards not
so scrupulous, he believed that the riches of the
could not be better employed than in

defence, for he gave this specious
legious attempt
his,
name
god
the deity's
to this sacri-
and being enabled, by
this
fresh
supply, to double the pay of his soldiers, he raised a
very considerable body of troops.
HISTORY OF FHILIF.
515
Several battles were fought, and success for
some
Every
body-
time seemed doubtful on both sides.
knows how much
religious
wars are to be dreaded
and the prodigious lengths which a

veiled with so venerable a
Thebans having
in a
name,
when
apt to go.
The
rencounter taken several prison-
ers,
condemned them
es,
who were excommunicated.
the
same by way of
all
to die as sacrilegious wretch-
reprisal.
ed several advantages
is
false zeal,
The Phoceans
These had
did
at first gain-
but having been defeated in a
great battle, Philomelus, their leader, being closely
eminence from which there was no
attacked on an
retreating,
defended himself for a long time with
bravery, which however not
vincible
threw himself headlong from a rock,
fallen alive into the
omarchus w as
r
in order to avoid
hands of his enemies.
his successor,
command of the forces.

d
This new general had
He
sides.
all
also
On-
aud took upon him the
soon levied a fresh army,
the advantageous pay he offered procuring
from
he
availing,
must unavoidably have undergone,
the torments he
had he
in-
him
soldiers
by dint of money brought
over several chiefs of the other party, and prevailed
upon them
cither to retire, or to
by which he gained
Philip thought
it
little
or nothings
most consistent with
his interest
to remain neuter in this general
Greeks
in favour either of the
Thebans.
It
was
ambitious prince,
A.
movement of
the
Phoceans or of the
consistent with the policy of this
who had
the interest of Apollo, but

*
do
great advantages.
M.
3651,
little
regard for religion or
was always
Ant.
J,
C. 353,
intent
upon
his
IiISTORV"OF PHILIP.
51(5
own, not to engage

reap the least benefit
ture, in
which
tiers,
war by which he could not
and to take advantage of a junc-
Greece, employed and divided by a
all
great war, g tve
in a
him an opportunity
and push
to
extend his fron-
his conquests without
He was
sion of opposition.
any apprehen-
also well pleased to see
both parties weaken and consume each other, as he

should thereby be enabled to fall upon them afterwards
with greater advantage.
e
Being desirous of subjecting Thrace, and of secur-
made
ing the conquests he had already
mined
to possess himself of
capable of supporting
which gave him
whenever
it
was
it,
he deter-
Methone, a small
itself
disquiet,
in the
in
by
its
own
city, in-
strength, but
and obstructed
his designs
hands of his enemies.
Accord-
made himself masterof, and

one of his eyes before Methone by a
ingly he besieged that city,
razed
it.
He lost
Aster of Amphipolis had offer-
very singular accident.
ed his service to Philip, as so excellent a marksman, that
he could bring down birds
The monarch made
my
this
in their
answer, "
most rapid
well,
flight.
will take
make war upon
star-
lings ;"
which answer stung the crossbowman
to the
quick.
A rpartee
you
to
into
proves often of
him who makes
know when
to
thrown himself
which was
when
service
it,
and
it
is
"
written,
for
A.
M.
After having
hold one's tongue.

into the city,
To
he
hit
him
Ant.
3651.
f
J.
Suidas
consequence
not a small merit to
he
let
fly
an arrow, on
Philip's right eye,"
gave him a most cruel proof that
marksman
fatal
in his right eye.
C 353.
in
TtLctp&v
and
he was a good
Diod.
p. 434-
Philip
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
sent
him back
the
517
same arrow, with
" If Philip takes the
he
city,
this inscription,
hang up Aster ;" and
will
accordingly he was as good as his word.
surgeon drew the arrow out of Philip's
skilful
much
eye with so
scar remained
art
away
yet he took
and dexterity that not the
even the word eye,

for
as to be angry
in his presence.
Men, however,
an honourable imperfection.
edemonian woman thought more
you
1
in
said,
whenever
word Cyclops, or
let slip
to console her son for a glorious
him, she
But nevertheless
the
any person happened to
seldom blush
the blemish.
monarch was so weak,
this
least
and though he could not save his eye,
like a
wound
man, when,
that
had lamed
" now, son, every step you take
mind of your
A Lac-
will
put
valor."
After the taking of Methone, Philip, ever studious
either to
weaken
gain
new
vice,
marched
friends
enemies by new conquests, or
his
by doing them some important
into Thessaly,
ser-
which had implored his
assistance against tyrants
The
seemed now secure,
Alexander of Pherae was
no more.
since
liberty of that country
Nevertheless, his brothers, who, in concert
with his wife Thebe, had
murdered him, grown
weary of having some time acted the part of

ers,
deliver-
revived his tyranny, and oppressed the Thessali-
ans with a
three
new
brothers
yoke.
who
Lycophron, the eldest of the

Alexander,
succeeded
had
strengthened himself by the protection of the Phoceans.
Onomarchus,
numerous body of
forces,
h
s Plin. vii- 1. 37.

i
leader,
their
and
at
brought him
gained
first
Dmet. Phaler. de Elocut.
Diod. p. 432435.
Hi.
518
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
considerable advantage over Philip
him a seeond
army routed.
spot,
body was hung upon
who were
by
was
but engaging
entirely defeated,
and his
The flying troops were pursued to the

Upwards of six thousand men were killed
among whom was Onornarchus, whose
sea shore.
on the
time, he
a gallows
and three thousand,
taken prisoners, were thrown into the sea
many
Philip's order, as so
sacrilegious wretches,
the professed enemies of religion.
Lycophron
deliv-
ered up the city of Pherse, and restored Thessaly to

its liberty
by abandoning
this expedition, Philip
By
it.
the
happy success of
acquired for ever the affection
of the Thessalians, whose excellent cavalry, joined to

the Macedonian phalanx,
share
m his
victories
had afterwards so great
who succeeded
Phayllus,
a,
and those of his son.

his brother
Onornarchus,
same advantages he had done, from the
finding the
immense riches he found in the temple, raised a numerous army and supported by the troops of the
;
and
Lacedemonians, Athenians,
whom he
the
other
allies,
paid very largely, he went into Beotia, and
invaded the Thebans.

sides; but at
last,
For a long time victory
Phayllus being attacked with a
sudden and violent distemper,

cruel torments,
ended
his impieties, and
shifted
his
after suffering the
life
sacrilegious
in a
most
manner worthy of
actions.
Phalecus,
then very young, the son of Onornarchus, was placed

in his
room
and Mnaseas, a
and strongly attached to
man
of great experience,
his family,
was appointed
his
counsellor.
The new
leader treading in the steps of his prede-
cessors, plundered the temple as they
had done, and
519
HISTORY OF PHILIP,
enriched
all
their eyes,
opened
and appointed commissioners to
call all
those to account
Upon
monies.
At
the Phoceans
his friends.
who had any concern
this,
an exact inquiry,
last,
it
in the public
Phalecus was deposed; and, after
was found,
that
from the beginning
of the war, there had been taken out of the temple up-
wards often thousand

five
about one million
hundred thousand pounds.
k Philip, after
carry
to
talents, that is,
having freed the Thessalians, resolved
arms
his
into Phocis.
attempt to get footing

general
in the
kings of
in
This
is
his
first
Greece, and to have a share
of the Greeks, from which the
affairs
Macedon had always been excluded
as for-
In this view, upon pretence of going over
eigners.
into Phocis in order to punish the sacrilegious
Pho-
marches towards Thermopylae, to possess
ceans, he
himself of a pass which gave him a free passage into
Greece, and especially into Attica.
The
Athenians,
upon hearing of a march which might prove of the

most
ylae,
fatal
consequence to them, hastened to Thermop-
and possessed themselves very seasonably of
this
important pass, which Philip did not dare attempt to

force
so that he
was obliged
to return
back
into
Macedonia.
SECTION
DEMOSTHENES
As we
III.
HARANGUES THE ATHENIANS AGAINST

THAT PRINCE TAKES OLYNTHUS.
PHILIP,
soon see Philip engaged against the
shall
Athenians, and as they, by the strong exhortations and

*
A.M.
3652.
Ant.
J.
C. 352.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
52
prudent counsels of Demosthenes, will become his

greatest enemies and the most powerful opposers of his
ambitious designs,
may
it
not be improper, before
we
enter into that part of the history, to give a short ac-
count of the state of Athens, and of the disposition of

the citizens at that time.
We must not form a judgment of the character of the

Athenians, in the age
we are now speaking of, from
that
of their ancestors, in the time of the battles of Marathon
and of Salamin, from whose virtue they had extremely
They were no
degenerated.
longer the same men,
and had no longer the same maxims, and the same

manners.
They no
longer discovered the same zeal
same
for the public good, the
application to the affairs
of the state, the same courage to support the fatigues
of war by sea and land
the
same care of the
rev-
enues, the same willingness to bear salutary advice

the
same discernment
in the choice of generals of the
whom they intrusted the

To these happy, these
armies, and of magistrates to

administration of the state.
glorious dispositions, succeeded a fondness for repose,
and an indolence with regard to public

aversion for military fatigues,
tirely to
mercenary troops
public treasures in
flattery
which
an unhappy
intrigue and
their orators lavished
facility in
cabal
his
at the
an
en-
and a profusion of the
games and shows
approaching ruin of
Athens
left
affairs
which they now
a love for the
upon them
and
conferring public offices by
all
states.
which usually precede the
Such was
the situation of
time the king of Macedon began to turn
arms against Greece.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
J
521
We have seen that Philip, after various conquests,
had attempted
to
advance as
but
far as Phocis,
because the Athenians, justly alarmed
at the
ing danger, had stopped him at the pass of
in vain
impend-
Thermop-
m Demosthenes taking advantage of so favour-
ylae.
able a disposition of things,
mounted
the tribunal, in
order to set before them a lively image of the impending danger to which they were exposed by the boundless
ambition of Philip
and to convince them of the
absolute necessity they were under, from hence, to

apply the most speedy remedies.
Now,
as the success
of his arms, and the rapidity of his progress, spread
throughout Athens a kind of terror bordering very near
upon
despair, the orator,
by a wonderful
artifice, first
endeavours to revive their courage, and ascribes their

calamities to their sloth and indolence
for, if
they
hitherto had acquitted themselves of their duty, and

that in spite of their activity,
and
their
utmost
efforts,
Philip had prevailed over them, they then, indeed,
would not have the

this oration,
and
least resource or
all
hope
those which follow,
left.
grandeur of Philip
insists strongly, that the
But
in
Demosthenes
is
wholly
owing
to the supineness of the
is this
supineness which makes him bold, daring, and
swells
him with such a
spirit
Athenians
and that
it
of haughtiness, as even
insults the Athenians.
" See," says Demosthenes to them, speaking of
"to what
Philip,
who
rises,
repose
1
will not suffer
you
man
to choose either action or
but employs menaces, and, as fame says,
A. M.
VOL.
a height the arrogance of that
4.
3652.
Ant.
J. C. 352.
67
Demost.
I Philip.
522
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
speaks in the most insolent terms

with his
you
to act
and not contented
conquests, but incapable of satiating his
first
engages every day
lust of dominion,
you wait
Possibly,
enterprise.
some new
in
necessity reduces
till
men
can any one be greater to freeborn
than shame and infamy ? Will you then for ever walk
the public place with this question in your mouths,
What news
is
there
V Can
there be greater news,
than that a Macedonian has vanquished the Athenians,
and made himself the supreme arbiter of Greece

'
Philip
is
these
all
sick or dead,
since the
is
to
only sick,' reat
Methone had
still
in
Athens
heaven had delivered you from
behave
up another
man
more
nitely
he
" But whether he be
reports.
after
him, should you

raise
'
nothing to the purpose,
is
For the moment

would
His being wounded
plies another."
occasioned
says one
dead,'
as
you now do, you
Philip against yourselves
question owes his grandeur
your indolence,
than to
infi-
own
his
strength."
But Demosthenes, not
satisfied
with bare remon-
strances, or with giving his opinion in general terms,
proposed a plan, the execution of which he believed
would check the attempts of Philip.

he advises the Athenians
leys,
He
fit
and to resolve firmly to
requires
lightly
fleet
to
them
In the
out a
fleet
man them
first
place,
of fifty galthemselves.
to reinforce these with ten galleys
armed, which
and transports.
may serve as a convoy to the

With regard to the land
forces, as in his time the general, elected
powerful faction, formed the army
by the most
only of a confused
assemblage of foreigners and mercenary troops ?
who
523
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
did
service
little
Demosthenes requires them
no more than two thousand chosen
troops, five
to levy
hundred
of which shall be Athenians, and the rest raised from
among
which
the allies
with two hundred horse,
of this
little
provisions and other
was
their pay,
ninety talents,
amount
to
11
convoy
forty talents for the
which
independent from
matters
to
more per month than
little
five livres,
month
two thousand
for
forty
viz.
galleys, at the rate of
minae, one thousand livres, per
drachms,
army, with regard only
ninety thousand crowns,
talents for ten
of
be Athenians.
shall also
The expense
to
fifty
twenty
each galley
infantry,
and ten
per month for each foot soldier
make a little more than

French money per diem. Finally,
per month
five livres
three pence farthing
twelve talents for the two hundred horse, at thirty
drachms,
fifteen livres,
"which fifteen livres per
The
my
reason of
per month for each horseman
month make
ten sols per diem.
relating this so particularly, is to
give the reader an idea of the expenses of an
Demosthenes adds,
those times.
that the preparation of provisions
he
step,
is
very
much
mistaken
that provided the forces
war
will furnish
But
ail
is
fail
deficiencies
not a considerable
for
he
is
persuaded,
wrong
to the
Each
and arrears of pay.
Demos-
body of forces, he gives
viz. that at
talent
and
of sufficient acquisitions to
thenes's requiring so small a

it,
Greeks or
as the Athenians might be surprised at
this reason for
in
any one imagines
them with every thing besides
they will not
make up
if
army
do not want provisions, the
that without doing the least

allies,
present the
was worth one thousand crowns.
common-
HISTORY OP PHILIP.
524
wealth did not permit the Athenians to oppose Philip
with a sufficient force
be
their business to
in the field
and that
make excursions
design was, that this
little
it
would
Thus
only.
his
army should be hovering
perpetually about the frontiers of Macedonia, to awe,
observe, harass, and keep close to the enemy, in order
them from concerting and executing such
to prevent
enterprises with ease, as they might think
fit
to at-
tempt.
What the
It is
success of this harangue was,
is
not known.
very probable, that as the Athenians were not
attacked personally, they, according to the supineness

natural to them, were very indolent with regard to the
progress of Philip's arms.
The
divisions at this time
Greece were very favourable to that
in
Athens and Lacedemonia on one
side
employed them-
selves wholly in reducing the strength of

rival
whilst,
on the other
monarch.
Thebes
their
side, the Thessalians, in
order to free themselves from their tyrants, and the
Thebans, to maintain the superiority which they had

acquired by the battles of Leuctra and Mantinea, de-
voted themselves in the most resolute manner to Philip
and assisted him, undesignedly,
making chains
in
for themselves.
Philip, as an able politician,
advantage of
all
knew
these dissensions.
well
how
to take
This king,
in
order to secure his frontiers, had nothing more at heart

than to enlarge them towards Thrace
and
this
he
could scarce attempt but at the expense of the Athenians,
who
nies, besides several states

allies
Xerxes had many
colo-
which were either
their
since the defeat of
or tributaries in that country.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
525"
Olynthus, a city of Thrace, in the peninsula of Pallene,
was one of these
The Olynthians had
colonies.
Amyntas,
been at great variance with
father of Philip,
and had even very much opposed the
upon
his
However, being not firmly
accession to the crown.
established on his throne, he at

ulation,
latter
first
employed dissim-
and requested the alliance of the Olynthians, to
whom, some time
after,
he gave up Potidea, an import-
ant fortress, which he had conquered in concert with
and for them, from the Athenians!
When
he found
himself able to execute his project, he took proper
measures
order to besiege Olynthus.
in
who saw
itants of this city,
distance,
The
inhab-
the storm gathering at a
had recourse to the Athenians, of whom they
requested immediate aid.
The
affair
an assembly of the people, and as
it
was debated
in
was of the utmost
number of orators met in the assemit in his turn, which was

age.
Demosthenes, who was then
importance, a great
Each of them mounted
bly.
regulated by their
but
speak
thirty four, did not
till
after his seniors
had
discussed the matter a long time.
In this
ceed
in
his aim, alternately terrifies
the Athenians.
in
the orator, the better to suc-
discourse,
two very
For
this purpose,
On
different lights.
and encourages
he represents Philip
one
side,
he
is
man, whose unbounded ambition the empire of the
Olynth.
ii.
p The oration which Demosthenes pronouncedat that time, is generally

looked upon as the second of the three Olynthiacs, which relate to this
subject. But M. de Tourreil, chiefly on the authority of Dyonisius Halicarnassensis, which ought to be of great weight on this occasion, changes the order generally observed in Demosthenes's orations, and places
this at the head of the Olynthiacs. Though I am of his opinion, I shall
cite the orations in the order they are printed.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
526
world could not
upon
all
satiate
men, and even
or -slaves
and who,
who looks
many subjects
an haughty tyrant,
his allies, as so
for that reason, is
no
less
incensed
by too slow a submission, than an open revolt

ilant politician,
who, always intent
a vig-
to take advantage
of the oversights and errors of others, seizes every

opportunity
favourable
whom
petually the most severe

self a
an
indefatigable
toils,
warrior,
and who supports per-
multiplies,
his activity
without allowing him-
moment's repbse, or having the least regard to the
difference of seasons
an intrepid hero,
who rushes
through obstacles, and plunges into the midst of dangers
who
a corrupter,
and employs gold no

on
whom
with his purse
less
than iron
traffics,
happy prince,
fortune lavishes her favours, and for
she seems to have forgot her inconstancy

other side, this
who
same
Philip
but,
his strength,
own
grandeur,
and opens precipices before him, down which
would throw him
raised on the
of
faith,
and
all
made
all
small
is
foundations, breach
an usurper, hated universally
abroad, who, by trampling upon

divine, has
knave, whose power
most ruinous of
villainy
on the
a rash man, who, by his
attempts, digs himself the grave of his
effort
whom
an imprudent man,
is
measures his vast projects, not by
but merely by his ambition
buys,
all
laws,
nations his enemies
human and
a tyrant, de-
tested even in the heart of his dominions, in which,
by
the infamy of his manners, and other vices, he has tired
out the patience of his captains, his soldiers, and of

