Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Matthias Gerner
City University of Hong Kong
1. Introduction
The aim of this paper is to report and evaluate a remarkable process of
lexicalization displayed in the lexicon of an array of Yi languages which are
Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in Southwest China (see appendix for
more spatial-genetic information). For a limited set of mainly monosyllabic
verbs - between 5 and 50 depending on the language - it is possible to
devoice the initial consonant and derive a causative verb. In Weining Neasu
(one of the Yi languages surveyed), there is for example the verb ve33
meaning 'sway* being involved as the predicate of an intransitive clause (e.g.
'the tree swayed by itself). Its devoiced counterpart fe33 'wave = cause to
sway* appears as the predicate of a monotransitive clause (e.g. 'He waved the
1
Part of this research was supported by a Strategic Research Grant (Project No.
7001921) of City University of Hong Kong.
Folia Linguistica Historica 28/1-2 (2007), 145-185.
ISSN 0165-4004, E-ISSN 1614-7308 Mouton de Gruyter
- Societas
Linguistica
Europaea
Brought
to you
by | University
of Sussex
Authenticated | 172.16.1.226
Download Date | 8/7/12 7:38 PM
146
Matthias Gerner
Native speakers of Jinghpaw and Zaiwa share a common culture and residence
area. The superordinated ethnic group including both Jinghpaw and Zaiwa is
referred to as Kachin (in Myanmar) and Jinghpaw/Jingpo (in China). The majority
of these people live in Myanmar, where speakers of the Jinghpaw form the majority,
while in China native Zaiwa speakers constitute the largest part of the Jingpo
nationality and native Jinghpaw speakers form a tiny fraction. Nevertheless, because
of historical factors not yet explained, native Zaiwa speakers consider themselves to
be Jinghpaw, even though both languages belong to different branches of the TB
family (cf. Bradley 1997).
Brought to you by | University of Sussex
Authenticated | 172.16.1.226
Download Date | 8/7/12 7:38 PM
148
Matthias Gerner
Some authors even suggest the term of grammaticalization, even though it is rather
a process in the opposite direction.
type of the simplex verb. Various causation types have been proposed by
scholars depending on the semantic parameters taken into account. More
specifically, four basic factors on which causation types are coined have been
identified:
(a) a participant X, the causer,
(b) a participant Y, the causee,
(c) an event e called by some as "precipitating event" (Frawley 1992:
159), "causing event" (Shibatani 1976:1) or simply "cause" (Song
1990: 10, 1996: 19-20),
(d) a situation s labelled as "result" (Frawley), "caused event" (Shibatani)
or "effect" (Song 1990: 10, 1996: 19).
These parameters led to a widely agreed distinction between so-called
single-event and double-event causatives. Single-event causatives refer to a
unique transitive event e(X, Y) in which the caused situation s is an integral
part of the event e: s(Y) ^ e(X, Y). Double-event causatives dissociate e and s:
s(Y)<Ze(X,Y).
Generative Semantics, a formal linguistic theory popular in the 1960s and
1970s, basically interpreted single-event causatives as double-event
causatives. The examples that were under scrutiny again and again include
c
john killed Bill' (single-event causative) and 'John caused Bill to die'
(double-event causative). From a point of view of semantic interpretation,
both clauses entail the resultative state of Bill's death for which reason they
were taken as equivalent. However, successive linguists dismissed this
identification wishing to separate a cause from its effects. For example, time
adverbials pointing to different cause and effect time frames pose problems
for the Generative Semantics account (see Fodor 1970). It is possible to say
(1) (a) 'John caused Bill to die on Sunday by stabbing him on Saturday', whereas
(b) *'John killed Bill on Sunday by stabbing him on Saturday' is ungrammatical.
