Hatshepsut, King of Egypt (14791458 BC)

by Barbara ONeill.
Published on Egyptological, December 7th 2011, Magazine Edition 3.
Theres a world of difference between truth and facts. Facts can obscure the truth
(Maya Angelou)
In the Beginning
Most people first learn about Hatshepsut on discovering her elegant mortuary
temple at Deir el Bahri. Some visitors to the site may be puzzled by the fact that the
royal woman whose temple this was, is often referred to as king, for surely the
Egyptian ruler had to be male? Other views on Hatshepsut go further;
acknowledging that while she may have ruled Egypt as monarch, she did so as a
female usurper of the role; a devious power-hungry woman. Although theories
abound, we do not know why Hatshepsut, wife and daughter of Egyptian kings,
stepped outside her conventional female role, crowned herself king and went on to
rule alongside her stepson, Thutmosis III until her death two decades later.
As daughter of Thutmosis I and sister-wife to his son and her half-brother,
Thutmosis II, there is little exceptional in Hatshepsuts early life as an Eighteenth
Dynasty royal wife and daughter. Upon her husbands death, having no male child of
her own, Hatshepsut acted as regent to her young stepson Thutmosis III. This is
where the facts of the matter become rather murky, for instead of stepping aside
upon her young charges maturity and allowing him to assume his role as sole ruler,
Hatshepsut had herself crowned king, leaving the younger king in the background of
history for approximately twenty years.
More than three thousand years after her death, scholars continue to explore
Hatshepsuts kingship, the details of which are sometimes viewed as a persistent,
unsolvable problem. Why did she usurp this role when there appears to be no valid
reason for her actions? Upon his step-mothers death, Thutmosis finally became sole
ruler of Egypt, proving to be one of the most successful kings of the Eighteenth
Dynasty. While the enigma surrounding Hatshepsut remains, perhaps the most
illuminating information on her reign can be found within her monuments and
inscriptions. For it is here where her efforts to legitimise her own actions can be
found.
In this article, I will explore Hatshepsuts legitimisation of her rule as evidenced
within the components of two structures; her mortuary temple at Deir el Bahri and
her inscription at Speos Artemidos. The first contains a considerable amount of
information within its architecture, inscriptions and imagery. The second bears an
exquisitely refined legitimisation strategy, in what could be Hatshepsuts own words.
Both sites serve to illuminate how a powerful Egyptian king was able to utilise her
gender, political acumen and vision, bequeathing Egypt the legacy of an
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accomplished rule, whilst revealing something of how she wished her kingship to be
perceived.
Hatshepsuts Mortuary Temple at Deir el Bahri
Djeser-Djeseru or Holiest of the Holy, Hatshepsuts mortuary temple built into the
Theban hills at Deir el Bahri, encapsulates a carefully constructed presentation of
her reign. Scholars have hypothesised as to whether Hatshepsuts husband
Thutmosis II, her official, Senenmut, or Hapuseneb, her High Priest of Amun, may
have contributed to its design. Hatshepsut herself may have moulded the project,
influencing the layout of this temple. Whatever the case, her reign saw an explosion
of artistic creativity, with a reinterpretation of the traditional and mastery of the
innovative incorporated within this structure. The first attested example of a
processional avenue of sphinxes on the temple approach was one such original
element, serving to highlight the temples importance and functioning as a ritually
protective feature. Djeser-Djeserus design emulates that of earlier structures, in
particular the Eleventh Dynasty mortuary temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep II,
located nearby.
The Middle Kingdom was viewed as a time of great achievement in Egypts history;
its earliest kings had successfully reunited Egypt after the collapse of the Old
Kingdom. Hatshepsuts regard for the Eleventh Dynasty founder king Mentuhotep
II, and her decision to build her mortuary temple next to his, may have had a
political objective. Hatshepsuts father, Thutmosis I had established a similar policy
of association with distant royal predecessors when he enhanced cult places which
emphasised ideological links with previous kings and with the divine aspect of
kingship.
