Indoeuropean

On Indo-European Roads
Lenka Dokalov & Vclav Blazek

Department of Linguistics and Baltic Studies
Masaryk University, Brno
Czech Republic
85594@mail.muni.cz and blazek@phil.muni.cz
In this article the Indo-European terms designating road

and related terms, namely path/pathway/foothpath,
sidewalk, way, trajectory/course, route, street,
track, trail, ford, (foot)bridge, are summarized and
analyzed from the point of view of their semantics, wordformation, and etymology. Most of them are derived from
the verbs of motion, others can be explained from their
technology, material or means of transport for which these
roads were determined. At least in two cases the external
parallels confirm the older, inherited, age of the analyzed
terms (*b hrodho-, *d hregh-).
Perhaps no other word in any language, living or

dead, has, despite geographical and cultural circumstances,
such a multifarious meaning in the sense connection from
one place to another as the word way or road does. We
use it quite explicitly when describing a connection from a
point A to a point B, whether speaking about microscopic
distances in the human brain or about a connection
between galaxies. Way even has a transferred meaning
by which we express a plan or series of actions that will
help us achieve something.
If we consider only Czech, it is possible to count here
no fewer than eight words with the meaning path or
with related meanings. Besides cesta road with the most
general meaning, there are also the words psina
pathway, stezka footpath and chodnk sidewalk on the
one hand, and the words drha trajectory, course, trat
route, line, silnice road, vozovka road for cars and ulice
street on the other. The original Slavic generic term
*pt" has acquired a somewhat transferred meaning in
Modern Czech, although even that must not be forgotten.
Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011
300
Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek
One can also regard most bridge as a specific path getting

over obstacles that are larger rather than smaller. And
when its smaller sister lvka footbridge is not at hand,
there is still brod ford.
Let us now examine, from the etymological point of
view, thought strategies that have led toward the
introduction of all members of the semantic field path in
all branches of the Indo-European languages:
Slavic Languages
*brod ford > ChS. brod , Bulg., Mac. brod, SCr. brd,
gen. br`da, Sln. brd, also harbor, ferry, barge, Slk., Cz.,
LSorb. brod, USorb. brd, PomSln. br d, Pol. brd, gen.
brodu, OUkr., OR. brod , also way, gateway, R., Brus. brod,
Ukr. brid, gen. brdu id. (ESSJ 3, 3637); derived from the
Slavic verb *bred/*br" d: *brest to wade > ChS. bresti
vado transire, Sln. brdem : brsti to wade, Slk. brd :
bQst, OCz. brdu/b du/b edu : b sti, Plb. 3. sg. brad, PomSln.
brad:
brasc,
Ukr. bred : brest id., R. bred : brest to go
slowly in a determined direction (ESSJ 3, 1415). The
closest relatives appear in Baltic languages: Lit. brdas
fishnet, bras(tv) ford : bred, ELit. brend, brida, brsti
to wade, Latv. brist, iterative bradt, bradt id.; cp. also Lit.
hydronym Brades (Fraenkel 196265, 58). Other parallels
have been found in Alb. breth, aor. brodha to jump,
originally evidently to overstep < IE. *bh redh - (Pokorny
1959, 164; LIV 91). A more problematic comparison is with
Gr. porymw crossing, ferry; gulf which, according to
Grassmanns law, might reflect *bh ordh mo-, but it is
generally identified with the verb prow gate-way,
crossing, wade, way, street, ride et al., all from the verb
perv I pierce, I drill, I penetrate (Frisk II, 491). The
classification of some toponyms is uncertain: Thr. Burdapa, Bourto-dezon (Georgiev 1981, 113), Messap. (South
Italy) Bradanus (see ESSJ 3, 37).
A deeper relationship can be traced in Afroasiatic
languages: Berber *-brd way > Ghadames abrd; Ghat
abarid; Kabyle, Shilha, Rif, Wargla et al. abrid (Kossmann
1999, 128); East Chadic: Mubi bdl, Minjile bdl, Dangla
btl way; Sem. b-d-r > Thamudic bdr id., Arab. badara to
The Journal of Indo-European Studies
301
come abruptly, to go before, Geez badara to hurry, to be

fast, to go before (Leslau 1987, 87).
*brv > *br v > Bulg. brav tree laid over a river or
brook serving as a crossing, footbridge, small bridge, SCr.
bTv bridge, Sln. bTv footbridge, OCz. b ev, gen. b vi
small bridge, footbridge, OR., RChS. br"v", br"v" beam,
Ukr. beQ, gen. bervy small bridge, beam over a brook.
Related is *br va > SCr. b`rva small bridge, footbridge,
beam laid across water, Pol. bierzwa beam, R. dial. berv
dike in shore, Ukr. brva beam, small bridge (ESSJ 3,
71). The closest parallels appear in Gmc. *bruwwj and
Gaul. briua bridge (Pokorny 1959, 173).
*csta > SCr. c`sta, Sln. csta, OCz. csta, Cz., Slk.
cesta, Cz. > Pol. cesta way, probably from the original idiom
*csta dorga cleared, i.e. carved way, cp. also the verb
*cstiti to clear space > OChS. ocstiti to clear, RChS.
cstiti id., from *koisto; related is also S. *ist clean
(*keisto) and even perhaps Lit. kisti to scrape, to abrade,
to smooth back (Sarapatkov & Havlov, ESJS 2, 94; ESSJ
3, 188; Kolomiec 1986, 10001; Kurkina 1971, 93) as well.
*dorga > Mac. draga, SCr. draga, Sln. drga, Slk., Cz.
drha, USorb. droha, LSorb., Pol. droga, PomSln. droga,
RChSl dorga, Brus. darha, Ukr. dorha way, route

(ZVSZ 95; ESSJ 5, 7475). In Slavic, it tends to be
connected with the verb *d" rgati to drag, to tug, to pull;
Lit. drginti to inspire, to irritate; OEng. tergan to tug, to
pull (ESSJ 5, 221). Sematically, the IE. root *dh regh continues in Gr. trxv I run, aor. yreja, trxow
running, troxw wheel = *runner, Got. -dragan to
carry, ON. draga to drag through, to go (LIV 154). The
Afroasiatic parallels are remarkable: Sem. d-r-g > Akkad.
daraggu path, Hebr. madrgh path in rocks, Aram. drg
stairs, Syr. darg tramp, motion, grade, Arab. daraa to
go, to stroll, dara way, path, Harsusi derget tramp, walk,
motion, Soqotri darga id., grade, Amhara, Gurage dr
rank, order (DRS 30809); NEgypt. dg3 to go (Wb. V,
499)
*gat f. & *gat m. > SCr. m. gt dike, Sln. m. gt
wattle, road strengthened with entwined osiers, Slk. hat
dike, pound, Cz. hat road strengthened with entwined
302
osiers, USorb. m. hat, LSorb. m. gat pond, Pol. gac,

