The Influence of Evagrius Ponticus On The Thought of Maximus The Confessor

PONTIFICIUM INSTITUTUM ORIENTALE
FACULTAS SCIENTIARUM ECCLESIASTICARUM ORIENTALIUM

_____________________________________________________________________
eljko Paa, S.J.
THE INFLUENCE OF EVAGRIUS PONTICUS

ON THE THOUGHT OF MAXIMUS THE CONFESSOR
A Comparison of Three Spiritual Struggles
in the Works of Evagrius Ponticus
and Maximus the Confessor
Romae 2010
ABBREVIATIONS
WORKS OF EVAGRIUS
Antirrhetikos
Evagrio Pontico, Antirrheticus Talking Back. A Monastic Handbook

for combating demons. Translation and introduction by David Brakke,
Trappist, Kentucky, Cistercian Publications, Collegeville, Minn:
Liturgical Press, 2009 (Cistercian Studies Series 229).
Ad Monachos
Evagrius Ponticus, Ad Monachos, translation and commentary by

Driscoll Jermy, The Newman Press, New York 2003.
De cog.
De malignis cogationibus On the Eight Thoughts, GAC, 66-90.
De octo spir.
De octo spiritibus malitiae On Thoughts, Guillaumont Antoine and

Claire, Ghin Paul, vagre le Pontique. Sur les Penses, SCh, 438
(Paris: Cerf, 1998) GAC 136-182;
KG
Kephalia Gnostika A. Guillaumont, Les Six Centuries des

Kephalaia Gnostica dvagre le Pontique, PO, 28 (Paris, 1958).
Praktikos
Guillaumont Antoine and Claire, vagre le Pontique. Trait Pratique

ou Le Moine, Sources Chrtiennes, 170-171 (Paris: Cerf, 1971); GAC,
91-114.
Skemmata
Reflections, in GAC, 210-216.

WORKS OF MAXIMUS
Centuries
Quattuor Centuriae de charitate (in CSC).
CSC
Massimo Confessore: Capituli sulla carit. Critical edition, with

Italian translation, introduction and notes by A. Ceresa-Gastaldo,
Rome 1963.
in ACW
Sherwood Polycarp, St. Maximus the Confessor: The Ascetic Life,

the Four Centuries on Charity (ACW 21) London 1955
OTHER ABBREVIATIONS
ACW
Ancient Christian Writers
GAC
Sinkewicz Robert E., Evagrius of Pontus: The Greek Ascetic

Corpus, Oxford: University Press 2003.
PG
Patrologia Gaeca, ed. J. P. Migne et al. (Paris, 1857-1866)
PO
Patrologia Orientale
SCh
Sources Chrtiennes
INTRODUCTION
Without knowing the past we cannot properly understand the present. Without a
proper understanding of the present we cannot have a clear vision of the future. The
Eastern and Western Churches owe much of richness of their tradition to the invaluable
contribution of the Church Fathers, whose selfless work has been woven into its
foundations. In our research we will deal with two eminent fathers, Evagrius Ponticus
and Maximus the Confessor, who each in his own way left an important, though not
much acknowledged, influence on the development of Christianity: whether at the level
of practical life in the form of asceticism and monasticism, or on the level of the
development of dogmatic, doctrinal theology.
In the background of Maximus' brilliant theological system, there is the
considerable influence of Evagrius. The subject of our research is properly Evagrius'
influence on the thought of Maximus the Confessor, whereby we will limit ourselves to
just two of their works: Evagrius Praktikos and Maximus The Four Centuries on
Charity. For the most thorough access to research, firstly we will briefly present their
life and secondly the essential elements of these two work.
1. Evagrius Ponticus
1. 1. Life
Evagrius was born in a priestly family about 345 in Ibora, in the province of
Pontus which is the reason that he was called Ponticus. In the late 350s he was
ordained a lector by Basil of Caesarea and in the late 370s a deacon by Gregory of
Nazianzus. As Gregorys deacon he participated at the Council of Constantinople 381
INTRODUCTION
(the Second Ecumenical Council). After Gregorys resignation as bishop of

Constantinople and his withdrawal from the imperial capital, Evagrius remained in
Constantinople in service of the new bishop Nectarius of Constantinople and receive the
title of archdeacon. After various not very appropriate adventures, he left
Constantinople around 382. He arrived in Jerusalem where he joined the monastery of
Melania the Elder and Rufinus on the Mount of Olives. There he became acquainted
with Origen and his teaching that will have a greater influence on his later work. From
382 he was in Egypt in the Nitrian Desert and two years later, 385, he moved to the
Kellia Desert where he remained until his death in 399. His teachers and spiritual
formators with whom he had a close relationship as friends were St Macarius of
Alexandria and St Macarius the Great. His famous disciples were St. John Cassian and
Palladius, who each in their own way have contributed to the testimony about him and
from him which have been preserved. Because of Origens influence in some of
Evagrius theological tractates he was condemned as a heretic in 553 by the Fifth
Ecumenical Council (Second of Constantinople).
Evagrius left a great corpus of ascetical works where he developed a mystical
teaching on pure prayer and ascetic life and therefore he was very popular monastic
reading through the ages despite his condemnation. His main works are: Praktikos,
Gnostikos, Kephalia Gnostica, Skemmata (or Reflections), Antirrheticos, De malignis
cogationibus, De octo spiritibus malitiae, Tractatus ad Eulogium,
Sententia ad
Virginem, Epistula LXII, Epistula ad Melaniam, Sermo sive dogmatica epistula de

sanctissima trinitate, Protrepticus et Paraeneticus, De oratione, many expositions on
Scriptures, etc. After his condemnation many of his original works in Greek were lost
INTRODUCTION
but they have been preserved in translations in Syriac, Armenian, Ethiopian, Georgian
and Arabic.1
1. 2. The Praktikos
The Praktikos, is the first part of Evagrius trilogy (which includes the
Gnostikos and the Kephalia Gnostika) and is devoted to the Ascetic life (praktikh,) as a
stage of the spiritual life. The second and third parts of this trilogy are devoted to
knowledge (gnw/sij).
Structure The text of the Praktikos is divided into a series of 100 numbered
chapters.2 The first 90 chapters are the core of the Praktikos and can be divided in two
general parts: the first part (6-53) concerns the nature of eight tempting-thoughts,
logismoi (gluttony, fornication, avarice sadness, anger, acedia, vainglory, pride) (6-14);
resisting and treating them (15-33), the passions (34-39), with advice and instructions
against demons (40-53). The second part (54-90) is devoted to a description of the
condition of passionlessness: concerning things that happen during sleep (53-56), on the
state approaching impassibility (57-62), on the signs of impassibility (63-70), and
practical considerations (71-90). In the beginning is an introduction (1-5) and as a
conclusion we have apophthegmata or sayings of the Holy Monks (91-100). The
Prologue before and the Epilogue at the end of the Praktikos frame this unique ascetic
work.
More details about Evagrius life see in: GUILLAUMONT, Introduction. Vie dvagre in VAGRE
le Pontique, Trait pratique ou le moine. vol 1., in SCh 170, 21-28; BAMBERGER John Eudes,
Introduction. Life in EVATRIUS Ponticus, The Praktikos. Chapters on Prayer, pp. xxxv-xlviii;
SINKEWICZ Robert E., Introduction in GAC pp. xvii-xxi; HARMLESS William, Desert Christians.
pp. 311-329; SINKEWICZ Robert E., Introduction in GAC pp. xvii-xxi.
We are following structural division by SINKEWICZ Robert E., Introduction, in GAC pp. 93-94.
INTRODUCTION
Addressee - In the prologue we see that the work is addressed to the beloved
brother Anatolios, from the Holy Mountain. We do not know anything about who this
beloved Anatolios was nor where the Holy Mountain is situated. The critical
authors generally agree that the Holy Mountain is probably the Mount of Olives in
Jerusalem,3 i.e. the monastery of Melania or Ruffinus, the community in which
Evagrius spent some time; while Anatolios is probably one of the monks from this
monastic community. This theory is considered the most probable since Evagrius had a
correspondence with Melania. Despite the fact that the Praktikos is addressed to
Anatolios, after the prologue and beginning the chapters, Evagrius quoted a copyists
note which shows to us that Evagrius presumed the copy and transmission of this
ascetic work in the monastic circles. Therefore we can conclude that the Praktikos is
addressed to all who want to live seriously and soberly the spiritual life and who by way
of the obstacles on their own spiritual journey would like to arrive to purity of heart,
detachment and impassibility.
Time and genesis - The Praktikos was written at the time of Evagrius stay in
the Egyptian Desert which was between 385 and 398. According Guillaumonts
research4 there are two phases of the genesis of this text or two redactions. In the first
redaction Evagrius wrote just the first 90 chapters, and it was finished before Gnostikos,
Kephalia Gnostika, and Scholia on the Psalms and the Antirrhetikos. During the period
of writing in which the latter works appeared, there arose some doubt about the validity
There are some theories which identified The Holy Mountain with Mount Nitria in the Egyptian
desert or with the Mount Sinai. See BAMBERGER John Eudes, The Praktikos. Chapters on Prayer, p.
12, note 2; Sinkewicz gives greater credence to the theory that it is the monastery founded on the
Mount of Olives by Melania and Rufinus. See SINKEWICZ Robert E., The Monk: A treatise on the
Practical Life in GAC, p. 248, note 1.
See GUILLAUMONT, SCh 170, 381-388; SENKEWICZ Robert E., The Monk: A treatise on the
Practical life in GAC pp. 91-93.
INTRODUCTION
of Evagrius teaching. In the second redaction of the Praktikos, Evagrius added the
Prologue to the beginning and the epilogue to the end, and before the end, he added still
another 10 chapters: apophthegmata or sayings of the Holy Monks. From these added
works is seen his reaction to the suspicion about his doctrine because several times he
underlines that he follows and transfers the teaching of the holy fathers.
2. Maximus the Confessor
2.1. Life
He was born around 580 in Constantinople in a noble family where he received
a highly intellectual education. After a short period as personal secretary to the Emperor
Heraclius he entered the monastery in about 613/4 in Chrysopolis near Constantinople,
on its opposite side of the Bosporus. Because of the Persian threat he moved to St
George at Cyzicus where he enjoyed a very fruitful writing activity. 5 When the Persians
came close to Constantinople, 626, Maximus abandoned the monastery and after a short
period staying in Crete he arrived in Africa. From 632 he was in Carthage, at the
beginning of the tightly knotted Monothelite crisis. The Emperor Heraclius in 638
proclaimed the Ecthesis, the official document that prohibited the disputes about one
or two wills in Christ, and adopted a teaching on one will in Christ, Monothelitism,
which he confessed as the official imperial orthodox teaching for the Church. Heraclius
successor, Constans II with the support of patriarch Paul II of Constantinople 647,
Thunberg and Pegon do not mention Maximus staying in St George monastery. See THUNBERG Lars,
Mircrocosm and Mediator, p. 2-4., but Pegon leaves as open possibility for it. See. PEGON Joseph,
Introduction. LAuteur in MAXIME le Confesseur, Centuries sur la Charit, SCh 9, p. 6; Sharwood,
Balthasar and Ceresa mention this period of Maximus life as surely. Cf. CERESA-GASTALDO Aldo,
Introduzione, in CSC p. 20-21; SHARWOOD Polycarp, in ACW, p. 7-8; BALTHASAR Hans Urs
von, Cosmic Liturgy, pp. 74-75.
INTRODUCTION
proclaimed the imperial edict (Typos) prohibiting any discussion about the energy
and the will in Christ, accepting the Monotelitistic teaching as orthodox for all the
empire.
Under imperial pressure, almost all eastern episcopates tacitly accept the
Monotelitistic heresy, while the Latin West led by the Bishop of Rome opposed it. For
this reason, Maximus left Africa and went to Rome where, with his theologicaldogmatic arguments, he supported the Latin resistance in the person of Pope Martin I.
The Pope convened in 649 a Council in the Lateran where Monothelitism was
condemned and thus also the imperial edict (Typos). Maximus, even as just a monk,
participated at the Council with hundreds of bishops, as an important theologian of the
Council. The conclusions of the Council were sent to the all Churches and thus to the
emperor in Constantinople. This angered the emperor Constans and he ordered the
arrest of Pope Martin and Maximus. They both were forcibly taken in 653 to the
emperor in Constantinople. Pope Martin was condemned to exile in Cherson on the
Crimea where he died 655, while Maximus was waiting trail in prison until 655, when
he was accused of heresy, conspiracy, treason and collaboration with the Saracens and
then sent in exile to Bizya in Thrace. He was again called back to Constantinople 662 to
face the imperial court where he was condemned and anathematized together with Pope
Martin as a heretic. He was tortured: his right hand was cut off so that that he could no
longer write heretical writings and his tongue was cut off so that he could no longer
spread the dyothelite heresy. He was sent again into exile, but this time to Lazica on
the Black Sea where he died 13 of August the same year. He was rehabilitated in 680
together with Pope Martin at the Third Council of Constantinople (the Sixth Ecumenical
Council), where his teaching on the two wills in Christ was proclaimed as orthodox
Church teaching while Monothelitism was condemned as heresy. For his tireless and
INTRODUCTION
fearless confession of orthodoxy he becomes called the Confessor by the Eastern and
Western Church which commemorate him as a saint.6
Maximus left behind him a rich opus of the theological and ascetic works. These
are: Ambiguorum liber de variis difficilibus locis Sanctorum Dionysii Areopagitae et
Gregorii Theologi, Quaestiones ad Thalassium, Quaestiones et dubia, Orationis
Dominicae, Liber asceticus, Capita 200 theologica et oeconomica, Opuscula
theological et polemica, Disputatio cum Pyrrho, Epistulae, Mystagogia, Quattuor
Centuriae de charitate. In our work we will deal only with this one latter, with the
Quattuor Centuriae de charitate or further just Centuries.
2.2. The Four Centuries on Charity Centuries
Maximus himself says that the discussion on love is not a work of his own but
that of the holy Fathers7. He went through their writings and has recapitulated many
things in a few lines that they may be seen at a glance, for ease in memorizing.8
Structure The Centuries are sentential-aphoristic forms of literature.
Through the use of brief, concise and proverbial ways of expression, it gives a terse
statement about a truth or principles of life.9 The advantage of these short aphoristic
chapters10 is that they are easy for remembering and impressing in the mind. The
More about Maximus life see in: CARESA-GASTALDO Aldo, La vita in CSC, pp. 15-20;
SHERWOOD Polycarp, Introduction. Life in ACW, pp. 6-28; BALTHASAR Hans Urs von, Cosmic
Liturgy, 74-80; THUNBERG Lars, Microcosm and Mediator, pp. 1-7.
Centuries. Prologue, CSC p. 48-49; in ACW p. 136.
Centuries. Prologue; CSC, pp. 48-49; in ACW, p. 136.
See PEGON Joseph, Louvrage in MAXIME le Confesseur, Centuries sur la charit, SCh 9, p. 25;
also cf. Aphorism in The Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 2, p. 156 and Sentence (lat. sententia) in
The Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 24, pp. 648-649.
10
Kefa,laia, lat. capita, eng. chapter, with translation meaning: sentences or notes. See PEGON Joseph,
Louvrage, pp. 25-31.
INTRODUCTION
Centuries are composed as four sets divided into a series of a hundred numbered
chapters. One set of a hundred numbered chapters composes one centuria (century).11
There are four centuries which represents the four Gospels, whose commandment is that
of love.12 Maximus himself devoted these four sets of centuries to the number of the
Gospels.13
Addressee The Prologue mentions reverend father Elpidius as the addressee
of Centuries, but no commentator refers to his identity. It seems probably he was a
monk and a superior of Maximus,14 and that he had ordered it. Sending this discussion
on charity to Elpidius, Maximus has merely fulfilled a command,15 and he warmly
recommended it as useful for the soul of anyone who will read this with a simple
mind, with the fear of God and with charity.16 Reading requires the best attention to
each chapter and they will not be understood by everybody.
Time The Centuries belong to Maximus earlier writings. They are probably
composed in 62617 and after Liber Asceticus.18 Some scholars think that we can place
the Centuries genesis among the writings in the time of his staying in the monastery of
St George at Cyzicus between 618 and 625,19 the time before the Persian threat in the
11
Cf. PEGON Joseph, Louvrage, pp. 25-31.
12
Cf. SHARWOOD Polycarp, in ACW, p. 91.
13
Centuries. Prologue; CSC, p. 49; in ACW, p. 136.
14
Ibid., p. 49, note 1.
15
Ibid.; in ACW, p. 136.
16
Ibid.
17
Cf. BALTHASAR, p. 77; CSC, p. 16,
18
Cent. Prologue; CSC, p. 49, note 2; in ACW, pp. 99-101;
19
Cf. CERESA-GASTALDO Aldo, Introduzione, in CSC p. 20-21; SHARWOOD Polycarp, in ACW,

