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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Jacob Zuma: Be afraid, be VERY afraid
Chabanes fatal warning came too late
EFF accountants astonishing letter to dissident Mngxitama
How Kenny Kunene and Gayton McKenzie funded Julius Malemas EFF
Rhodes VC rips into SAs venal political elite
How the ANCs Fort Hare defeat changes the game
How Cricket SA bosses forced De Villiers to play Philander
ANC in shock as DA wins Fort Hare SRC election
Inside the ANCs fight for the presidency
You are a broken man presiding over a broken society
The difference between white funerals and black funerals
It has begun: South Africas new violent tribalism
Oscar Pistorius judge is roasted by judicial commission
Is this the beginning of the end for Malema?
Jacob Zuma: Mob boss or president?

JACOB ZUMA: BE AFRAID, BE VERY AFRAID

Shielded from accountability, deploying acolytes and
benefiting himself, the president has become untouchable
Carol Paton

JACOB ZUMAS presidency has taken on a particular flavour. Exposs of capricious

political interference in important arms of the state such as the prosecuting authority,
the police and the intelligence services have become commonplace: there is little
shock factor left in the abuses of power and process committed by his friends in his
name; and there is no parallel with any other SA president in the extent to which he has
personally benefited from holding office.
Less often publicly aired is his devastating impact on the ANC. Under Zumas leadership the ANC president has become untouchable, insulated by a national executive
committee (NEC) of men and women held in place by networks of patronage nobody
dares undo. The senior leadership collective a key feature of ANC organisational
practice since the 1950s has been relegated to the sidelines. Despite a succession
of damaging scandals, Zuma therefore cant be called to account.
The ANC shields him from public and parliamentary accountability in the belief that
it is protecting the organisation it perceives to be under attack from a hostile media

and an official opposition against its transformative programme. The ANC declined to
be interviewed for this report.
But the bigger and more profound problem is that the ANC leadership collective has
lost control of its president.
Over six years in power, Zuma has placed an array of acolytes in key positions,
ranging from the cabinet and state-owned enterprises to the police and the national
broadcaster, the SABC. Key individuals with a close relationship to Zuma are deployed
as ministerial advisers in government departments. Their distinguishing feature is that
they owe their loyalty to Zuma alone and use it to override government decisions and
bypass the ANC.
Among outside observers political analysts, investors who watch from afar, the
business community and a growing number of citizens the question on the lips of
many is how long can the Zuma disaster go on?
It is these two mutually reinforcing trends Zumas destructive hold on government and an immobilised ANC collective and how the two unfold which holds the
answer to how much longer he can survive.
How did we arrive at this point?
Zumas hold over government and state institutions is effected mostly through the
appointment process. He uses his powers of appointment more cynically than his predecessors did, is less concerned by public criticism of his choices and is shameless
about promoting his own agenda. He has extended his authority to make appointments
beyond those allowed for in law.
The appointments of the head of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), the
commissioner of police, the heads of the intelligence services and directors-general
of national departments are presidential decisions. The SABC board and chairman he
appoints on the basis of parliamentary advice.
Yet he has been notably active in picking individuals for the SABC and for boards
of state-owned enterprises, which are under the authority of the minister of public
enterprises, to be confirmed by cabinet. In the case of the SABC, he made sure the
ANC committee on communications included Ellen Tshabalala on its candidates list. In
the case of SA Airways he advised public enterprises minister Lynne Brown to retain
Dudu Myeni; and at Eskom, he lobbied for Ben Ngubane to be named chairman.
The SA Revenue Service (Sars) is another example of this mode of operating. Previously, the minister of finance managed the appointment of the Sars commissioner,
as set out in legislation. This time Zuma took an active role and the final announcement was made by cabinet and not the minister. Though three Sars insiders had been
tipped for the job, the successful candidate, Tom Moyane, was a surprise to everyone.
Moyane is a fellow ANC exile who, like Zuma, spent a good deal of time in Mozambique during the struggle against apartheid. He has little tax or finance experience
and appears to have been biding his time until retirement at the state information &
technology agency.
Zumas ministers have been complicit in expanding his powers of appointment by
increasingly seeking his private approval before proposing new appointments at cabi-

net meetings. And the ANC has played its part. By establishing a convention that ANC
subcommittees and its deployment committee have the right to a say over state hiring,
all appointments have become subject to horse-trading.
A good example was the tussle over the Eskom chairmanship in December. The
ANC preferred former Eskom executive and electrical engineer Pat Naidoo, while
Zuma favoured his friend Ngubane. The impasse was settled by retaining the incumbent, Zola Tsotsi, despite the utilitys dismal performance under his watch.
Zumas appointments are also damaging because of the kind of people he chooses. They are seemingly plucked from obscurity. Police commissioner Riah Phiyega, for
instance, was neither a policewoman nor accomplished in any other field; but she is
known as an admirer of the president. Myeni was a schoolteacher from KwaZulu Natal
who, after serving briefly on a regional water board, was catapulted to the top of the
SAA board. The rationale for these appointments often emerges later as the result
of personal relationships, repayment for favours or simply a way to exert control over
processes and institutions.
Also active in advising on appointments are the Gupta family, who are former Indian nationals and businessmen Zuma describes as his personal friends. Their influence
over who gets chosen to serve on boards and management of state-owned enterprises
is an open secret. The SA Communist Party, it seems, could stand it no longer when
in a veiled reference to the Guptas it complained in a public statement in November
that it was concerned that private business had a direct hand in appointments into
key positions within the state. But despite the embarrassing Waterkloof air force base
incident (when a Gupta wedding party was allowed to land at the base), the ANC has
been unable to chide its leader over his friends. Instead, Zuma has encouraged his
ministers to get on with the Guptas and to take their calls.
When in 2011 the heads of three intelligence departments identified the Guptas as
a threat to national security and decided to investigate the family, within 24 hours they
were summoned by the intelligence minister, Siyabonga Cwele, and told to lay off. All
three were subsequently offered new positions and, despite long-standing relationships of trust built with Zuma during the struggle, they left soon afterwards.
The brazenness of Zumas acolytes has taken the ANC and government by surprise. SAA chair Myeni openly defied an order from the minister of public enterprises
to reinstate Monwabisi Kalawe, the CEO whom Myeni had unfairly suspended; SABC
chair Tshabalala and chief operating officer Hlaudi Motsoeneng simply ignored ANC
secretary-general Gwede Mantashe and deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa by refusing to stand down after being caught lying about their qualifications.
Though galled by such defiance, the ANC top leadership has been unable to do
anything about it.
The reason lies in the composition of the NEC. Ahead of the Mangaung party
congress in 2012, Zuma built a 70% majority, reflective of enormous ANC growth in
KwaZulu Natal, and involving the majority factions in most of the smaller provinces as
well as parts of the Eastern Cape. Mostly, the executive is held together by mutually
reinforcing relationships of patronage. Provincial politicians with vested economic in-

terests often owe their positions to lines of patronage both up and down the political
chain.
A threat to Zuma would constitute a threat to the entire alliance and has no prospect
of being entertained by a majority, no matter how compelling the motivations or the
extent to which the ANC is being damaged and undermined.
Any attempt to undo the interlocking patrimonial relations in the NEC would be like
trying to unscramble the egg, says Nic Borain, political analyst at BNP Paribas Cadiz
Securities. The main feature of such an interlocked relationship is that it is embedded
and difficult to unwind. The problem with proposing a mechanism that could dislodge
Zuma, and with it the calcifying networks of patronage that spread out from him and
his partners into all corners of the state and party, is the old one: who will bell the cat?
So while it was possible to remove Thabo Mbeki when his imperial tendencies
became too much for the NEC, todays ANC is a different organisation.
The new politics of the ANC is classed as neopatrimonial by political scientist Tom
Lodge of the University of Limerick and formerly at Wits University. The term refers to
a political system legitimised by reciprocal exchanges between political actors and
characterised by the personalisation of the exercise of power.
In neopatrimonial systems (Russia is a good example, says Lodge) officials use
public power for private purposes, and political differences or internal competition feature large in the party not as ideological battles but as contests between groups based
on personal loyalties.
Though the roots of such a trajectory were always present in the conservatism of
the ANC in its early days, and later in its underground links with criminal networks, they
were particularly brought to the fore by later developments, in particular, the conditions
of post-1994 in which the acquisition of political office became the best route for personal wealth accumulation.
Though Lodges analysis implies this change in the ANC is permanent, It has yet
to become all-encompassing and does not constitute the entirety of the ANCs internal
life.
This is a significant point when looking at the ANC under Zuma. Though nobody
is strong enough to act against Zuma, there are signs that a stealthy fight-back has
begun.
At the ANCs January lekgotla, at which the party looks at its programme for the
year with a view to providing direction to government, Zuma and his proxies lost two
key policy battles.
The first was the decision that set-top boxes for television will be manufactured with
encryption software.
Though cabinet had taken a decision to this effect a year ago, Zuma effectively
stymied it by replacing then communications minister Yunus Carrim with Faith Muthambi, a minister who has become known for her personal loyalty to Zuma. Muthambi
had failed to implement the cabinet decision and was taken aback when ordered by
the lekgotla to do so.
The reasons for blocking the decision relate to a range of business interests that