provisory bridge, Brus. hc wattle, R. gat,
PomSln. gac
Ukr. htka, dial. hat dike (ZVSZ 11112; ESSJ 6, 108
09). Alb. gos hole filled with water (Orel 1998, 120) and
OI. gt- gate-way, way, Av. gatu- place are related. The
basis is the verbal root *gueH2- to move by foot (LIV 205).
*gaz > Bulg. gaza, Mac. dial. gaz hollow place in a
river, ford, SCr. gaz ford, Sln. gz, gza, gazna footpath
in snow, course; cp. Sln. gziti to wade through mud,
snow; Brus. haz ford (Kurkina 1971, 95; ESSJ 6, 11314;
Trubaev 1974, 2227). Of Slavic origin is also Hung. gz
ford, gzolni to wade (Trubaev 1974, 24). Kmmel
(LIV 183) and Snoj (2003, 169) think about an East IE.
root *gegh - > OI. ghate it enters, steps into water, durgha- hard to go through, Chwarezm. gz- to run, hurry,
S. *gaziti to wade. A comparison by Lidn with Arm. kacan
footpath (1906, 73; see Trubaev 1974, 24) implies nonaspirated *-g-. Lit. gzti to pour out, overthrow; to clumsily
step over, Latv. gzt to pour, rain heavily, beat, bang
(Fraenkel 196265, 162) can reflect an aspirated as well as
non-aspirated palatal velar.
*xod nik > SCr. hodnik place longer than it is wide,
or even circumscribed by a wall from one or both sides,
Sln. hodnik corridor, a way through, Cz. chodnk road for
pedestrians (documented since the 16th century), Pol.
chodnik id.; from the verb *xoditi, perf. *s" d o chodit
(Kurkina 1971, 96; ESSJ 8, 4849, 53). Related is Gr. dw
road, street, ride, march, walk < *sod-, cp. OI. -sad- to
step into, to go there, Av. apa-had- to leave, to withdraw,
to evade. S. *x-/*s- is explained by deprefixation from *s
according to the RUKI law.
*koln c > SCr. klnac narrow passage, in Cr. also
narrow cleft; notch, Sln. klnec road running steeply
upward, dial. street (ESSJ 10, 140); apparently related is
also Lat. callis narrow mountain footpath, path to pasture,
mountain pastures (Walde & Hofmann 1938, 140) <
*kol(8)ni-, from the verb *kelH- to rise above, lean out
(LIV 349). Trubaev (ESSJ 10, 140) prefers a pure Slavic
etymology based on the word *kol pile.
*lava > Bulg. lvica bench, Sln. lva small
cupboard, Cz. lvka vs. bench, USorb. & LSorb. lawa, Plb.
303
lov bench; footpath through marshes, Pol. lawa, lawka,

PomSln. lva, R. lva & lvka, Ukr., Brus. lva footbridge
(ESSJ 5255). Closest is Lit. lva plank-bed, bed, lovs
ravine, bed, Latv. lva bunk, bench (Fraenkel 196265,
387). Further relationship is dubious; usually, the verb
*leuH- to cut off is considered, cp. OI. lva- cut-off, a
cut-off piece (LIV 417; Pokorny 1959, 68182).
*laz > Bulg. las field at the place of a cleared or
burned-off forest, Mac. laz burned-off place, SCr. l`z
not a large place where a lot of trees were cleared, Sln.
l`z non-wooded area in a forest, new pasture, Slk. laz
mountain village with houses on a cliff, Cz. laz, lz
cleared, flat area (in mountains), USorb. laz pasture;
plain, Pol. laz footpath in mountains; pasture, PomSln.
lz a slow-walking person, R. arch. laz footpath used by
wild animals, Ukr. laz wood passage of animals, Brus. laz
passage (Kurkina 1971, 93; Vasmer II, 44849; ESSJ 14,
7276). Formally, it could be a derivate for the S. verb *lz
: *laziti to crawl, although the semantic development is
not clear (to crawl footpath of animals?).
*most > OChS. most, Bulg., Mac. most, SCr. mst, Sln.
mst, Slk., Cz. most, USorb. & LSorb. mst bridge, Plb. mst
dike, fascine, Pol., PomSln. most bridge, OR. most also
dike, dam, R. most, gen. msta, dialectically also floor,
Brus. most bridge over a river; floor, Ukr. mist, gen. mstu
id. (Vasmer II, 663; ESSJ 20, 3033). There are two
etymologies: (i) adoption of the Gmc. word *masta- which
is recorded in OHG. mast bar, pole, mast, OEng. mst id.;
cp. also Ir. maide wand, stick < *mazdios, Lat. mlus pole,
mast < *mazdos? (Vasmer II, 662). Mann (1963, 167)
further added Arm. muyt bar, pillar. It is possible to
regard the S. word as a regular continuant of IE. *mazdonly if the form *mazd-to- is assumed as the source. (ii)
*mostos < *mot-tos, from the S. verb *motat " to roll, wind
up or *mesti (Brckner, 1928, 626; 42, 127; Janko, 1930
1931, 347). Each of the etymologies represents a particular
method of building a bridge: (i) a bridge in the shape of a
trunk; (ii) a suspension bridge or a dike (see ESSJ 8, 491).
*prt & *prtina > SCr., Sln. pTt footpath in snow,
Cz. prt sheep footpath, Pol. pyrc mountain footpath for
sheep, Ukr. (Carpathians) pert pathway through which
304
the cattle are run & Bulg. prtna, Mac. prtina, SCr. prtna,
p`rtina track in snow; from the verb *perti to wash, also
to trample, to go (Kurkina 1971, 95) < IE. *per- to cross,
go through, penetrate (Pokorny 1959, 81617; LIV 472).
*pt > OChS. pt", Bulg. pt, Mac. pat, SCr. pt, Sln.
pt path, Slk. pt, Cz. pout, USorb. puc, LSorb. pu
pilgrimage (also in the religious sense), Plb. pt path,
Pol. dial. pc, R. Ukr. put, Brus. puc path (R. & Ukr. also
in the sense of religious wandering) (ZVSZ 288). The
affiliation to i-stems is explained from acc. sg. *pont-M >
*pontim, similarly in Prus. pintis path, Lat. pns, gen. pontis
bridge (Beekes 1989, 11). The origin might be the root
*pent- to search (path) > Got. finpan to search, OSax.
fthi walk, etc. (Pokorny 1959, 80809; LIV 47172).
*st m. > Sln. (Central Steier, Pogorye) st
mountain footpath (Kurkina 1971, 98); other related
words can be reconstructed in the form of *stka f.: j.
soutka narrow street between houses, between a house
and the neighbors garden, Pol. dial. sutka narrow passage
between buildings; narrow town streets, Ukr. sutk narrow
passage between two buildings (Machek 1968, 568; Bezlaj
III, 294). The root vowel *o in the original *sontucorresponds to the Gmc. causative *sandjanan (Got. sandjan
to send), in constrast with the *e in the other derivates
with the meaning path: Gmc. *senpaz > OHG. sind
direction, path (Orel 2003, 318, 325), Celt. *sentupath; in Tocharian A with the long *: ont < *sntu- (see
individual entries).
*stga, st "gna, st "z"ka > OChS. st " dza footpath, st "gna
street, SCr. stza, OChS. stez, Cz. stezka, USorb. scezka,
LSorb. scazka, Pol. cieka, Brus. sczka, R. arch. stezj,
vernacular steg & stzka, Ukr. stzka footpath (ZVSZ
349). Related are Latv. staga walk, stga footpath, Got.
staiga path, Alb. shteg, pl. shtigje footpath, path (Orel
1998, 437), Gr. stoxow row, line, all from the IE. verb
*steigh - to ascend, to walk (Pokorny 1959, 101718; LIV
59394).
*tor & *tir > Cz. tor beaten path, track, Pol. tor id.,
Brus. tor cleared path, Ukr. tor track, rut, R. dial. tor
beaten, rutted path & Sln. tr f. footpath trodden in
snow, m. track, little footpath; path for cattle; from the
305
verb *terti : *t "r /*toriti to beat, cp. Lat. via trita beaten
path : ter I beat (Kurkina 1971, 94; Kolomiec 1986, 101;
Snoj 2003, 766) < *terH1- to beat (Pokorny 1959, 1071
72; LIV 63233).
*trop m. & *tropa f. > Pol. trop track, rut, OR. tropa,
R. trop, Brus. trop id., Ukr. trop, trip track from the
verb *tropat to stamp. Closest are Alb. trap ferry (Orel
1998, 462), Gr. trapw footpath, cp. also Latv. trapa
pile (Vasmer IV, 105) all from the verb *trep- to tramp,
to stamp (LIV 650; Pokorny 1959, 1094).
*ulica > CS., Bulg., Mac. ulica, SCr. ulica (also yard),
Sln. lica, Slk. ulica, Cz. ulice, USorb., LSorb. wulica, Pol.
ulica, Kash. wulca, Brus. vlica, Ukr. vlycja, R. lica
street (ZVSZ 393). Closest is Arm. owli path, course
(Olsen 1999, 442: *Hulnio-; SLA 26; 51: *uliio-); cp. in
addition Gr. aln country with caves; glen, valley, dike,
naulow river-basin; Germ. dial. (Westfalen) aul, l glen,
depression, pit, dike (Kolomiec 1986, 99).
Borrowings:
Bulg. drum road, great path, SCr. dr`m road < Gr.
drmow run, racing track, from the verb dramen to run
(Frisk I, 41415, 419); the same origin goes for Rum., Alb.
drum path (Kolomiec 1986, 97).
SCr., Sln., Cz. dial. (Moravia, 1493) trata, Slk., Cz. trat
originally a strip of ground belonging to one farm and
stretching therefrom toward the border of the public
cadaster, also a portion of meadow (Silesia), livestock
path for pasture all from MHG. trat id., from the verb
treten (Machek 1968, 649).
Baltic Languages
Lit. bras(tv) & Latv. brasls ford are derivates of a
verb attested in Lit. bred, East Lit. brend, brida, brsti to
wade, Latv. brist, iter. bradt, bradt id. (Fraenkel 196265,
58).
*eil > Latv. ela street : Lit. eil, eil(i), ail row;
from a verb attested in Lit. eti, Latv. it to go (Fraenkel
196265, 119; Buck 1949, 721).
*kelias > Lit. klias, Latv. ces path; from a verb in Lit.
306
keliuti (cp. also kelita path), Latv. ceuot to travel : Gr.