150
(2)
Matthias Gerner
(a)
(b)
Comrie (1975, 1976) takes a multi-stratal approach on causatives (in spite of his
typological mono-stratal inclinations) by posing a deep uncausative structure from
where causatives are derived through addition of a causer argument. The mapping of
the grammatical relation of the causee is proposed to proceed from a case hierarchy:
subject > direct object > indirect object > oblique. The case hierarchy predicts the
grammatical relation of the causee in the derived causative construction. The causee
will be mapped on the first grammatical relation of the case hierarchy that has no
argument status for the underlying uncausative verb. The main problem with
Comrie's theory is the empirical lack of languages that follow this type of case
assignment (cf. Palmer 1994: 219). A typological work of a different type is Song's
cross-linguistic endeavour based on 408 languages, cf. Song (1989, 1990, 1996). He
distinguished three causation types: the COMPACT type, the AND type and the
PURP type. The COMPACT type corresponds to single causatives and the AND
type is comparable to double-event causatives. The PURP type refers to a third type
of causatives wherein the causing event is performed purposefully for obtaining the
caused situation.
Brought to you by | University of Sussex
Authenticated | 172.16.1.226
Download Date | 8/7/12 7:38 PM
Relating to
verb
(i)
151
State/action.
(ii)
(II)
Relating
to causee
(III)
Relating to
causer
Transitivity
(intransitive, monotransitive, ditransitive).
(iii) Control over caused situation
(lacking or having control),
(iv) Volition or willingness of cause
to perform in the caused event,
(v)
Affectedness of causee
by the causing event
(vi) Directedness: does the causer act
directly or indirectly?
(vii) Intention of causer
(accidental or intentional achievement of result),
(viii) Naturalness
(caused event happens fairly natural or with efforts)
(ix) Involvement
(causer involved or not involved in activity)
152
Matthias Gerner
pairs (nearly 45). On the other end of the spectrum lies Luoping Nase (see
appendix) with only one or two attested cases of devoiced causative pairs. Yet,
in Luoping Nase a set of ambitransitive verbs can be used either as intransitive
or as transitive predicate. Some of these verbs are monosyllabic with voiced
initial consonant for the simplex as well as for complex forms. The other Yi
languages lie in between these extremes.
For all Yi languages, mono-syllabicity is a predominant lexical phenomenon, while two-syllabic words also make up a significant part of the lexicon.
Multi-syllabicity, however, is much rarer. Yi languages and, more generally,
Loloish languages are what Matisoff (1994: 115-116) calls omni-syllabic
tonal languages with an extremely simple core syllabic canon: (C) VT.
Devoicing is the basic phonetic process involved in the production of
causative verbs. Additional suprasegmental changes such as aspiration, tone
alteration, and sometimes even alteration of the point of articulation, often
join in. In this section, the data are arranged according to the point of
articulation of the initial consonant (bilabial, labio-dental, alveolar, retroflex,
alvelo-palatal and velar) and secondarily by the mode of articulation (stop,
nasal, fricative and lateral). It appears that the devoicing-causation
correlation has effectively spread across the whole range of consonants.
Gejiu Nesu
NUM:1 CL
carry
DUR
154
Matthias Gerner
'peel off
'scrape off
Simplex
Complex
'flow'
Simplex
'cause to flow'
Complex
'collapse'
Simplex
2
:2
1
ff
2
l
o i l
ba33
be13
pha33
'
ba
55
pa55
21
br
bv21
br33
be21
h 21
Complex
pe
Simplex
'loosen'
Complex p h u 21
Open' (intr.)
Simplex
Open' (tr.)
Complex
bu
bu21
p h u 21
mbo
'roll' (tr.)
Complex po
'explode, crack' (intr.) Simplex bi33
21
33
33
33
bu33
pu55
bi13
h 13
pi
_P9 3 _ 3 __pV 3 _
pho33 pV 3
pui2'
pui21
bi2121
bi
bu33 po33
phu33 po33
phui33 bi55
pui33
pi55
55
'appear'
Simplex
'reveal'
Complex pi55
bi
PY
21
'loose'
Simplex
! 't-
=3
.fl
Mile Axi
4>
t1
Qu
Complex
'make carry'
'roll' (intr.)
JG
Simplex
'carry on back'
'make collapse'
Liangshan Nuosu
Name of Language
cases, namely the verb pairs with identical simplex and complex
components. Besides Luoping Nase mentioned above, this concerns also one
pair in Longlin Ngopho and two pairs in Mile Azhee.
'wave'
Complex
fe33
There is no direct causative relation between 'say' and 'tell' in the sense that the
causee of 'tell' would be the agent of saying. Rather, 'tell' can be derived from 'say'
through a valency increase of a different type. The new semantic role added to the
frame of 'tell' is not the causer but rather a new role for recipient or beneficiary.