all
his subjects
in general
to conclude,
a perjured
and impious wretch, equally abhorred by heaven and

earth,
and
whom the
gods are
now upon
the point of
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
52?
destroying, by any hand that will administer to their
wrath, and second their vengeance.
This
is
the double picture of Philip, which
M. de
Tourreil draws, by uniting the several detached linea-
ments
in the present oration of
shown
spoke of so powerful
Our
ment
Demosthenes.
orator, after
In
it is
which the Athenians
the great freedom with
monarch.
having represented Philip one mo-
as formidable, the next very easy to be conquer-
ed, concludes, that the only certain
enemy, would be
ing such an
method
to
for reduc-
reform the
new
abuses, to revive the ancient order and regulations, to
domestic dissensions, and to suppress the
appease
cabals which are incessantly forming
and
such a manner, that every thing may unite

point of the public service
expense, every
man
and
according to his
concur to the destruction of the
Demades,
that,
all
this in
in the sole
at a
common
may
abilities,
common enemy.
bribed by Philip's gold, opposed very
strenuously the advice of Demosthenes, but in vain

for the
Athenians sent, under the conduct of Chares
the general, thirty galleys and
succour the Olynthians
which so nearly
who,
affected
all
two thousand men

in this
the
to
urgent necessity,
Greeks
in general,
could obtain assistance only from the Athenians.
However,
this
succour did not prevent the designs
of Philip, or the progress of his
arms ;
for
he marches
into Chalcis, takes-several places of strength, the fortress of Gira,
country.
and spreads terror throughout the whole
Olynthus, being thus
invasion, and
menaced with
3
in great
danger of an
destruction, sent a second
Suidas in voce
&%,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
528
embassy
new
to Athens, to solicit a
Demosthenes argues very strongly
in
reinforcement
favour of their
request, and proves to the Athenians, that they
were
equally obliged by honour and interest to have regard

to
This
it.
is
the subject of the Olynthiac, generally
taken as the third.
The
orator, always
ly zeal for the safety
animated with a strong and
live-
and glory of his country, endeav-
ours to intimidate the Athenians, by setting before
them
the dangers with which they are threatened
exhibiting to them, a most dreadful prospect of the

future, if they
that, in case
inevitably
do not rouse from
upon Olynthus, he
Philip seizes
attack
their lethargy
Athens afterwards
with
all
for
will
his
forces.
The
greatest difficulty
sufficient
sums
was the means of
for defraying the
raising
expenses requisite for
the succour of the Olynthians, because the military
funds were otherwise employed, viz. for the celebration of the public games.
When
na,
the Athenians, at the end of the
had concluded a
war of Egi~
thirty years peace with the
Lace-
demonians, they resolved to put into their treasury, by
way of reserve, one thousand
talents every year
at the
same time prohibiting any person, upon pain of death,

to mention the
employing any part of
it,
except for
enemy who should invade Attica. This

was at first observed with the warmth and fervour
which men have for all new institutions. Afterwards
Pericles, in order to make his court to the people, pro-
repulsing an
posed to distribute among them, ia times of peace,
IISTORY OF PHILIP.
r
the thousand talents, and to apply
each citizen two oboli

dition,
at the public
529
in giving to
it
shows, upon con-
however, that they night resume
time of war.
The
fund in
proposal was approved, and the
But, as
restriction also.
this
all
concessions of this kind
degenerate one time or other into license, the Atheni-
were so highly pleased with this distribution,

by Demades " a glue by which the Athenians
ans
called
might be catched,"
suffer
was
that they absolutely
to be retrenched
it
would not
upon any account. The abuse
carried to such a height, that Eubulus, one of the
who opposed Demosthenes, prohibited any

upon pain of death, so much as to propose the
faction
person,
restoring, for the service of the war, those funds
Pericles
shows.
had transferred
to the
games and
which
public
Apollodorus was even punished, for declar-
ing himself of a contrary opinion, and for insisting
upon
it.
This absurd profusion had very strange
was impossible
to supply
it
effects.
It
but by imposing taxes, the
inequality of which, being entirely arbitrary, perpetu-
ated strong feuds, and
made
the military preparations
so very slow, as quite defeated the design of them,
without lessening the expense.

seafaring people,
As
the artificers
who composed above two
and
thirds of
the people of Athens, did not contribute any part of

their substance,
and only gave
weight of the taxes
fell
entirely
their persons, the
upon the
rich.
whole
These
r
These games, besides the two oboli which were distributed to
each of the persons present, occasioned a great number of other
expenses.
vol.
4.
68
histcTvV
53(
"ured
with
:.
c~ fhilip.
u:
reproached the
:.:nt.
comedies, and the like superfluities.
vals,
public monies being squandered upon
festi-
But the
people, being sensible of their superiority, paid

littie
regard to their
ccm
of inclination to subtract
who
to ease people
very
and had no manner
from
their diversions,
possessed employments and digni-
from which they were entirely excluded. Besides,
ho should dare to propose mis

ple seriously and in form,
his
would be
to the peo-
in great
danger of
life.
However, Demosthenes presumed

subject at two different times
to introduce this
but then he treated
After show-
the utmost art and circumspection.

hat the
raise an
Athenians were indispensably obliged to
army
he hints, but
in order to stop the enterprises of Philip,

in a distant
were expended
employed
enact
way, that these funds which
in theatric representations,
that
new
ought
to
be
and maintaining an armed force.
for levying
He demanded
;
it
commissioners might be nominated,
laws, there beinp
too
many
established, but to examine and abolish such as should
be pr
judicial to the
by become obnoxious
en-cted by those laws
He
commonwealth.
to capital
did not
punishment, as
because he did not require
that they should be actually abolished,
that
'.:
commissioners might be nominated to inspect

bmted,
.
how
highly necessary
it
was
to abolish
which grieved the most zealous citiz
reduced them to
es,
this
in case they
sad
either to ruin
gave their opinion boldly and
5^x
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
faithfully, or to
destroy their country,
in
served a fearful, prevaricating silence.
These remonstrances do not seem
have bad the
to
success they deserved, since in the following
which
commoniy placed
is
as the
first,
the or
obliged to inveigh once more against the misapplica-
The
tion of the military funds.
vigorously attacked
been very
by
required,
should
ill
by
Olynthians being
served by the venal succours of Athens,
body of troops, which
a third embassy, a
not
of mercenaries and foreigners,
consist
men
as before, but of true Athenians, of
inspired
a sincere ardour for the interest both of their
and the
ry,
now
and having hitherto
Philip,
common
The
cause.
own
glo-
Athenians, at the
earnest solicitation of Demosthenes,
sent Chares
second time, with a reinforcement of seventeen galof two thousand foot and three hundred horse,
leys,
all
Athens
citizens of
s
The
as the Olynthians
had requested,
following year Philip possessed himself of
.hus.
Neither the succours nor
Athenians could defend
it
from
efforts
of the
domestic enemies,
its
ed by Euthy crates and Lasthenes, two of

its
most eminent
Thus
time.
Philip entered
gold had made.
happy
and
city,
sells
who had
citizens, in actual
at that
by the breach which
Immediately he plunders
this
his
un-
lays one part of the inhabitants in chains,
the rest for slaves
and distinguishes those
betrayed their city, no otherwise than
supreme contempt he expressed

his
employment
for
them.
This king,
son -Alexander, loved the treason, bu: abhorred

55.
Ant. J. C. S4S.
Dioi U
xvi.p.
450
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
532
And, indeed, how can a prince
the traitor.
him who has betrayed
common
the
his country ?
soldiers of the
rely
upon
Every one, even
Macedonian army,
re-
proached Euthycrates and Lasthencs for their perfidy,
upon
who, complaining
to Philip
made
answer, infinitely more severe than
this ironical
the reproach itself
"do
who
vulgar fellows say,
mind what a pack of
not
call
that account, he only
every thing by
its real
name."
The king was
which was of the utmost importance
this city,
as
its
power might have very much checked
quests.
Some
demonia
whereas
to him,
his con-
years before, the Olynthians had long
united armies of
resisted the
little
overjoyed at his being possessed of
Philip
resistance, at least
Macedon and Lace-
had taken
had not
lost
with very
it
many men
in
the siege.
He now
caused shows and public games to be
exhibited with
he
added
the utmost magnificence
feasts,
in
popular, bestowing on
to these
which he made himself very

all
the guests considerable gifts,
and treating them with the utmost marks of his
friend-
ship.
'
Diod.
1.
xv. p. 341.
A. M. 3657.
Ant.
J.
C. 347.
533
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
SECTION
IV.
?HILIP DECLARES FOR THEBES AGAINST THE PHOCEANS.
HE SEIZES
ON THERMOPYLAE.
The
war,
Thebans, being unable alone to terminate the
which they had so long carried on against the

Hitherto, as
Phoceans, addressed Philip.
we
before
mentioned, he had observed a kind of neutrality with

respect to the sacred war
and he seemed to wait
an opportunity of declaring himself, that

parties
is, till
for
both
should have weakened themselves by a long
war, which equally exhausted them both.
bans had now very much
and those ambitious views with which the
Epaminondas had
The The-
abated of that haughtiness
inspired them.
fore that they requested the
The
victories of
instant there-
alliance of Philip,
he
resolved to espouse the interest of that republic, in
He
opposition to the Phoceans.
had not
lost sight
of
the project he had formed, of obtaining an entrance

into Greece, in order to
make himself master of it. To
give success to his design,
it
was proper
for
him
to
declare in favour of one of the two parties, which at that
time divided
all
Greece, that is, either for the Thebans,
or the Athenians and Spartans.
He was
not so void of sense as to imagine, that the
latter
party would assist his design of carrying his
arms
into Greece.
He therefore had no more
but to join the Thebans,

tarily to
who
him, and
'
who
to
do
offered themselves volun-
stood in need of Philip's power
Plut, in
Apoph.
p. 178.
534
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
to support themselves in their declining condition.
He
therefore declared at once in their favour.
But
to
give a specious colour to his arms, besides the grati-
tude he affected to have at heart for Thebes, in which
he had been educated, he also pretended
to
honour of the zeal with which he was
fired,
regard to the violated god

for a religious prince,
make an
with
and was very glad to pass
who warmly espoused
the cause
of the god, and of the temple of Delphos, in order to

conciliate
by
the Greeks.
that
means, the esteem and friendship of
Politicians apply every pretext to their
views, and endeavour to screen the most unjust
tempts with the

religion
veil
at-
of probity, and sometimes even of
though they very frequently have no man-
ner of regard for either,

w There was nothing Philip had more
at heart
to possess himself of Thermopylae, as
opened him a
passage into Greece

the sacred war
that
affiir,
to appropriate
to himself, as
and to preside
it
all
than
the honour of
if he had been principal in
in the
He
Pythian games.
was desirous of aiding the Thebans, and by their

means to possess himself of Phocis but then, in order
;
to put this double design in execution,
ry for him to keep
had
for
it
actually declared
was necessa-
who
Thebes, and who
secret from the Athenians,
war against
many years had been
in alliance
His business therefore was
to
with the Phoceans*
make them change
measures, by placing other objects
on
it
wonder.
w Pemost.orat.de
fais,
and
succeeded
to a
in their
this occasion the politics of Philip
Legat.
their
view
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
The
who began
Athenians,
535
grow
to
war which was very burthensome, and of

to
of a
tired
little
benefit
them, had commissioned Ctesiphon and Phrynon to

in
what manner he
stood disposed
with regard to peace.
These related
that Philip did
not appear averse to
sound the intentions of
even
Philip,
and
expressed a great affection for the
Upon
this,
strictly into
and to procure the
viously
necessary
explanations,
last
Eschines and Demosthenes were

bassadors,
the truth of
who brought back
among
the ten
Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus.
Upon
it.
mediately sent back with

peace, and to ratify
nes,
who
it
by
full
oaths.
am-
three from Philip, viz.
executed their commission very

very good account of
pre-
important a negotiation,
so
to
commonwealth.
resolved to send a solemn
the Athenians
embassy, to inquire more

things,
and that he
it,
All the ten
faithfully,
this,
and
srave a
they were im-
powers to conclude a
It
was then Demosthe-
embassy had met some Athenian
in his first
captives in Macedonia, and had promised to return and
ransom them
at his
ble himself to
keep
own
his
expense, endeavours to ena-
word
advises his colleagues to

pedition, as the republic
and, in the
embark with
mean
time,
the utmost ex-
had commanded
and to
wait as soon as possible upon Philip, in what place
soever he might be.
making
However,
these,
instead
of
a speedy dispatch, as they were desired, go
an ambassador's pace, proceed to Macedonia by land,

stay three
months
in
that country,
and give Philip
time to possess himself of several other strong places

belonging to the Athniens in Thrace.
ing with
the king of
At
last,
meet-
Macedonia, they agree with
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
536
him upon articles of peace ; but having lulled

them asleep with the specious pretence of a treaty, he
deferred the ratification of
means
had found
by
after another,
who
from day
it
to day.
Philip
to corrupt the ambassadors
Demosthenes excepted,
presents,
beiiSg but one,
one
opposed his colleagues
to
no man-
his troops
advance
ner of purpose.
mean
In the
time, Philip
Being arrived
continually.
made
at
Pherse in Thessaly, he
at last ratifies the treaty of peace,
the Phoceans in
When
it.
but refuses to include
news was brought
Athens, that Philip had signed the treaty,
it
to
occasioned
who
very great joy in that
city,
were averse
and dreaded the consequences
of
to the war,
Among
it.
especially to those
was
these
Isocrates.
citizen very zealous for the
prosperity he had very
much at
He was
commonwealth, whose
The weakness of
heart.
his voice, with a timidity natural to him,
had prevented
his appearing in public, and from mounting, like others,
the tribunal of harangues.
Athens,
in
which he read
He had
opened a school
in
rhetorical lectures, and taught
youth eloquence with great reputation and success.
However, he had not

public
affairs
entirely
renounced the care of
and as others served
their country viva-
voce, in the public assemblies, Isocrates contributed to

it
by
his writings, in
which he delivered
his thoughts
and these being soon made public, were very eagerly

sought
On
after.
the present occasion, he wrote a piece of con-
siderable length,
whom/ he
which he addressed
to Philip, with
held a correspondence, but in such terms

"Isocrat.
Orat. ad PhUip.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
as
were worthy a good and
then very far advanced
The
eight.
537
faithful citizen.
being
in years,
He was
eighty
at least
scope of this discourse was, to exhort
Philip to take advantage of the peace he had just before
concluded, in order to reconcile
all
the
Greek
nations,
and afterwards to turn his arms against the king of
The
Persia.
business was to engage in this plan four
on which
cities,
all
the rest depended, viz.
Sparta, Thebes, and Argos.
He
Athens,
confesses, that
had
Sparta or Athens been as powerful as formerly, he
should have been
far
from making such a proposal,
which he was sensible they would never approve
and which the pride of those two republics, whilst

sustained and augmented by success, would reject
But
with disdain.
cities
that
now, as the most powerful
of Greece, wearied out and exhausted by long
wars, and
humbled
in their turns
by
fatal
fortune, have equally an interest in laying
reverses of
down
their
arms, and living in peace, pursuant to the example
which the Athenians had began to set them, the present

is
the most favourable opportunity Philip could have, to
reconcile and unite the several cities of Greece.
In case he, Philip, should be so happy as to succeed

in such a project, so glorious
would
raise
august
in
it
and beneficial a success
him above whatever had appeared most

But this project in itself, though
Greece.
should not have so happy an effect as he might
expect from
it,
would yet
infallibly gain
him
the es-
teem, the affection, and confidence of ail the nations of
Greece
advantages
of cities, and
vol.
4.
all
infinitely preferable to the
taking
the conquests he might hope to obtain.
69
538
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
Some
persons
against Philip,
who were
indeed,
prejudiced
him
represent and exclaim against
a crafty prince,
who
his march, but,
at the
other object in view
gives a
specious
same time, has
as
pretext to
no
in reality
but the enslaving of Greece.
from a too great credulity, or from a
Isocrates, either
desire of bringing Philip into his views, supposes, that
rumours so
dation
it
ries in
injurious as these, have
no manner of foun-
who
not being probable, that a prince
glo-
being descended from Hercules, the deliverer
of Greece, should think of invading and possessing
himself of
it.
But these very
which are so
reports,
capable of blackening his name, and of sullying

glory, should
them
in the
prompt him
presence of
all
his
all
to demonstrate the falsity of
Greece by the
least suspic-
ious of proofs, in leaving and maintaining each city in

the full possession of
laws and liberties
its
ing with the utmost care
all
in
remov-
suspicions of partiality
in
not espousing the interest of one people against another
in
winning the confidence of
all
men by
a noble
disinterestedness and an invariable love of justice

fine,
by aspiring
to
no other
title
in
than that of the rec-
onciler of the divisions of Greece, a
title far
more
glo-
rious than that of conqueror.