The periods of disunity which preceded the Twelfth and the Eighteenth dynasties
were significant events within Egypts cultural memory. Hatshepsuts association of
her temple with that of an earlier king, a monarch who successfully reestablished mAat through the reunification of Egypt might be viewed as a politically
astute decision. On the inscription from a stone artefact, believed to originate from
her temples foundation deposit, Hatshepsut refers to Mentuhotep as her father, an
intriguing indication of her regard for a king who had died five hundred years
earlier. Hatshepsuts desire to associate her kingship with that of Mentuhoteps
reflects the great reverence in which this unifier of Egypt was held. Hatshepsut went
further in her emulation of Mentuhoteps mortuary temple, drawing on Middle
Kingdom texts and ideology in her coronation narrative. Many inscriptions which
the king used within her temple have ancient precedents composed in, remarkably
pure Classical Egyptian (Baines 2007).
By the Twelfth Dynasty, a constellation model of kingship had evolved; the
mythology of which indicated that the king was born of the sun god Re through a
mortal mother. Mentuhotep dedicated part of his mortuary temple to the cult of
Montu-Re, a warlike deity whose divine intervention had guided the king in the
successful reunification of Egypt. Hatshepsut was the first king to revive this divine
association with the royal mortuary temple, assigning part of her sanctuary to a
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temple for the gods. Djeser-Djeseru contained five separate cult chapels with its
central shrine dedicated to Amun-Re, father of the father of all gods, an epithet
first attested from Hatshepsuts era (Hornung 1971).
Thebes was the centre of the new religion of the Eighteenth Dynasty, with Amun-Re
regarded as principal state god at this time. An amalgamation of Amun and Re, this
powerful deity was acknowledged as the source of Hatshepsuts kingship and,
through his role in her divine conception, crucial to her very existence. The blending
of two powerful gods, Re with ancient connections to Heliopolis, an important
religious and administrative centre which became the model for New Kingdom
Thebes, and Amun, a Theban deity, described as hidden but present in the heart,
created a significant source of Hatshepsuts dynastic legitimacy. Upon her elevation
to kingship, Hatshepsut added the epithet, Xnmt-imn joined with Amun to her
birth name, reflecting a pious and apparently sincere affiliation to Amun.
A mortuary temple functioned as the locus of a kings funerary cult, where offerings
and prayers would continue after death ensuring eternal life. There are multiple
layers of religious, historical and ideological meaning associated with the sacred site
on which Hatshepsut built her temple. Deir el Bahris plateau had ancient
associations with Hathor who, as goddess of the West and Chieftainess of Thebes,
was an important deity within Hatshepsuts ideology of kingship. The temples of
Mentuhotep and Hatshepsut share proximity with an ancient Hathoric shrine set
within the cliff-face of the Deir el Bahri plateau. With the possibility that a tradition
of rock-built sanctuaries determined the development of Deir el Bahri as a whole, it
is within the structure of the temple she built there that Hatshepsuts sovereignty
finds its most compelling expression.
The king deployed extensive Hathoric symbolism within Djeser-Djeseru,
incorporating aspects of the feminine essence of kingship in both her choice of
location and through her temples many references to this goddess. Within her
shrine to Hathor, imagery of Hatshepsuts coronation predominates. The goddess is
represented alongside the kings divine father Amun-Re, beneath a frieze of cobras.
The cobra constitutes part of a rebus forming the kings throne name, mAat-kA-ra,
establishing Hatshepsut as recipient of the life-giving powers of Hathor, a goddess
essential to the rejuvenation and maintenance of the deceased king. Hatshepsuts
kingly identity and feminine gender are represented at Djeser-Djeseru in word and
image. Titles she assumed on becoming king make use of feminised forms which
function as an ideological overlay. Rather than attempting to disguise her gender,
Hatshepsut utilised elements within her royal titulary, which took advantage of her
status as a female king. Her epithets encapsulate both traditional structure and the
feminine aspect of kingship. As nswt-bit, a female king, her gender allowed
Hatshepsut to be described as sAt ra, daughter of Re and as Hrt, the female Horus.
In their masculine form, such titles were traditional kingly epithets, innovatively and
intentionally amended for Hatshepsut, providing a precedent for the use of
masculine pronouns in reference to a female king (Allen, 2009: Figure 4). Such
modifications were unlikely to have been random and freely acknowledged the kings
gender.
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By the time Hatshepsut was constructing Djeser-Djeseru, Egypt was witnessing a

development in religious ideology peculiar to the New Kingdom, featuring Amun at
its core. The sovereign was now regarded as son of and image of the sun god. Not
concerned with physical resemblance, this ideology equated a kings divine
appearance to god-like acts. Hatshepsuts claim to be the likeness of Amun-Re, a
male deity, would not have appeared incongruous; as king she was united in a
fundamental kinship with her divine father.