have lobbied hard against it. These include ANC-aligned groupings who want a slice
of the manufacturing action and big corporate interests with lots of cash to hand out.
At the lekgotla the ANC also found its voice on the restructuring of the electricity
sector. Though Zuma had last year at the urging of his energy minister Tina Joemat-Pettersson promised to establish an independent system market operator, the
ANC, which has ideological reasons for not wanting to dilute Eskom, has blocked it
at policy level. And while the ANCs wisdom on this matter has been debated in the
context of the need to restructure the electricity sector, the decision is as much a
sign of being fed-up at the bypassing of ANC policy by presidential sanction as it is
ideological.
These small battles indicate that the pendulum could well swing back and that the
impetus for change in the ANC will build.
For those who want to rescue the ANC, the important thing for them is to bide their
time. No-one will be able to make a move for a new coalition before the 2017 national
conference approaches.
At that point, as marginalised leaders and groups re-emerge, change could happen
fast. The upside of this scenario is that it raises the possibility of a changing of the
guard in the ANC in three years; the downside is little will change until then.
The damage that will be done to SAs institutions and to the ANC itself by then will
be more serious and put remedial action further out of reach.
For investors watching SA, there is little with which to be impressed. Structural
economic reforms that are needed to revive growth have little chance of materialising.
The view from outside the country is that there is a slow burn under Zuma, says
Mark Rosenberg, New York-based Africa director for the Eurasia Group. This administration doesnt have the political will to reform the labour market and troubled
parastatals but treasury and the SA Reserve Bank are still strong enough to ward off
crisis. Zuma is too strong to be displaced by the ANC but too weak to move the country
forward, so the status quo prevails until the ANC conference in 2017.
The fight-back in the ANC, when it comes, will be constrained by the changed
nature of the party and its personalised and compromised politics. So even though the
odds are growing that a new leadership clique may take the helm after 2017, the ability
to reform the ANC will be severely curtailed.

CHABANES FATAL WARNING CAME TOO

LATE
Hours before his death, he warned funeral goers not to drive
long distances when fatigued
Olebogeng Molatlhwa, Frank Maponya, Benson Ntlemo and
Shaun Smillie

HOURS BEFORE his death in a car smash, Public Service and Administration Minister Collins Chabane had warned his colleagues to avoid long-distance travel and the
heightened risk of an accident that went with it.
But the very thing he warned them of killed him and his two bodyguards.
Travelling with the two members of the polices VIP protection unit Lesiba Sekele
and Lawrence Lentsoane Chabane was killed early yesterday morning when his
car and a truck collided on the N1 freeway between Polokwane and Mokopane, in

Limpopo.
Minister in the Presidency Jeff Radebe said C habanes car and the truck were
travelling in the same direction, with the truck to the left.
The truck driver allegedly made a U-turn and Chabanes car slammed into the
truck.
What remained was a mangled contortion of steel and fragments of the VW Touareg.
The truck still intact stood in the middle of the freeway, with a slight dent on
one side, the only evidence that it had been involved in a crash.
Only hours before, Chabane, known in the ANC as The Animal, had been addressing mourners at the funeral of a local leader, Samuel Nxumalo, in Magona, Limpopo. He implored them to refrain from travelling long distances, warning that fatigue
would set in.
The result, Chabane warned, was an increased possibility of a fatal road accident.
Though Radebe would neither deny nor confirm the allegations, The Times has
learned that:
* Tests by the police reportedly show that the truck driver was drunk; and
* The trucks licence disc had expired on December 31.
Radebe said police investigations would reveal the cause of the crash.
Speaking on condition of anonymity, a police officer at the scene of the accident
said tests to determine the blood-alcohol level of the truck driver indicated that he was
drunk.
On arresting the truck driver we tested him. It came out at 0.08%, which is above
the legal limit of 0.02%, said the officer.
He has been charged with culpable homicide, reckless and negligent driving, and
driving under the influence of alcohol.
Mineral Resources Minister Ngoako Ramatlhodi said on Sunday that he last saw
his friend of nearly 40 years in Parliament on Thursday. They did not get a chance to
speak.
Ramatlhodi, who is in London attending a conference, said he was devastated by
Chabanes death.
This is just such a big shock, he said.
Chabane and Ramatlhodi met at the University of the North (now University of
Limpopo) in 1977. Ramatlhodi was head of the universitys arts and culture society.
Then he was an actor. He wrote and directed, Ramatlhodi recalled.
Ramatlhodi was also working for the anti-apartheid underground. He soon introduced Chabane to politics and recruited him into the ANC.
He was a little on the quiet side but could also be a grand performer who danced
and played musical instruments.
Chabane left the country in 1979 to undergo military training abroad.
When he returned to South Africa he was arrested. He was released in 1990.
A year later he served on the ANC national executive committee, of which Ramatlhodi was also a member.
Chabane went on to serve as MEC in Ramatlhodis provincial cabinet in Limpopo.

EFF ACCOUNTANTS ASTONISHING

LETTER TO DISSIDENT MNGXITAMA
The partys national financial accountants letter to embattled
MP Andile Mngxitama
RDM Staff

Dear Comrade Andile,

Introduction
I reluctantly find myself having to write this letter to you in the early hours of the morning. I was reluctant to write this because I have always held you in high esteem and
I have always been loyal to you and the September National lmbizo (SNI). Right now
I cannot sleep, I actually cannot breath since our fateful meeting in Melville on 15
January 2015. My comrade, you have destroyed me in a short space of time and in my

estimation, this is just the beginning. I am bracing myself for the ton of bricks to fall my
way because I know there must already be a hit-back plan. Anyway, there are times
when a man has to do what has to be done irrespective of the consequences.
My biggest bone of contention is the fact that I do not deserve this because I have
stood side by side with you since we met via the SNI. I argued on your behalf on
issues which I often knew little or nothing about, we have fired comrades, alienated
and vilified comrades who dared differ with you, I internalised your arguments and was
once called a human shield for you. Why then do this to me? You could have left me
out of this just out of appreciation of my loyalty to you.
We joined the EFF at its formation and maintained high discipline. Way prior to the
NPA (National Peoples Aseembly), as SNI we would dismiss or alienate comrades
who dared raise objections or simple matters such as the Sankara Oath about the
EFF. We preached democratic centralism. Just before the NPA, our mandate was for
you to continue on the great path you were on of bringing in ideological balance in the
movement by accepting additional membership to the CCT and continuing agitating for
the return of the land without compensation.
You declined nomination on principle, the now famous revolutionary conscious.
I am aware on the night of the day you declined nomination that an SNI caucus that I
was not invited to was held. Apparently the gloves were taken off at that meeting and
now we see this with the open letters and all the efforts to destroy the movement. Fair
enough, if a political decision to do so is taken, it must be lobbied and debated, however you did not do so and early January I travelled to Cape Town to hear straight from
you on what is to be done since you rejected nomination, you did not pitch up. I now
know that you had and still have much better and bigger caucuses outside the SNI. As
has always been the case, myself and other comrades are but just extras in your epic
biopic movie. I ignored cries of comrades who felt this way and turned a blind eye, now
I have first-hand experience and my worry is my life has been turned upside down.
You are fully aware that I am in the employ of the EFF and responsible for organisational accounts, payroll and many other necessary expenditures which the movement
engages in on a day to day basis.
As a trusted brother whom I thought loves the EFF, you should have guided and
advised me to make sure that organisational finances are properly managed and
expended, because a perception that all is not well might cause internal strife. You
instead saw my employment in the EFF finance department as an opportunity for you
to steal internal organisational documents and records and leak those to the media
with the sole intention of destroying its integrity in the eyes of South Africa.
I have in my possession all the text messages wherein you were pressuring me
to steal internal organisational records so that you can use them to undermine the
integrity of the EFF. This always caused discomfort to me and I wrote to the secretary-general of the EFF disclosing the fact that you are putting me under pressure to
acquire information which will compromise the integrity of the EFF.
After the officials of the EFF held a meeting with you, I thought that your attempts
to destroy the EFF from within will come to an end, but you continued.

Hereunder are the facts:

We met for the first time this year after a while on 15 January 2015 in Melville
at your insistence. We have always met there to discuss our politics and
laugh about this or that. I knew that something was underway before we met
in light of the fact that you had declined nomination and the fact that I am still
an employee of the movement in a key position.
We briefly analysed the NPA and you went straight to the point. You indicated
that we need to bring these guys down, referring to the elected President
Julius Malema and Deputy President Floyd Shivambu. Reason being they
are not revolutionaries and they are corrupt. I gave you a thorough listen
and it was for the first time we discussed taking the CIC down so I was still
shocked, but you being my comrade and mentor, I needed to know where
this was going. In my mind I thought you would suggest I resign and we work
on taking them down from the outside or even starting our NPO on racism
as had previously been discussed. Alas, you told me with a straight face to
steal information to discredit them. You indicated that I must think this through
but there is no time as people are talking and I may be implicated In some of
the issues. We parted with a promise to meet again soon and continue this
discussion.
The following day you called several times to insist that we must meet again
later. This time with a sense of urgency. Under serious pressure I left the
office in the evening and you instructed me to drive towards Sandton, which I
later discovered is Kenny Kunenes house.
After getting lost a bit, we eventually met and you jumped into my car and
directed me to a house In Sandton. You told me in the car that the situation
has escalated and that we must move quicker in terms of supplying information
that I have on these guys. You indicated that we were to meet Kenny and
Gayton who will be facilitating this whole matter. I was shocked but calm. We
got to the house and indeed we met Kenny and Gayton.
After some banter about whisky and other minor issues we went straight to
the point. The summary of the matter was that I was facing imminent arrest
with the CIC and others for monies of the movement. The car that was
purchased and registered under a company was bought and registered by
me on behalf of the CIC and the Hawks were on to all this and many other
irregularities at the movement. I was given a choice whether I want to go
down with the leadership or I wanted to cooperate with the Hawks and write a
statement.
My dilemma was mentioned as the fact that the leadership would pin everything on me as the accountant. Later we were joined by Bruce who was
introduced as a lawyer who will cut a deal for me with the Hawks to avoid arrest
but I had to make a sworn statement. I refused with the help of you (Andile) to
make a sworn statement and opted to be subpoenaed to talk under oath if the