It is in the
merit those
king of Persia's dominions he ought to
last titles.
The
conquest of it
is
open and
sure to him, in case he could succeed in pacifying the

troubles of Greece.
gesilaus,
He
should
call to
shook the Persian throne, and would

subverted
mind
that
A-
with no other forces than those of Sparta,
it,
infallibly
have
had he not been recalled into Greece, by
the intestine divisions which then broke out.

signal victory of the ten thousand
The
under Clearchus,
539
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
and
their
triumphant retreat in the sight of innumera-
ble armies, prove
what might be expected from the
Macedonians and Greeks, when
joint forces of the
commanded by Philip against a prince inferior in every

him whom Cyrus had endeavoured to de-
respect to
throne.
Isocrates concludes with declaring, that one
would
believe the gods had
hitherto
a train of successes,
with no other view but that he
might be enabled
form and execute the glorious
to
enterprise, the plan of
He
granted Philip so long
which he had
laid before
reduces the counsel he gave to three heads
this prince
should govern his
and justice
any part of
it
all
which from
himself
and
this
being done,
arms against a coun-
ages had been the
all
with wisdom
Greece, without desiring
that he should turn his victorious

try,
enemy
and had often vowed their destruction.

confessed, that this
is
most noble
But
worthy a great prince.
it
in execution.
plan,
of Greece,
It
must be
and highly
Isocrates had a very false
idea of Philip, if he thought this
put
that
heal the divisions between the
should
neighbouring nations and

to possess
own empire
him.
monarch would ever
Philip did not possess the equity,
moderation, or disinterestedness, which such a project required.
He
was persuaded,
self first of
to do, not
really intended to attack Persia,
that
it
was
his business to secure
but
him
Greece, which indeed he was determined
by services but by
force.
He did not endeav-
our either to win over or persuade nations, but to subject
and reduce them.
As on
his side he
had no manner
of regard for alliances and treaties, he judged of others
by
himself, and
was
for assuring himself of
them by
540
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
much
and
stronger ties than those of friendship, gratitude,
sincerity.
As Demosthenes was
state
of
affairs
judgment of
better acquainted with the
than socrates, so he formed a truer
Upon
Philip's designs.
his return
his embassy, he declares expressly, that he
doe not
approve either of the discourse or the conduct
Macedonian king, but
On the
from him.
that every thing
to
is
from
of- the
be dreaded
who had been
contrary, Eschines,
bribed, assures the Athenians, that he had discovered
the greatest candour and sincerity in the promises and
He had
proceedings of this king.

piae
engaged
and Platea should be repeopled,
Thebans
opposition of the
proceed so
in
that
spite of the
that in case he should
far as to subject the
Phoceans, he would
preserve them, and not do them the least injury
he would
Thebes
restore
before been observed in
it
to the
;
that
Amphipolis, they should be put
was
that
good order which had
Oropus should be
en up absolutely to the Athenians
It
Thes-
in
giv-
and, that in lieu of
possession of Eubea.
Demosthenes demonstrated
to no purpose that
to his fellow citizens, that Philip, notwithstanding
all
these glorious promises, endeavoured to possess himself,
in an absolute
abandoning
it
manner, of Phocis
up
that Philip
Greece into
all
was not heard, and the

ises,
and that by
him they would betray the common-
to
wealth, and give
gaged
his hands.
oration of Eschines,
would make good
who
his several
He
en-
prom-
prevailed over that of Demosthenes.
These
deliberations gave that prince an opportu-
nity to possess himself of Thermopylae,

i
A,
M.
3658.
Ant.
J.
C 346.
Diod.
1.
and to enter
xvi, p. 455.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
Hitherto there had been no possibility of
Phocis.
reducing the Phoceans

for the bare
Upon
541
but Philip needed but appear,
sound of his name
them with
filled
terror.
the supposition that he was marching against a
herd of sacrilegious wretches, not against

enemies, he ordered
laurel,
all
and led them to
his soldiers to
battle as
common
wear crowns of
under the conduct of
the god himself, whose honour they revenged.

instant they appeared, the
selves overcome.
The
Phoceans believed them-
Accordingly they sue for peace,
and yield to Philip's mercy, who gives Phalecus
their
leader leave to retire into Peloponnesus, with the eight
thousand
men
in his service.
with very
little
trouble, engrossed
In this manner Philip,

the
all
honour of a
long and bloody war, which had exhausted the forces

of both parties.
honour throughout
was
pedition
country.
This victory gained him incredible

all
Greece, and his glorious ex-
the topic of
He was
all
conversations in that
considered as the avenger of sacri-
lege and the protector of religion
ranked
in the
number
and they almost
man who had

much courage and
of the gods the
defended their majesty with so

success.
Philip, that
his
all
own
he might not seem to do any thing by
private authority, in an affair
which concerned
Greece, assembles the council of the Amphyctions,
and appoints them, for form sake, supreme judges of

the pains and penalties to
2
Incredibile
ledit.
quantum ea res apud omnes nationes Philippo
Ilium vindicem sacrilegii, ilium ultorem religionum.
Diis proximus habetur, per quern

!,
which the Phoceans had
viii.c. 2.
deorum majestas
vindicaia
sit.
glorije
Itaque
Justin.
542
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
Under
rendered themselves obnoxious.

these judges,
who were
decrees that the
all
houses each, and that those towns
ed
which
shall
be
at a certain
shall not
enjoy their possess-
upon condition of paying an annual
shall
continue to be levied
tribute,
such time as the
till
whole sums taken out of the temple of Delphos
be repaid.
who
that those wretches
sacrilege, shall be absolutely proscrib-
and that the rest
ions, but
he
be reduced to small towns of sixty
distance one from the other
have committed
name of
of Phocis shall be destroyed,
cities
that they should
the
entirely at his devotion,
shall
Philip did not forget himself on this occa-
After he had subjected the rebellious Phoceans,
sion.
he demanded that
their seat in the council of the
phy tions which they had been declared

feited,
to have for-
The Amphycnow
should be transferred to him.
tions, the
Am-
instrument of whose vengeance he had
been, were afraid of refusing him, and accordingly
admitted him a
member of their body a circumstance

we shall see m the
;
of the highest importance to him, as
sequel, and of very dangerous consequence to

rest of
They
Greece.
also
all
the
gave him the superintend-
ence of the Pythian games, in conjunction with the

Beotians and Thessalians
who
because the Corinthians,
possessed this privilege hitherto, had rendered
themselves unworthy of
it,
by sharing
in the sacrilege
of .the Phoceans.
When news
was brought to Athens of the treatment
which the Phoceans had met

ed, but too late, the
wrong
with, the former perceiv-
step they had taken in re-
fusing to comply with the counsels of Demosthenes
and in abandoning themselves blindly to the vain and
543
HISTORY OF FHILIP.
idle
promises of a
traitor,
who had
sold his country.
Besides the shame and grief with which they were

seized, for having failed in the obligations of the con-
own
federacy,' they found that they had betrayed their

interests in
abandoning their
allies
for Phiiip,
by
was become master of
possessing himself of Phocis,
Thermopylae, which opened him the gates, and put

into his hands, the keys of Greece.
therefore, being alarmed
orders that the
upon
women and
their
The Athenians,
own account, gave
b
children should be brought
out of the country into the city
be repaired and the Pireus
that the walls should
fortified, in
order to put
themselves into a state of defence in case of an invasion.
The
Athenians had no share in the decree, by which
Philip
had been admitted among the Amphyctions.
They perhaps had absented themselves

by
purposely, that
they might not authorize
it
which was more probable,
Philip, in order to
their presence
in the
or,
remove
the obstacles, and avoid the rmoras he might
with
meet
execution of his design, assembled such of
the Amphyctions only as were entirely at his devotion.
In short, he conducted his intrigue so very artfully,
This election might be
that he obtained his ends.
disputed as clandestine and irregular

required a confirmation of
it
and therefore he
from the people, who, as
members of that body, had a right either to reject or

ratify the new choice.
Athens received the circular
invitation
was
but
in
an assembly of the people, which
called in order to deliberate
on Philip's demand,
several were of opinion, that no notice should be taken
of
it.
With
Demosthenes, however, was of a contrary

the Phocsans.-
Demost. de
fais.
Lgat,
p.
312.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
544
opinion
and though
did not approve in any manner
lie
of the peace which had been concluded with Philip, he

did not think
would be
it
in the present juncture
for their interest to infringe
since that could not be
it
done
without stirring up against the Athenians, both the
new Amphyction, and
who had
those
His advice therefore was,
elected him.
that they should not expose
themselves unseasonably
the
to
quences which might ensue,
dangerous conse-
in case of their determi-
nate refusal to consent to the almost unanimous decree
of the Amphyctions
and protested,
that
interest to submit, for fear of worse,
condition of the times
was not
in their
power
that
is,
to
to prevent.
to
it
was
their
the present
comply with what

This
is
the subject
of Demosthenes's discourse, entitled, " Oration on the

peace."
We
may
reasonably believe that his advice
was followed.
SECTION
HIHP EXTENDS
HIS CONQUESTS
V.
INTO ILLYRIA AND THRA.CE.
CHARACTER OF PHOCION. HIS SUCCESS

AGAINST PHILIP.
After
Philip had settled everything relating to
c
the worship of the god, and the^ security of the temple
of Delphos, he returned into Macedonia with great

glory, and the reputation of a religious prince and an
intrepid conqueror.
those,
c
who had
A. M, 3660.
Diodorus observes, that
all
shared in profaning and plundering the
Ant.
J. C.
344,
Diod.
1.
xyi. p. 456,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
temple, perished miserably, and
545
came
to a tragical
end.
e
Philip,
he had opened himself a
that
satisfied
passage into Greece by his seizure of Thermopylae

that he
had subjected Phocis
had established himself
one of the judges of Greece, by his new dignity

of Amphyction
and that he had gained the esteem
and applause of
all
nations,
honour of the deity
would be proper
to prevent
all
his zeal to
revenge the
judged very prudently, that
for
by
him
it
to stop his career, in order
arms
the states of Greece from taking
against him, in case they should discover too soon his
ambitious views with regard to that country.

order therefore to remove
all
In
suspicion, and to soothe
the disquietudes which arose on that occasion, he
turned his arms against Ulyria, purposely to extend

his frontiers
on that
and to keep always his
side,
some new expedition.

The same motive prompted him afterwards to go
troops in exercise by
over into Thrace.
In the very beginning of his reign
he had dispossessed the Athenians of several strong

places in that country.
conquests there.
still
carried on his
Suidas observes, that before he
took Olynthus, he had
two
Philip
cities in Chalcis,
made himself master of
which
is
part of Thrace.
thirty
Cher-
sonesus also was situated very commodiously for him.
This was a very

great
rich peninsula, in
which there were a
number of powerful cities and

e
VOL.
Diod,
4,
1,
xvi. p. 456.
fine pasture lands*
70
In Kaeay.
HISTORY OF
546
It
had formerly belonged
PHILIP."
to the Athenians.
The inhab-
put themselves under the protection of L;ic-
itants of it
edemonia, after Lysander had destroyed Athens, but

submitted again to their
masters, after Conon, the
first
son of Timotheus, had reinstated that country.
Cotys,
king of Thrace, then dispossessed the Athenians of

Chersonesus
but
was afterwards restored
it
by Chersobleptus, son of Cotys,

unable to defend
it
who
to
them
finding himself
against Philip, gave
it
the fourth year of the hundred and sixth
up
to
them
Olympiad;
reserving however to himself Cardia, which was the
most considerable
as
it
city of the peninsula,
and formed,
After Philip
were, the gate and entrance of
had deprived Chersobleptus of
it.
his
kingdom, which
happened the second year of the hundred and ninth

Olympiad,
the inhabitants of Cardia being afraid of
falling into the
their city,
hands of the Athenians,
who claimed
which formely belonged to them, submitted
themselves to Philip,
who
did not
fail
to take
them
under his protection.

k
Diopithes, principal of the colony which the Athe-
nians had sent into Chersonesus, looking upon this

step in Philip as an act of hostility against the
monwealth, without waiting

persuaded that
it
for
an order, and fully
would not be disavowed, marches
suddenly into the dominions of that prince

itime part of Thrace,
Dlod.
1.
whilst he
A. M. 3670.
Ant.
in the
mar-
was carrying on an
h Ibid.
p. 464.
xvi. p. 434.
A.
!"
com-
3669.
Ant. J. C. 335.
J. C. 334,
Liban, in Demost. p. 75,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
important war in Upper Thrace
fore he
547
plunders them be-
had time to return and make head against
him, and carries off a rich booty,
all
which he lodged
Philip, not being able to
safe in Chersonesus.
revenge
himself in the manner he could have wished, contented

himself with making grievous complaints to the Athenians,
by
upon
letters
Such
that account.
as received
pensions from him in Athens served him but too effectually.
These venal wretches loudly exclaimed against
a conduct, which,
ble.
if
They declaim
not prudent, was at least excusaagainst Diopithes
of involving the state in war

tion and piracy
upon
insist
impeach him
accuse him of extor-
being recalled, and
his
pursue his condemnation with the utmost heat and

violence.
Demosthenes, seeing
lic
at this
juncture that the pub-
warfare was inseparable from that of Diopithes, un-
dertook his defence, which
is
the subject of his oration
This Diopithes was father to Me-
on Chersonesus.
nander, the comic poet,
whom
Terence has copied so
faithfully.
Diopithes was accused of oppressing the
the least stress
on
allies
However, Demosthenes
his unjust exactions,

this,
because
it
was personal
by
lays
;
he
nevertheless pleads his apology, transiently, from the
example of all the generals,

ties
of Asia
Minor paid
by which they purchased

and procured convoys
the pirates.
for
It is true,
cise oppressions,
to
whom the islands
and
ci-
certain voluntary contributions,
security to their merchants,
them
to
guard them against
indeed, that a
and ransom
allies
man may
exer-
very unseasonably*
S48
But
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
in this case, a bare decree, 1 an accusation in
whom the
form, a galley appointed to bring
due
general re-
called, all this is sufficient to put a stop to abuses.

it
otherwise with
is
These cannot be checked

aces
and nothing
But
regard to Philip's enterprises.

either
do
will
by decrees or men-
this effectually,
but raising
troops and fitting out galleys.
" Your orators," says he, " cry out

that
we must make
eternally to you,
choice either of peace or war
Philip does not leave this at our option, he
new
daily meditating some
And
can
unless
it
we doubt but
is
it
enterprise
but
who
against
is
us.
was he who broke the peace,
we have no
pretended, that
reason to com-
plain of him, as long as he shall forbear
attempts on Attica and the Pireus ? But

too late for us to oppose him
and
it
it
is
making any
will
then be
now we must
prepare strong barriers against his ambitious designs.
You ought to
nians, that
lay
it is
it
down
as a certain
you he aims
at
maxim,
Athe-
that he considers
as his most dangerous enemies
that
you
your ruin only
can establish his tranquillity and secure his conquests
and that whatever he
is
now
projecting,
is
merely with
the view of falling upon you, and of reducing Athens

to a state of subjection.
And
indeed, can any of
be so vastly simple, as to imagine that Philip

greedy of a few paltry towns,
can
we bestow on
those he
"
now
for
you
is
so
what other name
attacks ? that he sub-
mits to fatigues, seasons, and dangers, merely for the

sake of gaining them
but that as for the harbours, the
arsenals, the galley s the silver mines,
revenues of the Athenians

'
It
was
called n*/>*xw.
and the immense
that he, I say, considers

ra
In Thrace.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
549
them
these with indifference, does not covet

least,
in the
but will suffer you to remain in quiet possession
of them ?
"
Wnat
been said
we have
conclusion are
Wh}
we
that so far
in Thrace,
it
to
draw from
that has
all
from cashiering the army
must be considerably reinforced
and strengthened by new levies,
in order, that as Philip
has always one in readiness to oppress and enslave
may
the Greeks, we, on our side,
on
foot to defend
son to believe,
always have one
There
and preserve them."
that
is rea-
Demosthenes's advice was
fol-
lowed.
The same year
that this oration
was spoke, Arym-
bas, king of Molossus, or Epirus, died.
He was
son
and had a brother called Neoptolemus,
of Acletas,
whose daughter Olympias, was married
to
Philip.
This Neoptolemus, by the credit and authority of his

son
in law,
was raised so high as to share the regal
power with his

greater
elder brother, to
This
belonged.
first
for after the death of
ed his part so
whom
only
it
lawfully
unjust action was followed
well, either
Arymbas, Philip
by a
play-
by his intrigues, or his men-
aces, th at the Molossians expelled Eacidas, son and
lawful successor to
der, son of
Arymbas, and established Alexan-
Neoptolemus,
sole
king of Epirus.
This
prince,
was not only brother
Philip,
whose daughter, Cleopatra, he had married, as
will
in law,
but son in law to
be observed in the sequel, carried his arms into
Italy,
and there died.
Justin,
book
viii
After
Diod.
this,
Eacidas reascended
xvi. p. 465.
eh. vi. curtails the genealogy of this
confounds his succession.
prince, and
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
550
the throne of his ancestors, reigntd alone in Epirus,
and transmitted the crown

hus,
so famous in
the
famous Pyrr-
to his son, the
Roman
cousin to Alexander the Great.
history,
and second
Acletas being grand-
father to both those monarchs.

Philip, after his expedition in Ulyria
and Thrace,
turned his views towards Peloponnesus. p
commotions prevailed
Terrible
time in this
at that
part of
Greece. Lacedemonia assumed the sovereignty of
it,
with no other right than of being the strongest. Argos
and Messene being oppressed, had recourse
He
had just before concluded
to Philip.
peace with the Athe-
nians, who, on the faith of their orators,
who had been
bribed by this prince, imagined he was going to break
with the Thebans,
However, so
far
from
after
that,
having subdued Phocis, he divided the conquest with
them.
The Thebans embraced
with joy the favoura-
ble opportunity which presented itself of opening
him
a gate through which he might pass into Peloponnesus, in which country, the inveterate hatred they
bore to Sparta, made them foment divisions perpetually,
They
and continue the war.
therefore solicited
Philip to join with them, the Messenians and Argives,

in order to
humble
in concert the
power of Lacede-
monia.
This prince readily came

suited with his views.
tions, or
He
into an alliance
which
proposed to the Amphyc-
rather dictated to them, the decree which
ordained that Lacedemonia should permit Argos and
Messene
to enjoy an entire independence, pursuant to
the tenor of a treaty lately concluded
Demost. in Philipp. iL
Liban
in
and, upon pre.
Dempst.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
551
tence of not exposing the authority of the states genera of Greece, he ordered at the
I
same time
body of troops to march that way.
a large
Lacedemonia,
being justly alarmed, requested the Athenians to suc-
cour them
and by an embassy, pressed earnestly for
the concluding of such an alliance as their
The
might require.
safety
terest
it
was to prevent
ed, used their
several powers,
this alliance
common
whose
in-
from being conclud-
utmost endeavours to gain their ends.
Philip represented by his ambassadors to the Athenians,

that
it
against
would be very wrong
him
in
them
to declare
that if he did not break with the
war
The-
bans, his not doing so was no infraction of the treaties
that before
particular, he
treaties
he could have broke his word in
must
first
have given
it
this
and that the
themselves proved manifestly, that he had not
made any promise
to that purpose.
Philip indeed
said true, with regard to the written articles, and the
public
stipulations
but
Eschines had made this
promise by word of mouth in his name.
On
the
other side, the ambassadors of Thebes, of Argos, and
Messene, were also very urgent with the Athenians
and reproached them with having already secretly
fa-
voured the Lacedemonians but too much, who were

the professed enemies of the Thebans,
and the
tyrants
of Peloponnesus.
p
But Demosthenes,
tions,
insensible to
all
and mindful of nothing but the
these solicita-
real interest of
his country, ascended the tribunal, in order to enforce
the negotiation of the Lacedemonians.
He reproached
the Athenians, according to his usual custom, with

* Philipp.
il.
552
JtfISORY OF PHILIP.
He
supineness and indolence.