It is perhaps significant that in the New Kingdom an oracular aspect of religion first
appears, masterfully captured in stone at Djeser-Djeseru where Hatshepsuts
mythical narrative of her god-guided heart, was a feature of her elevation to
kingship. This new religious orientation involved belief in divine intervention, an
ideology which Hatshepsut used effectively in her presentation of kingship. The
course of history could be directly affected by gods will and mAat stemmed directly
from the power of god. Within her mortuary temple, Hatshepsut created a mythical
narrative which emphasised her status as god-appointed king.
The mythology of divine birth dates back to a significant literary work of the Middle
Kingdom, known today as, Papyrus Westcar. Hatshepsuts presentation at Deir el
Bahri has been described as the first use of this allegory, with her interpretation
attested as the earliest canonical form of the divine son-ship of the king. Her
innovative use of the strategy of divine selection was adopted by later kings, many of
whom employed similar oracular pronouncements to justify their sovereignty.
In the Punt presentation within Djeser-Djeseru, a narrative marking the success of
an important trade expedition, Hatshepsut appears in a rare instance of divine
emanation; a living god in the image of Amun. The particular language used in the
narrative, indicates something of the significance of this event. The description of
Hatshepsuts god-like appearance employs a specific, feminised term for image,
snnt signifying that Hatshepsut represents Amun-Re in essence and action. The
king is described as exalted before her audience, emanating god-like divinity. She is
described as having myrrh on her limbs, radiant before the entire land on the
accomplishment of a divinely inspired mission. This rare and exceptional moment of
transfiguration captured
within
the
Punt
inscription
emphasises
Hatshepsuts nTrj or divine-ness, as she is acclaimed for having fulfilled her promise
to make her temple an incense land in the midst of Egypt in honour of Amun-Re.
This is a powerful image, with fragrance a prevailing metaphor at Djeser-Djeseru
indicating the presence of god, used here in the Punt narrative and elsewhere in
scenes of Hatshepsuts divine conception.
Hatshepsuts cult chapel within her temple which she intended to share with her
earthly father Thutmosis I was situated close to that of the shrine dedicated to
Amun-Re, her divine father. Hatshepsuts direct descent from Thutmosis I and her
divine selection by Amun formed the basis of her validation narrative within DjeserDjeseru.There is no evidence, however that Hatshepsut was unhappy with her
previous role as wife to Thutmosis II. It is possible that Hatshepsut was aware of the
complexities of kingship before her husbands death. Queen Ahmose-Nefertari, from
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whom Hatshepsut inherited the title of Gods Wife of Amun, operated independently
both economically and ideologically from the kings she was wife and mother to.
Possibly, this provided a model which Hatshepsut pursued to its ultimate
conclusion, her enthronement as king of Egypt. The title Hmt nTr or Gods Wife,
clearly dominated all others on Hatshepsuts sarcophagus from KV20; a tomb
prepared for her as queen, where other epithets including great wife of the king are
greatly outnumbered by her designation as Hmt nTr. This important role may have
had some impact on Hatshepsuts elevation to kingship, providing direct access to
the political influence of the powerful Priesthood of Amun. On becoming king,
Hatshepsut passed the title of Gods wife to her daughter, Neferure who then
provided the necessary feminine compliment in sacred rituals fulfilled by the king.
Neferure appears to have played an exceptional role within Hatshepsuts kingship,
indicating a new, though ultimately short-lived feminised ideology in the theory and
practice of kingship (Quirke 2001).
Described as one of the most beautiful structures ever built, Djeser-Djeseru remains
an enduring memorial to Hatshepsut, despite the efforts of those who have tried,
with varying degrees of success, to usurp, destroy or rewrite her narrative there.
The Speos Artemidos Inscription
The Speos Artemidos inscription was carved at a shrine to the goddess Pakhet, a
local deity attested from nearby Beni Hasan, in Middle Egypt. The original cultcentre may have had Twelfth Dynasty origins; significant given Hatshepsuts interest
in her Twelfth Dynasty predecessors. The text composed after her elevation as king,
is noted for its unique nature, unaccustomed frankness and particular style, perhaps
reflecting Hatshepsuts personal thoughts and manner of speech. Described as
exceptional in its candidness, the text bears few signs of the formulaic nature of royal
inscriptions, with an individual style unprecedented in this genre.