need arises. I was promised immunity from imminent arrest if I at least spoke
and gave info that can be useful to the Hawks. The question that kept coming
back was about major financial irregularities. I could not answer that as I had
never been party to any, I do not know the CIC personally, we do not interact
outside of work-related issues so I could not give credence to the accusation
that there are transactions that I know to be irregular that I probably benefited.
Bruce gave me a lengthy interrogation and actually proved that I would go to
jail as an accountant and the fact that failure to benefit would not absolve me.
Under duress and in the presence of the two dangerous ex-convicts, worse
in their house and the lawyer who had just interrogated me and indicated that
I will be arrested soon, I agreed to cooperate and it was confirmed that the
Hawks will leave me alone if I must just meet them for an unofficial statement.
The second meeting was held the following day at another complex in
Sandton with myself, You (Andile), Gayton and Bruce (the lawyer). I supplied
some information on the car, and particularly the statement and invoices for
Gauteng Province Party Funds via a memory stick that I keep all my work.
I also provided information and statements on the invoices for most of the
events of the organisation around the 1 Anniversary, because I was made to
believe that Hawks wanted them for the money laundering cases.
The last meeting we held about this was a day or two later with Bruce (the
lawyer who interrogated me), the white guy who was introduced as the
Hawks and Bruces legal partner In Alberton. We went through the car story
and discussed issues on company credit cards and payments to such. What
shocked me is that the guy, who was first introduced as the Hawks, was
now legal partner of Bruce. I later find out that this legal partner, who initially
pretended to be the Hawks is the City Press journalist, Charles Cilliers.
By now I was in too deep and a lot was already said to smear the organisation to gain your favourable view. I believe I may have been taped or
recorded. I subsequently spoke to the leadership of the EFF and indicated
I am compromised by your requests, I did not declare full information as I
was assessing the veracity of the arrest, basically in a revolution I admit that
I would have had to take a bullet for cracking under your pressure. However
the leadership called you to ask you to refrain from such and I was so hopeful
that all is behind us even though I still remain compromised.
My conscious is clear, very clear, I have handed you and Bruce a memory
stick that Bruce was supposed to take the folder with Invoices and GP Party
Accounts as per the ongoing Hawks investigations; the following information
was contained in the memory stick and I now know that you have that stolen
information in your possession now. Hereunder is what you have; a The
car invoice and proof of payment a The EFF GP Party fund statement a
The folder with EFF Provincial (GP, MP, NW, NC, EC and We) and National
Accounts Bank Statements (PArly Admin, Parly Constituency and lEe) a The
Invoices related to the Partys first Anniversary and a few other operational

invoices a You also most likely have our credit card statements based on the
information you are sharing.
The Info you have is stolen property under false pretext, the receiver of stolen Information is as much guilty as the thief, I have accepted my fate is in the hand of my
organisation for my cowardice in allowing you and the ex-convicts to bully me into
submission, I will take my punishment like a man and take the lessons thereof.
You can continue using the information bit by bit to discredit me, I have made peace
with that.
In conclusion
I have now seen on social networks and in media that your friend, Gayton McKenzie
is using the misinformation I disclosed to the people who pretended to be the Hawks
to undermine an insult the integrity of the EFF. With the allegations of financial irregularities carried by the City Press and now contained In the letter by your friend, Gayton
Mackenzie, I realised that I was used by you and a string of conmen in a scam that
seeks to destroy the Integrity of the EFF.
You leave me with no option but to clarify the correct and final information and facts
about the finances of the EFF. This will maybe help you to stop your efforts to discredit
the organisation. About internal finances, here are the facts:
a) There Is no single staff member who has ever gone home without a salary. I
know this because from the beginning I am responsible for loading the salaries
of all staff members of the EFF. And if your friend insists that there is such a
member, he must provide the name and details of such a staff member.
b) I hear your friend claims that offices of the EFF have difficulty with payment of
rentals, electricity, and other services utilltles rates. This is not true because all
the 52 regional offices, the 9 Provincial Offices, and the head office are fully
functional with consistent services utilities and timeous payment of rental and
electricity. I furthermore challenge your friend to show me an office that has
such difficulties due to lack of payment from the head office.
c) I can confirm that the EFF has a credit card, which is used for organisational purposes, and the card was requested from the bank because we were
avoiding petty cash as it is always difficult to account for petty cash, whilst
credit card expenses can be traced. I am unaware of any other credit card as
alleged by your friend, and if there was any I would have known as a person
responsible for organisational finances and accounts.
d) I wish to confirm that I was involved in the registration of the Car (GTI) as an
asset of the EFF, and I gave you incomplete information such that the journalist
who was first Introduced to me as the Hawks wrote a news report for the City
Press that was misleading about the purchase of the GTI. When I saw City
Press report, I gave the leadership all the necessary information, which they
took to the City Press and the City Press retracted their Initial story on the basis

of incomplete information. The purchase of the car was above board, and like
in many previous expenses I was directly involved.
e) Since my employment in the EFF Finance department, I can assure you, your
friends, and all members that the EFF does not create unnecessary debts and
always pays for its expenses in full prior to or immediately after the rendering
of a service. This is evidenced by the following:
i. The University of the Free State publicly confirmed that the EFF paid for all the
Conference costs and expenses in full.
ii. The buses that transported all delegates to the National Peoples Assembly
were fully paid.
iii. The Conference Materials (T-shirts, berets, pens, note pads, bandanas, flags,
pullout banners, drop banners, sound and stage) were paid in full.
iv. All activities and programmes of the EFF are always paid In full and the EFF
has not embraced a tradition of creating unnecessary debts.
v. The EFF centrally paid for all the 34 elective Regional Peoples Assemblies
and the 7 elective Provincial Peoples Assemblies that happened before the
National Peoples Assembly (NPA). All these Peoples Assemblies needed
transport, accommodation, venue, sound, stage and conference materials,
and none of them collapsed due to lack or lateness of payments.
vi. The EFF 1st Anniversary rally which brought not less than 50 000 members
and activists of the EFF to celebrate its 1 year of existence was fully paid.
f) The EFF manages all these without direct major contributions from its members.
g) This will be demonstrated in all the audited statements of the EFF when we
report to the national and provincial parliaments and the Independent Electoral
Commission, which expect accountability on all the finances at the disposal of
the EFF as a political party with representatives in all the national and provincial parliaments.
Revolutionary Conscious
I submit to you my leader that you do not have a revolutionary conscious, let alone a
conscious for that matter, if you did, you would not pull a Blaise on CIC or even use
your junior Comrade to do such.
The plan to take over the EFF is too unrealistic. You quoted Lenin on our first drive
to Sandton, to paraphrase, you said that in the revolution we might have to work with
rogues to gain the revolution.
By any means necessary. I do not know Kenny apart from that meeting and have
no opinion on him as a person, Gayton seems to be well informed and a go getter to a
point of being pushy, but they are both not my associates and I definitely doubt if they
can be associated with the revolution as per your teachings. I have given you a lot of
information under duress. I know that I gave you information that would incriminate the
organisation to avoid jail for myself, some not even true as the circumstances dictated

that I give dramatic information, but I now know that this was criminal conduct. I have
opened a case at a police station about the impersonation of the Hawks to extract
Information from me, surely that must be illegal. I should have had the courage to tell
you to eff off and I did not, I regret that.
Right now I have decided to pay the ultimate price by writing this letter to you, lowe
no allegiance to the CIC or the EFF, I do not even think that I matter that much in the
bigger scheme of things, but this is a decision that I will be able to leave with and justify
to myself and my family regardless of its consequences.
Your student and former leader at SNI
Rirhandzu Baloyi
EFF National Financial Accountant

HOW KENNY KUNENE AND GAYTON

MCKENZIE FUNDED JULIUS MALEMAS EFF
Electronic slips show that they bought business class tickets
and tyres for the new party
Mashoto Lekgau

SUSHI KING Kenny Kunene and his business partner Gayton McKenzie have bankrolled EFF leaders despite vehement denials by its leaders.
Sowetan has seen electronic copies of business class airplane tickets for a round
trip from Johannesburg to Durban for Julius Malema which Kunene paid for. Malema
made the EFF business trip in July 2013.
Kunene also bought new tyres for EFF deputy president Floyd Shivambus BMW 7
series which cost him about R10 000.
The revelations of Malema and Shivambu being financially bankrolled by the two
were contained in an open letter penned by McKenzie two weeks ago.
But the EFF leaders denied benefiting and Shivambu wrote his own open letter
challenging Kunene and McKenzie to present proof that they had come to the financial
rescue of the EFF leaders and had paid money to the party.