kleuyow path; primarily, however, we are dealing with a
verbal root attested in klti to rise, to move (Fraenkel
196265, 23637; Buck 1949, 717).
*lunk- > Prus. (EV 800) lonki footpath. Apparently
derived from a verb of the type Lit. lekti to bend, tilt,
hence footpath = path with many turns; cp. Prus. lunkis
angle (Maziulis III, 8081; Toporov 1990, 35153).
*pintis > Prus. (EV 799) pintis, (GrG 33) peentis, (GrA
58) pentes path (Maziulis III, 28182). The form
represents the zero ablaut grade *pto.
*takas > Lit. tkas footpath; channel; tube, Latv.
taks footpath, besides teka id.; from a verb in Lit. teketi
to
run, to flow, to course; to rise (about the Sun and Moon)
(Fraenkel 196265, 105152, 107475), cp. CS. tok run,
flow; OI. taka-, Pers. tak run < IE. *tek(u)- to run; to flow
(Buck 1949, 719; Pokorny 1959, 105960; LIV 62021).
*tiltas > Lit. tltas, Latv. tits bridge, Prus. NL
Tiltenikin, Grobe-tilten, Par-tiltenike, Prey-tilte; Balt. > Fin. silta
id. It is a verbal adj. on *-to- derived from IE. *telH-, cp.
Latv. talt to spread. Related are also Lit. tl9 bottom of a
boat; CS. t"lo base; ON. pil wall from planks, OHG. dil
id.; besides Prus. talas floor; OI. tala- surface etc. (Buck
1949, 72122; Fraenkel 196265, 109394).
Borrowings:
*gatv(ii) > Lit. gtv9 street, lane, Latv. gatva,
gat(u)ve path fenced from both sides, path for livestock,
alley, passage. Borrowed from a Germanic source such as
Got. gatwo street (Buck 1949, 721; Fraenkel 196265,
13940).
Germanic Languages
*ban > MHG. ban(e), Germ. Bahn course, path,
MDutch bane, Dutch baan (Kluge & Seebold 1999, 73).
Kluge (1975, 44) assumed the original semantics beaten
area on the basis of Germ. dial. (Westfalia) baan flat side
of hammer. Another connection is probably to be
searched in Got. banja knock, bang, ON. bane deadly
strike; Corn. bony ax (Pokorny 1959, 126).
ON. braut street from the verb brjta to break,
307
OEng. bretan, OHG. briozzan to break < *breutanan

(Schrader & Nehring II, 494; de Vries 1962, 55; Orel 2003,
56).
*bruwwj i brugj > OEng. brycg, Eng. bridge, OFris.
brigge, OSax. bruggia, OHG. brugga, MHG. brgge, brcke,
brucke bridge, ON. bryggja onshore bridge; cp. also Gmc.
Swiss Brgi dike from piles (Kluge & Seebold 1999, 138).
A nongeminated form can be documented in ON. br
bridge < *brw; of northern origin is also Laponian
bruvve (de Vries 1962, 59).
*faran > ON. far n. cart-road; track; vehicle; ship,
OEng. fr path, expedition, vehicle, ship, OHG. far
crossing, ferry derived from the verb *faran an > Got.
faran to travel, to overcome etc. (de Vries 1962, 112;
Orel 2003, 93). Beyond Germanic borders, closest is Gr.
prow passage, ford, sea strait, ride, path, street; means
(Frisk II, 491, apud perv I drill, I cut through, I
penetrate), all from the IE. root *per- to come over, to
come through (Pokorny 1959, 81617; LIV 472).
*furduz, -az > OEng., Eng. ford, OFris. forda ford,
Dutch voorde id., OSax. -ford in toponyms, OHG. furt,
Germ. Furt id., plus an n-stem OFris. forda id.; cp. Old
Welsh rit, Welsh rhyd ford; Lat. portus haven, port <
*pt-; the full ablaut grade appears in ON. fjrdr narrow
sea bay < *ferduz, all from the verb *per- to go through
(Pokorny 1959, 81617; LIV 472).
*gatwn > Got. gatwo street; NWGmc. *gatn > ON.
gata f. footpath, lane between two fences, Norwegian &
Swedish gata > Finnish katu Gasse (Setl 1913, 380),
Saami of Sweden gato, Hammer gahtton street (Qvigstad
1893, 166); MLG. gate side lane, street, course, OHG.
gazza side lane, Germ. Gasse street. Probably related are
Gmc. *gatan > OEng. geat gateway, gate, Eng. gate id.,
OFris. jet opening, pit, OSax. gat pit, opening, cavity,
anus; OIcel. gat pit (Falk & Torp 1909, 123; Lehmann
1986, 151). Besides the Gmc. languages, Phryg. ztna
gateway = *ztan? (Orel 2003, 128) appears as a
promising parallel.
*laid > ON. leid path, OEng. ld id. (de Vries 1962,
350); Gmc. > Finnish laita side, border; direction; way,
308
road (LGL II, 157). Derived from the Gmc. verb *lpanan
to go, to ride > Got. ga-leipan to go; ON. lda to go, to
perish, to disappear; OSax. lthan to go, to wander, to
ride etc.; also, closest is Toch. A lit- to leave, to fall down
(Pokorny 1959, 672).
*lann > OEng lanu & OEng., OFris., MDutch lane
street, corridor, way; ON ln barn; series of houses;
street (de Vries 1962, 374); Gmc. > Finnish lano corridor,
lane (LGL II, 167).
*papaz > OEng. pp, Eng. path, OFris. path, MDutch
pad & pat, Dutch pad, MLG. pat, OHG. phad, pfad, Germ.
Pfad footpath; closest is Iran. *pay- path which, due to
the irregular correspondence, can only be the source of
the Gmc. word (Falk & Torp 1909, 217; Kluge & Seebold
1999, 623).
*raid > OEng. rd ride, riding, traveling, path,
military expedition, Eng. road path, course, road (from
16th century), MDutch rd, OHG. reita carriage; military
campaign, military assault; ON. reid riding, ride, riding
command; carriage from the Gmc. verb *rdan to ride,
cp. Gaul. rda, OIr. rad ride, d-riad bigae all from the
IE. root *reidh - to ride, to move quickly (Falk & Torp
1909, 34344; Kluge & Seebold 1999, 678; Pokorny 1959,
861; LIV 502).
*senpaz, -an > OEng. sp ride, riding, path,
destination, gesp fellow (*fellow passanger), OFris.
sth, OHG. sint, MHG. sint, gen. sindes path, walk, ride;
ON. sinni n. trip, company, sinn n. time; Got. sinps
time in adv. ainamma sinpa once, twaim sinpam twice,
two times, orig. *way, ga-sinpa fellow; cp. OIr. st,
Welsh hynt path, hennydd fellow < *sentiio- besides OIr.
stig woman = *fellow (fem.) (Falk & Torp 1909, 430;
Lehmann 1986, 305).
*staig f. (a) & *stJgaz, -uz m. (b) & *stJg f. (c) > a)
Got. staiga footpath, path; the OIcel. component of
toponyms steig; OHG. steiga, MHG. steige, Germ. Steige
narrow path; b) ON. stigr & stgr pathway, MLG. stch &
stech footpath, pathway, OHG. stc & stg, MHG. stic
pathway, footpath, Gmc. Steig id., besides OHG. steg,
MHG. stec, Gmc. Steg footpath, pathway, footbridge; (c)
309
OEng. stg footpath, pathway, Dutch steeg lane from