p. 7-8; BALTHASAR Hans Urs von, Cosmic Liturgy, pp. 74-75.
10
INTRODUCTION
spring of 626, which was the reason of the dispersal of the monastery and Maximus
forced departure on Crete and finally in Africa.
3. Evagrius and Maximus importance for research
Due to the condemnation of Origen and Evagrius as heretics at the Fifth
Ecumenical Council (553), the immediate influence of Evagrius through the circulation
of his writings in the Latin West has been considerably weak and almost non-existent. It
has remained only an intermediate influence. Evagrius' disciple John Cassian, after
retirement from the Egyptian desert in Europe, while abandoning the suspect theories
that Evagrius derived from Origen, transmitted just the practical aspect of Evagrius
teaching on the spiritual and ascetic life, weaving it into own works, above all, in his
Conferences. His works have been very well known, respected and widely read
throughout the Christian West. St Benedict, father of the Western monasticism,
implicitly refers to Cassian a few times in his Rule, and explicitly recommended
Cassians Conference and Institutiones20 for his monks as ordinary readings.21 In this
way Evagrius through Cassian by way of Benedict's Rule plays a significant role in
early Western monasticism.
20
Saint Benedict [] catalogued the rules he could find. Among them he included Extracts of a rule
collected from all the Institutes of Cassian. This was known as the Rule of Cassian. Quoted by
CHADWICK Owen, Introduction in JOHN CASSIAN, Conferences, p. 29; For influence Cassians
Conferences or Institutes on the Regula of St Benedict see in: BENEDICTUS de Nursia, The Rule of St
Benedict in Latin and English, pp. 58-59, 146, 297 [see notes for Regula 73:5], 383, 476.
21
Regula 42,3: Someone should read from the Conferences; Regula 42,5: On fast days there is to be
[] the reading of the Conferences, as we have indicated. Quotation by BENEDICTUS de Nursia,
The Rule of St Benedict in Latin and Englilsh, p. 243; about obligation for reading Cassians the
Conferences and Collationes Patrum see also: Regula 73:5, ibid, p. 297; implicit reference on Cassian
see in: Regula 1:6, 38:7, 53:9.
11
INTRODUCTION
The Christian Orient had been much freer or more flexible in understanding and
interpreting the condemnation of this heretic. Evagrius' teaching had been so attractive
and honorable in monastic circles that despite his condemnation, his works have
continued to be copied, read and circulated. Maximus the Confessor, tireless and
fearless fighter for orthodoxy against heresy, had known very well and had read
Evagrius works, even though he had spoken about him as a dangerous heretic.22 His
profound teaching on pure prayer, asceticism and monastic life had been too precious to
be lightly abandoned by the East; in fact, they are considered as the foundations of
hesychasm.23 The hesychastic movement, led by Gregory Palamas, is highly considered
as a triumph or manifestation of orthodoxy. In this case the Byzantine Orient was the
great expert in the discernment of heresy and orthodoxy; therefore Evagrius teaching
was purified from Origens suspicious thoughts and through the Philokalia has been
transmitted until present day. Greek and Slavic versions of the Philokalia, both contain
an anthology of Evagrian works and Maximus The Four Centuries on Charity. In the
Byzantine tradition, Maximus teaching is considered as proper orthodox teaching and
part of the legacy of Byzantine Church.24
22
See VILLER Marcel, Aux Sources de la Spiritualit de S. Maxime: Les Oeuvres dEvagre le
Pontique, p. 159.
23
See MEYENDORFF Jean, San Gregorio Palamas e la mistica ortodossa, pp. 7-40; PAPAROZZI
Maurizio, La Spiritualit dellOriente Cristiano, pp. 9-54; RIGO Antonio, Le tecniche d'orazione
esicastica e le potenze dell'anima in alcuni testi ascetici bizantini, pp. 177-190.
24
See MEYENDORFF John, The Byzantine Legacy in the Orthodox Church; BATHRELLOS Demetrios,
The Byzantine Christ. Person nature, and will in the Christology of St Maximus the Confessor;
NICHOLS Aidan, Byzantine Gospel. Maximus the Confessor in Modern Scholarship.
12
INTRODUCTION
4. Plan and the method of research

Through this thesis we would like to research the influence of Evagrius thought
on the thought of Maximus the Confessor. In this study we shall be limited to just three
chapters from Evagrius' Praktikos and three parallel similar chapters from Maximus
Centuries. Because of the three chapters that are analyzed, the thesis is divided into
three parts:
i) Chapter one: Praktikos 14 Centuries 2:38
ii) Chapter two: Praktikos 46 Centuries 2:14
iii) Chapter three: Praktikos 31 Centuries 3:60
Each part contains four sections:
1) In the first section we have the Greek text of some parallel-similar chapters
from the Praktikos and the Centuries with a translation.
The original Greek text for the Praktikos follows a critical edition by Antoine
and Claire and Guillaumont: vagre le Pontique, Trait pratique ou Le moine. Sources
Chrtiennes, vol. 171 (Paris, 1971). For Centuries we follow a Greek text from the
critical edition by Aldo C. Gastaldo: Massimo Confessore, Capitoli sulla carit
(Editrice Studium, Roma 1963).
2) In the second section we approach the text of the chapters, including
confronting and analyzing their similarities and differences.
3) The third section as an appendix gives us a synopsis by the comparison of the
texts from Praktikos and Centuries chapters, and in this schematic way we can more
easily see mutual similarities and differences. We have numbered the text, and in the
13
INTRODUCTION
second part during our discussion on the analysis of the texts we very often refer to this
numeration with the following abbreviations: [sp + number] for Praktikos and [sc +
number] for Centuries, e.g. abbreviation [sp10] in chapter one signify: s synopsis, p
for Praktikos, verse 10 (from synopsis) i.e. avnapei,qei ga.r au.th.n Qeo.n me.n mh.
o`mologei/n bohqo,n It persuades [the soul]: not to confess God as helper.
4) The fourth section, also as appendix with a schematic method gives an
analysis of the chapters structure. To this structural analysis of the text we also refer in
the second part, referring to it in order to compare the inner structure and dynamic of
the text.
14
CHAPTER ONE:
THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM
1. Translation: Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38.
Praktikos 14
Centuries 2, 38
Ò th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn calepwta,thj