Kunene, McKenzie, Malema and Shivambu were once close but have since fallen
out.
Kunene was a member of the EFF before the partys official launch but McKenzie
has never joined the party. When Kunene quit the EFF months before the 2014 national elections, the two formed their own political party, the Patriotic Alliance - which
contested elections only in Western Cape.
Sowetan saw text messages in which Shivambu sent his banking details to Kunene,
a member of the EFF at the time. The EFF deputy president later thanked Kunene and
McKenzie very much.
A Johannesburg mechanic, Garren Schuurman, said he fitted two new tyres on
Shivambus car in July 2013.
He said: We fitted two tyres on the white 7 Series and Kenny himself was there.
They [the tyres] were to the value of plus-minus R10 000.
Kunene travelled with Malema on the Durban trip. Kunene confirmed he paid for
Malemas two flights in question and claimed he also paid for Malemas accommodation in Durban.
He said he did not air the EFFs dirty linen in public because the leaders asked him
not to.
We sponsored them with other things too. For example, there was a time when
Floyd said they needed T-shirts for an event in Soweto and asked Gayton to call him
back because he did not have airtime.
Its my money and also Gaytons money, we sponsored them with over R300 000.
There were other things like petrol and accommodation. I even bought their girlfriends
things when they could not afford to.
We would also give money to [Mpho] Ramakatsa because he was the hardest-working leader in the movement, when Julius and Floyd were at my house drinking
my expensive whiskey with girls, Kunene said.
Shivambu refused to comment, saying: Chief, I am done with that. Please call me
about something else.
Malema distanced himself from Shivambus open letter.
I do not want to get involved. Go to Floyd, I am asking you not to involve me.

RHODES VC RIPS INTO SAS VENAL

POLITICAL ELITE
We have become a society in which obscene and
unbridled opulence exists alongside debilitating poverty and
deprivation
David Macgregor

RHODES UNIVERSITY vice-chancellor Dr Sizwe Mabizela on Thursday laid into South

Africas top political elite saying people of questionable moral and ethical character
were running the country.
The noble qualities and values of personal integrity honesty humility compassion respect for each other fairness forgiveness empathy selfless dedication and
willingness to put others first that were so beautifully exemplified by President Nelson
Mandela have given way to venality a complete lack of integrity moral decadence
profligacy rampant corruption deceit and duplicity.
Speaking at the opening ceremony of the 2015 Rhodes University graduation

weekend Mabizela said South Africa had lost its moral compass by voting in people
who have no sense of the difference between right and wrong just and unjust fair and
unfair ethical and unethical to positions of significance power and influence.
We have become a society in which obscene and unbridled opulence exists alongside debilitating poverty and deprivation; a society that relentlessly promotes a culture
of untrammelled greed and conspicuous consumption above the public and common
good; a culture that judges ones worth by the amount of personal wealth amassed.
He said South Africa had become a society where far too many people were mired
in desperate daily routines of survival while at the same time crass materialism and
vulgar and ostentatious displays of personal wealth had become fashion statements
for the political elite.
Referring to the disarray in key government institutions like the criminal justice
system which has recently lost or suspended several top officials Mabizela urged
the 2015 Rhodes University graduates to go out and make a difference in a society
characterised by incertitude cynicism and despair.
My appeal to you is that you become an active engaged and concerned citizen
who takes a special interest in and concern for those who are living in the social and
economic margins of our society. We cannot fail them; we dare not fail them.

HOW THE ANCS FORT HARE DEFEAT

CHANGES THE GAME
What made the DA cross the threshold of electability with
this constituency of young black students in the rural Eastern
Cape?
Ray Hartley

WHILE THE country was digesting the politics of statues and the fall-out from xenophobic attacks, a seismic event occurred in the Eastern Cape.
I say seismic because it was an event which revealed how the tectonic plates of
politics have quietly been shifting.
What occurred was simply unthinkable even five years ago. At Fort Hare university,
the bastion of ANC intellectualism sitting at the centre of its political heartland, the SRC
elections have been won by the DA.
Not just won. The DA youth obtained 52% of the vote to the ANC-aligned SASCOs
37%. Thats a drubbing.
You had to feel for ANC provincial secretary Oscar Mabuyane. Dazed and confused
by the defeat, he said: Its quite disappointing because Fort Hare is our pride. You

cannot complete a conversation about the struggle for liberation without mentioning
Fort Hare. It is not an easy thing to accept. The institution is a cradle for continental
leadership in progressive politics. Its a very sad moment.
If this was just an SRC election, perhaps it would be going too far to read wider political implications into its outcome. But it was no ordinary election. Among those who
campaigned on the ANC side at the campus were deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa,
sports minister Fikile Mbalula and home affairs minister Malusi Gigaba.
These three ANC leaders represent its best shot of persuading the middle class
and youth vote of the partys bona fides. They failed to do so spectacularly, sending a
strong signal that the party is losing its grip on constituencies it will need to shore up
its support in next years local government elections.
Ramaphosa addressed the students at an ANC Freedom Charter forum at the end
of April. Make no mistake, his eye was firmly on the SRC prize. He professed himself
to be moved by the failure of the National Student Financial Aid Scheme to activate the
meal cards of students. To solve the problem, he said he had assigned the premier,
Phumulo Masualle to look into finding immediate solutions.
The hall was packed when Ramaphosa spoke. But it was no enough to turn the
tide. The message that the provincial government, moribund and mired in corruption
for 20 years would sort out the problem was simply not believed.
If Ramaphosa was the ANCs middle class foil, Mbalula and Gigaba represented its
best shot at winning over the youth. They too failed to turn the tide.
The election, it turns out, was not fought over who had the best struggle credentials,
or who best represented the student demographic. It was about the ordinary struggles
of students, like their inability to get governments NSAFs subsidy to work and the
conditions under which they were expected to study 21 years into democracy.
(The EFF did not contest the election copy edited subsequent to publication)
So, what made the DA cross the threshold of electability with this constituency of
young black students in the rural Eastern Cape? The first thing is that the DA focused
its attention on student issues and not on global politics or celebrations of struggle
icons and documents.
The DAs campaign dealt with the issues of student funding and residence shortages at the university. The partys victorious youth leader, Yusuf Cassim was quoted
saying: For us the students votes are a mandate that we do not take lightly. We have
started with exposing what is taking place at the institution.
The ANCs attempts to do the same failed because the students see government
as the agent of the problem. They simply dont believe that it can solve them.
The second factor is that this was the first test of DA electability in the post-Helen
Zille era. The election took place after her announcement that she is vacating the leadership in favour of one of two black candidates Mmusi Maimane or Wilmot James.
Whatever the chattering classes might or might not say about the significance of
this move, there can be no gainsaying that it has challenges identity politics the
practise of playing the race card in political contests.
However you look at it, the little SRC election in the Eastern Cape represents a

moment where traditional political allegiances have been disrupted. If I was in the
ANCs local government war-room I would be worried.

HOW CRICKET SA BOSSES FORCED DE

VILLIERS TO PLAY PHILANDER
AB didnt want to play in the semi because of this; it is a
clear case of interference by the board
Telford Vice and Liam Del Carme

CRICKET SAS board hung Vernon Philander out to dry by demanding his selection for
the World Cup semifinal, making captain AB de Villiers reluctant to play in the match,
say sources close to the Proteas.
A selector said the panel had to okay four players of colour for last Tuesdays

semifinal, in which Philander was thrust in from the cold after an injury lay-off to play
alongside Hashim Amla, Imran Tahir and JP Duminy.
AB didnt want to play in the semi because of this; it is a clear case of interference
by the board they ordered Philanders selection, said a well-placed source who
declined to be named.
It was a purely political decision. The players are fuming about it but they wont
say so.
De Villiers could not be reached for comment.
Tony Irish, chief executive of the SA Cricketers Association, refused to comment.
I will be talking to the players [today] when they get back [from Australasia], he
said.
If the claims are true, a star bowler who has taken 121 wickets in only 29 Tests has
been cynically undermined. Philander has earned every nugget of his success but
being drafted into one of the most important matches in South Africas one-day history
in this way makes him look like a player who has benefited from being black.
The other factor is that Kyle Abbott was denied an opportunity he deserved and
which possibly cost South Africa a place in yesterdays final. Abbott was the Proteas
best bowler in the tournament in terms of average, economy rate and strike rate.
The Philander fandango was danced as Sport Minister Fikile Mbalula warned at the
weekend that CSA and the SA Rugby Union faced expulsion from official South African
sport if they failed to deliver on agreed transformation targets.
We will ...withdraw national colours; we will ensure that we deregister those that
are intransigent, he warned.
The SA Cricketers Association is also considering our legal options following a
claim that CSAs board unilaterally raised the quota for players of colour in provincial
franchise teams from five to six. CSA denied that Philanders inclusion in the semi-final
was to fill a quota.
Team management could perhaps be in a better position to respond to your query.
I have not in the past interfered with the selection of the team and I do not intend to do
so in the future. We have always emphasised that national team selection must be on
merit, said CSA president Chris Nenzani.
CSA chief executive Haroon Lorgat said: There was and is no political interference
in our selections. We have a selection panel that includes the coach and independent
members, and this panel selected all the teams at the World Cup in the same way that
they did before the World Cup.
Team doctor and manager Mohammed Moosajee said he was not aware of political selection or interference.
Moosajee explained that: The selector on tour generally selects the team (the
starting XI), obviously with the input of the coach and the captain. There is always a
selector on tour, said Moosajee.
Convenor of selectors Andrew Hudson failed to return The Timess call.
Despite CSAs insistence that it had not interfered in national team selections, there
is a precedent.