10
Besides Weishan Lalo, the causative verb pair 'study' / 'teach' is elsewhere attested
in Lahu, a language related to the Yi languages spoken in parts of Yunnan Province
(P.R. of China) and Thailand, see Matisoff (1975).
Brought to you by | University of Sussex
Authenticated | 172.16.1.226
Download Date | 8/7/12 7:38 PM
Matthias Gerner
S = Simplex
C = Complex
'drink'
'give to
Name of Language
156
1
c
I^ fP
rt
S ndo33
C to21
-2
1
Z
I
f
f
?o
"
o
b
'
1 ZJ
^
>
|
o
1
>->
-f !
>-i
<
3a
1
2
5P
g >
ndo33
to33
nt fi o 21
do13
du33
da21
du55
do33
do33
to21
to55
nt fi o 21
to33
tu33
te 21
tu33
to33
to33
dze33
dza21
dzo33
dzo33
drink'
'eat'
'feed'
'say'
'tell'
'be left
S dzui33 dzu33
C t$a33 tu33
S
C
S dzi33 dz21
dz21
t^u
55
die
t h i 2i
di
dzo21 dzo21
55
t^o
33
55
t?o
21
tse
33
jtqa
21
t^o
33
t?o33
33
dzo
t h ie 2i
t h e 2i
dze33
dze33
tse33
tse33
over'
'leave over' C tshi33
'stand'
'build'/
33
tsi13
33
S dzu
dzo
C tshu33 tso33
'place'
'sit'
'make sit'
/'build'
di33
ti33
s
c
s
dui
'break'
thui33
(tr.)
'split'
(intr.)
dz55
'lie down'
'place'
'break'
(intr.)
'split' (tr.)
'collapse'
'make
collapse'
'study,
learn'
'teach'
c
s
c
da21
ta 21
33
tsi55
55
de33
55
the33
d3>
h
t g-
dzu55
tsu33
'ascend'
'lift up'
'enter'
'bury
= place in'
i
Z
o
z0
=>
If
I
! t s? 2 1 !
I I t
>
S
C
S
C
'wear'
S ndi55
(hat, shoe)
>
di33
ti33
dy21
ty21
di13
d321
dy21
dv55
t921
ty21
tY55
'dress'
(hat, shoe)
C ti55
ti13
'bright,
shine'
do13
'light,
kindle'
to13
'appear,
exit'
dr55do3 dou55
'reveal'
'be
perforated'
'perforate'
'burn'
(intr.)
'burn' (tr.)
'peel off
'scrape off
'turbid,
muddy'
'stir up'
1
*
Wuding Aluphu
C = Complex
zc
Yongren Lolo
S = Simplex
Name of Language
S
C
S ndu55
thY55
du
tu55
21
t h u 21
du21
C tu55
S
C
S
tu21
de
te21
dui21
t h uj 21
21
158
Matthias Gerner
(4)
Luoping Nase
(a)
tgra21 ?u21
3PSG
with
1PSG
speak
word
no55
ta 55
1PSG
affair
NUM:1 CL
thhie2
tar) 33
2PSG tell
(5)
(a)
study
(b) de21
hit
IMP
qa55
tsu33 li 33
1PSG
teach
IMP
'Learn to play!*
3.3.2 Devoicing of alveolar lateral
There is only one pair in this category that constitutes a genuine case of a
de voicing-causative correlation. The other two cases exhibit ambitransitive
verbs with intransitive as well as transitive uses (of the type S = O). The
Weining Neasu pair lr33 'move' (intr.) / tr33 'move' (tr.) is illustrated by the
following examples:
(6)
(a)
Weining Neasu
si 33 ga55
dze13 ko55
lY33.
tree
CL
move
DEM:DIST
DUR
'That tree is moving [e.g. its branches and leaves by the wind]/
(b)
33
SI
tree
-?a55
dze13 Qi21
le55
tr33.