ptw,sewj th|/ yuch|/ pro,xenoj gi,netai\
avnapei,qei ga.r au.th.n Qeo.n me.n mh.
o`mologei/n bohqo,n( eàuth.n de. tw/n
katorqoume,nwn aivti,an ei=nai nomi,zein kai.
fusiou/sqai kata. tw/n avdelfw/n w`j
avnoh,twn( dio,ti mh. tou/to peri. auvth/j
pa,ntej evpi,stantai) Parakolouqei/ de.
tau,th| ovrgh. kai. lu,ph( kai. to. teleutai/on
kako,n ( e;kstasij frenw/n kai. mani,a kai.
daimo,nwn evn tw|/ ave,ri plh/qoj o`rw,menon)
Ò th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn diplh/n e;cei

th.n ponhri,an\ h; ga.r eàutw|/ avnapei,qei to.n
monaco.n evpigra,fein ta. katorqw,mata kai.
ouvci. tw|/ Qew|/ tw|/ kai. corhgw|/ tw/n kalw/n
kai. bohqw|/ pro.j kato,rqwsin(h] tou,tw| mh.
peiqo,menon tou.j e;ti avteleste,rouj tw/n
avdelfw/n u`poba,llei evxouqenei/n) VAgnoei/ de.
kai. ou[twj o` evnergou,menoj o[ti th.n tou/
Qeou/
boh,qeian
avnapei,qei
auvto.n
avparnei/sqai) Eiv ga.r e.kei,nouj wj mh.
dunhqe,ntaj katorqw/sai evxouqenei/( eàuto.n
dhlono,ti
w`j
evx
ivdi,aj
duna,mewj
katorqw,santa
eivsa,gei\
o[per
evsti.
avmh,canon( tou/ Kuri,ou eivpo,ntoj\ Cwri.j
evmou/ ouv du,nasqe poiei/n ouvde,n\ evpeidh. h`
h`mete,ra asqe,neia kinoume,nh evpi. ta. kala.
a;neu tou/ corhgou/ tw/n kalw/n eivj te,loj
a;gein ouv du,natai)
The demon of pride produces in the soul a

very hard fall. It persuades [the soul] not
to confess God as helper, but to believe
that it is itself the cause of its good deeds,
and to look down on the brethren, treating
them all as unintelligent, for not
recognizing this about it.
The demon of pride has dual malice: he

either persuades (wrongly) the monk to
attribute his success to himself and not to
God, the provider of goodness and helper
for successful accomplishment [of things],
or, failing to persuade him in this, [the
demon] suggests contempt for his brethren
who are as yet imperfect. In this manner, it
leads [the monk], unknowingly, to deny the
help of God, for, despising others as men
unable to act rightly, he brings up himself
forward as doing good deeds by his own
strength, which is impossible, as the Lord
says: For apart from me you can do
nothing. Because our weakness, [though]
oriented towards the good, without the
provider of goodness can bring nothing to
its goal.
[The demon of pride] is followed with

anger and sadness, and the ultimate evil,
the derangement of mind, madness, and
the vision of a multitude of demons in the
air.
CHAPTER ONE: THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM
2. Commentary on Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38

Chapter 14 from the Praktikos is a transitional link between the first and second
parts of the Praktikos. It stands as the last chapter from the first part of Evagrius
ascetic work. The first part (chapters 5-14) concerns the eight thoughts, (logismoi) and
Praktikos 14 concerns the last tempting thought. This is followed by the second part
(15-33) concerning remedies against these eight thoughts. After listing the first seven
vices (gluttony, fornication, avarice, sadness, anger, acedia, vainglory), Evagrius arrives
at the description of the last and the most dangerous thought and its demon, pride
(h`perhfani,a) [sp1]. Pride is the last and most severe temptation, and the tempting action
of its demon begins after the withdrawal of a previous demon.25 Therefore, this chapter
should be read in its broader context. After the penultimate demon of vainglory does his
job,26 he leaves a man afterwards to the worst demon, the demon of pride, who comes
and finishes the job. The chapters of our analysis (Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38) deal
only with this issue.27
In the description of this so important and dangerous demon in the Praktikos,
Evagrius is quite short (compared with the previous demon of vainglory to whom he
gives twice as much space). He notes that the demon of pride causes the worst and
fiercest falling of human soul [sp2]. The fall has a twofold effect: The first effect of the
fall deprives man of relationship with God. The man abandons the belief that God is the
25
Cf. Praktikos 57, SCh 71, pp. 634-635; about the specialization of the demons, see GAVIN John, They
are like the angels in the heavens. Angelology and Anthropology in the thought of Maximus the
Confessor, pp. 165-170
26
About this demon see Praktikos 13; SCh 71, pp. 528-531.
27
Analysis of Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38 see in: GAVIN John, They are like the angels in the
heavens, pp. 166-167.
16
only one who helps him [sp10] in the combat against the demons and in the acquisition
of virtues and spiritual growth, and he grows in the belief that it is all by his own merits
and that the degree of virtue he has achieved is the fruit of his own strength and effort
[sp14]. In this way he is distancing himself from God and turning to himself. The
classical scholastic definition of sin precisely defines sin in this way: Peccatum est
aversio a Deo et conversio ad creaturam, and St Thomas in his own proper
philosophical way deepens it and explains.28
The second effect of the fall caused by the demon of pride deprives man of
human relations with other men, leading him to dangerous and sinful isolation and
loneliness. A man who has progressed on the path of virtue, after beginning to attribute
all the success to his own efforts and strengths, begins to admire himself and
simultaneously to despise his brothers who are not on the same level as he [sp15]. There
is a normal sequence of consequences of such haughty isolation and separation from the
weaker brethren: anger [sp26] and sadness [sp27], that Evagrius says are normal aftereffects of such separation, end with madness [sp29.30] in the company of a multitude
of demons in the air [sp31] in hallucinations and visions.29 Remedies and instructions
for the combat with this demon give us the part concerning resistance to these eight
thoughts.30
The chapter from Maximus Centuries in comparison with the Praktikos is
almost identical. Maximus also speaks about the demon of pride [sc1] who in his attack
28
Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II-I, q. 87. a. 4.
29
About the derangement of mind, madness and the vision of a multitude of demons in the air Evagrius
also speak in De cog., 8:10, p. 87.
30
Cf. Praktikos, 33; SCh 71, pp. 574-577.
17
on the man produces two effects: to attribute his success to himself and not to God
[sc9.10] and has disdain for the brethren [sc15]. Because of these similarities with
Evagrius, on first sight we could conclude that Maximus teaching in the Centuries is
copied from Evagrius. But before we reach this conclusion we need to address an
internal analysis of the text of both of these authors.
In the chapter from Centuries 2:38, Maximus starts with the same, identical
words as Evagrius: VO th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn [sc1=cp1], but immediately after we
can see their differences. According to Evagrius the demon causes in the soul a very
hard fall [sp2], and this fall is the main cause which induces man to not to confess
God as helper [sp10] and to look down on the brethren [sp15]. In this point Maximus
differs from Evagrius. The demon is the one who leads man to turn in on himself and
his abilities [sc9] and so the man roams away from God, denying Gods help in combat
with evil [sc10]. For Maximus this is the first step. Certainly the demon will not
immediately and fully succeed in the first step, because no experienced ascetic will fall
from the first attack and allow all his successes in virtues to be attributed to his own
abilities and to turn in on himself, completely forgetting Gods role in the combat.
Maximus recognized that haughtiness among the more advanced ascetics did not
necessarily include a rejection of Gods aid, but could arise as a separate form of
temptation.31
Knowing this tactic of demons Maximus states: failing to persuade him [the
monk] in this [sc13] he wants to enter into action and suggests contempt for his
brethren who are as yet imperfect [sc15].
31
GAVIN John, They are like the angels in the heavens, p. 167.
18
In Evagrius we have already touched the object of the demons' attack. It is the
soul (th|/ yuch|/) [sp3]. For Maximus, however, it is the monk (to.n monaco.n) [sc8] i.e. the
man in all his reality.
The next topic which stands before us is Evagrius' and Maximus' representation
of God's (Qeo,j) role in the battle between demons and man. Evagrius, as a first
consequence of the soul's fall, states that it persuades [the soul] not to confess God as
helper [sp10]. After that, he does not say anything about God and his role in what is for
man the most crucial combat.
Maximus differences among God [sc10], the monk [sc8] and his virtues [sc9].
After this clear distinction he tells us who this God is: the provider of goodness
(corhgw|/
(bohqw|/
tw/n kalw/n) [sc11] and the helper for successful accomplishment [of things]
pro.j kato,rqwsin) [sc12]. At the beginning of the chapter he discusses a
twofold wickedness of the demon [sc2.6] and now we have the twofold goodness of
God [sc11.12]. This stands in contrast to the demon's evil, which is firmly opposed the
omnipotent goodness of God. Between the demon with his evil and God with his
goodness stands the monk, a man who groans and suffers (Rom 8:22) with his efforts
and fights for virtues [sc8].
After the souls fall and the double impact of the fall (not accepting Gods help
and disdain of the brethren) [sp10.15], according to Evagrius, there are also other
consequences of the fall: anger (ovrgh) [sp26], sadness (lu,ph) [sp27], derangement of
mind (e;kstasij frenw/n) [sp28] and madness (mani,a) [sp30]. Likely the most terrifying
phenomenon which occurs from this fall occurs is a hallucination: the vision of a
multitude of demons in the air [sp31]. So we can observe the gradation of the soul's fall
and the growing supremacy of demons, which ends in a triumphal victory (see
19
structural analysis of the text). At the beginning of this pericope we have only one
demon (A) [sp1] and it finally ends with a multitude of demons (A) [sp31]. In
between stands the soul entangled in the perfidious clutch of his enemy.
We must note that from this overwhelmingly frightening section about the
triumphal victory of demons [sp25-31] in Evagrius Praktikos, Maximus includes
nothing in his chapter. Instead of the catastrophic defeat for the soul which we have in
Evagrius Praktikos 14, Maximus quotes a verse from the New Testament: For apart
from me you can do nothing (John 15, 5bc) [sc22].
The citation which Maximus includes here can help us to understand better his
conception of asceticism and the spiritual life. The verse before us is part of a larger
pericope: John 15:1-11, from Jesus discourse to his disciples at the last supper. The
pericope has three parts.32 The first part (vv. 1-5a) speaks about abiding in Jesus. The
second part (our part, vv. 5b-8) shows us the results of abiding and not abiding in Jesus.
The third part (vv. 9-11) is abiding in the love of Jesus. Our verse, v. 5bc is the central
verse:
In v. 5bc Jesus repeats the message of v. 4. The metaphor of the vine is applied
explicitly to Jesus and the disciple. It is only by mutual abiding, the disciple in Jesus
and Jesus in the disciple. That fruitfulness comes. But the disciples are now told that
separated from Jesus they can do nothing. Union with Jesus with its consequent
fruitfulness is not a matter of enjoying the oneness that exists between the disciple and
the master; it also consists of doing something, and without Jesus this is impossible. To
bear fruit (v. 4b) means to do something (v. 5c). That something has already been
summarized in the command to love, which Jesus taught would be the hallmark of his
disciples (cf. 13:34-35).33
32
For the division of this pericope we are following: MOLONEY Francis J., The Gospel of John, pp.
416423.
33
MOLONEY Francis J., The Gospel of John, pp. 420421.
20
Maximus very well notes the importance of this reality of abiding in Jesus,
for apart from him we can do nothing. It is a blissful state for man but at the same time
very dangerous, because the man who picks the fruits of Gods goodness and progresses
in virtues, can easily succumb to the temptations of the demon and puts himself
forward as doing right of his own power. [sc19] But Maximus immediately adds to
this: which is impossible (o[per evsti. avmh,canon) [sc20].
Citing the above-mentioned verse from Scripture, Maximus does not use the
name Jesus but he uses word Ku,rioj34 [sc21]. We know that it means the Lord [Jesus
Christ]. But the word should be seen in its own context. It appears after the described
insidious traps of the demon and the describing of the weak monk who began stumbling
in the pitfalls that surround him. But Maximus does not allow the monk to fall to his
ruin at the end; nor does he allow the demon to celebrate his triumphal victory. Instead,
after, he underlines the weakness of the monk [sc20], Maximus mentions Our Lord
[sc21], on whose name every knee should bow, of things in heaven, and things in
earth, and things under the earth (Phil 2:10) and confess that only his is Ku,rioj. In
front of him falls every demonic power.
We saw that this chapter of Maximus begins as identical to Evagrius
[sc1=cp1]. We find many similar elements as in Evagrius, but in the conclusion they are
completely different. Maximus is full of optimism, as opposed to Evagrius realistic, but
pessimistic ending. Chapter 2:38 from the Centuries begins with the introduction of a
demon [sc1] (A) (see structural analysis of the text) but ends with the pronouncedly
34
For the meaning and the interpretation of Ku,rioj see in LAMPE G. W. H. [ed], A Patristic Greek
Lexicon, pp. 787788; FOERSTER Werner, Ku,rioj, kuri,a,, kuriako,j, kurio,thj, kurieu,w, katakurieuw
in Grande Lessico del Nuovo testament, vol. V, pp. 13421488; Ku,rioj in LIDDELL Henrz George
and SCOTT Robert, A Greek-English Lexicon, p. 1013;
21
emphasized domination and supremacy of our Lord Jesus Christ [sc24] (A) who offers
us his almighty protection and assistance, because for apart from him we can do nothing
[sc22] and he is the provider of goodness [sc24].
22
3. Appendix I: Synopsis of Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38
Praktikos 14
Centuries 2:38
VO th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn vO th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn
The demon of pride The demon of pride