the Gmc. verb *steigan to ascend < IE. *steigh - to walk, to
ascend (Falk & Torp 1909, 492; Kluge & Seebold 1999,
791; Pokorny 1959, 101718; LIV 593).
*wadan > OHG. wat ford, MLG. wat place that can
be used as ford, OEng. wd water, sea, gewd ford, ON.
vad ford, hollow place (de Vries 1962, 637; Orel 2003,
438). Of Germanic (Frankish) origin are It. guado, Fr. gu,
Prov. gua, Cat. gual ford (Meyer-Lbke 1935, #9120a).
The exact equivalent can be found in Lat. vadum ford.
*wegaz, -iz, -uz > Got. wigs; ON. vegr, gen. -ar & -s, Icel.
vegur, Swed. vg; OEng. weg, Eng. way, OFris. wei, OSax.,
Dutch. weg, OHG. wec, weg, MHG. wec, gen. weges, Germ.
Weg path, road; cp. Lit. vz rut of a carriage or sleigh <
*ughii; Lat. via path all from the IE. root *uegh - to
carry (Falk & Torp 1909, 382; Kluge & Seebold 1999, 878;
Pokorny 1959, 111820; LIV 661).
Borrowings:
Got. plapja street, road borrowed from Lat. platea
or directly from Gr. platea (dw) wide (path). The
second -p- is usually explained by assimilation to the first p-,
which, however, does not have any parallel. Many linguists
think it is a clerical error P for TT (Lehmann 1986, 272).
WGmc. *strt[] > OEng. strt, Eng. street, OFris.
strte, OSax. strta, OHG. strza, Gmc. Strasse street
borrowed from Lat. [via] strta, from the verb sternere :
strtum to spread, cp. Cz. silnice (big) road : siln
strong (Kluge & Seebold 1999, 800).
Celtic Languages
OIr. th m., gen. tho, pl. thai ford, ferry, crossing,
gl. uadum < *itu-; cf. OI. yti rides, Lit. jti ride (LEIA
A99; Matasovic 2009, 435). De Bernardo Stempel (1999,
290, note 51) points to the synonym *ritu- < *ptusimilarly formed with the suffix *-tu- (nomina rei actae).
OIr. belach n., gen. belaig narrow pass, path, footpath
(LEIA B29) is perhaps related to Middle Welsh. bala
outflow of a river from a lake which could reflect Brython
*balago-. It is then possible to project all of them to the IE.
source *guelH-g(h)o- or *guH2-eg(h)o- (Schrijver 1995, 7677)
310
where *guelH- means to spring, to drop etc.

OIr. bthar path, originally probably livestock
footpath or pen, cp. b cow, stallion (Pedersen II, 51;
Buck 1949, 718). ORahilly (1950, 160) proposed a
beguiling etymology in the form of the compound *bouitro- where the second component would correspond to
Lat. iter. Hamp (2001[03], 153) finds support for this
interpretion in the typonym Oxgangs near Edinburgh.
However, Vendryes pointed to Welsh dial. (Pembroke)
word meidir from f. meud(y)r crossroad, with the oldest
records from 1531 y veydyr, and from 1600 arian y vidir
pecuniae viae to which Old Welsh *boudr < *guou-tr is to
correspond (LEIA B 7475). In that case, the OIr. word
would not be a compound, but an agent noun. It was
rejected by Hamp (1994b, 172) who showed that the
Welsh word reflects Brython *bouVtr which could be
interpreted as a neuter plural, i.e. as a collective to the
proto-form *guou-itro-.
Gaul. briua gl. ponte (glossary from Vienne) = *bru
< *bru, cp. the inhabitant-name word briuatiom in an
inscription from Naintre representing gen. pl. of *brutis
inhabitant from Bridge. The form is spread among
toponyms from Gaul: Briva Sarta > Brissarthe, Brivo-durum >
Briare, Caro-briva > Chabris; and even from Britain: Durobriuae, Duroco-briuis etc. Of the same origin could be
Lepont. pruiam from the inscription in Vergiate which is
supposed to reflect acc. sg. from nom. *bruvi (Delamarre
2001, 76; Matasovic 2009, 79 reconstructs the ablauting IE
paradigm: nom. sg. *bh rH1us > Gmc. *brw > ON. br,
gen. sg. *bh H1uos, acc. sg. *bh reH1um, with vocalism
generalized in Gaulish).
Gaul.-Lat. (7th cent.) cammnus path, street, road >
Sp. camino, Cat. cam, Fr. chemin, It. cammino, derived by
means of the Lat. suffix -nus from a Celtic verb attested in
OIr. cingim I walk. Delamarre (2001, 85) and Matasovic
(2009, 18889) propose the following development: *kgsm > kangsman- > *kamman-. The last reconstruction is
confirmed by the Celtiberian form kamanom from Botorrita
(Wodtko 2000, 155). Cp. in addition Celt. *kamman > OIr.
cimm, dat. cimmim walk, step, Welsh cam id., footprint,
track, Old Welsh pl. cemmein gl. in gradibus.
311
Welsh carrynt path, course < carr carriage & hynt