In 2001, the then United Cricket Board president, Percy Sonn, personally overruled
the selection of Northern Transvaal left-handed batsman Jacques Rudolph in the Test
team to play Australia and demanded that he be replaced by Bolands Justin Ontong.
Reports from Australia claimed that South Africas captain on that tour, Shaun Pollock, was still uncertain of the composition of his team 15 minutes before he walked out
for the toss. Additional reporting by Nivashni Nair and David Isaacson

ANC IN SHOCK AS DA WINS FORT HARE

SRC ELECTION
Ramaphosa, Mbalula and Gigaba campaigned for ANC
which failed to win the election in the ANCs heartland
Siphe Macanda

THE ANC is calling its student leadership to account after it was trounced by the Democratic Alliance Student Organisation (Daso) at the University of Fort Hare.
Daso obtained 52.5% of the vote in elections at the university last week, while the
ANC-aligned SA Students Congress (Sasco) got only 37%. This was despite the ANC
delegating senior leaders, including Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, Sports Minister Fikile Mbalula and Minister of Home Affairs Malusi Gigaba to campaign for Sasco.
This is the second university campus that Sasco has lost to Daso. Last year the
DA students took control of the SRC at Port Elizabeths Nelson Mandela Metropolitan
University.
The ANCs provincial leadership has summoned Sascos Fort Hare campus leaders and the provincial executive to a meeting tomorrow, where the students will be
asked to explain why they performed so dismally at the polls.
ANC provincial secretary Oscar Mabuyane said of the defeat: Its quite disappoint-

ing because Fort Hare is our pride. You cannot complete a conversation about the
struggle for liberation without mentioning Fort Hare.
It is not an easy thing to accept [that we lost] Fort Hare. The institution is a cradle
for continental leadership in progressive politics. Its a very sad moment.
Nelson Mandela was a student at Fort Hare, which has produced several other
high-profile African leaders, including the ANCs Oliver Tambo, Zimbabwean President
Robert Mugabe and PAC founder Robert Sobukwe.
Sasco provincial secretary Yanga Zicina said they viewed their loss to Daso at Fort
Hare as part of a learning curve.
We believe that we might have been caught wanting. But we do not believe that
the students totally rejected Sasco. Its merely about their bread and butter issues,
Zicina said.
DA youth leader Yusuf Cassim said Dasos immediate mission was to deal with
students pressing issues, which include a lack of funding and residence shortages.
For us the students votes are a mandate that we do not take lightly. We have
started with exposing what is taking place at the institution, Cassim said.

INSIDE THE ANCS FIGHT FOR THE

PRESIDENCY
The ruling partys most senior members have locked horns,
promising a bloody presidential succession race
Nathi Olifant and S. Shoba

FOR PROVINCIAL and national internal elections, a candidate who has eThekwini on
their side has a huge advantage.
The ANC has had so many chaotic elective conferences, it is tempting to dismiss
last weekends aborted eThekwini regional gathering as yet another episode in the
long-running post-Polokwane soap opera.
But this would be a grave mistake. What happened last Saturday at Durbans
Greyville Racecourse has serious implications for the race to succeed President Jacob
Zuma as ANC leader when he steps down in two years.
In case you missed it, here is a recap of events:
Earlier this year, eThekwini the ANCs biggest region in terms of membership
figures held an elective conference in which mayor James Nxumalo narrowly beat

his rival, eThekwini councillor Zandile Gumede, to the post of regional chairman.
The elections were nullified by Luthuli House after Gumedes supporters complained about one of the branches that had been allowed to vote although it did not
meet the constitutional requirements for participating in the conference.
Last weekend, the conference was reconvened, with Nxumalo and Gumede still in
the race. By all indications, the mayor who also happens to be the SACPs provincial chairman was destined to win the vote again.
Then, a section of Gumedes supporters apparently tried to sabotage the conference by initially staying away from the venue, in the hope that this would cause the
gathering not to form a quorum.
When they realised that the strategy would not work more than 260 of the 410
accredited delegates were already at the venue the Gumede camp changed tactics
and decided to attend.
Trouble ensued soon after the conference started.
A group of Gumede supporters disrupted KwaZulu-Natal premier and ANC provincial chairman Senzo Mchunus speech, protesting that one of the branches in their
camp had been barred from attending the conference.
Not even the intervention of ANC national executive committee member Joe
Phaahla, who tried to explain to the protesters why that branchs five delegates had
to be excluded, helped. The conference degenerated into chaos and party bosses
eventually agreed that the branch be allowed to attend.
Immediately a problem emerged: the protesters now had a new demand. They
wanted Mchunu and other members of the provincial executive committee as well as
the ANC Youth Leagues provincial task team to leave the conference. They did not
trust them, they said, claiming they were involved in rigging the previous regional
vote.
The conference collapsed. Nxumalos supporters believed this was the Gumede
groupings objective all along because they had realised they would not win.
Their numbers were low and they were hellbent on ending the conference, said a
provincial executive committee member sympathetic to the Nxumalo faction.
But why would the collapse of a conference in South Africas third-biggest metro
have implications for those in the running to replace Zuma as the ANCs next leader
in 2017 and if the ANC wins the 2019 elections, as expected the next president?
With 75000 registered members, eThekwini remains the ANCs largest and most
influential region, despite having lost 25000 members since the partys last national
congress in 2012.
For both provincial and national internal party elections, therefore, a candidate who
has eThekwini on their side has a huge advantage.
At provincial level, a Nxumalo victory is seen as something that would boost
Mchunus chances of remaining KwaZulu-Natal premier and ANC chairman beyond
2019.
A Gumede victory would shift the balance of forces in favour of provincial party
secretary Sihle Zikalala, who is said to be campaigning to replace Mchunu.

At national level, Zikalala is regarded as close to ANC treasurer-general Zweli

Mkhize.
For months, Mkhize has been said to be campaigning quietly for the ANC deputy
presidency on a ticket that would then have the current deputy president, Cyril Ramaphosa, as president.
The assumption was that Mkhize would run against current secretary-general
Gwede Mantashe, a former unionist who has also served as the SACPs national
chairman.
Mantashe was seen as Nxumalos natural ally, given the association of the two candidates with the SACP. But a decision by Mantashe to nullify the first conference has
left angry Nxumalo supporters accusing him of betrayal and making unsubstantiated
claims that he had struck a deal with Mkhize that would see the two of them take over
the ANC presidency in 2017.
What is happening is that Mantashe and Mchunu fell out. Mantashe has now
formed an alliance with No2 [Ramaphosa]. They have told him [Mantashe] that Ramaphosa will go back to business and Mantashe will be president and Zweli will be his
deputy. Now he is doing all these things because of his presidential ambitions, said
an ANC-SACP leader closely linked to the Nxumalo campaign.
According to this theory, Mkhize would bring to the campaign KwaZulu-Natals huge
support base and Mantashe would deliver the Eastern Cape, the partys second-biggest province by numbers.
But Mantashe denied all this and said his detractors should not point fingers at him
for the collapsed conference.
Wait, you have presidential ambitions and you go use that at regional conferences?
Not even provincial conferences?
Dont you think thats an exaggeration of people who see themselves as very important? Where is the link? I want to be president? Then I am very ambitious. In other
words, comrade Cyril is a wrong deputy ...
It is rumours if they say this conference was collapsed by Gwede, who was not
there, by the way. They disrupted it themselves, Mantashe said.
Despite Mantashes denials, and clear evidence that the two attempts to have the
conference were thwarted by the warring factions, perceptions of Luthuli Houses interference are now treated as fact by both sides to the conflict.
Whichever side eventually wins the conference would most likely align itself with
whomever it believes had been on its side.
ANC members on the ground believe their top six leaders to be deeply divided over
who should succeed Zuma. Party structures, at least in the largest region, operate on
the basis that the presidential race will involve Ramaphosa, Mkhize, Mantashe and
party national chairwoman and National Assembly Speaker Baleka Mbete all of
whom currently hold top-six ANC posts.
The only possible candidate outside of the top six would be African Union Commission chairwoman Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, who is said to have the backing of her
former husband.

But it is the perception that four of the six top leaders are fighting over who should
succeed Zuma that is causing damage to the ruling party, with every decision being
perceived as being motivated by the need to advance their own careers.
As a result, these leaders are now unable to stop the kind of chaos witnessed at
last weekends eThekwini conference.

YOU ARE A BROKEN MAN PRESIDING

OVER A BROKEN SOCIETY
Opposition leader delivers tongue lashing at Zuma during
debate on state of the nation speech
Mmusi Maimane

Madame Speaker,
Honourable President and Deputy President
Honourable Members
Fellow South Africans
Bagaetsho
Dumelang,

Eleven days ago we lost one of South Africas literary giants, Professor Andre Brink.
Our sadness at his passing is tempered only by the great literature he bequeathed us.
Professor Brink taught us a powerful lesson. He taught us that you cannot blame
a faceless system for the evils in society. It is human beings that perpetrate wrongs
against others. And it human beings that have the power to correct these wrongs.
We would do well to heed this lesson as we debate the State of the Nation today.
Because, if we are to succeed as a nation, we need to start believing in the power
of human agency. We need to resurrect the idea that the choices we make, and the
actions we take, matter.
It is true that the uneven legacy of the apartheid system weighs heavy on us. It is a
fact that black children still do not have the same opportunities as white children. This
is a human tragedy that nobody in this House should ever accept.
Much has been done to redress the past, make no mistake. Life in South Africa
today is certainly better than it was during apartheid. But we need to hold ourselves to
a much higher standard than that.
We need to become the nation that President Nelson Mandela helped us believe
we could become. A place of hope, prosperity, selfless leadership and mutual respect.
And so the question we must ask today is: what is holding us back from achieving
Madibas vision?
We can blame apartheid. We can blame the global financial system. We can even
blame Jan van Riebeeck.
But in our hearts, we know what the problem is. We have allowed those in power to
become bigger than our institutions, breaking them down bit by bit.
We have allowed one powerful man to get away with too much for too long. This
man is here in our presence today.
Honourable President, in these very chambers, just five days ago, you broke Parliament.
Please understand, Honourable President, when I use the term honourable, I do
it out of respect for the traditions and conventions of this august House.
But please do not take it literally. For you, Honourable President, are not an honourable man.
You are a broken man, presiding over a broken society.
You are willing to break every democratic institution to try and fix the legal predicament you find yourself in.
You are willing to break this Parliament if it means escaping accountability for the
wrongs you have done.
On Thursday afternoon, outside this House, Members of Parliament were being
arrested and assaulted by your riot police.
A few hours later, inside this House, our freedom to communicate was violated by
an order to jam the telecommunications network.
Not long after, armed police officers in plain shirts stormed into this sacred chamber
and physically attacked members of this House.
This was more than an assault on Members of Parliament. It was an assault on the

very foundations of our democracy.