2
calepwta,thj ptw,sewj diplh/n
a very hard fall dual

3
th|/ yuch|/
in the soul
4
pro,xenoj
public guest or friend

5
gi,netai\ e;cei
be born, produce, begets has

6
th.n ponhri,an\t
malice:
7
h; ga.r eàutw|/ avnapei,qei
either he persuades (wrongly)

8
to.n monaco.n
the monk
9
evpigra,fein ta. katorqw,mata
to attribute his success to himself

10
11
avnapei,qei ga.r au.th.n Qeo.n me.n mh. kai. ouvci. tw|/ Qew|/
o`mologei/n bohqo,n(
and not to God
It persuades [the soul]: not to confess
God as helper,
tw|/ kai. corhgw|/ tw/n kalw/n
10
11
the provider of goodness

12
kai. bohqw|/ pro.j kato,rqwsin(
12
and helper for successful

accomplishment [of things]
13
h] tou,tw| mh. peiqo,menon
13
or, failing to persuade him in this,
23
14
eàuth.n de. tw/n katorqoume,nwn aivti,an

ei=nai nomi,zein
14
but to believe that it is itself the cause

of its good deeds,
15
kai. fusiou/sqai kata. tw/n avdelfw/n w`j tou.j e;ti avteleste,rouj tw/n avdelfw/n
avnoh,twn( u`poba,llei evxouqenei/n)
15
and to look down on the brethren, [the demon] suggests contempt for his
treating them all as unintelligent, brethren who are as yet imperfect.
16
dio,ti mh. tou/to peri. auvth/j pa,ntej

evpi,stantai)
16
for not recognizing this about it.

VAgnoei/ de. kai. ou[twj o` evnergou,menoj
o[ti th.n tou/ Qeou/ boh,qeian avnapei,qei
auvto.n avparnei/sqai)
17
17
In this manner, it leads [the monk],

unknowingly, to deny the help of God,
Eiv ga.r e.kei,nouj wj mh. dunhqe,ntaj
katorqw/sai evxouqenei/(
18
18
for, despising others as men unable to

act rightly,
eàuto.n dhlono,ti w`j evx ivdi,aj duna,mewj
katorqw,santa eivsa,gei\
19
19
he brings up himself forward as doing

good deeds by his own strength,
o[per evsti. avmh,canon(
20
20
which is impossible,
tou/ Kuri,ou eivpo,ntoj\
21
21
as the Lord says:

Cwri.j evmou/ ouv du,nasqe poiei/n ouvde,n\
22
22
For apart from me you can do nothing.

(John15:5)
evpeidh. h` h`mete,ra asqe,neia kinoume,nh
evpi. ta. kala.
23
23
Because of our weakness [though]

oriented towards the good
a;neu tou/ corhgou/ tw/n kalw/n eivj te,loj
a;gein ouv du,natai)
24
24
without the provider of goodness can

bring nothing to its goal.
25
Parakolouqei/ de. tau,th|
25
24
[The demon of pride] is followed with

26
ovrgh
anger
26
27
lu,ph
and sadness
27
28
kai. to. teleutai/on kako,n(

and the ultimate evil,
28
29
e;kstasij frenw/n
29
the derangement of mind,

30
31
kai. mani,a
madness,
kai. daimo,nwn evn tw|/ ave,ri plh/qoj
o`rw,menon)
and the vision of a multitude of
demons in the air.
30
31
25
4. Appendix II: Structural Analysis of Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38

Praktikos 14
the demon
It persuades [the soul]: not to confess God as helper,
progress of the
soul's fall
The demon of pride produces in the soul a very hard fall.
C
D
and to look down on the brethren, treating them all

as unintelligent, for not recognizing this about it.
[The demon of pride] is followed with anger
progress of
demons
victory
but to believe that it is itself the cause of its good

deeds,
C
B
A
mobs of demons
and sadness
and the ultimate evil, the derangement of mind, madness,

and the vision of a multitude of demons in the air.
Centuries 2, 38
A
B
THE DEMON of pride
The demon of pride has dual malice:
our weakness and we
he either persuades (wrongly) the monk to

attribute his success to himself and not to
God,
GOD
D
the provider of goodness

E
and helper for successful accomplishment [of

things],
F
disdain of the brethren
The bedeviled man

H
G'
F'
DENIAL GOD'S HELP
for, despising others as men unable to act rightly,
Believing in own power
he brings up himself forward as doing good deeds

by his own strength,
which is impossible,
THE LORD
C'
B'
A'
to deny the help of God,
The bedeviled man
E'
D'
or, failing to persuade him in this, [the demon]

suggests contempt for his brethren who are as yet
imperfect.
In this manner, it leads [the monk], unknowingly,
as the Lord says:

For apart from me you can do nothing. (John15:5)
our weakness and the Lord

GOD PANTOCRATOR
Because our weakness, [though] oriented towards

the good can bring nothing to its goal, without
the provider of goodness.
26
CHAPTER TWO:
THE DEMON OF BLASPHEMY
1. Translation: Praktikos 46 and Centuries 2:14
Praktikos 46
Centuries 2:14
Mh. taratte,tw de. h`ma/j o` dai,mwn o`

sunarpa,zwn to.n nou/n pro.j blasfhmi,an
Qeou/ kai. pro.j ta.j avpeirhme,naj fantasi,aj
evkei,naj a]j e;gwge ouvde. grafh|/ paradou/nai
teto,lmhka( mhde. th.n proqumi,an h`mw/n
evkkopte,tw\ kardiognw,sthj ga,r evstin o`
Ku,rioj kai. oi=den o[ti ouvde. evn tw|/ ko,smw|
o;ntej pote. toiau,thn mani,an evma,nhmen)
Skopo.j de. tou,tw| tw|/ dai,moni pau/sai h`ma/j
th/j proseuch/j( i[na mh. stw/men evnantoi,on
Kuri,ou tou/ Qeou/ h`mw/n( mhde. ta.j cei/raj
evktei/nai tolmh,swmen kaq v ou- toiau/ta
dienoh,qhmen)
{Otan a;rchtai o` nou/j eivj th.n avga,phn tou/

Qeou/ proko,ptein( to,te kai. o` dai,mwn th/j
blasfhmi,aj a;rcetai evkpeira,zein auvto.n
kai. toiou,touj auvtw|/ logismou.j u`poba,llei(
oi[ouj avnqrw,pwn me.n ouvdei,j( mo,noj de. o`
tou,twn path.r dia,boloj evfeuri,skei) Tou/to
de. poiei/ fqonw/n tw|/ qeofilei/( i[na eivj
avpo,gnwsin evlqw.n w`j toiau/ta dianohqei,j(
mhke,ti tolmh,sh| dia. th/j sunh,qouj
proseuch/j pro.j auvto.n avnapth/nai) Ouvde.n
de. evnteu/qen wvfelei/tai o` avla,stwr pro.j
to.n i;dion skopo,n( avlla. kai. ma/llon
bebaiote,rouj
h`ma/j
avperga,zetai)
Polemou,menoi ga.r kai. avntipolemou/ntej
dokimw,teroi kai. gnhsiw,teroi eivj th.n
avga,phn tou/ Qeou/ eurisko,meqa\ h` de.
ròmfai,a auvtou/ eivse,lqoi eivj kardi,an
auvtou/ kai. ta. to,xa auvtou/ suntribei,h)
Let the demon not stir us up who carries

off our intellect toward blaspheming God
and toward the forbidden fantasies which I
have not dared to deliver in writing, nor let
[it] cut off our zeal. For the Lord is
knower of hearts and he knows that, even
we were formerly in the world, we did not
do such kind of madness. The intention of
this demon is to stop our prayer so that we
not stand in front of the Lord our God, nor
dare to stretch out our hands, for having
had such intentions.
When the intellect starts to advance in the

love of God then the demon of the
blasphemy begins to tempt it and suggests
to it such kind of thoughts, as no man
invents but only their father, the devil. He
does all this because of jealously towards
the God-lover so that, having arrived at
despair as one conceiving such things, [the
God-lover] no longer has the courage to
dare to approach God with his habitual
prayer. But the destroying angel gains
nothing from this towards his own goal.
Rather, he makes us now steadfast more
than ever. For, being attacked and fighting
back, we find ourselves more tested and
more genuine in the love of God. May his
sword enter his heart and his bows be
shattered. (Ps 37:15)
CHAPTER TWO: THE DEMON OF BLASPHEMY
2. Commentary on Praktikos 46 and Centuries 2, 38