path (Pokorny 1959, 908).
OIr. older casn m. little footpath, Ir. cossn id.
from OIr. coss leg (LEIA C45).
OIr. conar f. (-stem) path, footpath (conaraib gl.
semitis), also expedition; way, means, method. Pedersen
(II, 51) considered the semantic source path of dogs,
analogically to bthar path, literally path of livestock. If
we take into account that the most common motivation for
names of paths and footpath is a verb denoting some
movement, it is possible to consider a similar source. A
possibility is Gr. gkonv I hurry, I indulge (Il.), also in
Hesychius knei : spede, trxe, i.e. hurries, runs, konarw
active, strong, huge, rash (Frisk I, 439) which are usually
connected with Lat. cnor, -r to try, to endeavour, Celt.
*kn- > Middle Welsh. digoni to do, dichawn, digawn
(he) can (Pokorny 1959, 564; LIV 352: *kenH1-;
Matasovic 2009, 183: otherwise).
OIr. drochet bridge, drochat gl. pons, Ir. droichead
Pedersen (II, 47) derives it from the proto-form *drukanto- and compares it with OEng. trog trough, washing
trunk, provided that both are artifacts made from wood.
Hamp (1982, 14446) rehabilitates the traditional
etymology assuming an original compound droch wheel &
st path, although st is originally a u-stem, whereas
drochet represents an o-stem (see LEIA D199).
Bret. gwenodenn footpath probably related to gwen
flexible, supple, MBret. guezn id., Welsh gwydn
persistent, resistant, hence perhaps path with many
turns (Henry 1900, 151; Buck 1949, 719); on the
semantics see Prus. lonki footpath.
OIr. ol ~ el m. direction, right path, information,
history < *i-tlo- (de Bernardo Stempel 1999, 302, note
121).
Welsh llwybr footpath according to Jones
(1913[30], 127) perhaps from the IE. root *leiku- to leave
(LIV 40607).
Bret. ravent footpath, perhaps a compound *ra-hent,
where ra denotes rope from iron chains, cp. Welsh rhaw
chain and hent path, hence rao-hent = funicular, i.e.
overhead (?) path (Henry 1900, 230; Buck 1949, 720).
312
*ritu- > OIr. NL Humar-rith (LEIA R34), OWelsh rit,

Welsh rhyd ford, OCorn. rid gl. uadum, Corn. red, OBret.
rit, ret id.; cp. OBrit. toponyms like Ande-ritum, Ritu-magos,
also Gaul. *ritu- in many toponyms like *Ambo-ritum >
Ambort, Bono-ritum > Bonnard, *Cambo-ritum > Chambord,
Chambors, Chamboret, *Nouio-ritum > Niort etc., and also e.g.
the theonym Ritona etc. (Delamarre 2001, 219). All reflect
the proto-form *ptu-, with continuants in Gmc. *furduz
ford; Lat. portus port (Matasovic 2009, 141).
*sentu- > OIr. st, acc. pl. sotu, MWelsh hynt, hint
path, pilgrimage, MCorn. hyns, Bret. hent path, cp.
OBret. scoiu-hint side passage, cp. toponyms in Britain:
Gabro-sentum, Clau-sentum, in Gallia: Sentiniacus > Sainteny,
Sento-latis > Satolas etc.; the proper name Setupokios =
*Sentu-bogios from an inscription from Briona in Northern
Italy etc.; cf. also MWelsh hennydd companion, friend, the
other, Corn. hynsa, Bret. hentez neighbor; OIr. stig
wife < *sent-k- (Schrijver 1995, 29; Delamarre 2001,
230; Matasovic 2009, 330); also, OHG. sind, OEng. sd
path, run, pilgrimage, Got. sinps to cut (Pedersen I,
138; Buck 1949, 718).
*siglo- > OIr. sol sail, quilt, bed; course, run,
therefrom also way, means, Old Welsh huil gl. velum,
Middle Welsh hwyl sail, therefrom sheet (of ships) and
path, expedition, Welsh heol street, path, run (Buck
1949, 72021); cp. Gmc. *sigla- > *segla- > OHG. segal m.,
OSax. segel, OEng. seg(e)l m./n., ON. segl n. sail (Schrijver
1995, 357; Pokorny 1959, 89596 regarded the Celt. forms
as Gmc. borrowings so that he could derive them all from
the IE. root *sek- to chop, to cut).
OIr. slige f., gen. sg. sliged path : sluicht following,
MIr. slicht track, line, course, rut (Pedersen II, 103; Buck
1949, 718). Vendryes (LEIA S13334) searched for the
origin in the verb slig- to beat, to bang, hence path =
beaten place, cf. Hittite salik- to touch, have contact
with (Matasovic 2009, 346).
Italic Languages (Latin with any special marking)
calciata [via] path marked by lime, i.e. street >
Prov. calsada street, Fr. chausse id. : Lat. calx lime > It.
calce, Fr. chaux, Prov. caus, Cat. cals id. (Meyer-Lbke 1935,
313
#1533).
callis footpath (for animals) > Sp. calle street, Cat.
call, Vegl., Rum. cale path, course (Meyer-Lbke 1935,
#1520) < *kel-ni- (see Schrijver 1991, 427, 434; de Vaan
2008, 84 derives it from Italic *kalni- or *kalsi- and admits a
connection with Lat. callum hard substance and further
with Celtic *kaleto- hard < *kH2l-). For more, see S.
*koln"c".
carrria cart-road, street > Rum. crare, OFr.
charriere, Prov. carreira (> It. carriera > Fr. carrire career),
Cat., Sp., carrera, Port. carreira (Meyer-Lbke 1935,
#1718). From Gaul.-Lat. carrus carriage < *kso-, from the
verb *kers- to run (LIV 255; Pokorny 1959, 583).
cursus course, primarily run, also ride, rush,
race, sail, etc., all from the verb curr, cucurr, cursum to
run, to hurry, to flow, to fly, etc. < *kers- to run (de Vaan
2008, 157-58; LIV 255; Pokorny 1959, 583). Rom.: Rum.
curs, It. cors, Logud. kussu, Engad. kuors, Furl. kors, Fr. cours,
Prov., Cat. cos, Sp. coso, Port. cosso run, racing course etc.
(Meyer-Lbke 1935, #2417).
iter, gen. itineris journey, route, road, march, walk;
way < Italic *eitor, gen. *iten(o)s (de Vaan 2008, 311) for
more, see Toch. A ytr, B ytrye, Hitt. itar path. Rom.: OIt.
(Milano) edre, OFr. erre path, expedition (Meyer-Lbke
1935, #4555).
pns, gen. pontis bridge, plank (for the
reconstruction of the inflection, see Schrijver 1991, 372,
379, 390 (de Vaan 2008, 480). Rom.: Rum. punte, Vegl.
puant, It., Logud. ponte, Engad. punt, Furl. puint, Fr., Prov.,
Cat. pont, Sp. puente, Port. ponte id. (Meyer-Lbke 1935,
6649).
rga wrinkle, crease (de Vaan 2008, 528-29
connects it with Lat. rgere to belch) > Rom. *ruga
street > OIt., Calabr. ruga, Campid. arruga, Fr. rue > Sp.,
Port. rua id., Rom. > NGr. ruga (Meyer-Lbke 1935,
#7426.2].
rupta [via], literally broken [path] (de Vaan 2008,
529: from Lat. rump I break open, passive past participle
ruptum) > Engad. ruota snow course, break of snow, Fr.
route path, No. Vallon rot row (Meyer-Lbke 1935,
#7452).
314
smita footpath, pathway, side path < *s(d) sideway