)EM:DIST
CL
PASS
move
3P SG
'make move'
'flow'
'make flow'
'roll'
'make roll'
Name of Language
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Weining Neasu
hr33
4r33
lui33
lui33
122
122
Luoping Nase
M eAxi
Name of Language
The next group regroups causative verbs starting with a retroflex stop. This
kind of stop belongs to the consonant canon of most Yi languages. The
majority of these stops are affricated. Only Weining Neasu (out of the set of
Yi languages surveyed in this paper) has genuine unaffricated stops (i.e. < [
and *). The following example illustrates the causative pair (fee55 'be at' /
t$he55 'place' in Weining Neasu.
'be at'
'put at, build'
'shine'
'project'
*be afraid'
'frighten'
'come out'
'liberate'
'collapse'
'make collapse'
'torn'
'tear'
'explode'
'make explode'
'break' (intr.)
'break' (tr.)
'peel off
'scrape off
'burn' (intr.)
'burn' (tr.)
'melt' (intr.)
'melt' (tr.)
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
I
?
1 1 4
4
* I 1 j 2 5
i s
ff
SP
1 1 ! 1 1 1 I
4P
tho55
4sp3333 ^sy3333
teo teu
dY555
tV33
<te3333
t?9
tha33
ta33
l^a33
433
tehu33
dr13
tv13
21
tu13
fei21
t?i21
160
Matthias Gerner
(7)
(a)
WeiningNeasu
se21vu33 mo21 tha21
peach tree
fruit
NUM:1 CL
peach tree
PAT
3P SG
Ie21be21 k hj e 55 tV5.
neck
LOCat
place
Liangshan Nuosu
(a)
(b)
lui33
ox
tshi33 de33
3PSG PAT
ndi21p33 ko33
meadow
LOG
jteo44
pasture
ta33.
STP
'be lacking'
'take off
'left over'
'leave over'
'be afraid'
'frighten'
'go across'
'make go across'
'graze, pasture'
'turn out to grass'
'burn' (intr.)
'burn' (tr.)
'melt' (intr.)
'melt' (tr.)
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
Simplex
Complex
33
Simplex dso
33
Complex Jteo
33
Simplex d?
Complex jt(?933
Simplex dzi33
Complex Jtei33
d?e13
jt<?he13
Jt<?855
55
jt<?e
d*o33 Jtpi33
33
*<?033 JtQi
21
Dtdo
Jt<?o13
Yongren Lolo
Gejiu Nesu
Luoping Nase
(D Weining Neasu
Name of Language
Liangshan Nuosu
d^e13 d^e21
jtge33 jtqe55
dzi21
d^i21
Jt<?i
d^i21
Figure 6: Devoicing of alvelo-palatal stops in the Yi group
13
d?i33
JtQi33
sif.
(9)
Liangshan Nuosu
(a)nui 33 me21
n,i33.
2P SG in front sit
mother
i55go33 ko33
mother bed
ta,33
'make sit'
Name of Language
Simplex
Complex
33
(D Liangshan Nuosu *i
: iii21
Figure 7: Devoicing of alvelo-palatal nasals in the Yi group
162
Matthias Gerner
(10)
Yongren Lolo
be33tsi33 tS833lu33 t h i 21
(a)
3P SG
garment
beautiful
NUM: 1 CL
wear
DUR
<si55.
t h ie 21 be33tsi33 ge55
3P SG BEN
garment
PAT
dress
Name of Language
(6) Mile Axi
Yongren Lolo
'melt* (tr.)
Complex
'wear*
Simplex
'dress*
Complex
tho22tci55
?i21
Qi55
Finally, velar stops as the target of the devoicing process are particularly well
attested in Liangshan Nuosu and Weining Neasu, the two northernmost
languages of the sample. In Yongren Lolo, an interesting pair exists where
the directional verb 'return* has the lexicalized causative relative 'return,
bring back'. In (lib) the verb 33 'bring' serves as an optional support of
the causative verb.
(11)
Yongren Lolo
(a) go33
IP SG
xi33kV3 go21
home
return
:33
go
return home.'
(b) go 33
IP SO
5S
33
33
su b3
book
bring
:33uh 33
Al
JV c>
home
kh
21
-33
IV 7
4>1
bring back
go
'wear'
Simplex ga55
55
'dress'
Complex ka
'be afraid'
Simplex gu33
gu33
33
'frighten*
Complex ku
ku33
33
'hear'
Simplex gin
'tell'
Complex km33
'enclosed'
Simplex
gv33
'enclose, arrest'
Compkx
k*33
'return'
Simplex
'bring back'
Complex
go' 3
'curved, bowed, bent' Simplex
'curve, bend, bow'
Complex
kh33
o13
'split, burst' (intr.)
