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2. The study
The example presented here is drawn from an analysis of semi-structured
interviews with public health policy-makers, which aimed to explore evidence use
in policy making for urban health in the UK. As well as aiming to identify some
journalistic findings around what types of evidence were used, considered
useful, and so on, I also wanted to explore policy makers accounts of the policy
process; events, processes, and how people they interpret the world. For more
details about this project, please see (ADD)
2.1.
Use of evidence
Power and
networks
Knowledge
utilisation theory,
diffusion theory.
Network theory,
elite theory
The first step was drawing out some key concepts from literature reviews in the
area. In this case, I drew on a review of urban health policy-making (processes,
actors, theories about power and influence) and a review of evidence-use in
policy-making (barriers and facilitators, models of use, knowledge translation
theories.) I concluded that the in order to cast some light on how policy-makers
form decisions about public health these were the key concepts, summarised in
Figure 1.
2.2.
Governance and
context
Structures and
decision-making
bodies. Formal
hierarchies
Through analysing the notes I took at the time, I developed new topics or
themes. I summarised these notes into a table which clarified what I had learned
about each concept in the framework. I tried to fit these into the original
framework where possible; when it wasnt I collated these notes and arranged
them into topics or themes, adding a new category for the framework where
required. New categories were followed up by reading around the concept in the
literature (e.g. the Leadership category).
The pilot interviews contributed to my understanding of the scope and
context of public health policy-making, which helped me to identify key actors
and think about what types of evidence might be pertinent. They also
demonstrated the importance of governance and structure, and also of
leadership. Key individuals, as a concept and in specific examples, emerged as a
major factor in developing policy, implementing policy, and in softer roles around
finding evidence, influencing people, and managing organisations. These themes
were added to the framework. An interview schedule based on these topics was
developed, which asked about power, influence, evidence use the policy process
(using case studies) and the importance of relationships
2.3.
I used framework above derived from the reviews and scoping interviews as a
starting point for organising the data from the interviews, and also my thoughts
and reflections arising from the different stages of analysis: transcribing,
checking the transcripts, familiarising myself with them, and then coding in
Nvivo. While transcribing the interviews I wrote down notes about themes or
concepts which seemed important or to recur frequently. Again, these were fitted
into the framework or collated into new topics.
Figure 3: Final framework for analysis
Framework
Sub-concepts
section
The policy
Discretionary/creative policy vs discharging day-to-day
process
business
Control of the agenda
What is the
Triggers and drivers. Success, failure. Stages in policy
policy process,
process
what stages,
Case studies.
who is
Politics with a big/small P. Political judgements, values
involved?
Move of public health to local authorities more
politicised?
EvidenceTailoring evidence to different needs
based policy
Types of evidence used, talked about. Difference sources,
what is preferred for different things
Is evidence
What evidence means to different groups (e.g. local data
used, what
vs trials), How it is used, what for.
types, at what
Cycles, stages. Barriers and facilitators.
stages, where
is it from, who
from?
Roles,
responsibilitie
s and
leadership
Who is
influential/pow
erful? What
does this
mean?
Public health:
governance
and context
Who is
involved?
What are the
networks?
Scope?
Range??
Reorganisation Changes to network responses.
and change
Panels of network data: core actors.
Impact on
networks
The first stage in framework analysis is familiarisation with the data, to gather
key themes or concepts. For me, as I already had several themes, this was a
process of checking my existing framework, adding further categories, or reworking categories and sub-categories. I listened again to all the interviews, and
re-read the transcripts. I used a table to organise my field notes which Id taken
at the time, and analytical notes coming out of the familiarisation process. At the
end of this process, I went over each transcripts field and analysis notes and
compared it with the framework to check emerging and existing concepts,
including substantive ideas about the content of their accounts, the ways
accounts were presented, and other aspects of the research process.
I did this intensively for the first few interviews until I felt could fit all new
concepts into the overall framework, at which point I created the framework
within NVivo and started coding data under these themes. In this way, I
familiarised myself with the data and carried out a lot of the analytical thinking
required for organising and exploring the interview data before using the
CAQDAS. At this point, I had a complete thematic framework with which to
analyse my data.
3. Conclusions
3.1.
Main findings
Setting out the stages in developing a framework for analysis, using a priori and
post-hoc themes shows how it is possible to rigorously combine inductive and
deductive approaches in qualitative data analysis.
My new framework helped me to think constructively about the lived experience
of policy making and evidence use, while drawing on the literature for a sound
theoretical basis for my interviews.
3.2.
Strengths
Ritchie and Spencer describe how this approach can overcome problems
associated with having lots of people in a team, not all of whom would be by
necessity involved in the data collection. This might be true but having an
upfront framework also prevents any prejudices of the lone researcher distorting
the results. In their description in Bryman (1994) they describe indentifying a
thematic framework as a process of taking notes from interview familiarisation,
and jotting down recurrent themes and issues. To me, this seems little different
from a standard thematic analysis, and subject to the same vulnerabilities. Green
and Thorogood say that What moves Framework analysi beyond a sophisticated
thematic analysis I the final stage of looking at the relationships between the
codes.Mapping and interpretation.(1) Although this is true, this paper also
shows how developing a rigorous conceptual framework as part of the process of
analysis also challenges the data and the analyst in ways which are more
sophisticated than a descriptive or inductive thematic analysis. Other studies
using Framework Analysis describe drawing on the interview topic guide to form
the charts. These topics themselves probably are based on concepts from
literature reviews; but this process is not usually explicitly described as above.
Ritchie and Spencer say themselves that because [Framework] is a welldefined procedure, it is possible to reconsider and re-work ideas precisely
because the analytical process has been documented and is therefore
accessible.(2)(p.177) Here, this approach has been taken even more
exhaustively. Applying this framework will allow gaps in data to be identified; for
example, where respondents have not discussed or referred to particular
concepts which are of importance in the literature, this is surely of interest to
researchers in the field perhaps those concepts are irrelevant or out-dated.
Furthermore, it helps the researcher to distinguish between the content (what is
said) from the account (how it is said); in other words, to tease out where
interviewees are positioning or presenting certain images of themselves. This
might not be obvious from a standard thematic analysis, because there, the
analytic process is driven only by the data which is there, which can obscure the
original research questions. Even if only as an aide-memoire, this conceptual
framework approach helps maintain rigour, objectivity and transparency; a factor
which Ritchie and Spencer themselves say could increase use of qualitative
research by policy-makers.
3.3.
Limitations
The framework cannot itself replace imaginative and intuitive thinking on the
part of the researcher, nor can it deal with the positioning of respondents. But it
helps the researcher to prepare in thinking about it.
As the framework states what themes are from early in the research process, the
researcher risks t only looking for in the data for themes which are in framework
already; or biasing herself towards those themes. But systematically dealing with
all the data should address this. In all likelihood, all qualitative researchers
approach their qualitative analysis with a priori assumptions and concepts or
questions already in mind. This framework helps to make those aspects of the
research process explicit.
Reference List
(1)
(2)
Ritchie J, Spencer L. Qualitative data analysis for applied policy research. In:
Bryman A, Burgess R, editors. Analyzing Qualitative Data.London:
Routledge; 1999.
(3)