The chapter which stands before us speaks of the demon of blasphemy.
Palladius, Evagrius disciple in his Historia Lausiaca, regarding Evagrius life in
Egyptian desert, reports to us that Evagrius had a very painful and difficult combat with
demons who tempted him to blasphemy, but he nevertheless successfully completed this
agonizing struggle:
On another occasion again the spirit of blasphemy troubled him. And for forty days he
did not enter under a roof, as he told us himself, so that his body threw out ticks, like
the bodies of irrational animals. Three demons attacked him by day disguised as clerics,
questioning him on the faith. And one said he was an Arian, the other an Eunomian, the
third an Apollinarian; and he vanquished these in his wisdom by means of a few
words.35
A similar testimony can be heard also from the mouth of Dorotheus of Gaza in
his Instructiones.36 After such painful personal experiences, Evagrius could write lines
such as we find in chapter 46 of the Praktikos. It is this chapter that will be our subject
for research and analysis. It belongs to the fourth section of the first part of the
Praktikos (40-53) concerning advice and instructions against demons (see structure of
the Praktikos in the Introduction).
Who is this demon which gave so much trouble to Evagrius and about whom
Evagrius left so many references in his works? Evagrius describes him as the demon
who carries off our intellect toward blaspheming God and toward the forbidden
fantasies [sp4.6]. The eighth part of the Antirrhetikos Evagrius states almost the
35
PALLADIUS, Historia Lausiaca 38:11; PG 43, 1194 B; Quoted from: PALLADIUS, The Lausiac
History, pp. 136-137; the critical editions see in: PALLADIO, La storia Lausiaca, 200-201.
36
DOROTHE de Gaza, Oeuvres Spirituelles, SCh 92, pp. 206-207.
28
same.37 This eighth part of the Antirrhetikos is dedicated to pride and in a many places
describes blasphemous thoughts as tempting-thoughts by the demon of pride. Therefore,
this demon of blasphemy is none other than the demon of pride.38 But Evagrius
distinguish them because of different types of pride. Carefully reading this chapter, we
recognize that behind blasphemous thoughts is hidden the demon of pride or the
original evil39 as Evagrius called him in the Prologue of the Praktikos.
This demon produces two effects: 1) carries off our intellect toward
blaspheming God [sp4] and 2) [carries off our intellect] toward the forbidden
fantasies [sp6]. According to the testimony, Evagrius blasphemous fantasies are so
unbearable that he does not even want to leave them on the paper [sp5]. What are these
thoughts? In this chapter Evagrius does not give us the answer, but in other places of his
written corpus we can find out more about it.
In the quoted passage from Palladius Historia Lausiaca about Evagrius combat
with the demon of blasphemy, we see that he calls them an Arian, the other an
Eunomian, the third an Apollinarian,40 which means that they are related to the denial
of the deity of the Son and the Holy Spirit, and also could be such thoughts that degrade
the Holy Trinity to the level of creatures.41
37
Cf. Antirrehtikos, 8:41, in Evagrius of Pontus, Antirrhetikos Talking Back. A Monastic Handbook for
Combating Demons, p. 168.
38
See the note on the Praktikos 46 in GUILLAUMONT, SCh 71, 603-604: Comme le precise ce texte
de lAntirrhtique (dont la section VIII est consacre lorgueil), se dmon nest autre que celui de
lorgueil.
39
Praktikos, Prolog, 2, SCh 71, pp. 486-487.
40
PALLADIUS, Historia Lausiaca 38:11, p. 136.
41
Cf. Ad Monachos, 134; DRISCOLL, p. 65.
29
There are blasphemous thoughts which deny free will which is directly
connected to the question of Gods righteousness because these thoughts suggest to us
that we commit sins involuntarily, without our will; and consequently, the judgment of
God against us is unfair42 because we have not sinned with the consent of our free will.
Other blasphemous thoughts are about God's existence, i.e. they ask whether God is
among us or not,43 or, they deny Gods help,44 and bring us to consider the demons as
gods.45 Some even suggest for man to regard the human body as something sinful and
unworthy. 46
Behind all these thoughts that terrorize men, is lurking a very specific goal or
intention (skopo.j) of this demon. The man who has been assaulted by this demon is
overflowing with such painful thoughts and those causing sadness,47 that in this way he
loses confidence and trust in prayer.48 In this context Guillaumont commenting on our
chapter from the Praktikos49 provides a quotation from the Antirrehetikos where we can
see how blasphemous thoughts persist in us and destroy the frankness of prayer.50
Guillaumont underlines the importance of the word parrhsi,a. It is a favorite New
Testament term meaning courage, confidence, boldness, fearlessness, joyfulness,
openness to the public, publicly. Remaining without these important things, such as
42
Cf. Antirrehtikos, 8:16; p. 162.
43
44
45
Cf. Antirrehtikos, 8:47.49c; pp. 169, 170.
46
Cf Kephalia gnostica IV,60.62; GUILLAUMONT Antoine, Les six centuries des Kephalia Gnostica
in PO 28, p. 163.
47
Cf Antirrehtikos 8:49a; p. 169.
48
Cf Antirrehtikos 8:10; p. 161.
49
Cf. GUILLAUMONT, SCh 71, p. 605.
50
Antirrehtikos 8:10; p. 161.
30
confidence and trust in our relationship with God, man despairs of Gods presence and
therefore neglects prayer. In this way the demon reaches his goal of preventing one
from praying: so that we might not stand before the Lord our God nor dare to lift up
our hands to him [sp12.13].
To be involved in a mesh of so despairing thoughts is, indeed, a great danger and
it is not easy to resist them, especially when a man feeling far from God ceases to pray.
To turn man away from prayer is the intention of this demon who is opposed to our
prayer.51 Therefore, Evagrius seems to want to restore the ascetic trust and confidence
in the Lord, because God knows what is in our hearts because he is kardiognw,sthj52
[sp7] unlike the demons who do not know what lies in the human heart.53 God knows
that these thoughts did not enter our minds with our consent and it is not we who have
committed such madness [sp10], therefore, in our weakness, we need a greater
confidence to direct our prayers to the Lord:
To the Lord concerning the words by which the demon spoke in us unspeakable
blasphemies against the Lord, things that I cannot write, lest I shake heaven and earth;
for in anger this demon stands without fear and speaks great blasphemy against God and
the holy angels those who have been tempted by it understand what I am saying and
at the time of this temptation what is excellent is fasting, reading of the scriptures, and
unceasing pryers offered with tears. 54
Maximus chapter Centuries 2:14 sounds, generally speaking, very similar to

Evagrius' Praktikos 46: The demon of blasphemy tempts the ascetic with blasphemous
51
Cf. Antirrehtikos 8:20.49b; pp. 164, 170.
52
See. Act 1:24 and 15:8; Kardiognw,sthj the Lord knows the human heart God can and humans
cannot [know] that. God is able to make judgment in terms of internal dispositions rather then on
external criteria. JOHNSON Luke Timothy, The Acts of the Apostles, pp. 37 and 262.
53
Ouvk evpi,stantai ta.j kardi,aj h`mw/n oi`dai,monej see in De cog., 37. vagre le Pontique, Sur les
penses, SCh 438, pp. 280-281.
54
Antirrehtikos, 8:21; p. 164.
31
thoughts in order that the man full of shame, no longer dares to pray to the Lord. But
Maximus, in his own way, expands Evagrius thought, adding his own observation and
attention.
The first thing we can notice in Maximus Centuries 2:14 that is not present in
Praktikos 46 is the way Maximus connects this blasphemous temptation with the
spiritual progress of man. He notes that this demon tends to assail those who are more
advanced in the spiritual life, that is, those who grant perfect prayer and worship to the
creator through love.55 This is a very important element that should be noted: the
reason why the demon attacks man is because of his love or his progress in love [sc2].
In his Introduction to Maximus the Centuries, Sharwood gives a very nice summary of
Maximus doctrine of love:
Love is the fulfillment of faith and hope, it embraces the ultimate in desire and puts a
term to that motion; it restores man to unity within himself and with other men, because
of the harmony already established with God. Than love there is nothing higher to be
sought. The love given God and man is one and the same, due to God and joining men.
The activity and proof of perfect love for God is love for our neighbor. Love is the way
of Truth which is the Word, that places us in the calm of detachment before the Father;
it is the door by which he who enters makes his entrance into the holy of holies and is
made worthy to see the holy and royal Trinity; it is the true vine. The whole of the Law
and the prophets and the Gospel is directed towards it; by it God is honored above the
creature and all men are equally honored. In all this it is to be noted that love knows no
limits; or rather its limits are those of God.56
In light of this insight, we can easily understand why the demon has a special
intention (skopoj) to prevent man in the progress and growth in love.
55
56
SHERWOOD Polycarp, Introduction. Charity in: MAXIMUS the Confessor, The Ascetic Life. The
Four Centuries on Charity, ACW vol. 21, p. 97.
32
The results or effects of this demon that we find in Evagrius: carries off our
intellect toward blaspheming God and toward the forbidden fantasies [sp4.6],
Maximus simply summarizes: that the demon of blasphemy begins to tempt it [the
intellect] and suggests to it such kind of thoughts, as no man invents but only their
father, the devil. [sc4.5.7] Also we will not find in Maximus the autosuggestion to
encouragement: Let us neither be stirred up by the demon [...] nor cut off our zeal.
[sp1.3.8] The text of Maximus also does not emphasize forbidden fantasies
(avpeirhme,naj fantasi,aj) [sp6], or the Lords knowing of the human heart
(kardiognw,sthj) [sp9] and our acts in this world, and that even we have blasphemous
thoughts, we do not fall into this with our will, that it is not from our free will but from
the enemy of our tempter [sp10].
Finally, Maximus does not speak about his fear in
writing about the temptations [sp7]. All these elements omitted in Maximus, but present
in Evagrius, seem to further indicate the hidden autobiographical background of their
origin, and which outline Evagrius painful torment which he endured to overcome this
temptation.
The somewhat common element present in both authors is the intention of the
demons to use such blasphemous thoughts in order to stop mans prayer [sp11.13 =
sc11.13]. But Maximus here notices an important additional point, and that is the inner
rationale of the demons intentions: He does all this because of jealously [sp11].
Fqo,noj - invidia, envy, jealousy is the main reason for the attack on man. Through the
Devil's envy Death came into the world. (Wisdom 2:24) Envying the mans intimacy
with God in love through prayer, the demon tries to do everything just to separate the
man from his Source and in this way to sow death. Prayer filled with love and
33
confidence, boldness, fearlessness (parrhsi,a) toward God is the main reason for envy
of the demon, and therefore becomes the main reason of the demons attack.
Another and more significant difference in Maximus is that he shows us a
deeper meaning in these attacks [sc16-19], which is not found in Evagrius [sp16-19].
Maximus, namely, in this section, reveals to us why God allows such a difficult ordeal
for man, qeofilh,j:
Demons serve a purpose, since they act as unwilling instruments in the training of the
monk. In battling demons the ascetic develops his natural powers of resistance and
becomes more open to the love of God in his life. Maximus give the monk greater
reason for perseverance during a skirmish with the diabolical source of blasphemy.57
From all of that we get a double result: the growth in our humanity (a
strengthening and consolidating) and growth in the love of God and with God [sc18].
Despite repeating some of the same or similar elements in Evagrius, in his
description of the demon of blasphemy Maximus goes much further and deeper.
Evagrius put forward the cruel reality of the demon, his temptations and our struggles
with him. Maximus, following the essential Evagrian elements, takes another step and
brings us to the inner meaning that lies behind the temptation, the whole theology of
combat with evil.
The conclusion of Maximus chapter [sc19] ends like a crown with this
pericope: May his sword enter his heart and his bows be shattered. (Ps 37:15) At the
beginning of Maximus pericope (see the structural analysis for Centuries 2:14) we
have the demon who with the sword of the tempting-blasphemous-thoughts attacks a
57
34
man who is advancing in love for God (A) and the pericope ends with Gods sword that
pierces the heart of the enemy (A). Before the attacks of demons, the man was
advanced in the love of God (A) but after the attacks, he is even more advanced in love
(A). Temptation, which was aimed to destroy the man of God (B) does the opposite,
instead of destroying him, it reinforces and strengthens the man. The demon of Envy by
whom death comes into this world, with his intention directed by that envy wants also
the death of man (C) but his plan fails (C'). The mans communion with God through
the prayer, which was at the heart of the demons attacks (D) in the end, like a
boomerang turns against the demon.
If we try to analyze Evagrius' chapter we can see a different internal dynamic to
the text (see the structural analysis for Praktikos 46): beginning with an encouraging
note that we should not be afraid to be tempted by the demon of blasphemy (A) but
ending with the possible danger that this brings with it a temptation (A). The effects
produced by the temptation (B) seem to go together with the intention of tempter (B).
However, as an opposite of the ugliness of the demons attack (C) we see the goodness
of God (C).
35

Praktikos 46
1
Cent 2:14
Mh. taratte,tw de. h`ma/j
Let us neither be stirred up
{Otan a;rchtai o` nou/j eivj th.n

avga,phn tou/ Qeou/ proko,ptein(
When the intellect starts to advance in the

love of God
3
o` dai,mwn to,te kai. o` dai,mwn th/j blasfhmi,aj

by the demon
then the demon of the blasphemy
o` sunarpa,zwn to.n nou/n pro.j a;rcetai evkpeira,zein auvto.n

blasfhmi,an Qeou/ begins to tempt it
who carries off our intellect toward

blaspheming God
kai. toiou,touj auvtw|/ logismou.j

u`poba,llei(
and suggests to it such kind of thoughts,

6
kai. pro.j ta.j avpeirhme,naj

fantasi,aj
and toward the forbidden fantasies

7
evkei,naj a]j e;gwge ouvde. grafh|/ oi[ouj avnqrw,pwn me.n ouvdei,j( mo,noj
paradou/nai teto,lmhka( de. o` tou,twn path.r dia,boloj
evfeuri,skei)
which I will not endure to deliver in
writing,
as no man invents but only their father, the

devil.
mhde. th.n proqumi,an h`mw/n

evkkopte,tw\
nor cut off our zeal.