designs of Philip, which he
that they
aim
no
at
less
" You excel," says he

that circumstance
and your
tion
still
and declares
than the conquest of
all Greece.
"
to them,
both you and he, in
which
the o ject of your applica-
is
You
cares.
exposes the ambitious

pursues
speak in a better manner
than him, and he acts better than you.
ence of the past, ought
make you more

gard to him
you
to lull
and
it,
army,
you
is
open your eyrs, and
at least to
suspicious and circumspect with re-
but this serves to no other purpose than
At
asleep.
same time
the
marching towards Peloponnesus

to
The ex peri-
he
is
his troops are
sending
Do you
expected every moment.
money
head of a powerful
his arrival in person, at the
think that
will be secure, after he shall have possessed him-
self of the territories
round you
for the security of cities, various
Art has invented*
methods of defence,
as ramparts, walls, ditches, and the like works
nature surrounds the wise with a
which covers them on

security of states.
dence."
He
all
sides,
What is
cour to the Lacedemonians
people,
but
bulwark,
and provides for the
bulwark
? It is diffi*
concludes with exhorting the Athenians
to rouse from their lethargy
directly all
this
common
such domestic
to
send immediate suc-
and, above
traitors as
and brought their present
them, by spreading
false reports,
all,
to punish
have deceived the

calamities
upon
and employing cap-
tious assurances.
The
Athenians and Philip did not yet come to an
open rupture
latter
that
whence we may conjecture,
that the
delayed his invasion of Peloponnesus, in order
he might not have too many enemies upon
his
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
hands
at the
same time.
However, he did not sit
Eubea as
proper, from
situation, to
its
favour the designs he meditated against Greece

in the very
He
it.
which he
upon
as
it
it
to
fall
into the
might be joined
However,
bridge.
that island,
But
called the shackles of Greece.
concerned the Athenians, on the other

suffer
and,
indeed set every engine to
that time, in order to seize
at
beginning of his reign, had attempted to
possess himself of
work
still,
Philip had a long
but turned his views another way.

time considered
553
it
side,
hands of an enemy
nearly
not to
especially
to the continent of Attica
by a
according to their
tnat people,
usual custom, continued indolent whilst Philip pursu-
The
ed his conquests.
attentive
who was
latter,
and vigilant over his
interest,
continually
endeavoured to
carry on an intelligence in the island, and by dint of
who had the greatest authority in

At the request of certain of the inhabitants, he
some troops privately thither possessed himself
presents bribed those

r
it.
sent
of several strong places
dismantled Porthmos, a very
important fortress in Eubea, and established three ty-
He
rants or kings over the country.
Oreum, one of the

rants over
it,
upon
strongest cities of Eubea, of which
possessed the fourth part
it
also seized
who
and established
live ty-
exercised an absolute authority
there in his name.

s
Upon
this,
Piutarch of Eretria sent a deputation to
the Athenians, conjuring

that island,
4.
to
come and
deliver
every part of which was upon the point of
Demost. Philip,
vol.
them
Hi. p. 93.
71
Plut, in Pi.
p.
M6,
J^T".
554
HISTORY OF PHILIF.
The Athenisent some troops under the command of
submitting entirely to the Macedonians.

ans upon
this,
r
Phocion.
reputation,
That general had already acquired great

and will have, in the sequel, a great share
in the administration
He had
mestic.
of
both foreign and do-
affairs,
studied in the academy under Plato,
and afterwards under Xenocrates, and
had formed
the
his morals
most austere
and his
in that school
upon the model of
life,
We are told, that no Atheni-
virtue.
an ever saw him laugh, weep, or go to the public
Whenever he went
baths.
into the country, or
was
in
u
the army, he always walked barefoot, and without a
cloak, unless the weather happened to be insupportably
cold; so that the soldiers used to say, laughing
Phocion has got
his cloak
on
it
"see
a sign of a hard
is
winter."
He knew
that eloquence is a necessary quality in a
statesman, for enabling
He
it
his adminis-
therefore applied himself particularly to
the attainment of
ed that
to execute happily the
may undertake during
great designs he
tration.
him
it,
and with great success. Persuad-
was with words
as
with coins, of which
the most esteemed are those that with less weight
have most
intrinsic value
Phocion had formed him-
self to a lively, close, concise style,
great
many
which expressed a
Appearing one day
ideas in few words.
absent in an assembly, where he was preparing to

speak, he was asked the reason of
ing," says he, " whether
it
'Plut.inPhoc.
n
is
p.
it
"I am
consider-
not possible for
743,745.
Socrates used often to walk in that manner.
me
to
555
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
retrench any part of the discourse I
am
He
means carried
was a strong reasoner, and by
that
make."
to
every thing against the most sublime eloquence,
made Demosthenes, who had

whenever he appeared
" there
quence
is
vulgar,
who
absolutely
require the
ans
my
that this kind of elo-
same things
But
intelligible.
effects of
contrary to the genius of the
and with greater extent,
more
away the
One would imagine
words."
ed,
often experienced this,
harangue the public, say,
to
the axe which cuts
is
which
it
lively, penetrating,
to be often repeat-
being the
in order to their
was not so with the Atheni-
and lovers of a hidden sense,
they valued themselves upon understanding an orator

at half a
word, and really understood him.
adapted
himself to
their
and
taste,
surpassed even Demosthenes, which
is
Phocion
in this
point
saying a great
deal.
Phocion observing
time were concerned
ed
it
into military
and
that those persons,
who
in the administration,
civil
at this
had divid-
that one part as
Eubulus,
Aristophon, Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and Hyperides,

confined themselves merely to haranguing the people,
and
proposing
decrees
that the
other
part,
as
Diopithes, Leosthenes, and Chares, advanced themselves
by
military
employments
he chose rather to
imitate the conduct of Solon, Aristides and Pericles,
who had known how
to unite both talents, the arts of
government with military

employment, peace and
valor.
Whilst he was in
tranquillity
were always
his
object, as being the
end of every wise government ;

and yet commanded in more expeditions, not only
than
all
the generals of his time, but even than
all
his
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
556
He was
predecessors.
command
or
made
honoured with the supreme
forty five times, without having
interest for
command
it
once asked
and was always appointed
to
The world was
the armies in his absence.
astonished, that, being of so severe a turn of mind, and
so great an
enemy
to flattery of every kind,
possible for him, in a
manner
to fix in his
how
own
it
was
favour
the natural levity and inconstancy of the Athenians,
though he frequently used to oppose very strenuously

their will
and caprice, without regard to their captious-
ness and delicacy.
The
idea they had formed to
themselves of his probity and zeal for the public good,

extinguished every other opinion of him
cording to Plutarch, generally

efficacious
made
and that ac-
his eloquence so
and triumphant.
I thought
it
necessary to give the reader this idea of
Phocion's character, because frequent mention will be
made
of him in the sequel.
nians gave the
command
It
was
to
him the Athe-
of the forces they sent to the
But
aid of Plutarch of Eretria.
benefactors with ingratitude,
this traitor repaid his
set
up the standard
against them, and endeavoured openly to repulse the
However, Phocion w as
very army he had requested.

not at a loss
for he
how
to act
upon
this unforeseen perfidy
pursued his enterprise, won a
battle,
and drove
Plutarch from Eretria.
After
Athens
this
;
great
success,
Phocion returned
but he was no sooner gone, than
all
to
the
allies
regretted the absence of his goodness and jus-
tice.
Though
oppression and extortion,
enemy of every kind of

he knew how to insinuate
himself into the minds of
men
the professed
with art; and
at the
HISTORY OP PHILIP.
same time he made others

talent of
made Chabrias
clay
go with
to
he had the rare
fear him,
making them love him
557
still
a fine answer,
He one
more.
who
appointed
him
which
ten light vessels to raise the tribute
certain cities, in alliance with Athens, paid every year.
"
To
what purpose," says he, "
is
such a squadron ?
Too strong, if I am only to visit allies but too weak,

The Athenians knew very
if I am to fight enemies."
;
well,
by the consequences, the
signal service
which
Phocion's great capacity, valor, and experience, had
done them
in the expedition
ofEubea;
who succeeded him, and who

command of the troops after
sus,
the
so unsuccessful, that he
Molos-
that general,
into the
fell
for
took upon himself
was
hands of the
enemy.
v
Philip,
who
did not lay aside the design he had
formed of conquering
and sought
for
another way.
all
Greece, changed the attack,
an opportunity of distressing Athens
He knew
from the barren-
that this city
ness of Attica, stood in greater want of foreign corn
than any other."

transports,
To
dispose at discretion of their
and by that means
starve
Athens, he
marches towards Thrace, from whence that

ported the greatest part of
its
city
provisions, with an in-
tention to besiege Perinthus and Byzantium.
keep
left
his
kingdom
his son
in
im*
To
obedience during his absence, he
Alexander
in
it,
with sovereign authority,
though he was but fifteen years old. This young prince

gave, even at that time,
some proofs of his courage
having defeated certain neighbouring

v
Demost. pro Ctes.
w A. M.
3664.
states, subject to
p. 486, 487.
Ant. J, C. 340.
HISTORY OF
558
FftILIP.
Macedonia, who had considered the king's absence as

a very proper *ime for executing the design they had
formed of
ander's
father,
This happy success of Alex-
revolting.
first
and
expeditions was highly agreeable to his
at the
same time an earnest of what might
But
be expected from him.
by
this
dangerous
fearing
he should abandon himself
bait,
inconsiderately to his vivacity and
become
in order to
allured
lest,
his master,
fire,
he sent for him,
and form him
in
person
for the trade of war.
Demosthenes
continued his invectives against
still
the indolence of the Athenians,
rouse from their lethargy
whom
nothing could
and also against the avarice
of the orators, who, bribed by Philip,
amused
the peo-
ple
upon the specious pretence of a peace he had sworn
to,
and however violated openly every day, by the en-
terprises he
is
formed against the commonwealth.
This
the subject of his orations, called the philippics.

N
"
Whence comes
it,"
says he, " that
all
the
Greeks
now run
The reason is, because there
prevailed at that time among the people, what prevails
no longer among us; that which triumphed over the
formerly panted so strongly after liberty, and
so eagerly into servitude ?
riches of the Persians
of Greece
which maintained the freedom
which never acted inconsistently on any
occasion cither by sea or by land
now
our
but which being
extinguished in every heart, has entirely ruined

affairs;
It is that
and subverted the constitution of Greece.
common
hatred, that general detestation, in
which they held every person who had a soul abject

*
Philippic,
iii,
p.
90.
559
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
to sell himself to
enough
enslave,
any
man who desired
or even corrupt Greece.
either to
In those times, to
accept of a present was a capital crime, which never
orators nor their generals

traffic,
price
Neither their
of being punished with death.
failed
now become
is set
so
upon every
exercised the scandalous
common
in
Athens, where a
and where
thing,
things are
all
sold to the highest bidder.

y
" In those happy times, the Greeks lived in a
perfect union, founded on the love of the public good,
and the desire of preserving and defending the com-
mon
But
liberty.
in this age, thfi states
another, and g';ve themselves
and jealousies.
up
abandon one
to reciprocal distrusts
of them, without
All
exception,
Argives, Thebans, Corinthians, Lacedemonians, Ar-
no
cadians, and ourselves

say,
form a separate
less than others
and
interest;
this
it is
all, all,
that renders
common enemy so powerful.

" The safety of Greece consists therefore in our
uniting together against this common enemy, if that be
the
But
possible.
at least, as to
what concerns each of us
in particular, this incontestible
maxim
it is
absolutely
necessary to hold, that Philip attacks you actually at

this
time
that he has infringed the peace
seizing upon
all
that by-
the fortresses around you, he opens
and prepares the way
for attacking
and that he considers us as

cause he knows that
we
you yourselves
his mortal enemies, be-
only are able to oppose the
ambitious designs he entertains of grasping universal
power."
y
Philippic
iv. p.
102.
ib;d. in. p. 97.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
560
a
" These consequently
imaginable vigor
we must oppose
with
ail
and for that purpose must ship
off,
without loss of time, the necessary aids for Chersone-
Byzantium
sus and
whatever
in fine,
necessaries
must provide
you
your generals may require
of the Greeks,
the yoke, yet
O Athenians,
you ought
in presence
states to
f
o. all
second us
let
now
threat-
Though all the rest

should bow their necks to
to persist in fighting always
cause of liberty.
for the
is
ened with the utmost danger.
made
you must concert together on such means as
most proper to save Greece, which
are
instantly
After such preparations,
Greece,
let
us excite
all
other
us acquaint every people with
our resolutions, and send ambassadors to Peloponnesus,

Rhodes, Chio, and especially to the king of Persia
for
it is
his interest, as well as ours, to
check the career
of that man."
The
sequel will shew, that Demosthenes's advice
was followed almost
exactly.
At the time he was
de-
claiming in this manner, Philip was marching towards
Chersonesus.
He opened the campaign with
the siege
of Perinthus, a considerable city of Thrace.
The
Athenians having prepared a body of troops to succour

that place, the orators prevailed so far
es, that
by their speech-
Chares was appointed commander of the
This general was universally despised,

oppressions,
and mean capacity
credit supplied the place of merit
on
for his
but
manners,
interest
this occasion,
faction prevailed against the counsels of the
b Ibid,
p. 94,
Philippic, iii.p. 88.

c
Plut,inPhoc.p.74r.
and
and
most pru-
dent and virtuous men, as happens but too often.
fleet.
The
95,
561
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
success answered the rashness of the choice which had

d
been made
but what could be expected from a
whose
general,
abilities
ousness was great
were as small as his voluptu-
who
military expeditions, a
took along with him.
his
in
band of musicians, both vocal
and instrumental, who were
in
which was
his pay,
levied out of the monies appointed for the service of
the fleet
succour he was sent, would

into their harbours
buying the
to coast,
to
come
his fidelity being uni-
so that
him
not suffer
suspected, he was obliged to
versally
whose
In short, the cities themselves, to
sail
from coast
allies,
and contemned by the
time, Philip
was carrying on the siege
enemy.
e
In the
mean
He had
of Perinthus with great vigor.
chosen troops, and military engines of

out number.
He had
thirty
all
raised towers
thousand
kinds with-
eighty cubits
high, which far out topped those of the Perinthians.
He therefore had
On
walls.
a great advantage in battering their
one side he shook the foundations of them
by subterraneous mines
down whole
with his battering rams
angles of
did the besieged
make
as soon as one breach

to see another wall
itants of
sary.
nor
a less vigorous resistance
for
was made, Philip was surprised
behind
Byzantium
The
it,
and on the other, he beat
sent
it,
just raised.
them
all
The
inhab-
the succours neces-
Asiatic satrapce, or governors, by the king
of Persia's order, whose assistance
we observed
the
Athenians had requested, likewise threw forces into the

d
Athen.
vol.
1.
4.
sii.p. 530.
72
Diod.
1.
xvi. p.
46646S,
562
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
Philip, in order to deprive the besieged of the
place.
succours the Byzantines gave them, went
form the siege of that important
army
in
person to
leaving half his
on that of Perinthus.
to carry
He was
city,
desirous to appear, in outward show, very
tender of giving umbrage to the Athenians, whose power
whom
he dreaded, and
fine
words.
by way
At
he endeavoured to amuse with
we now speak
the times
Philip,
of,
of precaution against their disgust of his
measures, wrote a
them,
letter to
in
which he endeav-
ours to take off the edge of their resentments, by re-
proaching them
in the strongest
which he boasts he had
tion of the several treaties,
This piece he interspersed
observed very religiously.

very
artfully, for
terms, for their infrac-
he was a great master of eloquence,
with such complaints and menaces as are best calculated to restrain
This
fear or shame.
original.
mankind, either from a principle of

letter
is
a masterpiece in the
majestic and persuasive vivacity shines
in every part of
it
a strength and justness of reason-
ing sustained throughout

declaration of facts,
natural consequence
and unaffected
plain
each of which
a delicate
is
irony
followed by
its
in fine, that
noble and concise style so proper for crowned heads.
We might here
said of Cesar/
very justly apply to Philip, what was
"that he handled the pen as well as
he did the sword."
This
great a
letter is so long,
number
and besides
is filled
with so
of private facts, though each of these
are important, that
it
will not
admit of being reduced
to extracts, or to have a connected abridgment

(
Eodem animo
dixit,
quo
bellavit.
Quintil.
1.
x. c. 1.
made
563
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
of
therefore cite but one
I shall
it.
by
passage,
which the reader may form a judgment of the
rest.
" At the time of our most open ruptures," says

Philip to the Athenians, "
fit
me
out privateers against
merchants
that
to favour any
and
came
party
you went no
to seize
to trade
in
that opposed
to infest the places subject to
ities:
but
now you
further than to
and
sell
the
my dominions;
my measures
me by your
hostil-
carry hatred and injustice to such
prodigious lengths, as even to send ambassadors to the

Persian, in order to excite
me.
stance
him
to declare
war against
This must appear a most astonishing circum;
he had made himself master of
for before
Egypt and Phenicia, you had

solemn manner, that
new enterprise, you
in case
resolved,
in the
most
he should attempt any
then would invite me, in
common
with the rest of the Greeks, to unite our forces against
him.
And,
nevertheless, at this time
you carry your
hatred to such an height as to negotiate an alliance
with him against me.
your fathers imputed to
have been
told, that
Pisistratus, as an
formerly
unpardona-
ble crime, his having requested the succour of the Persians against the Greeks,
and yet you do not blush
commit a thing which you were
perpetually
to
condemn-
ing in the person of your tyrants."