Simplex gI33
'split, burst' (tr.)
Complex ki33
ki33
'melt' (intr.)
Simplex
g355
'melt' (tr.)
Complex
ka55
Figure 9: Devoicing of velar stops in the Yi group
163
Yongren Lolo
Weining Neasu
Liangshan Nuosu
Name of Language
go21
ko21
gi
164
Matthias Gerner
165
dzD33 bo21
be built
khV5
te13.
mountain LOCron
placed
house
NUM:1 CL
build
lo33.
friend
tha21
jo 21
kje33
kv33 13.
NUM:1
CL
COV
arrest
SEND
na55
kV 3
<jUe13 lo33.
DEM:MED CL
lack
ADV
pha21
NUM:1 half
ice13
na21 t?a33.
takeoff
2P SG feed
oneself
loose ADV
kje33
3PSG shoelaces
COV
loosen
SEND
ga55
DEM:DIST CL
bright very
dark
DP
1PSG
ti33 to13.
lamp light
166
Matthias Gerner
Complex
'roll (tr.), incite'
'roll' (intr.)
pu55
33
'wave'
ve
'sway'
fe33
ir33
'shake, move' (intr.)
lY33
'shake, move' (intr.)
33
h 33
da
'cause to collapse, destroy'
'collapse'
ta
'collapse, come down'
fa'3thr33 'cause to collapse'
:21
'stretch out' (tr.)
'stretch out' (intr.)
tH921
be21
phe21
'throw down, cause to fall'
'fall down'
Figure 11: Pairs with uncontrolled simplex verb of motion (1st subgroup)
oneself
roll
l P SG
ADV
NUM: 1 CL
sway
21
h 33
to
33
(la
33
lo .
vu33
mo21ta13 pu55.
snow
ball
roll
<?i21
3PSG
la13
hand
fe33
wave
rjo21 mo55.
1PSG point to
dzr33 tha33.
3P SG house DEM:PROX CL
destroy
se21vu33 si33
li21.
peach
LOC:on fall
come
tree
descend
NUM:1
kV3 ?i2ltha55
ci21
CL
3P SG throw
top of building
phe21 za13
ka55.
descend
add
'He threw that bowl down from the top of the building/
A few simplex verbs refer to states of disposition a subject may be found
in. Two causative verb pairs in my data set belong to this subtype and are
listed in figure 12 below. The related complex verbs point to intentional
activities performed by a causer and endured by a causee.
Simplex
Complex
bu21
Open' (intr.) phu21
'open' (tr.)
dz21
left over'
tsi13(tu33)
leave over'
Figure 12: Pairs with uncontrolled simplex verb of disposition (2nd subgroup)
One specific comment on the use of the complex verb tsin leave over' in
(22b) needs to be made. Even though it can occur as the sole predicate of the
clause, it is often complemented by a beneficiary NP marked by the verb bi55
'give1. The predicational frame of tsi13 is therefore basically monotransitive.
(21) (a) rjgo21 ?o13mu33 bu21 lo33.
door
oneself
open ADV
3P SG door
lo33.
leftover ADV
COV
open
SEND
tu33 rjo21 55 21 .
168
Matthias Gerner
Complex
thu21
'perforate'
'be perforated'
13
13
'scrape
off (tr.)
dv
'peel off (intr.)
tr
h 33
33
t
u
'break'
(tr.)
'break'
(intr.)
<teP
'stir up, cause to be turbid'
de21
'turbid, muddy"
te21
13
'explode, crack' (intr.)
bi
p h i 13 'cause to explode, crack' (tr.)
'curved, bowed, bent'
kho13 'curve, bend, bow'
go13
21
'melt' (intr.)
d?i
ici13 'cause to melt' (tr.)
21
'burn' (intr.)