9
kardiognw,sthj ga,r evstin o` Ku,rioj
For the Lord is knower of hearts

10
kai. oi=den o[ti ouvde. evn tw|/ ko,smw|

o;ntej pote. toiau,thn mani,an
evma,nhmen)
10
and he knows that, even we were formerly

in the world, we did not do such kind of
madness.
11
Skopo.j de. tou,tw| tw|/ dai,moni Tou/to de. poiei/ fqonw/n tw|/
qeofilei/(
The intention of this demon is
11
He does all this because of jealously towards

the God-lover
36
i[na eivj avpo,gnwsin evlqw.n w`j

toiau/ta dianohqei,j(
12
12
so that, through despair at the appearance of

such considerations,
13
pau/sai h`ma/j th/j proseuch/j( mhke,ti tolmh,sh| dia. th/j sunh,qouj

proseuch/j pro.j auvto.n avnapth/nai)
to stop our prayer
13
[the God-lover] no longer has the courage to

dare to approach God with his habitual
prayer.
14
i[na mh. stw/men evnantoi,on Kuri,ou

tou/ Qeou/ h`mw/n(
14
so that we not stand in front of the Lord

our God,
15
mhde. ta.j cei/raj evktei/nai

tolmh,swmen kaq v ou- toiau/ta
dienoh,qhmen)
15
nor bear to stretch out our hands, for

having had such intentions.
16
Ouvde.n de. evnteu/qen wvfelei/tai o`

avla,stwr pro.j to.n i;dion skopo,n(
16
But the destroying angel gains nothing from

this towards his own goal.
17
avlla. kai. ma/llon bebaiote,rouj h`ma/j

avperga,zetai)
17
Rather, he makes us now steadfast more

than ever.
18
Polemou,menoi ga.r kai.

avntipolemou/ntej dokimw,teroi kai.
gnhsiw,teroi eivj th.n avga,phn tou/
Qeou/ eurisko,meqa\
18
For, being attacked and fighting back, we

find ourselves more tested and more genuine
in the love of God.
19
h` de. ròmfai,a auvtou/ eivse,lqoi eivj

kardi,an auvtou/ kai. ta. to,xa auvtou/
suntribei,h)
19
May his sword enter his heart and his bows

be shattered. (Ps 37:15)
37
4. Appendix II: Structural Analysis of Praktikos 46 and Centuries 2, 14

Praktikos 46
we and the demon
Let us neither be stirred up by the demon
effects of temptation
B
C
C'
ugliness of temptation
goodness of the Lord

intention of temptation
B'
A'
wickedness of temptation
who carries off our intellect toward blaspheming God

and toward the forbidden fantasies
which I will not endure to deliver in writing, nor cut off
our zeal.
For the Lord is knower of hearts and he knows that, even
we were formerly in the world, we did not do such kind
of madness.
The intention of this demon is to stop our prayer
so that we not stand in front of the Lord our God, nor
bear to stretch out our hands, for having had such
intentions.
Centuries 2, 14
sword of the demon against man
+
advance in love
temptation for distroid man
B
C
C'
B'
A'
intention
When the intellect starts to advance in the love

of God
then the demon of the blasphemy begins to
tempt it
and suggests to it such kind of thoughts, as no
man invents but only their father, the devil.
He does all this because of jealously towards the
God-lover so that, through despair at the
appearance of such considerations,
the demon and prayer
fulier of intetion
man is stronger from temptation
more progress in love

+
sword of God against the demon
[the God-lover] no longer has the courage to

dare to approach God with his habitual prayer.
But the destroying angel gains nothing from this
towards his own goal.
Rather, he makes us now steadfast more than
ever.
For, being attacked and fighting back, we find
ourselves more tested and more genuine in the
love of God.
May his sword enter his heart and his bows be
shattered. (Ps 37:15)
38
CHAPTER THREE:
THE DEMON OF VAINGLORY
1. Translation: Praktikos 31 and Centuries 3:60
Praktikos 31
Centuries 3:60
:Egnwn to.n th/j kenodoxi,aj dai,mona

scedo.n u`po. pa,ntwn diwko,menon tw/n
daimo,nwn kai. evpi. toi/j tw/n diwko,ntwn
ptw,masin avnaidw/j parista,menon kai. tw|/
monacw|/ me,geqoj avretw/n evmfani,zonta)
Pa,nta ta. a;tima pa,qh kratou/nta th/j

yuch/j to.n th/j kenodoxi,aj evx auvth/j
avpelau,nousi logismo,n\ kai. pa,ntwn tw/n
proeirhme,nwn h`tthme,nwn( evp v auvth.n
auvto.n avnalu,ousin)
I have known the demon of vainglory,

driven away by almost all the demons, but
when those pursuers fall, he shamelessly
approaches and shows the monk the
greatness of his virtues.
All dishonorable passions which possess

the soul [they] drive away the thought of
vainglory from her [the soul]; and when all
of them are defeated, they return it
[thought of vainglory] to her [the soul].
CHAPTER THREE: THE DEMON OF VAINGLORY
2. Commentary on Praktikos 31 and Centuries 3:60

Vainglory is an irrational passion and it readily gets tangled up with any work
of virtue.58 This is the penultimate of thoughts from Evagrius vices hierarchy. It is
mentioned in the first part of the Praktikos where there is a question concerning On the
Eight Thoughts in the chapter 1359. In second part concerning remedies against the
eight thoughts (15-33), for questions concerning vainglory, Evagrius dedicates three
chapters: the chapter 30, 31 and 32. On this subject he will refer back in second section
of the Praktikos where there is a question concerning on the state that is near to
impassibility, in chapter 58.
According to Evagrius demonology the demons do not tempt us all at the same
time, nor do they instill their thoughts in us at the same moment.60 The Demons
temptations follow the hierarchy of vices and they follow one after another, so
vainglory is the vice of the advanced and plays on the monks self-esteem61 and it
takes the penultimate places in the hierarchy i.e. just before pride. Evagrius says that the
demon of vainglory is driven out by other demons. For a beginner in asceticism which
is still grappling with gluttony, fornication, avarice, or even later, for one who has
seriously problems with sadness, anger and acedia, it is almost impossible to be attacked
by this demon. Battle with these kinds of vices, still present in the soul, will fill man
more with embarrassment than with vainglory and pride. After the uphill struggle with
all these vices and after the monk has invested great trouble and effort to overcome
58
De cog 7:1; GAC p. 85.
59
Cf. Praktikos 13; SCh 71, pp. 528-531; GAC p. 100.
60
De octo spir. 24:1-2; SCh 438, pp. 236-237; GAC, p 169.
61
SINKEWICZ Robert E., Commentary on Praktikos, note 39, in GAC, p. 253.
40
them and to be free of them, the monk comes closer to a certain degree of impassibility.
After the demons have been defeated up to this point and a state of victory has been
achieved, a blissful state of the soul now becomes a source of vainglory 62 and its
demon shamelessly approaches [sp6]. However, any success in the practice of the
virtues is an opportunity for vainglory.63
Yet, before that monk came to clash with this demon, it is necessary to defeat all
the other demons and get rid of all the vices of thoughts. 64 After this battle the monk
attains some small degree of impassibility.65 Such success and freedom brings the
monk to the condition that he returns to self-esteem, and with this state his achieving
respect among people.66 But within himself grows a natural desire and intention of
publishing his struggles and hunting after the esteem that comes from people.67 And it
can be the beginning of defeat for the monk for it is a temptation to which even the
brightest angels could not resist: From this thought is born that of pride, which cast
down from the heavens to earth the Seal of the Likeness and the Crown of Beauty
(Ezek 28:12).68
In our observations and analysis we are limiting ourselves just to chapter 31
from the Praktikos.
62
Praktikos 30; SCh 71, pp.570-571.
63
SINKEWICZ Robert E., Introduction, in GAC, p. xxx.
64
Cf. De octo spir. 14:8-11, SCh 438, pp. 200-201; GAC, p 162-163.
65
De octo spir. 15; SCh 438, 202-203; GAC, p. 163.
66
Cf. Antirrhetikos 7:5,38; pp. 148, 156.
67
Praktikos 13; SCh 71, pp. 528-531; GAC, p. 100.
68
De octo spir. 14; GAC, p. 162.
41
The chapter is shorter than all the others in the Praktikos which talk about
vainglory. Evagrius begins the chapter appealing to his own experience: :Egnwn to.n
th/j kenodoxi,aj dai,mona [sp1.3]. Although in the prologue he tells us that he will convey
to us what he learned from the holy fathers69, he not only transmits to us the tradition
which he had learned passively by listening; but he provides us with first-hand
knowledge of this demon by whom he had been tormented. We can find evidence of
this struggle with the demon in his letter to John of Jerusalem.70
After this very brief statement he very briefly summarizes the position of the
demon of the vainglory in the mans straggle with demons, i.e. that the demon is driven
out by the anterior demons [sp4] and only when they are defeated, does he approache
the man [sp6]. This brief and condensed summary assumes, as mentioned above,
Evagrius doctrine on demons: demons do not attack at the same time, but one demon
follows after another one, corresponding to the hierarchy of vices. Since the demon of
vainglory is in the penultimate place, there is no place for him as long as the other
demons predecessors have not been defeated and pursued [sp4]. Having pursued and
defeated all of the previous demons, the demon of vainglory [sp5] now shamelessly
(avnaidw/j) enters on the scene [sp6] and he begin to play his game with the monk,
calling to his mind the greatness and deservedness which he achieved in the struggle
with evil demons [sp7].
69
Praktikos. Prologue 1. See also Prologue 9.
70
Cf. Letter 9:2; Evagrios Pontikos, Briefe aus der Wste, p. 222: I, however, am a wretch, incapable of
leading even a single sheep to graze, nor am I willing to snatch it from the mouth of the wolf. Behold it
is thus bitterly wounded, sometimes by wrath, and at other times by sadness; sometimes it is torn by
pride and again by vainglory. English translation by DYSINGER Luke (translation in public domain)
http://www.ldysinger.com/Evagrius/11_Letters/00a_start.htm.
42
How Evagrius finished his battle, he does not give us a report; however, a report
that we have from others about him gives us a hint that he did not remain defeated by
the evil tempter, but he beat him with humility.71
Regarding Maximus, if we observe the chapters from the Centuries where he is
speaking about vainglory,72 we see that Maximus more or less in this chapter
follows Evagrius. In our observations we are limiting ourselves to just Centuries 3:60.
Unlike Evagrius, however, Maximus does not make note of his own experience
[sc1] which we find in Evagrius [sp1]. But that does not mean that he talks about what
he has not experienced.
The first thing that we notice in Maximus speaking about vices is that he speaks
about ta. a;tima pa,qh (the dishonored passions) which possess the soul [sc2] we do not
find this term in Evagrius [sp2]. The expression is very interesting for several reasons.
These passions have the same role as the demons in Evagrius. In several chapters of the
Centuries before our chapter 3:60 and in several after, where he speaks about vainglory,
Maximus, instead of using the word demon, uses the word passions ta. pa,qh . He
gives the passions an important role, and speaking of them in a personified, mythical
way was very familiar to the man of Hellenic culture. Building on the personification of
71
On a certain occasion when the Council of Elders of Cells was in session discussing problems of
interest to the community Evagrius came forth with his own views and an elder said to him: 'We know,
Abba, that if you had remained in your own country where you are a bishop and the governor of many
[your speech would have been quite in order]; but in this place you sit as a stranger. Evagrius was
chagrined but he did not take offense. He just shook his head and looked down to the ground and wrote
with his finger and told them: You are right my fathers: I have spoken once. But I will not do so a
second time. FESTUGIRE A. J. Historia Monachorum in Aegyto, (Brussels, 1961) p. 606-607.
Translation quoted by BAMBERGER John Eudes, Introduction in EVAGRIUS Ponticus, The
Praktikos. Chapters on Prayer, p. xvi.
72
Vainglory is spoken about in Centuries: I, 30, 46, 80; II, 9, 23, 35, 59, 63, 65; III, 4, 7, 17, 20, 56, 5962, 75, 77, 83, 84; IV, 43.
43
the virtues and vices, which often occurred in Greek mythology, Maximus goes much
deeper in personifying the passions of vainglory.
In this, Maximus more deeply
emphasizes their interior, sensible, dynamic, and destructive activity in the soul of the
man.73 This is in contrast to Evagrius who, using the term the demon of vainglory,
seems to give more emphasis on exterior action while not having a strongly outlined
interior meaning and struggle of the soul.
In all other things, we can say that Maximus almost completely follows Evagrius
in this chapter: all the passions which are present in the soul drive away the thought of
vainglory [sc3.4] like the demons in Evagrius [sp3.4]. When these passions are driven
away [sc5 sp5], the passion of vainglory can start its role [sc6 sp6]. Evagrius
describes the approach of the demon of vainglory to the soul, with the expression
avnaidw/j (shamelessly) [sp6], which we will not find in Maximus. Another obvious
difference is that Maximus omits letting us know in an explicit way, which work or
action the passion of vainglory does in the soul of the man [sc7], as in Evagrius [sp7].
But perhaps Maximus personification of the passions, with their interior, possessive,
destructive action in the soul, says much more than Evagrius noted in an explicit way
[sp7].
However, the similarity between Maximus and Evagrius in these chapters is
obvious.
Maximus certainly owes a debt to the keen analysis of his master. Yet, at the
same time, the student did not remain content with simply reproducing the
73
More about role of the passions in Maximus see in: GAVIN John, They are like the angels in the
heaven, pp. 147148; BALTHASAR Hans Urs von, Cosmic Liturgy. The universe According to
Maximus the Confessor, pp. 193-196; JEVREMOVI Petar, Dynamism of yuch in the works of St
Maximus the Confessor, pp. 28-29.
44
teachings of the past, rather he shaped these observations through his own
personal experience and theological wisdom.74
If we observed the inner dynamics of Maximus Centuries (see structural