Philip's letter did
him
as
much
service as a
good
manifesto, and gave his pensioners in Athens a fine
opportunity of justifying
him
to people,
who were
very desirous of easing themselves of political inquietudes, and greater enemies to expense and labour,
than to usurpation and tyranny.

bition of Philip,
The
boundless am.
and the eloquent zeal of Demosthenes,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
564
were perpetually clashing.
There was neither a
The one covered
peace nor a truce between them.
very industriously, with a specious pretence, his enterprises and infractions of treaty
and the other endeav-
oured as strongly to reveal the true motives of them

to a people,
whose
with respect to the
resolutions had a great influence

fate
Demosthenes was sensible how
this
minds of the Athenians.
this
occasion
vastly necessary
to erase, as soon as possible,
which the perusal of
On
of Greece.
the
first
Accordingly, that zealous
He
speaks in an affirmative tone of voice, which
eyes of the multitude.

plaints of
war
Ph
lip
He
affixes to the
often
in the
heavy com-
the idea of an express declaration of
then, to animate his fellow citizens, to
with confidence
in the resolution
spires them, he assures
the ruin of Philip

nians,
at first
is
and sometimes the whole proof
half,
was
might make on the
letter
patriot immediately ascends the tribunal.
more than
it
impressions
them
them
with which he
that
all
and even Philip himself.
in-
things portend
gods, Greeks, Persians,
fill
Macedo-
Demosthenes does
not observe in this harangue the exact rules of refutation
he avoids contesting
facts,
which might have
been disadvantageous, so happily had Philip disposed

them, and so well had he supported them by proofs
that
s
seemed unanswerable.
The
conclusion which this orator draws from
his arguments
is this
" Convinced by these truths,
Athenians, and strongly persuaded, that
longer be allowed to affirm that

g
all
we
Plut, in Phoc. p. 748.
we can no
enjoy peace, for
565
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
war against us by
Philip has declared
and
his letter,
has long done the same by his conduct, you ought not
to spure either the public treasure, or the possessions of
when occasion
shall require, haste
to
your respective standards, and
set abler generals
at
your head than those you have hitherto employed.
private persons
but
For no one among you ought
men who
to
have ruined your
restore
them
to
their
Think how infamous it

should contemn dangers
is,
to imagine, that the
affairs,
will
have
same
abilities
former happy situation.

that a
man from Macedon
to such a degree,
that,
merely
to aggrandize his empire, he should rush into the midst
of combats,
and return from
battle
wouRds and that Athenians, whose

;
is to
in
obey no man,
hand
tion of
but to
with
hereditary right
it
impose laws on others sword
that Athenians, I say,
spirit
covered
merely through dejec-
and indolence, should degenerate from
the glory of their ancestors, and abandon the interest
of their country!"
At
the very time they were examining this
affair,
news was brought of the shameful reception Chares

had met with from the
allies,
which raised a general
murmur among the people, who now,
fired with indig-
nation, greatly repented their having sent aid to the
Phocion then rose up and told the people,

" that they ought not to be exasperated at the diffidence
Byzantines.
of the
allies,
but
at the
conduct of the generals
who
had occasioned
it.
For it is these," continued he,
" who render you odious, and formidable even to
those
who cannot
save themselves from destruction
without your assistance."
And
indeed Chares, as
we
have already observed, was a general without valor
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
566
or military knowledge.
His whole merit consisted
in
having gained a great ascendent over the people by the
haughty and bold
air
His presumption
he assumed.
concealed his incapacity from himself; and a sordid

principle of avarice
made him commit
many
as
blun-
ders as enterprises.
h
The
people, struck with this discourse, immediately
changed
to
their opinion,
command
and appointed Phocion himself
body of fresh
troops, in order to succour
the allies upon the Hellespont.
ed
This choice contribut-
chiefly to the preservation of
Byzantium.
Phocion
had already acquired great reputation, not only

valor and ability in the art of war, but
opened
their gates
The Athenian
for
tohim with joy, and lodged
his soldiers in their houses, as their
children.
much more
The Byzantines, on
his probity and disinterestedness.

his arrival,
for his
officers
with the confidence reposed
in
own
and
brothers and
soldiers, struck
them, behaved with
the utmost prudence and modesty, and were entirely
irreproachable in their conduct.
admired
for their
courage
and
Nor were
they less
in all the attacks they
sustained, discovered the utmost intrepidity,
danger seemed only to improve.
which
Phocion's pru-
dence, seconded by the bravery of his troops, soon

forced Philip to abandon his design upon Byzantium
He was beat out of the Hellespont,

which diminished very much his fame and glory, for he
and Perinthus.
hitherto had been thought invincible, and nothing been
Phocion took some of his
able to oppose him.
recovered
*
A.
many
3665.
fortresses
Ant.
J.
C. 339.
ships,
which he had garrisoned

:
Diod.
!.
xvi. p. 468.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
567
and having made several descents into different parts of

his territories, he plundered
the open country,
all
till
a body of forces assembling to check his progress,
he was obliged to
*
retire, after
having been wounded.
The Byzantines andTerinthians testified their grat-
itude to the people of Athens, by a very honourable decree, preserved by
Demosthenes
the substance of which
Bosphoricus the
sired leave
sembly
pontiff,
one of his orations,
repeat here
Damagetus,
after
" Under
having de-
of the senate to speak, said, in a
Inasmuch
I shall
in
times
as in
full as-
past the continual
benevolence of the people of Athens towards the Bj zanPerinthians, united by alliance
and
tines
common
when
itself,
taken up arms to
Philip of
Macedon, who had
beneficent people succoured us with a
hundred and twenty

danger
down our
a season of so great calamity, this
in
arms and forces
destroy Byzantium and Perinthus,
battered our walls, burnt our country, cut

forests; that
their
signalized, has lately
that this benevolence, so often
displayed
and
never failed upon any occasion
origin, has
of one
furnished with provisions,
sail,
that they saved us
in fine, that
fleet
from the greatest
they restored us to the quiet pos-
session of our government, our laws and our tombs.
The
Byzantines and Perinthians grant by decree, the
Athenians to
rinthus and
settle in the countries
Byzantium
chase lands, and to enjoy
zens
they also grant
to
marry
all
He
in
them, to pur-
the prerogatives of
citi-
them a distinguished place
kDemost. pro Ctes.

1
belonging to Pe-
p.
48r,488.
probably was the chief magistrate
at
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
568
public shows, and the right of sitting both in the senate
and the assembly of the people, next

and
that every
Athenian,
who
shall think
of the two
cities
above men-
tioned, shall be
that in the
each
to settle in either
further,
proper
to the pontiffs
shall
exempted from taxes of any kind
harbours, three statues of sixteen cubits
be
which statues
set up,
shall represent the
people of Athens crowned by those of Byzantium and
Perinthus
and besides, that presents
the four solemn
games of Greece, and that the crown we
have decreed to the Athenians,
ed
be sent to
shall
shall there
so that the same ceremony
may
be proclaim-
acquaint
all
the
Greeks, both with the magnanimity of the Athenians,
and the gratitude of the Perinthians and Byzantines."
The
inhabitants of Chersonesus
the tenor of which
is
as follows
"
made
a like decree,
Among the
nations
inhabiting the Chersonesus, the people of Sestos, of

Elia, of Madytis, and of Alopeconnesus, decree to the
people and senate of Athens, a crown of gold of sixty

m and erect two altars, the one to the goddess
talents
;
of gratitude, and the other to the Athenians, for their

having, by the most glorious of
all
benefactions, freed
from the yoke of Philip the people of Chersonesus,

and restored them to the possession of their country,
their laws, their liberty,
and their temples
an act of
beneficence which they shall fix eternally in their

ories,
and never cease
of their power.
to
acknowledge
to the
mem-
utmost
All which they have resolved in
full
senate."
n
Philip, after
having been forced to raise the siege of
Byzantium, marched against Atheas, king of Scythia,

m 60,000 French crowns
Justin.
1.
h.
c%
3,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
from
whom
he had received some per onal cause of
discontent, and took his son with
Though
tion.
569
him
army, he defeated them without any
expedi-
in this
the Scythians had a very
numerous
He
difficulty.
got a very great booty, which consisted not in gold

or silver, the use and value of which the Scythians
were not as yet so unhappy
as to
know, but
and a great number of
in horses,
in cattle,
women and
chil-
dren.
At
his return
from Scythia, the Triballi, a people of
Mesia, disputed the pass with him, laying claim to
was carrying
part of the plunder he
forced to
come
to a battle,
fought, in which great

killed
on the
in the thigh,
killed
spot.
Philip
off.
was
and a very bloody one was
numbers on each
The king
himself was
side
were
wounded
and with the same thrust had his horse
under him.
Alexander flew to
his father's aid,
and, covering him with his shield, killed or put to flight

all
who
attacked him.
SECTION
.?HII.IP
VI.
APPOINTED GENERALISSIMO OF THE GREEKS. ATHENIANS AND THEBANS UNITE AGAINST HIM. HE GAINS
A BATTLE AT CHERONEA.
The
Athenians had considered the siege of Byzan-
tium as an absolute rupture, and an open declaration of

war.
The
king of Macedon,
of the consequences of
A. M. 3666.
vol. 4.
Ant.
it,
J.
73
who was
apprehensive
and dreaded very
C. 338.
Plut, in
Phoc
much
p. 748-
the
HISTORY OF
570
power of
FlIILir.
whose hatred he had drawn
the Athenians,
upon himself, made overtures of peace,

their resentments.
Phocion,
little
in order to soften
suspicious, and
apprehensive of the uncertainty of military events, was
of opinion that the Athenians should accept his
offers.
But Demosthenes, who had studied more than Phocion the genius and character of Philip, and was persuaded
that,
view was
to
according to his usual custom, his only
amuse and impose upon
the Athenians,
prevented their listening to his pacific proposals.
was very much the
p It
interest of this prince to
terminate immediately a war, which gave him great
cause of disquiet, and particularly distressed him by

the frequent depredations of the Athenian privateers,
who infested the sea bordering upon his dominions.

They entirely interrupted all commerce, and prevented his subjects from exporting any of the products of
Macedonia
into other countries
or foreigners from
importing into his kingdom the merchandise

Philip was sensible that
to put
would be impossible
it
wanted.
for
him
an end to this war, and free himself from the
inconveniences attending
salians
it
and Thebans
it,
but by exciting the Thes-
to break with Athens.
He could
not yet attack that city, with any advantage, either by

sea or land.
His naval forces were
to those of that republic
at this
time inferior
and the passage by land to
Attica would be shut against him, as long as theThessalians should refuse to join
him, and the Thebans should
oppose his passage.
with the view of prompting
them
to declare
If,
war against Athens, he should ascribe
Deraost. pro Ctes. p. 49", 498,
HISTORY OF PHILIK
no other motive for
very sensible that
the states
them
it
it
than his private enmity, he was
would have no
him
their chief,
with either of
would be
easier
upon the specious
common
pretence of espousing their

it
effect
but that in case he could once prevail with
to appoint
hoped
571
him
for
cause, he then
to
make them
acquiesce with his desires, either by persuasion or

deceit.
This was
his aim, the smallest traces
of which
it
highly concerned him to conceal, in order not to give

the least opportunity for any one to suspect the design
he meditated.
who
sent
In every city he retained pensioners,
him
notice of whatever passed, and
means were of great use
By
ly well paid.
ions
among
to
him
by
that
and were according-
their machinations he raised, divis-
the Ozolas
of Locris, otherwise called
the Locrians of Amphissa, from their capital city
between Etolia and Phocis
their country
was
situated
and they were accused of having profaned a spot of

sacred ground, by ploughing up the Cirrhean
which lay very near the temple of Delphos.
field,
The reader
has seen that a like cause of complaint occasioned the
The affair was to be heard before the

Amphyctions.
Had Philip employed in his own
favour any known or suspicious agent, he plainly saw
first
sacred war.
that the
Thebans and the Thessalians would
suspect his design, in which case,

fail
to stand
But
upon
all
parties
infallibly
would not
their guard.
Philip acted
more
artfully,
by carrying on
his
designs, by persons in the dark, which entirely pre-
vented their taking
air.
By
the assiduity of his pen-
sioners in Athens, he had caused Eschines,
who was
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
572
be appointed one of the
entirely devoted to him, to
by which name those were called, who were

sent by the several Greek cities to the assembly of the
pylagori,
Amphyctions.
the
more
The
instant he
came
into
effectually in favour of Philip, as a citizen of
Athens, which had declared openly against
was
Upon
less suspected.
was appointed,
utation
he acted
it,
this prince,
his remonstrances, a dep-
order to
in
visit
the spot of
ground, of which the Amphissians had hitherto been

considered as the lawful possessors, but which they
now were accused
of usurping, by a most sacrilegious
act.
Whilst the Amphyctions were
ground
in question, the
Locrians
visiting the spot of
fall
upon them una-
wares, pour in a shower of darts, and oblige them to
So open an outrage drew resentment and war
fly.
upon these Locrians.
Cottyphus, one of the
phyctions, took the field with the
punish the rebels

,
but
many
army intended
following assembly of the Amphyctions, the
In the
affair
was
was there Eschines exert-
debated very seriously.
It
ed
by
his eloquence, and,
to
not coming to the ren-
dezvous, the army retired without acting.
all
Am-
a studied oration, proved
to the deputies, or representatives, either that they
must
assess themselves to support foreign soldiers and
punish the rebels, or else elect Philip for their general.
The
deputies, to save their
pense, and secure
them from
commonwealth
the
ex-
the dangers and fatigues.
of a war, resolved the latter. Upon which, by a public decree, " ambassadors were sent to Philip of Macedon,
tions,
who
in the
name of Apollo and
implore his assistance
beseech
the
Amphyc-
him not
to
"
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
573
neglect the cause of that god, which the impious
make
phissians
for this purpose
Amphyctions,
power
sport
their
Am-
and notify to him, that
the Greeks, of the council of the
all
him
elect
for their general,
with
full
to act as he shall think proper."
This was the honour

aspired, the
aim of all
engines he had set at work
Cirrhean
Locrians,
who had
for his journey,
regard
all
He
that time.
and marches, by a
forgetting
field,
till
and end of
the
there-
moment, but immediately assem-
fore did not lose a
bles his forces,
which Philip had long
to
his views,
now both
feint,
towards the
the Cirrheans
and
only served as a specious pretext
and
for
whom
he had not the least
he possessed himself of Elatea, the greatest
Phocis, standing on the river Cephissus, and
city in
the most happily situated for the design he meditated,
who now began
of awing the Thebans,
to
open their
eyes, and to perceive the danger they were in.

q
This news being brought to Athens
in the
ing, spread a terror through every part of
it.
The next
morning an assembly was summoned, when the
was the usual custom,
as
<l
who among you
er,
will
for that
purpose
Howev-
upon which
he repeated the invitation several times, but

one rose up, though
present
try,
all
herald,
cries with a loud voice,
r
ascend the tribunal ?"
no person appears
even-
still
no
the generals
and orators were
common
voice of the coun-
and although the
with repeated cries, conjured some body to pro-
pose a salutary counsel

9
for,
says Demosthenes, from
Demost. pro. Ctes.

1
Diod. 1.
xvi. p.
p.
501
504.
474477.
HISTORY OF PHILIP,
574
whom
these particulars are taken, whenever the voice
of the herald speaks in the
name
of the laws,
it
to be considered as the voice of the country.
ought
During
this general silence, occasioned bj the universal

r
alarm
with which the minds of the Athenians were seized,
Demosthenes, animated
ger his fellow citizens were

for harangues,
sight of the great dan-
at the
ascends the tribunal
in,
and endeavours to revive the drooping
Athenians, and inspire them with sentiments suitable to

the present conjuncture, and the necessities Of the state.
Excelling equally in politics and eloquence, by the

extent of his superior genius, he immediately forms a
which includes
council,
Athenians to act both
all
at
that
was necessary
home and
for the
abroad, by land as
well as by sea.
The
people of Athens were under a double error,
with regard to the Thebans, which he therefore en-
deavours to show.
They imagined
inviolably attached, both

to Philip
from
that people
interest
and
inclination,
but he proves to them, that the majority of
Thebans waited only an opportunity
the
were
against that
monarch
to declare
and that the conquest of Elatea
has apprized them of what they are to expect from
him.
On
bans
as their
the other side, they looked
upon the The-
most ancient and most dangerous enemies,
and therefore could not prevail with themselves

afford
them the
least aid in the
which they were threatened.

that there
the
to
extreme danger with

It
must be confessed,
had always been a declared enmity between
Thebans and Athenians, which rose so high,
that
Pindar was sentenced by the Thebans to pay a consid-
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
575
5
rable fine, for having applauded the city of Athens in
one of
his
Demosthenes,
poems.
that prejudice
notwithstanding
had taken such deep root
of the people, yet declares in their favour
own
to the Athenians, that their
and
in the
minds
and proves
interest lies at stake
that they could not please Philip more, than in
Thebes
leaving
open him a
to his
mercy, the ruin of which would
free passage to
Athens.
Demosthenes afterwards discovers

"
of Philip in taking that city.
to
What
them the views

then
is
his de-
sign, and wherefore did he possess himself of Elatea ?
He
is
desirous, on one side, to encourage those of his
faction in
Thebes, and
to inspire
them with greater
boldness, by appearing at the head of his army, and
advancing his power and forces around that
would
the other side, he

posite faction,
and stun them
in
such a manner, as may
enable him to get the better of
which you ought to

sets you.
your cavalry.
by
terror or
manner
in
fit
By
act,
for service
this step
you are ready armed
inspire
either
by the example he himself

Assemble, under Eleusis, a body of Athe-
nians, of an age
that
it
Philip," says he, " prescribes the
force.
On
city.
unexpectedly the op-
strike
your partisans
in
you
and support these by

will
shew
all
Greece,
to defend yourselves
Thebes with such
and
resolution,
may enable them both to support their reasons and

to make head against the opposite party, when they
shall perceive, that as those who sell their country to
as
He had
of Greece.
Athens a flourishing and renowned city, the bulwark

At-m^t **< 'Aoifafxot, ExxolS'o ipuo-fxx., nhuvxt aBdvou. But the
called
Athenians not onlv indemnified ihe poet, and sent him mcaey to pay his
but even erected a statue in honour of him.
fine,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
576
Philip have forces in Elatea ready to assist
who
own
occasion; in like manner those,

fight for the preservation of their
you
at their gates,
invasion."
them upon
are willing to
liberties,
have
ready to defend them in case of an
Demosthenes added,
that
it
would be
proper for them to send ambassadors immediately to

the different states of Greece, and to the
particular, to
engage them
in a
Thebans
common league
in
against
Philip.
This prudent and salutary counsel was followed

every particular
in
and in consequence thereof a de-
cree was formed, in which, after enumerating the

several enterprises
peace,
it
by which
continues thus
and people of Athens,

ity
who
to the safety of their
ed, that after offering

call
" For this reason the senate
calling to
of their ancestors,
Greece
down
Philip had infringed the
mind
the
preferred the liberty of
own country, have
up prayers and
to
the assistance of the tutelar gods and demi-
be put to
shall go,
resolv-
sacrifices,
gods of Athens and Attica, two hundred

shall
magnanim-
sea.
sail
That the admiral of
of ships
their fleet
as soon as possible, and cruise on the other
side of the pass of
Thermopylae
at the
same time
that the land generals, at the head of a considerable
body of horse and
foot, shall
neighbourhood of Eleusis.
march and encamp
That ambassadors
likewise be sent to the other Greeks
but
first
Thebans, as these are most threatened by
Let them be exhorted not
in the
shall
to the
Philip.
to dread Philip in any
man-
ner, but to maintain courageously their particular inde-
pendence, and the

let it
common
liberty of all Greece.
And
be declared to them, that though formerly some
577
HIST011Y OF PHILIF.
motives of discontent might have cooled the reciprocal
them and
friendship between
will
now
assist
Athenians how-
us, the
remembrance of past transactions,
ever, obliterating the
them with men, money,
kinds of military weapons
darts,
and
all
persuaded, that such as
are natives of Greece may, very honourably, dispute
with one another for preeminence
but that they can
never, without sullying the glory of the Greeks, and
derogating from the virtue of their ancestors, suffer a

foreigner to despoil
them of that preeminence, nor con-
sent to so ignominious a shivery."