'burn' (tr.)
du
tu13
33
33
'tear'
'torn'
ki
gi
'gather = cause to be finalized'
gv21 'used up' (as resultative versatile) kr21
'poison'
do13 'poisoned'
to13
Figure 13: Paks with uncontrolled simplex verb of physical affectedness (3rd
subgroup)
Simplex
du21
These verb pairs are illustrated in the examples (23-28) below. Some of
the simplex or complex verbs of figure 13 cannot be used as the main
predicate of the sentence but must complement another predicate as
resultative versatile. Versatile is a term coined by Matisoff (1969) to refer to
grammaticalized verbs whose products lie in the realm of aspect and
resultative state. The string gr21 'used up' for example cannot function as
sole predicate of a sentence but appears as a resultative versatile in the
postfield of other verbs. A similar situation holds for the complex verb kho13
in (26b) which is bound to co-occur with some subsequent adjective or verb.
(23) (a) rjo21 mbu33 du21
IP
SG
lo33.
gallbladder burst
ADV
va13
pig
bi55se21 21
ndu21 pi13
gallbladder 3P SG beat
burst
13.
SEND
snow melt
ADV
melt
then
water get
go13.
DEM:MED bent
kV3 *i33to13.
DEM:MED bend
turn
do13
zo21.
3P SG poisened endure
mo55
su21 le55
to13.
poison
oneself
then
torn
ADV
mbu33 go21
3PSG clothes
IP SG
le55
ki33 13.
PASS
tear
SEND
*^33 pi21
afraid
ipi33.
3P SG afraid
am afraid of him/her/
jfc*>33
pje13.
frighten
very
170
Matthias Gerner
Complex
thY55
'appear*
'reveal'
tco13
'cause someone to go across*
'go across'
'come out*
'set free*
dV
tV5
Figure 14: Pairs with controlled simplex verb of movement
Below are provided examples. The complex verb^o 13 'cause someone to
go across' in (32b) manifests a restriction of usage in that it must co-occur
with the polysemous verb ^V 55 'set free, allow' in a serial verb construction.
(31) (a) rja33 ga55
bird
kV3
DEM:DIST CL
jo13mu33
<\?55
lo33.
oneself
come out
ADV
kV 3 <?i21
DEM:DIST CL
ihv55
3P SG
13.
that side
lr55.
go
921
t*50*3
ma55
ctau55.
willing
Complex
'hear'
iCO33
'hear, understand'
tu55
Figure 15: Pairs of the 'hear' / 'tell' type
cUo33
du55nu13
11
There are also pairs that fail to fully qualify for a simplex-complex pair. They
devoice the initial consonant but do not display a causative meaning. These pairs
include ,33 'estimate' /fact33 'calculate' and nde33 'equip' / te33 'put on'.
Brought to you by | University of Sussex
Authenticated | 172.16.1.226
Download Date | 8/7/12 7:38 PM
172
Matthias Gerner
^ 1 21 too33.
ARTrPROX yesterday
IP SG get
hear
aunt
55
i^o33.
word
tell
a33ma33 du55nu13.
mother
21
(b) go21 Io.21_13
pi
1PSG story
hear
hl 55 Q I 21
say
55
3P SG tell
Complex
ftl 3
'dress someone with clothes'
ti13
'dress' (for hat, gloves, shoes)
ku55
'cover' (with cloth or clothes)
As stated in part at the start of section 4, the labels A and are the macro-roles
inspired from Dixon (1979,1994). The abbreviation B stands for 'beneficiary'.
Brought to you by | University of Sussex
Authenticated | 172.16.1.226
Download Date | 8/7/12 7:38 PM
173
simplex verb gu55 'cover' in (37a) the covering entity is not marked with any
particle or preposition.
(35)
(a) Ci21
3PSG
mbu33
garment
beautiful
NUM:1 CL
wear
,2133
morning
4?i55 a33ma33
all
mother
Qi21
mo55tsi33 di13.
3P SG
hat
wear
th'55Je21
friend
hat
PAT
ti13.
3P SG dress
<?i21
mbu33 ma21
gu55.
3P SG
clothes
covered
NEG
a33ma33
mother
cloth
pull
ku55.
3P SG cover
174
Matthias Gerner
eat
(b) Qi 21
DP
3P SG
eat food.'