& *mita < me : mere to go (Walde & Hofmann II, 513),
from the IE. root *mei- to change, to pass (LIV 426).
Rom.: It. dial. (Bergamo) senda, (Milano) senta, Logud.
smida, Engad. semda, Furl. smide, OFr. sente, Fr. sentier,
Prov., Cat., Sp., Port. senda footpath, pathway (MeyerLbke 1935, #7813).
trmes, gen. trmitis footpath, pathway, side or wood
path; run < *tr(ns) through & *mita < me : mere to
go (Walde & Hofmann II, 699). Rom.: It. trame, trmite,
Sp., Port. trmite id. (Meyer-Lbke 1935, #8848).
vadum ford together with the verb vadre to
wade they are related to the verb vdere to advance and
reflect therefore the ablaut *u2 dh - : *ueH2 dh - (Schrijver
1991, 170, 339; de Vaan 2008, 650). Other related forms
also in the zero ablaut grade can be found in Gmc. *wadan
ford and the verb *wadanan to go, to wade (over), Arm.
gam I come (Pokorny 1959, 1109). Schrijver (1991, 170)
also adds Welsh go-di-wawd to overrun. Rom.: Rum. vad,
Sic. vadu crack in a wall, Calabr. varu, Campid. bau ford,
Sp. vado, Port. vao id. (Meyer-Lbke 1935, #9120a).
via path (for riding), course, road; way, means, Umb.
abl. sg. uia, via, vea, South Picenian acc. sg. vam, Osc.
nom. sg. v, acc. sg. vam, loc. sg. va path. This Italic
isogloss could be etymologized in two ways: a) *ueif1-i
from the IE. root *ueiH1- to try, to endeavour (Pokorny
1959, 1124); b) *uegh -i from the IE. root *uegh - to carry
(Pokorny 1959, 111820). The second etymology is
supported by the form veham viam recorded as dialectal by
Varro (RR I, 2.14); see Untermann 2000, 860-61, while de
Vaan 2008, 673 interprets e in veham and in Paulus ex. F.
veia waggon as the Vulgar Latin lowering, continuing in
It. veggia waggon; barrel. Rom.: It. via, Logud. bia, Engad.
via, Furl. vie, Fr. voie, Prov., Cat., Sp., Port. via id. (MeyerLbke 1935, #9295).
vcus street, primarily village, settlement, row of
houses, also block of flats < *uoiko- inhibited area
(Pokorny 1959, 1131). Rom.: It. vico street (Meyer-Lbke
1935, #9318).
315
Borrowings:
plata street, avenue, road; public place < Gr.
platea (dw) wide (path) (Walde & Hofmann II, 319),
cp. Cz. silnice : siln strong. The word continues in
Romance languages: It. piazza, Fr. place, Sp. plaza, also
OEng. pltse, Germ. Platz and even Church Slavic ploa
place where fairs are held (Lehmann 1986, 272).
Albanian and Palaeo-Balkan Languages
kapth, pl. kaptha (mountain) footpath < *kopto-.
Related are Lit. kpas drain, besides kop, Latv. kpa
dune, dike, all from the IE. verb *kep- (Orel 1998, 170),
cp. Lit. kapti, Latv. kapt to chop, to splinter and OChS.
kopaj : kopati to kick (Pokorny 1959, 932).
shteg, pl. shtigje path, footpath < *stoigh o-. Related are
Latv. staga walk, stga footpath, Got. staiga path (Orel
1998, 437), Gr. stoxow row, line, all from the IE. verb
*steigh - to walk (Pokorny 1959, 1017; LIV 59394).
udhj path < *uodh from the verb *uedh - to lead
(Hamp 1965, 138) or *uogh from the verb *uegh - to carry
(Meyer 1895, 455). Orel (1998, 48283) reconstructs for
udh also the proto-form *uodh which he, however,
derives from the verb *uedh - to beat, cp. S. *tropa
footpath : *trepati to beat, to bang, cp. also OSax.
thravon to trot, to gallop.
ur, pl. ura bridge < *uor, cp. ON. vr row of
stones, ver dike, etc. (Orel 1998, 488), all from the IE.
verb *uer-. Noteworthy is an observation by Baric who sees
the same root in Gr. gfura, Dor. dfura, Aeol. bfura
bridge and Arm. kamowr bridge (Baric cit. after Orel,
l.c.).
Borrowings:
prevj, pl. preva open path, ford < Lat. prvum iter
private path (Orel 1998, 344).
rav, pl. rava footpath (in mountains or snow) < S.
*rov dike (Orel 1998, 366).
rrug street < Rom. *rga id. (Orel 1998, 390).
torua ~ torue, pl. toronj secret footpath, track < S. pl.
*torove footpaths, tracks (Orel 1998, 460 after Jokl, Slavia
13, 302).
316
va ford < Lat. vadum ford (Orel 1998, 491).

vig, pl. vigj(e) footbridge; coffin, a stretcher upon a
corpse is carried perhaps from Lat. vcus street (Meyer
1895, 472).
Hellenic Languages
trapw (Herodotus), tarpw (Il.) footpath < *H1tp-, cp. trapv I press, in fact I tread down, troponto :
ptoun (Hesychius) were treading, cf. S. *trop & *tropa
above (Pokorny 1959, 1094; Frisk II, 18081; Beekes 2010,
164 prefers a substratum origin for both Slavic and Greek
forms).
dibasiw passage, crossing; ford; bridge = di
through, by means of & bsiw step, motion, walk; base <
*g uM-ti- (Frisk I, 383, 209).
drmow run, running course, from the verb dramen
to run (Frisk I, 41415, 419). The word can be identified
already in Mycenaean masculine names from Pylos do-rome-u = Drome (Aura Jorro 1985, 191). It is possible to
reconstruct for ancient Macedonian the word *draimos ~
*dramios path (*dmios) on the basis of a name of the
town 'An-draimow usually glossed as 'Ennado, i.e. nine
paths (Georgiev 1981, 120). All from the verbal root
*drem-, cf. OI. dramati (lex) he runs; OEng. trem
footstep (LIV 128; Beekes 2010, 351).
Ion., Att. gfura, Boiot. bfura, Cret. dfura
bridge, Laconian dfora : gfura (Hesych.). More
interesting is Hesychius gloss (in acc. pl.) boufraw :
gefraw, this time without an origin given, which should,
however (considering the origin in the Greek alphabet),
be corrected to *bouforaw (Schmidt 1867, 318). The
probable nom. sg. *boufora could be without any problem
interpreted as carrying the cattle. A similar paraphrasis
can probably be found in OIr. bthar path, provided that
it reflects the compound *bou-itro- footpath for cattle, cp.
b cow, bull and Lat. iter (ORahilly 1950, 160; Hamp
2001[03], 153). It is reasonable then to consider whether
even the other forms do not represent the same
compound. An alleged proto-form *guephro would make
317
more sense, if we assume a vowel metathesis from *guphero. It is only in the position before * that the preGreek labiovelar retains its velar realization even in the
the classical era, although even here the power of analogy
sometimes overcomes the weight of a sound law, cp. Gr.
prsbuw : Cret. preguw a superior < *preis-guu-, literally
going forward (Lejeune 1972, 4345; Frisk II, 59293). A
direct comparison with Arm. kamowr bridge involves
phonological problems (cp. Clackson 1994, 13435).
Beekes (2004; 2010, 269) thinks about a common
substrate origin, but Hatt. hamurawa- (roof) beam is
apparently connectable only with the Arm. word.
Martirosyan
(2010,
35152) adds Abkhaz-Abazin
*qw e(m)bele-ra beam over the hearth; cross-beam >
Abkhaz a-xwblare, Abaza of Tapanta qwembla, of Ashkar
qweble, which could represent a missing substratum link
between the Greek and Armenian words. Some
researchers sought the origin of i.e. *guephra in Akkad.
gisru(m) bridge, latch (Muss-Arnolt 1893, 75), whence
Hebr. gsr, Aram. gisr, Syr. gesr, Arab. isr bridge.
Apophonically, the following words are connected with
bridge: Akkad. gusru, NAssyr. gasru fallen tree trunk,
beam > Aram. g/kesr id. (Zimmern 1915, 44). The
Akkadian word itself represents rather an adaptation of
Sumer. GIS.R (von Soden I, 300, 293). And the assumed
substitution of the second radical in Semitic words by
Greek *ph is highly suspect; in fact, it is only based on a
comparison with the Semitic theonym *CAttar-(at-) >
Akkad. Istar etc. and Gr. 'Afrodth (from Iliad; missing in
Mycenaen texts) for a discussion, see West 2000[02],
135. The Greek theonym can be without any difficulty
explained as a pure IE. compound whose components
correspond to Gr. far suddenly; quick & OI. dtishining, as Witczak (1993) demonstrated.
kleuyow path, footpath, course (Il.), cp. Keleyeia
goddess of paths (an attribute of Athena in Sparta; see
Pausanias III, 12.4). Derived from the verb kelev, aor.
kelesai to bring in, to urge, to order which is itself a
derivate of klomai to bring in, to set in motion, all from
the IE. root *kel- to move (LIV 348; for Beekes 2010,
318
66869 this etymology is not convincing).