c
Demosthenes, who w as
r
at the
immediately set out for Thebes
no time
to lose, since Philip
Among these
Python was the
ed himself greatly by
it
in
two
chief,
who
distinguish-
his lively persuasive eloquence,
was scarce possible
rest of the deputies
to
and indeed, he had
might reach Attica
This prince also sent ambassadors to Thebes.
days.
which
head of this embassy,
to withstand
were mere novices
him however, he here met with

:
in
so that the
comparison
a superior.
And,
indeed, Demosthenes, in an oration, where he relates

the services he had done the commonwealth, expatiates very strongly
on
this,
and places the happy success
of so important a negotiation at the head of his political exploits.
'Plut, in
Demost.p. 853,854.
This Python was of Byzantium. The Athenians had presented him

-with the freedom of their city ; after which he went over to Philip. De*
most. p. 193, 745.

v
vol.
4.
Demo&t.
orat.
74
pro Coron.
p. 509.
HISTORY OF PHlLir.
578
w
to
It
was of the utmost importance
draw the Thebans
for the
Athenians
were
into the alliance, as they
neighbours to Attica, and covered
it
had troops
excellently well disciplined, and had been considered
from the famous
victories of Leuctra and Mantinea,
among- the several states of Greece, as those who held

the
first
rank for valor and
was no very easy matter
ability in war.
To effect
this
not only because of the great
service Philip had lately done
them during
the war of
Phocis, but likewise because of the ancient inveterate
Thebes and Athens.
antipathy of
Philip's deputies spoke

in
first.
These displayed,
the strongest light, the kindnesses
which
with
Philip had loaded the Thebans, and the innumerable

evils
which the Athenians had made them
They
represented to the utmost advantage, the great
might reap from laying Attica waste, the
benefit they
flocks, goods,
their city
suffer.
and power of which would be carried into
whereas,
by joining
in league
with the
Athenians, Beotia would thereby become the seat of
war, and would alone suffer the losses, depredations,

burnings, and
all
the
other calamities which are the
inevitable consequences of
requesting, either that the
it.
They concluded with
Thebans would
join their
forces with those of Philip against the Athenians

least,
permit him to pass through their
or, at
territories to
enter Attica.
The
love of his country, and a just indignation at
the breach of faith and usurpations of Philip, had

already sufficiently animated Demosthenes, but the
sight of an orator,
who seemed
w Demost.
to dispute with
in orat. pro Coron. p. 509.
him
the
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
579
superiority of eloquence, inflamed his zeal, and height-
ened
his vivacity
To
more.
still
the captious argu-
ments of Python, he opposed the actions themselves of

Philip,
and particularly the
late
taking of Elatea, which
evidently discovered his designs.
him
represented
as a rest'ess, enterprising, ambitious, crafty, per-
fidious prince,
Greece
all
He
who had formed
the design of enslaving
but who, to succeed the better in his
schemes, was determined to attack the different states

of
it
singly
was only
a prince,
whose pretended beneficence
a snare for the credulity of those
know him,
in order to
who did
not
disarm those whose zeal for the
public liberty might be an obstacle to his enterprises.
He
proved to them, that the conquest of Attica, so
from
far
satiating the immeasurable avidity of this usurper,
would only give him an opportunity of subjecting

Thebes, and the
the
therefore
rest of the cities of Greece.
That
of the two commonwealths
interests
being henceforward inseparable, they ought to erase

entirely the
remembrance of their former
unite their forces to repel the

x
The Thebans were
divisions,
and
common enemy.
The
not long in determining.
strong eloquence of Demosthenes, says an historian,
blowing into
their souls
rekindled there so
warm
an impetuous wind,
like
a zeal for their country,
and
so mighty a passion for liberty, that banishing from

their
tude,
like a
minds every idea of fear, of prudence, or

his discourse transported
fit
grati-
and ravished them,
of enthusiasm, and enflamed them solely with
the love of true glory.
Here we have a proof of the
mighty ascendant which eloquence has over the minds

2
Theopom. apud
Plut, in vit.
Demost.
p. 854.
580
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
of men, especially when
heightened by a love and
it is
One
zeal for the public good.

all
man
single
svvaved
things at his will in the assemblies of Athens and
Thebes, where he was equally loved, respected, and

feared.
by the union of these two
Philip, quite disconcerted
nations, sent
them not
ambassadors to the Athenians, to request
to levy an
armed
force,
but to
However, they were too
ny, with him.
and exasperated
to listen to
harmo-
live in
justly
alarmed
any accommodation
and
would no longer depend on the word of a prince whose

whole aim was to deceive.
tions for
In consequence, prepara-
war were made with the utmost
diligence,
How-
and the soldiery discovered incredible ardour.

ever,
many
tinguish or
evil
disposed persons endeavoured to ex-
damp
ble predictions,
said to have
it,
by
relating fatal
which the
uttered
omens and
priestess of
terri-
Delphos was
but Demosthenes, confiding
firmly in the arms of Greece, and encouraged wonderfully
by the number and bravery of the
desired only to
suffer
them
to
march
troops,
against the enemy,
who
would not
be amused with these oracles and frivo-
lous predictions.
It
was on
this occasion
the priestess Philippiztd, meaning, that
it
he said, that
was
Philip's
money that inspired the priestess, opened her mouth,

and made the god speak whatever she thought proper.
He bade the Thebans remember their Eparninondas,
and the Athenians their Pericles, who considered these
oracles and predictions as idle scare crows, and con-
sulted only their reason.
The Athenian army
set
out immediately, and marched to Eleusis; and the
Thebans, surprised
at the
diligence of their confed-
581
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
erates, joined
them, and waited the approach of the
enemy.
Philip,
on the other
not having been able to
side,
prevent the Thebans from uniting with Athens, nor to

the latter into an alliance with him, assembles
draw
His army consisted of
his forces, and enters Beotia.

thirty
thousand foot and two thousand horse
enemy was
his
And
to
that of
valor of
have been equal on
but the merit of the chiefs was not
indeed, what warrior
was comparable
Athenian captains, were not his superiors.

indeed, might have opposed
him
all
famous
Phocion,
but not to mention
war had been undertaken against
the contrary faction had excluded
so.
to Philip at
that time ? Iphicrates, Chabrias, Timotheus,
that this
The
not quite so numerous.
the troops might have been said
both sides
all
him
the
his advice,
command,
and had appointed generals, Chares, universally despised, and Lysicles, distinguished for nothing but his
and daring audacity.
rash
leaders as these,
the
way
the choice of such
by the means of cabal
alone, that paves
to the ruin of states.
The two
Beotia.
It is
armies encamped near Cheronea, a city of
Philip gave the
his son Alexander,
command
who was
of his
left
wing
to
then but sixteen or seven-
teen years old, having posted his ablest officers near
him
and took the
himself.
command
of the right wing upon
In the opposite army, the Thebans formed
the right wing, and the Athenians the
left.
At sunrise, the signal was given on both sides.

The battle was bloody, and the victory a long time
dubious, both sides exerting themselves with astonishing valor and bravery.
Alexander
at that
time ?
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
582
animated with a noble ardour for glory, and endeavouring to signalize himself,
in
fidence his father reposed
under whose eye
of a commander, for the
in quality
he fought,
order to answer the con-
in him,
discovered in this battle,
all
first
time,
the capacity which could
have been expected from a veteran general, with
young
the intrepidity of a
warrior.
all
was he who
It
broke, after a long and vigorous resistance, the sacred
Thebans, which was the flower of
battallion of the
their
The
army.
rest of the troops
who where round
Alexander, being encouraged by his example, entirely

routed them.
On the right wing,
Philip,
who was determined
not
to yield to his son, charged the Athenians with great
vigor,
and began to make them give way.
However,
they soon resumed their courage, and recovered their

first
post.
broke
into
Lysicles, one of the
Macedonians,
and
two generals, having
some troops which formed
the centre of the
imagined himself already victorious,
in that rash confidence
cried out, "
come
us pursue them into Macedonia."
lads, let
on,
my
Philip,
perceiving that the Athenians, instead of seizing the
advantage of taking his phalanx
in flank,
pursued his
troops too vigorously, cried out with a calm tone of

voice, " the Athenians
do not know how
Immediately he commanded
to a
little
eminence
in disorder,
his
them.
conquer."
and perceiving that the Athenians,
were wholly intent on pursuing those they
had broke, he charged them with

attacking
to
phalanx to wheel about
them both
in flank
and
his
phalanx, and
rear, entirely
routed
Demosthenes, who was a greater statesman

y
Polyxan. Stratag.
lib. iv.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.'
583
than a warrior, and more capable of giving wholesome
counsel
in his
harangues, than of supporting them by
an intrepid courage, threw

with the
rest.
It
is
even
down
his arms,
and
fled
said, that in his flight his
robe being catched by a bramble, he imagined that
some of the enemy had laid hold of him, and cried out,
" spare my life." More than one thousand Athenians
were left upon the field of battle, and above two
thousand taken prisoners, among
The
the orator.
loss
was
whom was Demades

on the Theban
as great
side.
up a trophy, and
Philip, after having set
offered to
the gods a sacrifice of thanksgiving for his victory,

distributed rewards to the officers and soldiers, each
according to his merit and the rank he held.
His conduct
self
after this victorv
shows, that
overcome an enemy, than
easier to
to
it is
Upon
and triumph over one's own passions.
coming from
given his
his
which he had
a grand entertainment,
officers,
much
conquer one's
being equally transported with joy
and the fumes of wine, he hurried to the spot where

the battle had been fought, and there,
dead bodies with which the
field
insultina;
was
the
covered, he
turned into a song the beginning of the decree which
Demosthenes had prepared

this
war
to excite
the
Greeks to
and sung thus, himself beating time, " De-
mosthenes thePeanian, son of Demosthenes, has said."
Every body was shocked
to see the
king dishonour
himself by this behaviour, and sully his glory by an

action so
unworthy a king and
one opened his

2
lips
about
it.
a conqueror
Demades
Plutiin vit. decern, orat. p. 845.
but no
the orator,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
584
whose soul was
free,
though
his
body was a
was the only person who ventured
to
prisoner,
make him
sensi-
ble of the indecency of his conduct, telling him, " ah,

sir,
since fortune has given
part of Agamem-
you the
non, are you not ashamed to act that of Thersites ?"
These words, spoke with so generous
a liberty, opened
and made him turn them inward
his eyes,
and, so far
from being displeased with Demades, he esteemed him

the
more
for
spect and
them, treated him with the utmost
friendship,
and conferred
all
re-
possible hon-
ours upon him.
From
this
moment
Philip
seemed quite changed,
both in his disposition and behaviour, as
and introduced him
an
softened
to a familiar acquaint-
He
ance with the Attic graces.
says
Demades had
historian, the conversation of
his temper,
if,
dismissed
all
the
Athenian captives without any ransom, and gave the

of them
greatest part
clothes
view
with the
common-
acquiring the confidence of so powerful a
wealth as Athens by that "kind of treatment
in which,
b
says Polybius, he gained a second triumph,
glorious for
than the
first
himself,
;
more
and even more advantageous
for in the battle, his courage
vailed over none but those
who were
had pre-
present in
but on this occasion, his kindness and clemency

quired
him
him.
He renewed
treaty
of
it
ac-
a whole city, and subjected every heart to
with the Athenians the ancient
of friendship
and
alliance,
Beotians a peace, after having
left
a strong garrison in
Thebes.
Polyb.
1.
and granted the
v. p. 359.
We
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
585
are told that Isocrates, the
most celebrated
who
rhetorician of that age,
loved his country with the
utmost tenderness, could not survive the
ignominy with which
it
The
of Cheronea.
battle
news of
make
it,
was covered, by the

instant
and
loss
loss of the
he received the
being uncertain what use Philip would
of his victory, and determined to die a free-
man, he hastened
He was
end by abstaining from food.
his
ninety eight years of age.
shall
have
occasion to speak elsewhere of his style and of his
works.
Demosthenes seemed
have been the principal
to
cause of the terrible shock which Athens received at

this
as
it
and which gave
time,
never recovered.
power such a wound,
its
But, at the very instant that
which
the Athenians heard of this bloody overthrow,
number of
affected so great a
families,
when
would
it
have been no wonder, had the multitude, seized with

terror
and alarms, given way

against the
zeal,
sidered in
calamity
man whom
some measure
even
at this
to an
emotion of blind
they might have con-
as the author of this dreadful
very instant,
I say, the
people
submitted entirely to the counsels of Demosthenes.
The
precautions that were taken to post guards, to
raise the
walls,
and to repair the
He
consequence of his advice.
fosses,
walls
which
latter
vol.
it
and to repair the
him
acquired
the greatest
Plut, in Isocr. p. 887-
Demost pro Ctes#
p. 514,
4.
75
in
commission he executed with so
generosity that
all
himself was appointed
to supply the city with provisions,
much
were
Plut, in
Demost. p. 85*,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
586
honour
and
for which, at the request of Ctesiphon, a
crown of gold was decreed him,
as a reward for his
having presented the commonwealth with a
money, out of
his
own
estate,
sum
defray
sufficient to
what was wanting of the sums
of
for repairing
the
walls.
On
the present occasion, that
Cheronea, such orators as
having
all
rose
him
cited
up
is,
opposed Demosthenes,
in concert against
to take his
after the battle of
trial
him, and having
according to law, the
people not only declared him innocent of the several

accusations laid to his charge, but conferred
more
honours upon him than he had enjoyed before
and
fidelity
so<
they had for his zeal
did the veneration
strongly
overbalance the efforts of calumny and
malice.
The Athenians, a fickle, wavering people, and apt to

punish their own errors and omissions in the person of
those whose projects were often rendered abortive, for
no other reason but because they had executed them

too slowly, in thus crowning Demosthenes, in the midst
of a public calamity which he alone seemed to have
brought upon hem, pay the most glorious homage to

his abilities
and
integrity.
conduct, they seem

their
own
in
error, in not
neither fully nor early

selves alone guilty of
By
wise and brave
some measure
to
confess
having followed his counsel
enough
all
this
and
the evils
to confess
them-
which had befallen
them.
e
But
the people did not stop here.
The bones
of
such as ,had been killed in the battle of Cheronea,

e
Plut, in
/
Demost. p, 855,
Demost. pro Ctes.
p. 519,
520.
8Y
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
having been brought to Athens to be interred, they

appointed Demosthenes to compose the eulogium of
those brave
ascribe to
men
him
the
ill
who
Providence only,
pleasure
a manifest proof that they did not
success of the battle, but to

disposes of
a circumstance which
human
events at
was expressly men-
monument of
tioned in the inscription engraved on the
those illustrious deceased warriors.

This earth entombs those victims
Who fell
to the state
a glorious sacrifice to zeal.
Greece, on the point of wearing tyrant chains,
Did, by their deaths alone, escape the yokeThis Jupiter decreed
no
effort, mortals,
Can save you from the mighty will of fate.

To gods alone belong the attribute
Of being free from crimes, with never ending joy.
*
Demosthenes opposed Eschines, who was perpet-
him with having occasioned
ually reproaching
the loss
of the battle in question, with this solid answer ; " Censure me," says he, " for the counsels I give ; but do
not calumniate
is
all
for the
things
whereas
itself that
him who
it
we
offers
ill
success of them
who conducts and
the supreme Being
counsel
of
me
it.
is
for
it
terminates
from the nature of the
are to judge of the intention

If therefore
the event has
it not to me as a
God, and not myself, who disposed
declared in favour of Philip, impute

crime, since
it is
of the victory.
But
if
you can prove
that I did not
exert myself with probity, vigilance, and an activity

indefatigable,
and superior to
these I did not seek, I did not
my
strength
which human prudence could suggest
Demost.pro Ctes.
if
with
employ every method
p. 505,
and did not
588
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
inspire the
most necessary and noble
were truly worthy of Athenians
as
resolutions, such
shew me
this,
and then give what scope you please to your accusations."
He
afterwards uses the bold, sublime figure
lowing, which
passage in his oration, and
Longinus.
fol-
looked upon as the most beautiful
is
is
so highly applauded by
Demosthenes endeavours
to justify his
own
conduct, and prove to the Athenians, that they did not
do wrong
He
in giving Philip battle.
is
not satisfied
with merely citing in a frigid manner the example of

the great
men who had
fought for the same cause in
the plains of Marathon, at Salamis, and before Platea
no, he
makes a
this rhetorician
quite different use of them, says
and, on a sudden, as
some god, and possessed with
if
inspired
by
the spirit of Apollo
himself, cries out, swearing
by those brave defenders
of Greece, " No, Athenians
swear by those
illustrious
Marathon and Platca
Artemisium
by
the
and
all
you have not
men who
fought on land at
before Salamis and
at sea
who have been honoured
those
commonwealth with
erred.
the solemn rites of burial
and not those only who have been crowned with suecess,
and came
adds
conclude,
Would
off victorious."
Longinus,
that
not
one
by changing the
natural air of the proof, in this grand and pathetic
manner of
by oaths of so extraordinary a
affirming
nature, he deifies, in
citizens
manner
swear
s
and makes
so
many
some measure,
all
who
die in the
gods, by whose
names
those ancient
same glorious
it is
proper to
Demost. pro Ctes.p. 508.
Longin. de sublim. c.xiw
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
have already observed,
in
589
how natu-
another place,
'
rally apt these
orations,
spoke
ner, to the glory of those
who
ing for the cause of liberty,
in a
most solemn man-
lost their lives in fight-
were to inspire the Athe-
nian youth with an ardent zeal for their country, and
warm
desire to signalize themselves in battle.
Another ceremony observed with regard to the
children of those
our,
was no
whose
fathers died in the
less efficacious to inspire
In a celebrated
love of virtue.
bed of hon-
them with
in
festival,
which
shows were exhibited
to the
came upon
and producing the young
the stage,
the
whole people, an herald

or-
phans drest in complete armour, he said with a loud

" These young orphans, whom an untimely
voice
:
death in the midst of dangers, has deprived of their

illustrious fathers,
who
have found in the people a parent,
has taken care of them
And now
infancy.
till
no longer
in a state of
they send them back, armed cap-
apee, to follow, under the most happy auspices, their
own
affairs
and
invite
each of them to emulate each
other in deserving the chief employments of the state."
By
such methods martial bravery, the love of one's
country, and a taste for virtue and solid glory, are per-
petuated in a state.
It
was the very year of the
battle of
two years before the death of
drew up an accusation
against
'
Demosthenes
Demosthenes,
in
Philip, that
but the cause was not pleaded
in his oration against
Leptines,
who caused
honour of such persons as had
p. 562,
observes, that
funeral orations to be
lost their lives in
their country.
k
Eschines
against Ctesiphon, or rather
the Athenians were the only people
spoke
Cheronea, and
Eschin. contra Ctesiph. p. 452,
the defence of
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
590
seven or eight years
till
after,
about the
year of the reign of Alexander.
fifth
I shall
or sixth
relate the
event of it in this place, to avoid breaking in upon the

history of the
No cause
life
pleaded with so
from
doing
conflict
for
curiosity, nor
was
People flocked to
it
and they had great reason
what sight could be nobler, than a
between two
way
his
much
much pomp.
parts, says Cicero,
all
for so
and actions of that prince.
ever excited so
orators, each of them excellent in
both formed by nature, improved by
art,
and
animated by perpetual dissentions, and an implacable

animosity against each other ?
These two
orations have always been considered as
the masterpieces of antiquity, especially that of
m Cicero had
mosthenes.
translated
the
De-
strong proof of the high opinion he entertained of
Unhappily
is
for us, the
latter,
it.
preamble only to that performance
now extant, which
suffices to
make us very much
regret the loss of the rest.
Amidst the numberless beauties which
are conspicu-
ous in every part of these two orations, methinks there

appears,
if I
may be
allowed to censure the writings of
such great men, a considerable

lessens their perfection, and
error, that very
which appears
to
much
me di-
rectly repugnant to the rules of solid just eloquence
and
that
is,
the gross injurious terms in which the
orators reproach one another.
The same
two
objection
1
Art quod judicium concursus dicitur e tota Grcia factus esse.
Quid enim aut tarn visendum, aut tam audiendum fuit, quam summo-
rum
oratorum, in gravissima causa, accurata et inimicitiis incensa con-
tentio
Cic. de opt. gen. orat. n. 22.