(39) (a) na21 ijcfe
2PSG wine
ndD21 ndo33?
drink
ride
PREP
PAT
child
feed
mu33 zi21
3P SG horse
c
water
tD21.
let drink
jtV3rjga13.
go to street market
(b) d 21
drink
dze33 kr55
1PSG horse
C
food
3P SG
tse33
JLi21.
In this section I propose that the causative verbs in the Yi group (and
beyond) have come into existence through a motivated (not blind) process of
lexicalization. The argumentation proceeds as follows. In subsection 5.1, I
show with statistics that the causative verb pairs have developed through a
motivated process of phonetic and semantic change. In subsection 5.2, I
propose an incremental lexicalization path for the devoicing-causation
correlation.
Js
"3
<
B abial
1 f I ! 1 .^ i l l I
u-,
0
<
"C
:gv
Stops
Labio-dental
Fricatives
Alveolar
Stops
13
1[1] 3
Lateral
0[1] 0
0[1] 0
Retroflex
Stops
10
0[1] 0
Alvelo-palatal Stops
Velar
"5
1[1] 0[2] 1
0[3] 1
0[2] 2
*j
2[2]
53[1]
1[2]
15(1]
15[3]
18[7]
Nasals
Fricatives
Stops
0 1 3
Total-
23
42
6[1] 2[7] 7
10
11[2] 8
4[1] 3[3] 12
128[14]
Figure 18: Statistics of attested causative pairs across the phonetic spectre in the Yi
Group
The process would be assimilative in the sense that the majority of targeted verbs
share with the PTB prefix *s- the same place of articulation.
Brought to you by | University of Sussex
Authenticated | 172.16.1.226
Download Date | 8/7/12 7:38 PM
176
Matthias Gerner
the semantics of the target simplex verbs as well. In figure 19,1 have counted
the number of causative pairs in Weining Neasu in dependence of the
semantic categories employed in section 4, i.e. the type of valency extension
(1 > 2 or 2 > 3), whether the main argument exerts control over the
situation and finally the Aktionsart of the situation referred to by the simplex
verb (state, process or action).
Valency Extension Control of S/A
Situation Type
Number of Pairs
l->2
State
[- control]
7
l->2
Process
24
[- control]
l->2
Action
[+ control]
3
2-^3
State
2
[- control]
2->3
State
[+ control]
3
Action
JL 7 J
[+
[ T control]
V^UIILIUIJ
-OX.UU11
3J
2-3
Figure 19: Statistics of attested causative pairs across the semantic spectre in
Weining Neasu
It is striking that intransitive verbs (34/42) have been the target of the
lexicalization process much more often than monotransitive verbs (8/42).
However, the more sensible parameter for the lexicalization process is [
control]. In Weining Neasu, 33 simplex verbs refer to uncontrolled situations
and 9 to controlled situations. Especially uncontrolled intransitive processes
(24/42) have been the target of the proposed lexicalization process. This basic
statistical distribution reflects a cross-linguistic tendency of (at least certain
forms of) causatives not to apply to verbs in an iterative fashion (cf. Dixon
2000: 59). As control verbs already express some kind of manipulation or
causation, it is not surprising that they had been less targeted by the
devoicing process. On the other hand, non-control verbs encode a low
degree of causation and the devoicing process more likely seeks out such
verbs as it reacts less to their inherent semantics. I claim therefore that the
semantic nature of the simplex verb has also been a decisive factor for the
selective process of devoicing these verbs have undergone.
177
178
Matthias Gerner
syllabic verbs from Weining Neasu, which have not been sought out by the
process of legalization: intransitive verbs with a voiceless initial and
mono/ditransitive verbs with a voiced initial.
Voiceless initial-low transitivity
t$hu55 'become bad' (intransitive)
<?e55
'drown' (intransitive)
te 2 1
'run' (intransitive)
On the other hand, voiced-initial verbs are the only candidates that may
undergo the process of devoicing/causation as described in the previous
sections. During this process of lexicalization, predominantly non-control
verbs have been aimed at. For a few verbs, aspiration is a secondary process,
which goes along with the devoicing process.
Step 3 (supra-segmental processes as the only valency-increasing strategy
in Proto-Loloish (PL)): Burmese-Lolo languages consist of Burmish and of
Loloish languages (Bradley 1997: 38). Zaiwa as Burmish language (see step 2)
has a mix of segmental and supra-segmental means to derive causative verbs.