dw path, street, ride, march, walk < *sod-, cp. OI.
-sad- to step in, to go there, Av. apa-had- to leave, to
descend, to evade, OChS. xod walk, march, with x
explained by deprefixation from *s according to the RUKI
law (Beekes 2010, 104647 prefers to see in the Slavic
counterpart an Iranian loan for the absence of traces of
Winters law, i.e. the lenghtening before the voiced
unaspirated stop in Slavic).
omow a strip (of land); path, footpath < *oi-mo-, cp.
OI. -man- course, path, walk (Frisk II, 363; doubts by
Beekes 2010, 105758 who is ready to accept Sommers
reconstruction *oi-s-mo-). The word is sometimes identified
in a Mycenaen appelative in instr. pl. o-mo-pi from Knossos
(Aura Jorro 1993, 24).
ptow path, road < *pt(H)os (cp. Beekes 1985, 8;
1995, 181), whence the denominative verb patv I tread,
enter, step is apparently derived (Frisk II, 480).
pntow sea < *pont(H)os (Frisk II, 57879). The word
probably appears already in Mycenaen anthroponyms such
as po-to = Pntow (Knossos), po-te-u = Pontew (Pylos) see
Aura Jorro 1993, 163, 158.
prow passage, ford, straits, ride, path, street; means,
way, porymw crossing, straits, bay from the verb perv
I drill through, I pierce through, I penetrate (Frisk II,
491; Beekes 2010, 1163) < *per- to cross, to go through
(LIV 472).
stbow path, footpath, pathway, from the verb
stebv to trod, to ascend (Frisk II, 78182).
trbow trodden path, footpath (Hdt., Eur., Xen.)
from the verb trbv to spread; to exhaust, to be subject to
wear and tear (Frisk II, 93032).
H. Armenian Language
entac path, expedition from the verb entanam I
go, I travel. Klingenschmitt (1982, 11415) rejects the
IE. source *sento assumed by Pokorny (1959, 908), and
suggests a combination of the prefix end- to, with, on, for
and the verbal type, IE. *pt-/*ptH2- to fly (cf. also
319
Hilmarsson 1986, 26; Olsen 1999, 89, note 181).

hordan path, in hordan tal guide; from the verb
hordem I clear the road < *port-ie/o-; cp. Lat. portre
(Olsen 1999, 292, 807; SLA 26, 94).
hown, gen. hni ford it is probably a contamination
between strong cases from *pntH2-> *howndo and weak
ones from *ptH2- > *hano (Olsen 1999, 195; Martirosyan
2010, 42226). An archaic form from the era before the
change *p- > h- is preserved in Georgian pon-i bridge
(Klimov 1971, 45).
kacan footpath (SLA 26). Lidn (1906, 73)
compared it with S. *gaz ford which perhaps reflects IE.
*gegh - > OI. ghate he enters, steps up into water, durgha- hard to penetrate, Chwarezmian gz- to run, to
hurry (LIV 183). However, Arm. -c- implies non-aspirated
*-g-. Lit. gzti to pour out, to overturn; to step over
clumsily, Latv. gzt to pour, to rain heavily, to beat, to
bang (Fraenkel 196265, 162) can reflect an aspirated as
well as non-aspirated palatal velar.
kamowr bridge < *gom-urif2, cp. Lit. gomurs roof (of
the mouth) (Ritter 1996, see Olsen 1999, 66, note 137).
The traditional comparison with Gr. Hom. gfura, Dor.
dfura, Aeol. bfura bridge is acceptable only if we
assume the reconstruction of a syllabic sonant in Arm.
*guMbhurif2 as compared to *guebhurif2 see Olsen 1999, 66;
cp. also SLA 26). Then, the base would be the verbal stem
*guebh -, while the Arm. form would arise from a variant with
a nasal infix. The presence of a labial in early Armenian is
probably suggested by the Armenian loanword in Georgian
k'ip'or'i beam serving as bridge (Martirosjan apud Beekes
2004, 20). However, we also cannot rule out a substrate
origin. Beekes (2004, 20) reminds us of a comparison by
Furne (1972, 97, 223, 346, 390) with Hatt. %amuruwa
(roof) beam = Sumer. GIS.U16R (Soysal 2004, 277).
Martirosyan
(2010,
35152) adds Abkhaz-Abazin
*qw e(m)bele-ra beam over the hearth; cross-beam >
Abkhaz a-xwblare, Abaza of Tapanta qwembla, of Ashkar
qweble.
mayt footpath (i-stem) Mann (198487, 800)
finds a parallel in S. *most, although in one of his early
works (1963, 167) he connected the word mayt with S.
320
*msto place, town, Av. maeyana- dwelling etc. (cp. ESJS

8, 47071), whereas S. *most corresponds, in his opinion
(1963, 167), to the Arm. word muyt pylon, pillar.
owli path, course < *Hulnio- (Olsen 1999, 442; SLA
26; 51: *uliio-); cp. S. *ulica street, Gr. aln
countryside with caves; glen, valley, dike, naulow riverbasin, Germ. dial. (Westfalen) aul, l glen, depression,
pit, dike (Kolomiec 1986, 99).
Iranian Languages
*aduan- > OAv. aduuan-, YAv. adban- m. path,
footpath; cp. Pashto mal comrade, fellow traveller,
helper < Iran. *ham-aduan- = OI. sam-adhva- going by
the same path (Rastorgueva & delman 2000, 84).
*amaxsya-pda-, literally place for carriage > Khot.
mapa path, course, cp. Toch. B amka- carriage (Bailey
1979, 325).
Sogd. yzt = zd public place, town square, street, yzdt
= zd street, row (Gharib 1995, #2278, #2430).
*haitu- > YAv. hatu- m. dike, Khot. h bridge,
footbridge, dike, Buddh. Sogd. ytkw = *itku < *haituka
bridge, Yaghnobi tk, itk footpath, Osset. Digor. xed,
Iron xid bridge, Alan. > Georg. qid,
later xid, Hung. hd
bridge; Pashto hl- in a name of the river Hlmand = Av.