n'
De
opt. gen. orat.
591
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
lias
been made to Cicero, with regard to his orations
against Anthony.
manner
have already declared, that this
of writing, this kind of gross, opprobrious ex-
eloquence
pressions, were the very reverse of solid
and indeed, every speech, which
and revenge, never
who judge
of it
fails
of being suspected by those
whereas an oration that
invincible from reason and argument,
same time,
and persuades no
The
much
it
and which,
at the
informs the understanding
by the esteem
less
seemed
juncture
it
inspires for the
in
ruin of Thebes.
he always
Athens,
espec-
Nevertheless, Es-
and was justly sentenced to ban-
He
ishment for his rash accusation.

settled
whom
party,
was very powerful
after the
Eschines very
to favour
Macedonian
for the
chines lost his cause,
and
strong and
by the force of his arguments.
befriended,
ially
is
conducted with reserve and moderation,
is
wins the heart, whilst
orator, than
dictated by passion
is
thereupon went
himself in Rhodes, where he opened a
school of eloquence, the fame and glory of which con-
tinued for
many
two orations
He began
ages.
that
his lectures with the
had occasioned
his
banishment.
Great encomiums were given to that of Eschines
but when they heard that of Demosthenes, the plaudits
and acclamations were redoubled
and
it
was then he
spoke these words, so greatly laudable in the mouth of

" But what applauses would
an enemy and a rival
:
you not have bestowed, had you heard Demosthenes

speak
To
himself?"
it
conclude, the victor
conquest
order to
for the
embark
instant
for
made
a s:ood use of his
Eschines
left
Athens, in
Rhodes, Demosthenes ran
after
592
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
him, and forced him to accept of a purse of money
which must have obliged him so much the more, as

he had less room to expect such an offer.
On this
occasion,
sible for
Eschines cried out,
me
How will it be
"
pos-
not to regret a country, in which I leave
an enemy more generous than
can hope to find

friends in any other part of the world ?"
I
SECTION VIL
PHILIP DECLAREtl GENEaALISSIMO OF THE GREEKS AGAINST THE
PERSIANS.
The
battle of
Cheronea
Macedon
slaved Greece.
DEATH.
HIS
may be
said to have en-
at that time,
with no more
than thirty thousand soldiers, gained a point, which

Persia, with millions of
cessfully at Platea,
men, had attempted unsucand
Salamis,
at
Philip, in the first years of his reign,
vided, and disarmed his enemies.
at
Marathon.
had repulsed,
In the succeeding
ones, he had subjected, by artifice or force, the
most
powerful states of Greece, and had made himself

arbiter
but
now he
di-
its
prepares to revenge the injuries
which Greece had received from the barbarians, and

meditates no less a design, than the destruction of
their empire,
his last victory,
The
and
greatest advantage he gained
by
was the object he long had
in
this
view, and never lost sight
of,
was
to get himself ap-
pointed, in the assembly of the Greeks, their generaln
Some
when, three
and was also ban-
authors ascribe these words to Demosthenes,
years after, he
met with the same
fate as Eschines,
ished from Athens.
A. M. 3667,
Ant.
J.
C. 337.
Diod.
1,
xtf. p. 479,
593
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
In this quality he
issimo against the Persians.
made
preparations in order to invade that mighty empire.
He
nominated, as leaders of part of his forces, Attalus
and Parmenio, two of

and wisdom he
for
on whose vaior
his captains,
and made them
chiefly relied,
out
set
Asia Minor.
But
happy
home
whilst every thing abroad
he found the utmost uneasiness at
for Philip,
;
was glorious and
division and trouble reigning
The
his family.
ill
in every part
of
temper of Olympias, who was
naturally jealous, choleric,
and vindictive, raised dis
sensions perpetually in
which made Philip almost
out of love with

self
life.
it,
Not
to mention, that as
defiled the marriage
had
bed
it
is said,
he himthat his
But whether
consort had repaid his infidelity in kind.
he had a just subject of complaint, or was grown weary

of Olympias,
who had been
Alexander,
divorce her.
upon
certain he proceeded so far as to
it is
several other accounts,
this treatment of his
was highly offended
Olympias, married Cleopatra,
young
niece to Attalus, a very
lady,
whose beauty was
so exquisite, that he could not resist

the midst of their rejoicings
and
uncle to the
into his
at
mother.
Philip, after divorcing
nuptials,
disgusted
its
charms.
in the heat of wine, Attalus,
new queen by
In
upon occasion of the
who was
the mother's side, took
it
head to say, that the Macedonians ought to
beseech the gods to give them a lawful successor to

their king.
Upon
this,
Alexander,
who was
naturally
choleric, exasperated at these injurious words,
out,
" wretch that thou
for a bastard
And
?"
9
vol,
4.
art,
at the
me
same time flung the
Plut, in Alex. p. 669.
76
cried
dost thou then take
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
594
cup
Attalus returned the compliment,
at his head.
upon which
grew warmer.
the quarrel
Philip,
who
was very much offended to see

interrupted in this manner
and not recollect-
sat at another table,
the feast
he was lame, drew his sword, and ran directly
ing that
Happily the father
at his son.
had an opportunity of stepping
fell,
in
so that the guests
The
between them.
greatest difficulty
was, to keep Alexander from rushing
upon
Exasperated
his ruin.
henious
affronts, in spite
of
at a
succession of such
the guests could say,
all
concerning the duty he owed Philip as his father and

his sovereign, he vented his resentment in the bitter
words following
"
The Macedonians,
captain there, vastly able to cross from
Asia
he,
who
indeed, have a
Europe
into
cannot step from one table to another
without running the hazard of breaking his neck

After these words, he
pias his
left
the hall, and taking
!'"
Olym-
mother along with him, who had been so
highly affronted, he conducted her to Epirus, and himself
went over
In the
engaged
tality,
mean
Demaratus of Corinth, who was
time,
to Philip
by the
and was very
at his court.
over,
to the Illyrians.
free
After the
Philip asked
ties
of friendship and hospi-
and familiar with him, arrived
first civilities
him whether
and caresses were
the
Greeks were
aratus,
filled
in
Dem-
amity ? "
It indeed becomes you, Sir," replied

"to be concerned about Greece, who have
your own house with feuds and dissensions."
The prince, sensibly affected with this reproach, came to

himself,
acknowledged
his error,
to Alexander, to persuade
r
him
and sent Demaratus
to return
home.
Philip did not lose sight of the conquest of Asia.
Full of the mighty project he revolved, he consults the

1
A.M.
3666.
Ant.
J.
C. 338,
595
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
gods to know what would be the event of
priestess replied,
his
" the victim
end draws nigh, and he
is
will
soon be sacrificed."
moment, but
Philip, hearing this, did not hesitate a
interpreted the oracle in his
of which ought
pense.
own
favour, the ambiguity
have kept him
at least to
The
it.
crowned,
already
in
some
sus-
In order therefore, that he might be in a con-
dition to apply entirely to his expedition against the
Persians, and devote himself solely to the conquest of
Asia, he dispatches, with
domestic
After
affairs.
sacrifice to the
gods
all
possible diligence, his
this,
he offers up a solemn
and prepares to celebrate with
incredible magnificence, in Egea, a city of Macedonia,
the nuptials of Cleopatra his daughter,

in marriage to Alexander,
to
Olympias
whom
king of Epirus, and brother
He had
his queen.
invited to
most considerable persons of Greece
upon them
way
lation of
the
it
and heaped
friendships and honours of every kind,
of gratitude for electing
Greeks.
he gave
The
made
cities
him generalissimo of
their court to
him
in
by
the
emu-
each other, by sending him gold crowns
and Athens distinguished
Neoptolemus the poet had

festival, a tragedy,
its
zeal
above
all
the rest.
written, purposely for that
entitled Cinyras, in
which, un-
der borrowed names, he represented, this prince as

already
victor over
Darius,
Philip listened to these
and
master of Asia.
happy presages with joy
and, comparing them with the answer of the oracle,
assured himself of conquest.
Suetonius, among
much the same manner
The day
after the
the presages of Caligula's death,

as Philip, observes, that
who
nupdied
in
Mnester, the pantomime,
exhibited the same piece which Neoptolemus had represented the very
day Philip was murdered.
59
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
games and shows were solemnized. As these

formed part of the religious worship, there were car
tials,
ried in
it,
pomp and ceremony,
with great
twelve
statues of the gods, carved with inimitable art.
them all
thirteenth, that surpassed
that of Philip,
hour
in magnificence,
which represented him as a god.
The
and he went
for his leaving the palace arrived,
forth in a white robe,
was
and advanced with an
air
of
majesty, in the midst of acclamations, towards the

theatre,
where an
multitude of Macedonians,
infinite
as well as foreigners, waited his
coming with impa-
His guards marched before and behind him,
tience.
leaving,
by
between
his order, a considerable space
themselves and him, to give the spectators a better

opportunity of surveying him
and also to shew that
he considered the affection which the Grecians bore

him, as his safest guard.
But all the

the
in
do an
festivity
and
pomp of these
murder of Philip
and
it
nuptials
was
ended
his refusal to
Some
act of justice, that occasioned his death.
time before, Attalus, inflamed with wine
at
an enter-
tainment, had insulted, in the most shocking manner,
Pausanias, a
ter
The
young Macedonian nobleman.
had long endeavoured to revenge the cruel
and was perpetually imploring the king's
lat-
affront,
But
justice.
Philip, unwilling to disgust Attalus, uncle to Cleopatra,
whom,
as
was before observed, he had married
divorcing Olympias his
first
to Pausanias's complaints.
in
some measure, and
had
for,
after his
queen, would never
However,
listen
to console
to express the high
him
esteem he
and the great confidence he reposed in him.
he made him one of the chief
officers of his life
guard.
young Macedonian
requir-
But
this
ed,
whose anger now swelling
was not what
the
to fury against his
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
597
judge, he forms the design of wiping out his shame
by embruing
When
his
once a
hands
man
is
in a
most horrid murder.
determined to
die,
he
is
vastly
Pausanias, the better to put
strong and formidable.
his bloody design in execution, chose the instant of
that
pompous ceremony, when
multitude were fixed on
the eyes of the whole
prince
the
doubtless to
make his vengeance more conspicuous, and proportion
to the injury for
it
make
a right to
which he conceived he had
the king responsible, as he had long
due to
solicited that prince in vain for the satisfaction
him.
Seeing him therefore alone, in the great space
which
his
stabs
feet.
guards
him with
left
round him, he advances forward,
a dagger, and lays
him dead
his
at
Diodorus observes, that he was assassinated the
The
very instant his statue entered the theatre.

assassin
had prepared horses ready
would have got
off,
for his escape,
and
had not an accident happened
which stopped him, and gave the pursuers time

overtake him.
pieces
to
Pausanias was immediately torn to
upon the spot/
Thus
died Philip, at forty
seven years of age, after having reigned twenty four.
Artaxerxes Ochus, king of Persia, died also the same

year.
Demosthenes had private notice sent him of Philip's

death, and in order to prepare the Athenians to
their courage,
and
said,
That
he went to the council with an
of joy,
the night before he had a dream,
which
promised some great

little after,
death, on
C
resume
air
felicity to
the
couriers arrived with the
Athenians.
news of
Philip's
which occasion the people abandoned them-
A. M. 3668.
Ant. J. C. 336.
.Eschin. contra Ctesiph. p. 440.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
59S
selves to the transports of immoderate joy,
exceeded
all
bounds of decency.
particularly inspired
he himself appeared
which
Demosthenes had
them with these sentiments

crowned with
in public,
far
for
a wreath
of flowers, and dressed with the utmost magnificence,
though
He
also
his
daughter had been dead but seven days*
engaged the Athenians
to offer sacrifices, to
thank the gods for the good news

ordained a crown to Pausanias,
and, by a decree,
who had committed
the murder.
On
this
occasion Demosthenes and the Athenians
acted quite out of character

ceive,
how it came
as the
murder of a king,
and we can scarce con-
to pass, that, in so detestable a
crime
policy, at least, did not induce
them to dissemble such sentiments
as reflected dishon-
our on them, without being
to their
and which showed,
that
Iv extinct in their
minds.
at
all
honour and probity were
SECTION
are,
utter
VIII.
MEMORABLE ACTIONS AND SAYINGS OF PHILIP.

QUALITIES OF THAT PRINCE.
There
advantage
in the lives of great
GOOD AND
men,
BAii
certain facts
and expressions which often give us a better idea of

their character than their
most shining actions
be-
cause, in the latter, they generally study their conduct,

act a borrowed part,
view of the world
and propose themselves to the
whereas
in
the
former, as they
speak and act from nature, they exhibit themselves
such as they
really are,
without art and disguise.
M,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
de Tourreil has collected with
599
of the memorable actions and sayings of Philip
he has been particularly careful
The
of this prince.
reader
most
sufficient industry
to
draw the character
much
not to expect
is
and
order and connection, in the recital of these detached

actions and sayings.
Though Philip
loved
flattery,
so far as to reward the
adulation of Thrasideus with the
he however
saly,
permitted
some
He
title
of king in Thes-
He
intervals loved truth.
Aristotle to give
of reigning.
art
at
him precepts on the
declared, that he
was obliged
the Athenian orators for having corrected

errors,
by frequently reproaching him with them.
kept a
man
in his service to tell
him every
to
him of his
He
day, before
he gave audience, " Philip, remember thou art mortal."

v
w discovered great moderation, even
He
when
he was spoken to in shocking and injurious terms
and
also,
truth
which
was
told
is
no
him
less
worthy of admiration, when
a great quality, says Seneca, in
kings, and highly conducive to the happiness of their
At
reign.
the close of an audience, which he gave to
some Athenian ambassadors who were come

plain of
some
act of hostility, he asked,
could do them any service ? "
The
to
com-
whether he
greatest service
thou couldst do us," said Demochares, " would be to
hang
thyself."
Philip,
though he perceived
all
the
persons present were highly offended at these words,

n Arist. Epist. Plut, in
r
Apoph.
Senec. de Ira.
w Si qux alia in Philippo virtus,

mstrumentum ad tutelam regni.
jElin. lib. viii. c. 15.
p. 177.
I. iii.
fuit et
c.
23.
contumeliarum palientia,
inger.a
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
600
however made the following answer, with the utmost

calmness of temper; " Go, tell your superiors, that those
who
dare
make use of such insolent
language, are more
haughty, and less peaceably inclined, than they
who
can forgive them."

x
Being present,
an indecent posture, at the sale of
in
some captives, one of them going up

in his ear,
"
down
let
to him, whispered
the lappet of your robe ;"
which Philip replied, " set the
man
at liberty
upon
I
did
know till now that he was one of my friends."