In languages of the Loloish subbranch, the causative prefix attested in
Burmish and other TB languages has completely disappeared and suprasegmental processes on a narrow range of verbs appear to be the sole vestiges
of this formerly productive process. The number of simplex/complex verbs
varies between one or two (Luoping Nase has, in addition, a number of
ambitransitive verbs) and 45 (Weining Neasu); all pairs belong to the section
of basic vocabulary.
6. Conclusion
The current contribution offers a new account for a phenomenon that was
otherwise recognized some 40 years ago (cf. Chen Shilin et al. 1962). It
reports with pan-Yi data on a lexicalization process in a portion of the
Tibeto-Burman family whereby a verb with voiced initial consonant derives
a causative form by devoicing the consonant. It demonstrates with statistical
figures that the phonetic and semantic changes these verbs underwent are
not arbitrary but motivated. This paper contrasts with earlier accounts,
Brought to you by | University of Sussex
Authenticated | 172.16.1.226
Download Date | 8/7/12 7:38 PM
179
180
Matthias Gerner
Language
Location
Number of
References
Speakers
Liangshan Nuosu China/Sichuan/Liangshan
2.2 Million
China/Yunnan/Lij iang/Ninglang
@ Weining Neasu
China/Guizhou/Bijie/Weining, Hezhang,
Nayong, Zhijin
China/Guizhou/Liupanshui/Shuicheng
Longlin Ngopho
Luoping Nase
Shizong Kopho
Fu ([1950] 1997)
China/Guangxi/Baise/Longlin;
China/G uizhou/Liupanshui/Pan
300,000600,000
10,000-40,000
China/Yunnan/Qujing/Luoping
China/Yunnan/Qujing/Luoping, Fuyuan,
100,000-
300,000
China/Guizhou/Liupanshui/Pan
China/Yunnan/Qujing/Shizong, Luliang;
20,000-40,000
China/Yunnan/Honghe/Luxi, Me
China/Yunnan/Kunming/Shilin
Me Axi
China/Yunnan/Honghe/Me, Luxi
ca. 82,000
China/Yunnan/Wenshan/Qiubei
Me Azhee
Gejiu Nesu
Liotard
(1909,1911)
China/Yunnan/Honghe/Me
China/Yunnan/Honghe/Gejiu, Jinping,
ca. 60,000
ca. 370,000
Weishan Lalo
Jianshui, Lchun
China/Yunnan/Dali/Weishan,
Nanjian
565,000
Yongren Lolo
Wuding Aluphu
China/Yunnan/Chuxiong/Yongren, Dayao
China/Yunnan/Chuxiong/Wuding, Luquan
50,000-150,000
ca. 41,000
Bjrverud
(1998)
Laos
Weining Neasu
Longlln Ngopho
= Mile Azhee
Luoping Nase
44 Gejiu Nesu
182
Matthias Gerner
List of abbreviations
IP PL
1PSG
2PSG
3PSG
ADV
ART
ARTiPROX
BEN
CL
cov
COV:point to
DUR
DEM
DEM:DIST
DEM:MED
DEM:PROX
DP
FIX
IMP
LOG
LOC:on
NEG
NUM
NUM:9
PASS
PAT
PREP
SEND:away
STP
References
Anttila, Raimo (1989[1972]). Historical and Comparative Linguistics (Current Issues
in Linguistic Theory 6). Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Bauer, Laurie (1978). On lexicalization (neither a lexicalist nor a transformationalist
be). Archivum Linguisticum 9, 3-14.
Benedict, P.K. (1972). Sino-Tibetan: A conspectus (James Matisoff, contributing
editor). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Bjrverud, Susanna (1998). A grammar ofLalo. Ph.D. dissertation. Lund University.
184
Matthias Gerner
Fu, Maoji (1997 [1950]). A descriptive grammar of Lolo. (Ph. D. Thesis August 1950,
Cambridge University.) Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area, 20(1), 1-227.
Hopper, Paul (1990). Where do words come from? In Studies in Typology and
Diachrony: Papers Presented to Jospeh H. Greenberg on his 75th Birthday
185