The inscription is carved above the entrance to the cave-like shrine, one of two cult
centres renewed for this goddess by Hatshepsut. Pakhets epithets include great of
magic, and she who scratches. The goddess sometimes assumes the iconography of
a lioness or of a fiery serpent, signifying her role in spreading fear of the kings wrath
throughout the land. Anger was the prerogative of kings and deities; an aspect of
authority used in royal inscriptions as an indicator of power and of the ability to get
things done (Tait 2009). The goddess is also represented as the uraeus of kingship,
placed on Hatshepsuts brow at her coronation, threatening to rear up and breathe
fire upon all enemies.
The retrospective use of models of success was a consistent feature of Egyptian
history. Aside from their admiration of Middle Kingdom kings, the rulers of the
Eighteenth Dynasty looked to their own founders, systematically prolonging glories
of the wars of liberation, with which the New Kingdom had begun. Ruling almost
seventy years after earlier kings had ended Hyksos rule and reunified Egypt,
Hatshepsut may have discovered a means to accumulate symbolic capital from these
events. References to the past served to highlight the kings role in re-establishing
order and in the maintenance of mAat through her restitution of local shrines and
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temples. The inscriptions references to the long-settled Hyksos period are unlikely
to indicate that this event concerned Hatshepsut politically. Nevertheless, the text
describes something of the resulting chaos and of Hatshepsuts efforts in support of
local cults, commencing with restoration of the temple of the mistress of Cusae (Qis)
a goddess associated with Hathor. Hatshepsuts focus on this region might reflect its
earlier strategic position as border area between Hyksos and Theban domains during
the wars of unification. Such focus offers a glimpse of the kings astute political
awareness, as the area remained strategically important, connecting roads from the
western desert oases with trade routes south towards Nubia.
Hatshepsuts Speos Artemidos inscription presents an exceptional exploration of a
divinely conceived kingship. Her restoration efforts equate the kings actions with
those of Re, her ancestral prototype in the sun gods creation of temples throughout
Egypt. Hatshepsut emphasises the strength of her dominion, assuring benefits to
those who are loyal and swift vengeance on dissenters as abominations of the gods.
She sets out her intentions to restore and build temples and shrines; to instigate
foreign trade missions, settle any internal opposition and improve conditions for her
military; important functions of an effective king. Hatshepsut combines shrewd
political foresight with personal piety in her promise to build a temple for Thoth;
perhaps an indication that her kingship was supported by two powerful cults. It is
Thoth who presents the king before the ennead of Karnak as they acknowledge
Hatshepsut as a divinely-appointed king. The inscription continues as Hatshepsut
addresses her enemies, her loyal nobles, the priesthood and finally, the common
people, as Thoth proclaims, as Amun is at the head of the ennead, so the name of
Maatkare is at the head of the living for ever (Goedicke 2004).
The Speos Artemidos inscription has been described as a global address, an
historical source of unmatched importance, setting out Hatshepsuts political agenda
early in her reign. Her programme as king focuses on elements important to every
ruler; her people, her commercial interests and her military. Hatshepsuts
inscription functions as pious dedication, as an outline of her accomplishments and
of future political aspirations. She seeks the perpetuity of her name, that trade routes
be expanded, monumental construction undertaken and significant shrines renewed.
This was an important decree, the purpose of which was Hatshepsuts presentation,
as predestined saviour of the country, restorer of law and order, and legitimate
descendant of the sun-god Amen-Re.
An Enduring King
The historical events, which initiated the process of Hatshepsuts elevation to
kingship, remain the subject of much speculation. Her actions were perhaps, as
much a dynastic defence-mechanism as an act of personal ambition, the details lost
in time, resulting in a fundamentally amicable co-regency with Thutmosis III.
Hatshepsuts prosperous, largely peaceful rule, as attested within Djeser-Djeseru and
at Speos Artemidos, exemplifies a productive, competent kingship. The scholar, Jan
Assmann has said that we now know infinitely more about ancient Egypt than have
all the experts of the past, and yet we are less sure of what to do with that
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information. Occasionally however, the archaeological record allows specific and

personalised insight, into royal life in New Kingdom Egypt, (OConnor 1994).
Hatshepsuts narrative within her mortuary temple and through the Speos
Artemidos inscription does this eloquently, revealing something of the life and
achievements of an extraordinary king.
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