The whole court soliciting him to punish the ingratitude of the Peloponnesians, who had hissed him
not
publicly in the
Olympic games
"
What
not attempt," replied Philip, " should
me
injury, since they laugh at
many
z
favours at
after
who
spake
ill
will
me
" Let us
having received so
of him
Another time
every where."
to dismiss a
do them any
to drive
says he, " and so he
him
him
they
hand ?"
my
His courtiers advising him
certain person
will
man
" Yes, indeed,"
go and speak
injuriously of
that they advised
who had reproached

care," says he, " that we
of probity,
take
first
from him a
have not given him any reason
to
do so."
Hearing
afterwards that the person in question was but in
poor circumstances, and

tiers,
in
no favour with the cour-
he was very bountiful to him
sion, his reproaches
on which occa-
were changed into applauses, that

" It is
occasioned another fine saying of this prince's

in the
power of kings
to
make themselves beloved
hated."
"Plut.
Ibid.
Plut. in
Apopb-
or
601
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
Jiking urged to
with the credit and author-
assist,
he had with the judges, a person whose reputation
ity
would be quite
by the sentence which was going
lost,
" I had rather,"

pronounced against him
"
says he,
he should lose his reputation, than I
be
to
mine."
b
Philip rising from an entertainment, at which he
had
was addressed by a woman,
sat several hours,
who begged him
examine her cause, and
to
several reasons she had
He
pleasing to him.
sentence against her
upon which she
To whom
ing," replied the
which were not
accordingly heard
How
"
calmly, " I appeal."
your king
to allege
it,
replied very
" from
To Philip when
The manner
woman.
and gave
!" says Philip,
then ?" "
to hear
in
fast-
which he
received this answer, would do honour to the most
He
sober prince.
hearing
afterwards gave the cause a second
found the injustice of his sentence, and con-
demned himself to make

c
it
good.
A poor woman used to appear often before him, to
sue for audience, and to beseech
her law suit
to put an
end to
but Philip always told her he had no
Exasperated
time.
him
at these refusals,
which had been
so often repeated, she replied one day with emotion
" If you have not time to do

king."
which
Philip
was strongly
and so
far
fied her that instant,
affected with this rebuke,
from being offended
at
it,
this
he
poor
satis-
and afterwards became more ex-
act in giving audience.
vol. 4.
be no longer
had extorted from
a just indignation
woman
me justice,
Plut
He
>
77
indeed was sensible, that
Ibid,
Ibid,
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
602
a king and a judge are the

is
a tribunal
power, and
do
tion to
same thing
that the sovereign authority
supreme
is
same time an indispensable
at the
justice
that to distribute
it
and to grant them the time necessary
was not a
that the throne
obliga-
to his subjects,
for that purpose,
favour, but a duty and a debt
that he ought
to appoint persons to assist him in this function, but not

to discharge himself absolutely
was no
less obliged to
from
it
and that he
be a judge than a king.
All
these circumstances are included in this natural, unafd
and very wise expression
fected,
king ;" and Philip comprehended

c
He
understood
happy
sayings, and very
received a
wound
raillery,
at
" Be no longer
all its
force.
was very fond of smart

them
Having
himself.
near the throat, and his surgeon im-
portuning him daily with some
new
request
what thou wilt," says he, " for thou hast
" Take
me by
the
throat."
f
It is also related,
who
that after hearing
two
villains
accused each other of various crimes, he banish-
ed the one, and sentenced the other to follow him.

g
Menecrates, the physician,
fancy
himself Jupiter,
who was
wrote to
so
mad
as to
Philip as follows:
" Menecrates Jupiter, to Philip greeting." Philip an" Philip to Menecrates, health and reason."
swered
11
But
this
pleasant
king did not stop here
remedy
Philip invited
crates
for
him
to a
for
visionary
his
he
hit
at
it,
Mene-
where nothing was
8 jElian. lib. xii. cap. 51.
Ibid.
The Greek word vyi&mn
upon a
correspondent.
grand entertainment.
had a separate table
Plut.
signifies
both those things.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
served up to
him but
the other guests fed
The
first
603
incense and perfume, whilst
upon the most exquisite
all
dainties.
which he was seized,
transports of joy with
when he found
his divinity
acknowledged, made him
forget that he
was a man
but,
hunger afterwards
forcing him to recollect his being so, he was quite tired
with the character of Jupiter, and took leave of the
company
1
the
abruptly.
made an answer which redounded highly to

honour of his prime minister. That prince, being
Philip
one day reproached with devoting too many hours to

sleep ; " I indeed sleep," says he, " but Antipater
wakes."
k
Parmenio, hearing the ambassadors of all Greece
murmuring one day because
Philip lay too long in bed,
and did not give them audience " Do not wonder,"

says he, " if he sleeps whilst you wake ; for he waked
:
whilst
you
slept."
By this he
wittily
reproached them
for their supineness, in neglecting their interests, whilst
Philip was very vigilant in regard to his.
This De-
mosthenes was perpetually observing to them with his

usual freedom.
i
Every one of the ten
tribes of
a new general every year.
Athens used to
These did
turns and every general for the day

generalissimo,
duty by
commanded
my
whole
life
I could never
but one general, Parmenio, whereas the Athenians
can find ten every year,
at the
very instant they want
them."
''
as
But Philip joked upon this multiplicity
of chiefs, and said, " in

find
their
elect
Plut.
Ibid.
Ibid, in
Apoph.
p. 177.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
Ol-
The
letter
which Philip wrote
Aristotle
to
on the
birth of his son, proves the regard that prince paid to
learned men, and at the same time, the taste he himself
had
of
which are
But
still
his great talent
do him no
extant,
was
that of
which he was equalled by few

sider
him under
The
and sciences.
for the polite arts
his,
other letters
less
war and
and
it is
M.
reader to remember, that
de Tourreil
policy, in
time to con-
double character.
this
honour.
I
is
beg the
the author
of most of the subsequent particulars, and that
who
It
is
it is
he
going to give them the picture of king Philip.
would be difficult
to determine,
whether this prince
were more conspicuous as a warrior or a statesman.

Surrounded from the very beginning of his
at
home and
ployed
He
em-
and force alternately to defeat them.
artifice
uses his endeavours with success to divide his op-
ponents
to strike the surer, he eludes and diverts the
blows which were aimed

in
reign, both
abroad, with powerful enemies, he
good and
ill
at
or slackens
equally prudent
fortune, he does not abuse victory
ready to pursue or wait for

it,
himself
it,
as
he either hastens his pace
as necessity requires
he leaves nothing
to the caprice of chance, but what cannot be directed
by wisdom
in the just
in fine,
he
is
ever immoveable, ever fixed
bounds which divide boldness from
te
merity.
we perceive a king who commands his

as much as his own subjects, and is as formidable
In Philip
allies
in treaties as in battles
who is
his
own
a vigilant and active monarch,
superintendent, his
and generalissimo.
own prime
minister
We see him fired with an insatia-
ble thirst of glory, searching for
it
where
it is
sold at the
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
dearest price
making
605
fatigue and danger his dearest
delights; forming incessantly that just, that speedy

action which military expe-
harmony of reflection and

ditions require
and with
these advantages turning
all
the fury of his arms against commonwealtns, exhaust-
ed by long wars, torn by intestine divisions, sold by

their
own
citizens, served
by a body of mercenary, or
undisciplined troops, obstinately deaf to good advice,
and seemingly determined on their ruin.
He
united in himself two qualities which are com-
monly found incompatible,

ness of soul that enabled
viz. a steadiness
him
weigh
to
all
and calmthings, in
order to take advantage of every juncture, and to

seize the favourable
certed by
disappointments
was united with

ity,
moment without being
calmness, I say,
this
discon-
a restless activity, ardour, and vivac-
which were regardless of the difference of seasons,
No
or the greatest of dangers.

bolder, or
more
warrior was ever
Demosthenes, who
intrepid in fight.
cannot be suspected to have flattered him, gives a
him on
glorious testimony of
reason I will cite his

this orator,
"
this
for sovereignty
own
this
words.
very Philip, with
and empire
head for which

m " I saw," says
;
whom we
disputed
saw him, though cov-
ered with wounds, his eye struck out, his collar bone
maimed both
broke,
in
his
hands and
feet
still
resolutely rush into the midst of dangers, and ready to

deliver
might
up
to fortune, any other part of his
desire, provided
he might
live
gloriously with the rest of it."

Demost. pro
Ctes. p. 483.
body she
honourably and
HISTORY OF
606
was not only brave
Philip
whole army with the same
PftlXIP.
himself, but inspired his
valor.
Instructed by able
masters in the science of war, as the reader has seen,
he had brought his troops to the most exact regular

discipline
him
and trained up
men capable
He had the
lessening his
his soldiers
own
art,
without
authority, to familiarize himself with
and commanded rather as the
family, than as the general of an army,

sistent
father of a
whenever con-
And indeed, from his affability,

much the greater submission and
with discipline.
which merited so
seemed
respect, as he required less, and
with
of seconding
in his great enterprises.
it,
his soldiers
to dispense
were always ready to follow him to
the greatest dangers, and paid
him tr> most
implicit
obedience.
No
general ever
made
had been exposed
a greater use of military
The
stratagems than Philip.
dangers to which he
had taught him the
in his youth,
necessity of precautions, and the art of resources.
wise diffidence, which

in
its
lute,
true light,
is
of service, as
made him
not
flatter
shews danger
fearful
What
but cautious and prudent.
he might have to
it
and
irreso-
reason soever
himself with the hope of suc-
cess, he never depended upon
it
and thought him-
self superior to the
enemy
just in his projects,
and inexhaustible in expedients
only in vigilance.
his views
were unbounded
in fixing
upon proper junctures
his designs
ceptible
his genius
and his dexterity
manner no
Ever
;
was wonderful,
for the
executing of
in acting in an imper-
less admirable.
Impenetrable as
to his secrets, even to his best friends, he
was capable
of attempting or concealing any thing
The
reader
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
may have
to
peace
observed, that he strenuously endeavoured
by a specious outside of
the Athenians asleep,
lull
and to lay
607
the foundations of his
silently
grandeur, in their credulous security and blind indolence.
But these exalted
Not
perfections.
to
qualities
were not without im-
mention his excess
in eating
and
carousing, to which he abandoned himself with the
utmost intemperance; he also has been reproached'
We
with the most dissolute, abandoned manners.
may form
judgment of
from those who were
this
most intimate with him, and the company which usually
A set
frequented his palace.
of profligate debau-
chees, buffoons, pantomimes, and wretches worse than
draw
in
whom
mean,
these, flatterers I
avarice and ambition
crowds round the great and powerful ; such
were the people who had the greatest share
Demosthenes
dence and bounty.

son
who
reproaches Philip with these
might be suspected
a famous historian,
prince in
fifty
in
enemy
an
who had
frailties
for this
but Theopompus,
written the history of that
eight books, of which unhappily a few
fragments only are extant, gives a

tageous
in his confi-
not the only per-
is
character
still
more disadvan-
" Philip,"
of him.
" despised modesty and regularity of life.
ed his esteem and
debauch and
the
He was pleased
liberality
last
on
excesses
to see the
says
He
he,
lavish-
men abandoned
of
to
licentiousness.
companions of his pleasures
excel no less in the abominable arts of injustice and

malignity, than in the science of debauchery.
Diod. Sicul.
1.
xvi. p. 408.
Thôpom. apud Athen.
1.
vi. p.
206,
Alas
608
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
what species of infamy, what

not
sort of crimes did they
commit ?" &c.
But
my
a circumstance, in
which he
He
that very one for
is
esteemed by many persons
is chiefly
his politics.
opinion, which reflects
on Philip,
the greatest dishonour
is
mean
considered as a prince of the great-
est abilities in this art that ever lived
may have
the reader
and, indeed,
observed, by the history of his
actions, that in the very beginning of his reign, he

laid
this
down
was
When
had
from which he never deviated, and
a plan,
to raise himself to the sovereignty of Greece.
scarce seated on his throne, and surrounded on
every side with powerful enemies, what probability
was
there that he could form, at least that he could
However, he did not
execute, such a project as this ?
once lose sight of
it.
Wars,
alliances, confederacies
He was
ated there.
battles, treaties of peace,
in short, all things termin-
very lavish of his gold and
merely to engage creatures
on a private intelligence with
all
actly of
all
carried
the cities of Greece
and by the assistance of pensioners, on

settled very large stipends,
He
in his service.
silver,
whom
he had
he was informed very ex-
the resolutions taken in them, and generally
gave them the turn
he deceived
in his
By
own favour.
this
means
the prudence, eluded the efforts, and
lulled asleep the vigilance of states,
been looked upon as the most
most penetrating of
all
till
then had
active, the wisest,
Greece.
steps for twenty years together,
who
we
and
In treading in these
see
him proceeding
with great order, and advancing regularly towards the
mark on which
his eye
w as
T
fixed
but always by
windings and subterraneous passages, the outlets of
which only discover the design.
609
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
Polyenus shews us evidently the methods where-
by he subjected Thessaly, which was of great advan"
tage to the completing of his other designs.
He did
not," says he, " carry on an open war against the Thessalians; but took advantage of the discord that divided
the cities and the whole country into different factions.
He
succoured those who sued for his assistance
whenever he had conquered, he did not
and
entirely ruin
the vanquished, he did not disarm them, nor raze their

walls
on the contrary, he protected the weakest, and
endeavoured to weaken and subject the strongest ; in

a word, he rather fomented than appeased their divisions,
having
every place orators in his pay, those
in
artificers
of discord, those firebrands
wealths.
And
of
common-
was by these stratagems, not by his
it
arms, that Philip subdued Thessaly."

q
All this
politics.
is
a master piece, a miracle in point of
But what engines does
methods does
employ
it
ceit, craft, fraud,
to
this art play,
compass
its
designs ?
falsehood, perfidy and perjury.
De-
Are
We see in this prince a
these the weapons of virtue ?
boundless ambition, conducted by an
we do
artful, insinuat-
him possessed
ing, subtle genius
of the qualities
which form the truly great
but
what
not find
Philip had neither faith nor honour
man.
every thing that
could contribute to the aggrandizing of his power, was

in his sense just
He
and lawful.
a firm resolution to break
it
gave his word with
and made promises
He
which he would have been very sorry
to keep.
thought himself
he was perfid-
vol.
Polysen.
4.
1.
skilful in proportion as
iv. c.
19.
78
Demost
Olynth.
ii.
p. 22.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
610
and made his glory consist
ious,
whom he
treated.
He
deceiving
all
with
did not blush to say, " That
amused with
children were
in
playthings, and
men
with
oaths."
How shameful was

by being more
found
it
for a prince to
artful, a greater
in malice,
be distinguished
dissembler,
more
pro-
and more a knave than any other person
of his age, and to leave so infamous an idea of himself

to
all
posterity !
in the
What idea
should we form to ourselves
commerce of the world of him who should value
himself for tricking others, and rank insincerity and

fraud
life, is
among
Such
the virtues ?
a character in private
How
detested as the bane and ruin of society.
then can
it
become an
object of esteem and admira-
tion in princes and ministers of state, persons
bound by stronger
who
are
than the rest of men, because
ties
of the eminence of their stations, and the importance

of the employments they
tice,
and, above
to revere sincerity, jus-
fill,
the sanctity of treaties and oaths
all,
to bind which, they invoke the
name and majesty
God, the inexorable avenger of
A bare
;
princes?
'*
of a
perfidy and impiety ?
promise among private persons ought to be
sacred and inviolable,
honour
but
if
they have the least sense of
how much more ought it
"We are bound,"
to be so
among
says a celebrated writer, 5
to speak truth to our neighbour
and
for the use
application of speech implies a tacit promise of truth
speech having been given us for no other purpose.

not a compact between one private
it is
common compact
M. Nicole on
man
It is
with another
of mankind in general, and a
JEWslt.
I.
vii. c.
12.
the epistle of the 19* Sunday after Whitsuntide.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
611
kind of right of nations, or rather a law of nature.
Now, whoever tells an untruth, violates this law and

common compact." How greatly is the enormity of
violating the sanctity of an oath, increased, when we
call upon the name of God to witness it, as is the custom always
in treaties ?
"
Were
and truth
sincerity
banished from every other part of the earth," said
king of France, upon his being solicited to

violate a treaty, " they ought to be found in the hearts
John
and
I.
in the
The
in this
only
mouths of kings."
circumstance which prompts politicians to act
manner,
means
though
this
is,
to
their
make
being persuaded that
our, and religion
?u
the Catholic," said
at the
it
expense of probity, hon-
Lewis XII.
lost a
in law,
Ferdinand
to Philip
archduke of
am
determined
Austria, " has acted perfidiously,
having
never be lawful to
" If your father
not to imitate him, and I
am much more
kingdom, Naples, which
pleased in
am
recover, than I should have been had I lost

our,
able to
my
hon-
which can never be recovered."
But
those politicians,
who have
religion, deceive themselves,

ular.
the
But
a negotiation succeed.
were the case, yet can
purchase such success
it is
I shall
for princes
even
neither honour nor

in this
very partic-
not have recourse to the Christian world
and ministers, whose notions of
were very different from

our Greek history,
these.
how many
To go
great
policy-
no farther than
men have we
seen
perfectly successful in the administration of public

affairs, in treaties
of peace and war
in a
word, in the
most important negotiations, without once making

f
Mezerai.
u Ibid.
HISTORY OF PHILIP.
612
use of
artifice
and deceit
Phocion, and so
An
many more
Aristides, a
Cimon, a
some of whom were so
very scrupulous in matters relating to truth, as to believe they
were not allowed
east,
even
Cyrus, the most famous con-
laughing and in sport.
queror of the
to tell a falsehood,
thought nothing was more unwor-
thy of a prince, nor more capable of drawing upon
him
the contempt and hatred of his subjects, than
lying and deceit.
upon
It
therefore ought to be looked
as a truth, that no success,
can, or ought to cover the

arise
from breach of
END
faith
OF THE
how
shining soever,
shame and ignominy which

and perjury.
FOURTH VOLUME.

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Digitized by the Internet Archive

2011 with funding from

Princeton Theological Seminary Library

MEDES and PERSIANS,

LATE PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS, PROFESSOR OF

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH,

THE TWELFTH EDITION.

PUBLISHED AND SOLD BY HASTINGS, ETHERJDGE, AND BLISS^

THE HISTORY OF THE PERSIANS AND GRECIANS.

Sect. I. Birth and education of Socrates,

IV. Socrates devotes himself

entirely to the instruc-

tion of the youth of Athens,

applies himself to discredit the sophists

in the opinion of the

or familiar spirit of Soccates,

III. Socrates declared the wisest of

accused of holding bad opinions in re-

gard to the gods.

VII. Socrates refuses to escape out of prison.

drinks the poison,

VIII. Reflections on Socrates

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE GREEKS.

the government of Sparta,

Sect. I. Idea of the Spartan government,

Foundation of the government of Athens,

the government of Athens,

III. Of the council, or senate of five hundred,

IV. Of the Areopagus,

IX. Of the revenues of Athens,

times very warlike,

Origin and cause of the valor and military virtue

VIII. Of the Amphyctions,

VI. Of the assemblies of the people,

the different kind of troops which composed

V. Peculiar character of the Athenians,

character of the Lacedemonians and

history of Dionysius the elder,

Means made use

of by Dionysius the elder to pos-

sess himself of the tyranny,

of Dionysius the younger,

sets out to deliver Syracuse.

IV. Character of Dion,

tutes wise laws.

V. Dionysius the younger reascends the throne,

Dionysius the younger succeeds his father.

Violent passion of Dionysius for poesy.

death and bad qualities,

Dionysius declares war against the Carthaginians.

THE PERSIANS AND GRECIANS.

Greece from the treaty of Antal-

Sect, II. Sparta's prosperity.

Character of two illustrious

Thebans, Epaminondas and Pelopidas,

design against the

ans declare war against Thebes,

V. The two Theban

generals, at their return, are

accused and absolved.

Sparta implores aid of

VI. Pelopidas marches against Alexander, tyrant of