analysis) we can see an internal connection: at the beginning we have all dishonorable
passions which possess the soul (A) and at the end there is just the thought of vainglory
(A). The passions which are opposed to and drive away thought of vainglory (B) at the
end they are driven away (B).
The inner dynamic in Evagrius chapter 31 from the Praktikos, in contrast,
begins with the monk who knows the demon of vainglory (A) but ends with the
demon who knows the monk and shows to him the greatness of his virtues, in order
that the man fall into the trap of vainglory. (A). The demon of vainglory, which had
been driven away by the other demons (B), now shamelessly approaches the soul (B')
after the defeat of his demonic persecutors (D) before which time he could not return.
74
GAVIN John, They are like the angels in the heaven, pp. 169-170.
45
Praktikos 31
1
Centuries 3:60
:Egnwn
I have known
Pa,nta ta. a;tima pa,qh kratou/nta th/j
yuch/j
All dishonorable passions which

possess the soul
3
to.n th/j kenodoxi,aj dai,mona
the demon of vainglory, to.n th/j kenodoxi,aj evx auvth/j

avpelau,nousi logismo,n\
4
scedo.n u`po. pa,ntwn diwko,menon [they] drive away the thought of

tw/n daimo,nwn vainglory from her [the soul];
driven away by almost all the

demons,
5
kai. evpi. toi/j tw/n diwko,ntwn kai. pa,ntwn tw/n proeirhme,nwn

ptw,masin h`tthme,nwn(
but when those pursuers fall, and when all of them are defeated,
6
avnaidw/j parista,enon evp v auvth.n auvto.n avnalu,ousin)
he shamelessly approaches they return it [thought of vainglory]

upon her [the soul].
7
kai. tw|/ monacw|/ me,geqoj avretw/n

evmfani,zonta)
and shows the monk the greatness

of his virtues.
46
4. Appendix II: Structural Analysis of Praktikos 31 and Centuries 3:60
Praktikos 31
A
the monk who know the demon

the demon is driven away
B
C
B'
A'
failure of the pursuers

The demon approaches
the demon who knows the monk
I have known the demon of vainglory,

driven away by almost all the demons,
but when those pursuers fall,
he shamelessly approaches
and shows the monk the greatness of his virtues.
Centuries 3:60
the passions possess the soul
All dishonorable passions which possess the soul
The passions cast out vainglory
[they] drive away the thought of vainglory

from her [the soul];
The passions are cast out
and when all of them are defeated,
vainglory posses the soul
they return it [thought of vainglory] upon her [the

soul].
47
CONCLUSION
Duo cum faciunt idem, non est idem.75
In our research we met with two great masters of the spiritual life which have
made great contributions and had undeniable influence on Christian asceticism and
monasticism up until the present day. For all their similarities, though, they were
destined for quite different fates: Evagrius, the humble citizen of the Kellia Desert, left
behind a group of disciples and monks who were already in his lifetime calling him by
the honorable title abba. He died in peace with the Church, only to be declared by
that same Church after a full one hundred and fifty years a heretic and to have his
teaching condemned; Maximus, after a fearless and tireless struggle for orthodoxy and
dogmatic purity in the Church, was abandoned and forgotten by all, and he spent the last
years of his life exiled from the very same Church for whose orthodox doctrine he
fought. He was proclaimed an enemy of the Church and the Empire. Subjected to
torture, he died in remote seclusion on the edge of the empire as an anathematized,
dangerous heretic. Just under twenty years after his death, however, the Church which
had anathematized his teaching as heretical, declared it orthodox and embraced his
dogmatic definitions in its cannons and declared him a saint and confessor of
orthodoxy.
The destiny of the lives of these two men of the Church so different and so
close has only one goal: God! It is to seek the road toward Him, to return to the
original state of human nature before the fall in the paradise of Eden, and to desire the
75
"When two do the same, it isn't the same." (Latin proverb)
CONCLUSION
deification of his human existence. It is this unquenchable thirst of the soul for his
Creator, which is the common they share, and precisely at that point we can connect all
of their differences.
Maximus, who surely read Evagrius heretical and condemned writings, did not
hesitate to take them into his own hands and to apply Evagrius sound doctrine to his
own life, in this way becoming a disciple of a heretic. Already eighty years ago,
Viller76 confirmed and showed Maximus similarity with Evagrius and the substantial
influence of Evagrius on the thought of Maximus.
In our consideration through these selected three chapters we, likewise, can say
with Viller77 that Maximus agrees with Evagrius not only in genere and that he
borrowed some general ideas of Evagrius, but much more.
Maximus agrees with Evagrius that the man on his way to God is attacked by the
enemy of human souls, demons, which are specialized in their own way to distract man
from his straight way exactly in the point where the man is the weakest.
That fight with demons is not something innocent or symbolic. For it is not
against human enemies that we have to struggle, but against the principalities and the
ruling forces who are master of the darkness in this world, the spirits of evil in the
heavens. (Eph 6:12) This combat is the human battle for his to be or not to be, for
the Kingdom of Heaven suffers violence, and the violent are taking it by force! (Matt
11:12). This humans struggle with the demons takes a cosmological character where
the whole creation, until this time, has been groaning in labour pains (Rom 8:22)! So
76
Cf. VILLER Marcel, Aux sources de la spiritualit de saint Maxime: Les seuvres dEvagre le
Pontique, pp. 156-268.
77
Cf. ibid. 257.
49
CONCLUSION
in this way the man becomes a mediator through his humanity which was taken by
Christs incarnation into the communion of the Holy Trinity for all of creation, even
for the angels:
The Angels require a mediator for their divinization as much as men. They cannot effect
the full identification with God without suffering the mediation of Christ in his
humanity and the mediation of deified man. In effect, angels depend primarily upon the
mediation of Christ; secondarily upon the mediation of man himself.78
Just in this cosmological or holistic point of view, Maximus goes much further
than his heretical teacher Evagrius.
In our three chapters, we have touched on just a small part of the magnificent
opus of these two maestros of the spiritual life: the demon of pride, the demon of
blasphemy and the demon of vainglory.
We saw how Maximus borrows from Evagrius not only ides but also
terminology. He follows him in the teaching on the dual effect which the demon of
pride produces in man: that man is fascinated with himself and his virtues which he has
achieved by Gods help and so he forgets and denies Gods help and he admires only
his own ability; and that he begins to despise his imperfect brothers. But Maximus does
not stop at this real fact which can lead to the catastrophic end mentioned by Evagrius.
Rather, Maximus ends by pointing to the one who is the provider of goodness and
without whom we can do nothing (cf. Johan 15:5). Thus, in contrast to Evagrius ending
with the triumph of the mobs of demons, Maximus ends with the triumph of the
Pantocrator.
78
GAVIN John, They are like the angels, p. 262.
50
CONCLUSION
Analyzing the chapters about the demon of blasphemy we saw how Maximus
follows Evagrius in the basic elements: the demon with his blasphemous thoughts
attacks man with the intention to stop him in prayer and in that way to alienate him from
God. With man distant from his Creator, the demon can easily manage with him. But
Maximus gives notice that such a demon attacks only when man is advanced in love.
Another very important note is that the demon does all this because of envy. As in the
preceding chapter, also here, for Maximus the end and outcome of the combat with
demons is very optimistic: instead of separating man from God, the temptation
reinforces and strengthens the monk, and he becomes even more advanced in the love of
God.
In the third chapter, Maximus borrows almost line-for-line from Evagrius
doctrine of the attack by the vice of vainglory. Here where Maximus is nearest to
Evagrius, and where he might be accused for plagiarism, Maximus does something
simply surprising. The refinement with regard to this demon shows us how much more
sensitive Maximus is than his teacher Evagrius. Instead of using the word demons
Maximus chooses the term passions which is a much more subtle way to personalize
what is happening and to express the internal dynamics of the destructive effects of this
vice.
The influence of Evagrius thought on Maximus the Confessor need not be
proved; it is obvious. But evident is also Maximus originality. He did not blindly copy
his teacher but he shaped these observations through his own personal experience and
theological wisdom.79 He brings his own view, thinking and observations, which are
79
GAVIN John, They are like the angels, p. 170.
51
CONCLUSION
more optimistic than those of Evagrius. As much as he follows the thought of Evagrius
in these chapters we have seen that there is always a distance which shows us Maximus
originality and the greatness of his spirit.
Ultimately, if we keep in mind what Evagrius says in the prologue and the
epilogue of his Praktikos, that he follows the teachings of the holy fathers and that he
transmits the teaching which he received from them, maybe we should talk more about
the influence of the tradition of the holy fathers rather than of Evagrius on the
thought of Maximus the Confessor. But that influence remains for another more
extensive research.
52
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES FOR EVAGRIUS PONTICUS
VAGRE le Pontique,
Trait pratique, ou, Le moine. Introduction, translation and commentary by
Guillaumont Antoine and Claire, Paris: Cref 1971 (Sources Chrtiennes, 170,
171).
EVAGRIUS of Pontus,
The Greek Ascetic Corpus. Translation, introduction and commentary by
Sinkewicz Robert E., Oxford: University Press 2003 (The Oxford Early
Christian Studies).
EVAGRIUS Ponticus,
The Praktikos. Chapters on Prayer. Introduction, translation and notes by
Bamberger John Eudes, Spencer-Massachusetts: Cistercian Publications 1970
(Cistercian Studies Series, 4).
PRIMARY SOURCES FOR MAXIMUS CONFESSOR