Parliaments constitutional obligation to fearlessly scrutinise and oversee the Executive lost all meaning on Thursday night.
The brute force of the state won. And the hearts of our nation broke.
We knew, at that very moment, that our democratic order was in grave danger.
And what did you do?
You laughed. You laughed while the people of South Africa cried for their beloved
country.
You laughed while trampling Madibas legacy in the very week that we celebrated
25 years since his release.
Honourable President, we will never forgive you for what you have done.
Madam Speaker, I led my party out of this House on Thursday night because we
could not sit by while our freedoms were destroyed right in front of us.
When we emerged from this chamber, we heard the President reading the cold and
empty words from his prepared text.
They were the words of a broken man, presiding over a broken society.
For 6 years, he has run from the 783 counts of corruption, fraud and racketeering
that have haunted him from before the day he was elected.
For 6 years, this broken man has spent his waking hours plotting and planning to
avoid his day in court.
In this broken mans path of destruction, lies a litany of broken institutions. Each
one of them targeted because of their constitutional power to hold him to account.
A broken SARS, that should be investigating the fringe tax benefits from Nkandla,
the palace of corruption that was built with the peoples money.
A broken NPA, that should have continued with its prosecution of the President,
without fear or favour.
A broken SIU, a broken Hawks, a broken SAPS. And so we could go on with the
list of institutions President Zuma is willing to break to protect himself and his friends.
This is why we are a broken society. Because the abuses do not stop at the door of
the Union Buildings. The power abuse is happening at every level. We have mini-Zumas in governments and municipalities all over South Africa.
In Mogalakwena, I met a woman who had not been able to wash for days because
there was no water.
The lack of water in Mogalakwena is not a system failure. It is a failure of local
politicians to put the people first. In this community, service delivery has come to a
standstill as ANC councillors wage a factional war over access to the spoils of power.
Local police officers with a duty to serve the community have been co-opted by
factions to intimidate residents and supress protest. As the war rages on, rubbish piles
up in the streets, sewage pipes continue to leak, and the taps run dry.
All because of these broken men, presiding over broken towns and cities. They
learned from the best.
In Atteridgeville, I met a good man running a hospice that is struggling more and
more each day to care for the sick because all their money goes to fuelling a generator.

This is their last line of defence against an electricity crisis that plagues them on a daily
basis.
The daily struggle of this community-funded organization is just one example of the
devastating impact this electricity crisis is having on households, businesses, schools,
hospitals, and countless other facets of society.
Where is the accountability from this broken man who claims to be our President,
when all he can offer is more of the same? All he does is promise to keep bailing out
Eskom and secure its monopoly over our power supply.
Load-shedding is a crisis that will take our economy to the brink of economic
shutdown. Our economy has lost R300 billion since 2008 because, without a stable
electricity supply, manufacturers cannot produce, investors are driven away and jobs
are lost.
That is why Mr President when you stand here and promise the same jobs every
year that never materialize, we simply cannot believe you. On Thursday the President
said that the NDPs ambition to grow at 5% by 2019 is at risk as a result of slow
global growth and domestic constraints. How then are other SADC countries growing
at an average of 5.6% facing the same external pressures? The answer is our real
constraints are because of the policy failures of this government.
In his 9 point plan he failed to address the need for solid economic infrastructure.
He left the electricity monopoly with Eskom. Gave the broadband monopoly to Telkom.
And left SANRAL to toll our roads in Gauteng. The legacy of this will be more government bailouts and failing infrastructure, leading us to more job losses, more debt and
a broken state.
The broken man who broke our economy.
Despite all his past promises, what President Zuma failed to tell us last week was
that, today, there are 1.6 million more South Africans without jobs than when he took
office in 2009. Living, breathing human beings robbed of their feeling of self-worth, and
their ability to provide for their families.
From Ikageng, to Nelson Mandela Bay, to Soweto, I met unemployed youth who
have lost hope of finding a job. They are the victims of an unequal education system
that serves the interests of a powerful teachers union over learners, and where poorer
schools go without textbooks, desks and proper classrooms.
The consequence, as parents in Riverlea told me, is that crime and drugs continue
to enslave our youth, and druglords operate freely in our communities.
This is the state of our broken society, battling under the burdens of unemployment,
crime, power cuts, and an unequal education system.
South Africa may be a broken society under a broken President, but the spirit of our
people is a lot harder to break.
We are still standing as a people today because South Africans were able to free
ourselves from the worst forms of oppression under Apartheid.
Today we have a Constitution and a Bill of Rights that is admired across the world.
We have an obligation to future generations of South Africans to make sure we
continue the fight for a fairer society, where there is greater opportunity for all to live

a better life, and where the rights and freedoms granted to us by the Constitution are
protected.
But on Thursday we received a criminally weak account of the State of the Nation
from a broken President.
We can have a stable electricity supply in South Africa, but a war-room is not going
to solve it.
The President knows what needs to be done to keep the lights on: break the Eskom
monopoly. As long as they are in charge of the national grid they will act to prevent
any meaningful contributions by independent power producers to our electricity supply.
He must also abandon the R1 trillion nuclear deal future generations will pay
for this in electricity price hikes while we wait over a decade to see any power. And
of course the secrecy behind this deal means there is scope for corruption on a mega-Arms deal scale.
We can and we must have a more equal education system, where schools are
properly resourced, teachers are well-trained, and there is commitment and leadership
from school principals.
There are many hard-working educators out there, but the President ignored the
need to hold principals and teachers accountable when they fail our children.
We believe it is possible for entrepreneurs to flourish, with an economy that grows
at 8% and creates millions of jobs if we make the right choices.
But the governments ideas are stale. We need economic infrastructure that is
reliable. We need tax incentives for established business people to participate in mentorship programmes. We need a National Venture Capital Fund to fund start-ups. We
need to rollout Opportunity Centres where advice and support is readily available. We
need a real Youth Wage Subsidy that benefits even the smallest of businesses.
We believe it is possible for our country to be a place where the streets are safe and
communities are healthy places to raise families, where the police properly managed
and trained.
But while our communities are being over-run by druglords and the President said
nothing about crime! Where are the specialized anti-drug units? Drug crime has doubled since they were taken away.
People dont trust the police, but if the SAPS is going to have its integrity restored,
it needs to start with the national police commissioner.
Our crime-fighting institutions such as the Hawks, the NPA, and the SIU must be
led by people committed to fairness and justice, and free from interference by powerful
political interests.
We believe it is possible to realize a vision of South Africa where every effort is
made to redress the legacy of Apartheid through a land reform programme that truly
benefits those who were denied access to land.
All the President has offered us is a populist proposal to ban foreign land ownership. This will only kill investment and jobs.
The 17.5 million hectares of fertile soil in communal land areas must be unlocked
for reform purposes. State-owned land must be fully audited and used to fast-track

redistribution to deserving beneficiaries. And farmworkers must become farm-owners

in partnership with commercial farmers, through the NDPs system of identifying and
purchasing available land on the market. But we all know, Mr President, that half the
people sitting behind you dont support the NDP and will not implement it.
Only through bold reforms that go to the heart of the problem will we meaningfully
redress the legacy of restricted access to land.
Madam Speaker, the tide is turning in our country. As Professor Brink wrote in his
most celebrated work, A Dry White Season:
The image that presents itself is one of water. A drop held back by its own inertia
for one last moment, though swollen of its own weight, before it irrevocably falls as if
the water, already sensing its own imminent fall, continues to cling, against the pull of
gravity, to its precarious stabilty, trying to prolong it as much as possible.
Madam Speaker, change may seem slow, but it is coming. There is a swell starting
to build and, when the wave crashes, it will sweep this broken man out of power.
When that happens, we will be there to start fixing this broken society, and unleash the
potential of South Africans.
That is why the party I lead in this Parliament will not join other parties in breaking
down our institutions. Because one day, when we are in government, we will want
those institutions and this Parliament to hold us to account.
And so we will work within the institutions of democracy to hold this government to
account, and we will continue creating opportunities for all where we govern. We will
work tirelessly to build a truly democratic alternative in South Africa. We will restore
power to our people.
I thank you!

THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN WHITE

FUNERALS AND BLACK FUNERALS
In certain circles in KZN, people go to funerals to mingle,
gossip and rub shoulders with wealthy tenderpreneurs
Ndumiso Ngcobo
NEXT TIME youre driving around on a Saturday morning, take the time to notice the
occupants of the cars around you.
But when you do, note their skin colour. I know, I know. Since Madiba donned that
jersey number 6 on June 24 1995, weve all been absolutely colour blind and have
been holding hands in perfect harmony. Still, indulge me.
You see, some months ago the missus and I were driving on the N3 between
Durban and Maritzburg when she remarked, Funny. Most of the black folks are wearing suits, ties, formal dresses and hats. Most of the white folks are in T-shirts, vests
and baseball caps and theyre towing boats.
Now, I dont have a PhD in anthropology from an esteemed institution such as La
Salle. Like one of our ambassadors, my certificate was lost in the post. But I still have
a theory about whats at play here.
You see, most of the darker-hued individuals youll see being strangled by bow ties,
corsets and whatnot are off to a funeral. Thats it. Thats all me and my ilk ever do on
weekends: we spend the whole damn time stickin people in the ground.
Our funerals ceased being about accompanying loved ones to their eternal dirt
naps around the time of the Info Scandal. We go to funerals to mingle, catch up on
gossip and rub shoulders with government ministers, w ealthy tenderpreneurs, Generations actors and other VIPs so that, come Monday, we can casually remark You
know, Gwede said the funniest thing on Saturday, creating for ourselves an aura of
political connectedness.
Our funerals also serve the purpose of launching the brand-new Range Rover
Sport we just bought (with obligatory 40% balloon payment) onto the collective
consciousness of society.
The first time I attended a white persons funeral, I thought I had landed on another
planet. The service was meant to start at 9am and by 8.45am everyone was seated,
all 27 of us.
At promptly 9am, the organ started and everyone rose. Besides the priest, three
other people spoke for about three minutes each. Around 9.30am, things were wrapped
up and the family proceeded to the crematorium while we went outside to the lawn and
grabbed some sandwiches. By 10.15am I was back at my desk at work as if nothing
had happened.
Oh no, not our funerals. First, you have to show your face at some point during the
week before. There will inevitably be a small crowd there, eagerly awaiting the first

batch of scones from the kitchen. A few females from the bereaved family will be seated on a mattress with doeks on their bowed heads, next to a lit candle. The mourners
will be perched on chairs, facing the women, looking for signs of grief, while humming
slow hymns about how death is nothing more than a gateway to the beautiful hereafter.
The first big event on the day of the funeral is when the casket is brought out of the
house and the mourners can fully appreciate it in its glory. Theres always that aunt
who takes out a hanky, dabs at her eyes and murmurs approvingly, At least my uncles
child is going to rest inside a beautiful house. It must have cost at least R80k.
And then off to church for the four-hour speech marathon, where speaker after
speaker tries to out-clich the last. I will wager half my meagre, post-Nene income
that no black KZN funeral since 1960 has ever ended without the words, Death be
not proud; Kufa uyinuku (Death, youre slovenly); or Akwehlanga lungehlanga (Whats
happened has happened).
Towards the end of the whole rigmarole comes the most dramatic part, called useyabonwa, the viewing of the body.
There is always some woman a cousin of the deceased, thrice removed who
waits until everyone has seen the body before she approaches. Shes already wailing
at 200 decibels by the time shes 10m from the front, and then she truly opens her
voice box and emits bloodcurdling screams that seem to part the roof of the Lords
house, before she collapses at the feet of the casket stand and is promptly whisked
away.
In certain circles in my native KZN, we call such people umaythanqaze (one who
throws herself violently on the ground). The most curious thing about her is that her
grief tends to miraculously dissipate and shes usually spotted later in the after-tears
tent, gyrating with a Smirnoff Guarana in her hand. And great fun is had by all.
Unlike the sandwiches mentioned above, we have a full-on, catered party afterwards, accompanied by the flesh of a recently departed bovine. Piles of pap, seven-colour salad, samp, rice and dumpling fill our plates, and the festivities continue the
next day, when the neighbours return to fetch the hats they left behind.
Its a pity I dont believe in making stipulations about ones own funeral. I think thats
just selfish. Funerals are not about the dead. Its really up to the living to mourn you
whichever way they choose. Id hate for my funeral to become a circus.
If theres life after death, I hope the Lord grants me just one wish; about five seconds for me to sit up in my coffin at my funeral and yell at umaythanqaze, Get your
ass off the floor! Im trying to rest, ferchrissakes!

IT HAS BEGUN: SOUTH AFRICAS NEW

VIOLENT TRIBALISM
Attacks on foreigners suggest the emergence of a tribal
identity in which black South Africans see themselves as
different to other Africans
Xolela Mangcu

THE MOZAMBICAN leader Samora Machel once famously proclaimed that, for the
nation to live, the tribe must die.
I never liked this formulation because of its underlying assumption that tribal identities dont matter.
Throughout history, human beings have belonged to one tribe or another. But as
Archie Mafeje argued in his famous 1971 article The Ideology of Tribalism, published
in The Journal of Modern African Studies, the colonial-apartheid system manipulated
tribal identities to Balkanise the black population into different homelands.
A concept that once referred to a small group of people in a limited geographical
area was revised to be co-extensive with people who spoke more or less the same
language over large territories. To be sure, smaller tribes were often conquered by

bigger tribes. But then they saw themselves as part of new kingdoms, not tribes.
The danger arose when these kingdoms were not only tribalised but also endowed
with distinctive characteristics. The most damaging of these stereotypes was that the
Zulu were warriors and the Xhosa were educated. That the Zulus were just as desirous
of a peaceful future as anybody or that the great majority of Xhosa were not educated
was disregarded in the construction of divide and rule.
By the 80s the narrative was that the Zulu warriors were under attack from a
Xhosa-led ANC. This ignored that for most of its existence the ANC was dominated by
highly educated Zulu leaders such as Pixley ka Seme, John Langalibalele Dube and
Albert Luthuli.
The stereotypes left tens of thousands of people dead in the tribal wars of the 80s.
The parallels between those wars and the current xenophobic attacks are striking.
These include the horrendous necklace, the brandishing of cultural weapons, and
the single-sex hostels that were the staging ground for late-apartheid tribalism. Can
somebody please tell me why we still have people living in hostels 20 years into a
democratic South Africa?
The stereotypes are different now, but they all find fertile ground in a society where
the tribe has replaced the nation. Now it is not just the Zulu or the Xhosa but black
South Africans who see themselves as different from other Africans.
I am now going to speak in the collective we in describing this new black tribal
identity and the stereotypes on which it is constructed. I shall do so because we are
all, in different ways, implicated in this horrendous crime against the humanity of other
people.
First, we tell ourselves that other Africans are here to steal our jobs. What a lousy
excuse for hatred. Unemployment, inequality and poverty were unacceptably high long
before many Africans came here. Zimbabweans came running here after our own government refused to put pressure on Robert Mugabe to stop the misrule of his country.
Lost on us is the irony of applauding the dictator when he visits South Africa while
chasing his refugees with machetes. And we turn around to call ourselves Mandelas
children?
Those of us who warned of the large-scale migration that would follow Zimbabwes
collapse were called sellouts by the high and mighty in Thabo Mbekis government.
The sad thing is that all of our troubles have been foretold from electricity shortages
to HIV/Aids to migration. But then again, denial is our national pastime and leadership
our achilles heel.
Second, we demonise other Africans as criminals. But if the thugs who murdered
Emmanuel Sithole do not represent all of us, why cant we accord the same logic to
other communities? We are dishing to fellow Africans the same hate that was dished
to us by white people under apartheid. We do not even bother to ask about their backgrounds and achievements. Do we really think that decent, hard-working, well-educated people would voluntarily leave their countries to become beggars on our streets?
All over the world people embark on perilous journeys across oceans and deserts
to save themselves and their children from anarchy and the perils of war. Given our

governments collusion in the collapse of Zimbabwe, we should at least have some

compassion for ordinary Zimbabweans in our communities.
The third stereotype is that a Sithole in Mozambique is unrelated to a Sithole in
Durban or Johannesburg. And yet the Sithole were a strong ally of Shaka. How ironic,
then, that a Sithole died at the hands of his own people, following the words of one
of Shakas descendants. That is what tribalism does it devours even its own. We
ignore at our peril that African people are related, despite the history of migration.
I once hosted a workshop in which Julius Nyerere described the migrant history of
African people as follows: My tribe came to where we are now in Tanzania as a result
of the refugee movements which were caused by the wars of slavery, the wars which
disturbed the whole blessed continent. And our people have been moving and moving
and moving all the time, refugees running away all the time. And a lot of so-called
tribes in Africa are groups of refugees.
That is as true for the African migrants in our communities today as it was for our
ancestors thousands of years before Europeans even arrived here.
Fourth, the killers say their only objection is that the migrants are here illegally. But
how would they know? Did they ask to see their documents? And when did refugees
start at the visa office before they leave their countries? I bet the haters would have
killed them even if they had shown their documents.
I say all these things to reject the notion that there are legitimate economic reasons
for the attacks. The economic argument suggests the causes are outside of us, and
even beyond our power. But what we are dealing with here are ingrained prejudices
that long predate the present moment, drummed into our minds by the very same
colonialists we claim to have overcome. Where is the blackness that was the ethical
construct and the moral compass against apartheid, when our present government
mostly speaks of the attacks as economic damage to Brand South Africa? Who are
we and what have we become that we now see everything through the sign of the
rand?
The truth is we have no social contract to guide us in this country. We have become the postmodern face of a xenophobic tribalism that will devour everything in its
way, and ultimately become a threat to our very existence as a society. Instead of our
nationally elected government, we had a tribal monarch left standing to call a national
imbizo to douse the very flames he had started. Where was the president of the
republic at our most perilous moment? Where was the party that was founded by our
forefathers to fight tribalism? Was the absence of national leadership further confirmation that the tribe has indeed become the nation, and the nation the tribe?