MASSIMO Confessore,
Capitoli sulla carit. Intoroduction, translation and notes by Ceresa-Gastaldo
Aldo, Rome: Editrice Studium 1963.
MAXIMUS Confessor,
Centuries sur la charit. Introduction and translation by Joseph Pegon, Paris:
Cref 1943 (Sources Chrtiennes, 9).
MAXIMUS the Confessor,
The Ascetic Life. The Four Centuries on Charity. Translation, introduction and
notes by P: Sherwood, London: The Newman Press 1955 (Ancient Christian
Writers 21).
SECONDARY SOURCES FOR EVAGRIUS PONTICUS

VAGRE le Pontique,
Sur les Pense. Introduction, translation, commentary and indes by Ghin Paul,
Guillaumont Antoine and Claire, Paris: Cref 1998 (Sources Chrtiennes, 438).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
EVAGRIOS Ponticos,
Briefe aus der Wste. Introduction and translation by Bunge Gabriel, Trier:
Paulinus Verlag, 1986.
EVAGRIUS Ponticus,
Ad monachos. Translation and commentary by Driscoll Jeremy, New YourkMahwah: The Newman Press 2003 (Ancient Christian Writers).
EVAGRIUS Ponticus,
Antirrheticus Talking Back. A Monastic Handbook for combating Demons.
Translation and introduction by David Brakke, Trappist, Kentucky, Cistercian
Publications, Collegeville, Minn: Liturgical Press, 2009 (Cistercian Studies
Series, 229).
EVAGRIUS Ponticus,
Kephalia gnostica Les six centuries des Kephalia gnostica dvagre le
Pontique. Critical edition of the Syriac version with French translation by
Antoine Guillaumont, Paris: Firmin-Didot 1958 (Patrologia Orientalis 28, 1).
SECONDARY SOURCES FOR MAXIMUS CONFESSOR
BALTHASAR Hans Urs von,

Cosmic Liturgy. The universe according to Maximus the Confessor. Translation
by Daley Brian E., San Francisko, CA: Ignatius Press, 1988.
BATHRELLOS Demetrios,
The Byzantine Christ. Person, Nature, and will in the Christology of St.
Maximus the Confessor. Oxford: University Press 2008 (The Oxford Early
Christian Studies).
GAVIN John,
They are like the angels in the heavens Angelology and Anthropology in the
thought of Maximus the Confessor. Roma: Institutum Patristicum
Augustinianum 2009 (Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum 116).
JEVREMOVI Petar,
Dynamism of yuch in the works of St. Maximus the Confessor. Beograd 2000.
NICHOLS Aidan,
Byzantine Gospel. Maximus the Confessor in Modern Scholarship. Edinburgh:
T&T Clark 1993.
THUNBERG Lars,
Microcosm and Mediator. The Theological anthropology of Maximus the
Confessor. Lund, Sweden: Gleerups Forlag 1965.
54
BIBLIOGRAPHY
VILLER Marcel,
Aux sources de la spiritualit de saint Maxime: Les seuvres dEvagre le
Pontique in Revue dasctique et de mystique, II, Toulouse: 1930, 156-268.
ANOTHER SECONDARY SOURCES
BENEDICTUS de Nursia,
The Rule of St Benedict. Translation, introduction and notes by Meisel Antony
C., and del Mastro M. L., Garden City-New York: Doubleday 1975 (Images
Books).
CASSIANUS John,
Conferences. Translation and preface by Luibheid Colm, introduction by
Chadwick Owen, New York, Ramsey, Toronto: Paulist Press 1985 (The Classics
of Western Spirituality).
DOROTHE de Gaza,
Oeuvres Spirituelles. Introduction, translation and notes by Regnault L., and de
Prville J., Paris: Cref 1963 (Sources Chrtiennes, 92).
FOERSTER Werner,
Ku,rioj, kuri,a, kuriako,j, kurio,thj in Grande lessico dellAntico Testamento,
edited by Botterweck G. Johannes, Ringgren Helmer and Fabry Heinz-Josef, in
collaboration with Anderson George W., [et al.]; Italian edition by Catastini
Alessandro, Contini Riccardo and Borbone Pier Giorgio, Brescia: Paideia 19882009, vol. V, 1342-1488.
JOHNSON Luke Timothy,
The Acts of the Apostles. Edited by Harrington Daniel J., Collegeville: The
Liturgical Press 1992 (Sacra pagina series 5).
LAMPE, G. W. H. (ed.),
A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1961.
LIDDELL, Henry George (ed.),
A Greek-English Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1869.
MAYENDORF John,
San Gregorio Palamas e la mistica ortodossa. Translation and edition by
Comunit di Bose, Milano: Gribaudi 1997.
MAYENDORF John,
The Byzantine Legacy in the Orthodox Church. Crestwood-New York: St.
Vladimirs Orthodox Theological Seminary Press 1982.
55
BIBLIOGRAPHY
MOLONEY Francis James,

The Gospel of John. Editor Harrington Daniel J., Collegeville (MN): The
Liturgical Press 1998 (Sacra pagina series 4).
PALLADIO,
La storia lausiaca. Introduction by Mohrmann Christine, critical text and
commentary by Bartelink G. J. M., Milano Fondazione Lorenzo Valla : 1985
(Vite dei santi 2).
PALLADIUS,
The Lausiac History. Translation by W. K. Lowther Clarke B. D., London The
Macmillan Company, New York: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge
1918 (Translation of Christian Literature 1).
PAPAROZZI Maurizio,
La Spiritualit dellOriente Cristiano. Lesicasmo. Roma: Edizioni Studium
1981 (La spiritualit Cristiana. Storia e testi 11).
RIGO Antonio,
Le tehniche dorazione esicastica e le potenze dellanima in alcuni testi ascetici
bizantini in Rivist di sstudi bizantini e neoelenici 32 (1995) 177-190.
THOMAS Aquinas,
Summa theologiae, Matriti: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1951-1952.
THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITANICA
A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Literature and General Information, Cambridge:
University Press 111910.
56
INDEX
ABBREVIATIONS ______________________________________________ 2
INTRODUCTION _______________________________________________ 3
1. Evagrius Ponticus ___________________________________________ 3
1. 1. Life __________________________________________________________ 3
1. 2. The Praktikos _________________________________________________ 5
2. Maximus the Confessor______________________________________ 7

2.1. Life ___________________________________________________________ 7
2.2. The Four Centuries on Charity Centuries ______________________ 9
3. Evagrius and Maximus importance for research _____________ 11

4. Plan and the method of research ____________________________ 13
CHAPTER ONE: ______________________________________________ 15
THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM _______________ 15
1. Translation: Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38._____________________ 15
2. Commentary on Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38 _________________ 16
3. Appendix I: Synopsis of Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38 __________ 23
4. Appendix II: Structural Analysis of Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38 26
CHAPTER TWO: ______________________________________________ 27

THE DEMON OF BLASPHEMY _________________________________ 27
INDEX
1. Translation: Praktikos 46 and Centuries 2:14 _____________________ 27

2. Commentary on Praktikos 46 and Centuries 2, 38 _________________ 28
4. Appendix II: Structural Analysis of Praktikos 46 and Centuries 2, 14 38
CHAPTER THREE: ____________________________________________ 39

THE DEMON OF VAINGLORY__________________________________ 39
1. Translation: Praktikos 31 and Centuries 3:60 _____________________ 39
2. Commentary on Praktikos 31 and Centuries 3:60 _________________ 40
4. Appendix II: Structural Analysis of Praktikos 31 and Centuries 3:60 47
CONCLUSION ________________________________________________ 48
BIBLIOGRAPHY ______________________________________________ 53
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PONTIFICIUM INSTITUTUM ORIENTALE

FACULTAS SCIENTIARUM ECCLESIASTICARUM ORIENTALIUM

eljko Paa, S.J.

THE INFLUENCE OF EVAGRIUS PONTICUS

Evagrio Pontico, Antirrheticus Talking Back. A Monastic Handbook

Evagrius Ponticus, Ad Monachos, translation and commentary by

De malignis cogationibus On the Eight Thoughts, GAC, 66-90.

De octo spiritibus malitiae On Thoughts, Guillaumont Antoine and

Kephalia Gnostika A. Guillaumont, Les Six Centuries des

Guillaumont Antoine and Claire, vagre le Pontique. Trait Pratique

Reflections, in GAC, 210-216.

Quattuor Centuriae de charitate (in CSC).

Massimo Confessore: Capituli sulla carit. Critical edition, with

Sherwood Polycarp, St. Maximus the Confessor: The Ascetic Life,

Ancient Christian Writers

Sinkewicz Robert E., Evagrius of Pontus: The Greek Ascetic

Patrologia Gaeca, ed. J. P. Migne et al. (Paris, 1857-1866)

(the Second Ecumenical Council). After Gregorys resignation as bishop of

Virginem, Epistula LXII, Epistula ad Melaniam, Sermo sive dogmatica epistula de

Centuries. Prologue, CSC p. 48-49; in ACW p. 136.

Centuries. Prologue; CSC, pp. 48-49; in ACW, p. 136.

Cf. PEGON Joseph, Louvrage, pp. 25-31.

Cf. SHARWOOD Polycarp, in ACW, p. 91.

Centuries. Prologue; CSC, p. 49; in ACW, p. 136.

Ibid., p. 49, note 1.

Ibid.; in ACW, p. 136.

Cf. BALTHASAR, p. 77; CSC, p. 16,

Cent. Prologue; CSC, p. 49, note 2; in ACW, pp. 99-101;

Cf. CERESA-GASTALDO Aldo, Introduzione, in CSC p. 20-21; SHARWOOD Polycarp, in ACW,

4. Plan and the method of research

`O th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn calepwta,thj

`O th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn diplh/n e;cei

The demon of pride produces in the soul a

The demon of pride has dual malice: he

[The demon of pride] is followed with

CHAPTER ONE: THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM

2. Commentary on Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38

CHAPTER ONE: THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM

Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, II-I, q. 87. a. 4.

Cf. Praktikos, 33; SCh 71, pp. 574-577.

CHAPTER ONE: THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM

CHAPTER ONE: THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM

CHAPTER ONE: THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM

MOLONEY Francis J., The Gospel of John, pp. 420421.

CHAPTER ONE: THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM

CHAPTER ONE: THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM

CHAPTER ONE: THE DEMON OF PRIDE AND COMBAT WITH HIM

3. Appendix I: Synopsis of Praktikos 14 and Centuries 2:38

VO th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn vO th/j u`perhfani,aj dai,mwn

The demon of pride The demon of pride

calepwta,thj ptw,sewj diplh/n

a very hard fall dual

public guest or friend

be born, produce, begets has

h; ga.r e`autw|/ avnapei,qei

either he persuades (wrongly)

evpigra,fein ta. katorqw,mata

to attribute his success to himself

the provider of goodness

kai. bohqw|/ pro.j kato,rqwsin(

and helper for successful

h] tou,tw| mh. peiqo,menon