OSCAR PISTORIUS JUDGE IS ROASTED BY

JUDICIAL COMMISSION
Commissioner Mike Hellens strongly criticises Masipas
leadership abilities, saying she could not control the counsel
in the Pistorius trial
Aarti J Narsee

JUDGE THOKOZILE Masipa is one of the most well-known judges in the world after
presiding over the Oscar Pistorius murder trial.
However before thinking about appointing her as judge president of the Limpopo
High Court the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) wanted to know what impact the
backlash after the outcome of the Pistorius trial could have.

The JSC on Monday started its interviews in Cape Town of candidates for vacant
judicial positions in courts around the country.
Commissioner Mathole Motshekga asked Masipa who was interviewed late on
Monday evening: What will you do to ensure that the new court doesnt start to deal
with the negative imagedont you think that that stigma will challenge the image of
the new court and if it does what will you do to ensure that the image of that court
doesnt suffer?
Masipa said she did not think she had gained a negative image.
I dont think the criticism is about me but more about the outcome [of the Pistorius
trial]. I dont think I am stigmatised perhaps I am too nave about that Masipa said.
Since Pistorius I have been given other cases. The counsel that have appeared
before me still give me the same respect before and after.
Chief Justice Mogoeng Mogoeng asked Masipa to explain how she deals with the
attacks since she has become a world-famous judge in this country.
Masipa said: A judge must respect criticism. It is not personal. When someone
expressed their frustration you should just let them judges have been attacked all
over...we are not on the bench to please people or to win a popularity contest.
But commissioner Mike Hellens strongly criticised Masipas leadership abilities. He
questioned how Masipa could be a judge president of a court when she could not
control the counsel in the Pistorius trial.
Other candidates vying for the position include Judge Francis Legodi and Judge
Khami Makhafola.
During Legodis interview concerns were expressed about his resignation from the
Arms Procurement Commission and about his ability to juggle his various roles since
he serves on other bodies like the Magistrates Commission.
Legodi said his resignation from the commission investigating claims of corruption
in the Arms Deal was due to personal reasons which he had discussed with both the
minister of justice and the president. He added that these personal reasons will not
impact on him holding office as a judge president.
Makhafola was taken to task over various complaints made against him such as
subjecting personnel to questioning or detaining them by an order of the court.
Leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters Julius Malema raised concerns that
Makhafola was trying to mislead the commission.
The commission which sat until midnight on Monday will on Tuesday interview the
remaining three out of the seven candidates vying for the position of Limpopo judge
president.
On Monday the sole candidate for the KwaZulu-Natal judge president position
Judge Achmat Jappie was recommended for the position.
The commission is scheduled to also interview judges competing for two positions
at the Supreme Court of Appeal later on Tuesday.

IS THIS THE BEGINNING OF THE END FOR

MALEMA?
The party shut down a press conference by dissident
member, but it wants to have the right to dissent in
Parliament
Ray Hartley

IS THIS the beginning of the end for the EFF? Wearing their trademark red jumpsuits
and berets, EFF members stormed a press conference that had been called by one of
their own, Andile Mngxitama in Cape Town today.
What exactly he was planning to say, we will never know. He was last seen showing
a crowd of EFF members a clean pair of heels on a Cape Town street.
This should alarm Julius Malema. In one very unwise move, his members have
robbed him of the moral high ground. He claims he should have the right to shout at
President Jacob Zuma from the benches during his state of the nation speech, but his

supporters wont let an MP hold a press conference to state his point of view.
This is the problem with populism. Once you are riding that train it gathers speed
and eventually, you cant get off without doing yourself serious injury. Malema has
to deliver more and bigger controversies to stoke the fire that he lit last year when
he shouted Zuma down because he would not account for money misspent on his
Nkandla residence.
This means he no longer dictates the partys strategic direction. There are no
choices, only the option of more and greater confrontation. Which is all good and well,
except that once you create that political culture, the chances are it is going to be used
within your movement as often as it is used against your enemy.
Comparisons have been made with the disintegration of Cope, but I dont think
that these hold. Terror Lekota and Mbhazima Shilowa contested the Cope leadership
from the outset whereas Malema has been the uncontested leader of the EFF from
the start.
He has managed to remain in charge because most of the EFFs members know
that he is their talisman. He is the person the public want to see in a brawl with Zuma.
He is el duce, the supreme leader.
But he is nonetheless going to have to keep the EFF together against the efforts
of the likes of Mngxitama and he finds himself unable to stop his shock troops from
closing down free expression within the party as he is unable to stop the mounting
expectation that he will deliver ever more spectacular confrontations with power.
Malema is likely to survive, perhaps even thrive, after the state of the nation disruption, but his real challenge lies in the future when Zuma departs the political stage.
Whoever takes over in the ANC, they are unlikely to attract as much scandal as that
which has clung to Zuma.
The option of screaming from the benches will have to be reconsidered for a proper
policy engagement and it is unclear whether Malema can deliver a clear programme
that will win confidence beyond the die-hard extremists in his party. To get somewhere,
he is going to have to bring a wider spectrum of voters on board. It is one thing to
smugly cheer his populist assault on an unpopular president but it will be quite another
to another to buy his populist economics which appear to rest on nationalisation and
land expropriation without compensation. When the jeering dies down, Malema will
have to adapt or die.

JACOB ZUMA: MOB BOSS OR PRESIDENT?

State institutions are being stolen from us, the people, and
are being put in the presidents pocket. The next thing will be
the army
Justice Malala

WHEN THE history of South Africa is written a special chapter will be dedicated to the
collapse of its institutions of accountability.
It will be a sad chapter and it will show how we all sat and fiddled while the foundations of our democracy were brought down.
Last week we had the extraordinary sight of the police visiting the National Prosecuting Authority to serve a summons on its controversial deputy head, Nomgcobo Jiba.
She was absent without leave, so the summons was left with her boss, the equally

embattled Mxolisi Nxasana.

It now transpires that some very powerful people did not want Jiba to receive the
summons. So the police said the policeman who served it should not have done so.
Then Nxasana received a call, perhaps two, from national police commissioner
Riah Phiyega asking him to take it easy on Jiba.
Jiba is alleged to be close to suspended crime intelligence head Richard Mdluli,
who is said to be close to President Jacob Zuma.
Jibas argument in the matter seemed to be that she wanted to be in charge of
choosing which policeman was to investigate her.
How does that happen?
Its okay if you are confused, but the tale becomes even more confusing the deeper
one digs.
It drags in Hawks head Anwa Dramat, who is now being kicked out of the unit,
allegedly because he started asking some pointed questions about Nkandla.
It also involves suspended Independent Police Investigative Directorate head Robert McBride because he started asking why exactly Dramat was being suspended.
This is a complicated narrative but, in fact, it is a simple, transparent, hoary enough
old tale of skulduggery.
The police and those who police them have now become divided: there are those
who are protecting the president and those who just want to be ordinary, good cops.
All the while, virtually every category of violent crime is on the increase in South
Africa.
The past five years have essentially been a period in which every institution of accountability has been compromised to ensure that one man, Jacob Zuma, never sees
the inside of a courtroom to answer to allegations of corruption connected to the arms
deal for which his friend and financial adviser, Schabir Shaik, was convicted and
jailed and to the scandal of the R246-million spent on his homestead in Nkandla.
It continues to boggle the mind that, a year after the public protectors report
comprehensively and clearly stated that the president had benefited unduly from the
Nkandla security upgrading he still has not done anything about paying back even a
cent of the taxpayers money.
Instead, the criminal is now public protector Thuli Madonsela. She is being investigated for being a CIA spy by a weak state security minister who seems to believe
that his role in our society is to deal with those who ask for something simple of the
president: to account to the people of this country.
So what do we have here? We have a police service that is compromised, run by
an incompetent who carries the stain of having killed 34 mineworkers in cold blood at
Marikana.
We have an independent police unit, the Hawks, that is now under the thumb of the
police minister, and therefore of the president, who appointed the minister.
You have a prosecuting service that cannot move against any member of the Zuma
inner circle.
You have a public protector who has been spied upon, who believes her communi-

cations are tapped and who believes that the way is being paved for the president to
suspend her.
Look at all the bald facts and the conclusion is simple and chilling: Zuma is running
a Mafia machinery, the sole aim of which is to keep him from being held accountable.
The one thing that has not happened yet is fiddling with the army and overtly
politicising it.
The army has so far stayed out of the fray, appearing only once when the Gupta
family landed their wedding guests from India at a military installation and got away
with it because, well, they are the presidents benefactors.
The problem is, what happens when the army starts being used to target political
opponents and protesters?
What happens when the army is seen as the next tool to be used to quell legitimate
dissent and questioning of the president?
We have, after all, recent memory of this: the SADF was used in the 1980s to kill
innocents in the townships.
It was a political army.
This will, of course, happen only if we all dont scream, shout and otherwise protest
at what is happening to the police, the Hawks, the NPA, the public protector and other
state institutions.
They are being stolen from us, the people, and are being put in the presidents
pocket. The next thing will be the army.
South Africans need to smell the coffee and wake up. All is not good in our country.