Hatumant-; Parachi h, Yidgha y ya, Sanglechi yotuk,
Shughni yd, Roshani-Bartangi (y)d, Sarikoli yyd- bridge
(Bailey 1979, 481; Morgenstierne 1974, 105).
Osset. nad path, little footpath derived from the
verb nmun to beat, hence approximately beaten [path]
(Abaev I, 147).
*pra-aiana- > Av. fraiiana- n. path, course = OI.
pryana- n. entrance, beginning (Bartholomae 1904,
989).
*gtu- > Av. gtu- m. path, but in particular place,
OPers. gyu- place, throne, M-, NPers. gh place; Iran. >
Arm. gah throne (EWAI I, 48384).
*payy -/*panth- > Av. pay-/pant- path, footpath
(Hofmann & Forrsman 1996, 125), OPers. acc. sg. payim
(Beekes 1989, 11 explains the i-stem as secondary from
321
nom. sg. *pnt-H1), Zor. MPers. pnd path, footpath; advice

= *pand, Pers. pand path, advice, MParth. (Tumshuq) pnd
footpath; advice, Khot. pande, in compounds pada path,
footpath, course, Buddh. Sogd. rd-pntk pair of roads,
kr-pd & qr-py path < *kri-payi-, literally path of an
army (Gharib 1995, #4657, 4659), Yaghnobi pt sau to
keep path, Chwarezm. pindk path, Osset. fndag path,
road < *pantka-, Digor. fnd plan, intention, will,
ftg leader, Pashto pl path, march < *payo
(Morgenstierne 1927, 56), Parachi pann path < *pantn,
Yidgha pdo, pndo, Shughni pnd, Khufi pnd, Roshani
pnd , Yazgulam pn(d), pl. penday id., Munji pdo, Sarikoli
pnd, Sanglechi panda, Wakhi v(e)dek id. (Paxalina 1975,
283; Abaev I, 445-46; Morgenstierne 1974, 56; Bailey
1979, 211). Of Iranian origin are apparently even the
following forms in Fenno-Ugric languages: Komi pad- in
the compound pad-vez crossroad, Udmurt pad-woz id.
(Permic *-d- < *-nt- regularly); Khanty pent, pnt path,
footpath (Joki 1973, 300).
*ptu- > Av. peretu- & pesu. passage, ford; crossing,
bridge (Bartholomae 1904, 897) < *pt-/*ptu- & *p|tu(Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 129). Cp. also MPers. puhr ~
puhl bridge, ford, Pers. pul bridge > Pashto pul id., Kurd.
pird, perd, per, pel, Ghilaki purd bridge (Horn 1893, 72,
#325); Pamir: Shughni pd ford, with a velar extension
Roshani-Bartangi pg, Sarikoli p wg id.; Yidgha pilf id.
reflects *pywo (Morgenstierne 1974, 53); Chwarezm. pwrt
sea < *ptu- (Humbach 1989, 195), Osset. Digor. ford,
Iron frd great river, sea, perhaps also a name of the river
Prut recorded already by Herodotus in the form Prata
(Abaev I, 48586 would expect the development *ptu- >
Osset. *fard; back vocalism represents an apparent
consequence of u-umlaut which could be assumed even for
the Chwarezmian equivalent).
*rayy ya- > Av. raiyiia- n. path, literally belonging to a
cart = OI. rathy- f. street (Bartholomae 1904, 1508).
Cp. also Sogd. ry ~ rd(h) path = *ry, Yaghnobi rt ~ rs,
Pashto lr, dial. (Waziri) lyr path (Morgenstierne 1927,
37), Ormuri r, Kurd. r, re, dial. (Dimili) ray id. (Bailey
1979, 325; Gharib 1995, #8414, 8438; Windfuhr 1989,
322
253), also MParth. (Tumsuq) rh, MPers. rh ~ lh

(MacKenzie 1971, 70), NPers. rh street, path < Iran.
*rya-, all from the word carriage, attested in YAv. raya-,
Khot. rraha-, MPers. rh(y) ~ ls, lh = OI. rtha- < *rtH2o-,
from the verb *retH2- to run, cp. OIr. rethim I run
(EWAI II, 42930; LIV 507: *ret- to run).
Sogd. tgm = *tagm ford cp. tg- = *tag flow,
stream (Gharib 1995, ##9567, 9566).
Wakhi trt ford (Paxalina 1975, 276) is assumed to
be a borrowing from Khowar thrt ford (see EWAI I, 650;
Steblin-Kamenskij 1999, 368).
*vi-tr- > NPers. gud r ford, Kurd. br id.; cp. MPers.
wtl = *widr passage, entrance (MacKenzie 1971, 90),
Av. vtra- passage, corridor (Horn 1893, 199;
Bartholomae 1904, 1441).
Indo-Aryan Languages
dhvan- & adhvna- m. path, expedition, run;
distance < *H1dh -uen-, cp. Pli andhati goes (Buck 1949,
719). Related is also ON. ndurr snowshoe (*H1ondh -uro-). All from a verbal root attested in Gr. Dor., Arcadian
nyen to come < *H1dh -e/o- (EWAI I, 68; LIV 249:
*H1nedh -). The word continues in Pkt. addhan-, Pli
addha-, addhna- id., Sinhali adan road, main road
(Turner 1966, #281).
jman- n. course, campaign from the verb aj- to
propel, to move forward, similarly Lat. agmen n.
campaign : ag I propel, I lead (EWAI I, 51), all from
the IE. root *ag- < *H2eg- to propel (LIV 255).
yana- n. path, walk = Av. aiiana- n. walk from
the IE. verb *H1ei- to go (EWAI I, 102). The word
continues in Pli ayana-, Pkt. ayana-, Sinhali ayan path,
street (Turner 1966, #586).
man- n. course < *H1ei-m- from the IE. root *H1eito go (EWAI I, 102).
it- n. path (B) from the IE. root *H1ei- to go
(LIV 23233). Cp. Pkt. iya- access.
crana- m./n. movement, run, walk, course, walk,
also leg = YAv. arena- in v-arena- place where a path
splits < *kuel(H)e/ono-, from the verb attested in OI. cari The Journal of Indo-European Studies
323
to move, to go, to ride, YAv. -araiti comes here <

*kuel(H1)- id. (EWAI I, 53335; LIV 38688).
cry f. street from the verb cari - to move, to go,
to ride < *kuel(H1)- id. (EWAI I, 53435; LIV 38688).
gntu- m. path, run < *gum-tu- from the verb gamto go, to come, to move < *guem- (EWAI I, 46567; LIV
20910).
gti- f. path, course < *guM-ti- from the verb gamto go, to come, to move < *guem- (EWAI I, 46567; LIV
20910). It continues in Pli gati- run, Pkt. ga- id., Hindi
gayal, gail footpath, OMarwari gailo path, course,
Sinhali g run (Turner 1966, #4009).
gdh- n. ford; hollow place in water traditionally
connected with Gr. bssa, Dor. bssa valley, glen <
*byia, OIr. b(i)dim I sink, I go down, Welsh boddi to
drown
(Pokorny 1959, 465; LIV 206: *gueH2 dh -).
Alternatively, it could be compared to Lat. vadum ford
(*gudh om : *guf1dh om) or to Gmc. *vadan ford (*guh-). The
first variant would appear more probable if we consider it
could come from the IE. verb *gu- < **gueH2- to go. The
Gmc.-Lat. relationship (see Lat. vadum) rules out, on the
other hand, the IA.-Lat. isogloss, whereas the possibility it
could be derived from IE. *gueH2- is still valid for the IA.
word.
gt- m. path, course = OAv. gt- m. path < *gueH2tu- (EWAI I, 48384; LIV 205).
mrga- m. path, street, track; method, cp. also
mrgr- hunter, continuing in Pli, Pkt. magga- path,
footpath, Sindhi mgu place, Maithili mag footpath,
Bengali m vulva, Hindi mg, magg footpath, Sinhali
maga path etc. (Turner 1966, #10071) usually
connected with OI. mg- m. wild animal; antilope which
corresponds etymologically to YAv. mereg a-, Parth. mwrg,
Sogd. mrg -, Khot. mura-, Osset. mar, NPers. murg bird,
Wakhi m rg f. ibex (EWAI II, 350, 37071. Semantically,
closest is probably the YAv. word mareg - which apparently
have nothing to do with the meaning bird, provided that
it, besides meadow, floodplain, denoted also street
(Videvdat II, 26).
pnth- / path- / path- m. path, footpath, course has
324
a difficult inflection (Schindler apud Mayrhofer 1986, 136:

*pnt-oH2-s, gen. *pt-H2-s; Rasmussen 1987, 82 = 1999,
216: *pnt-H-s, gen. *pt-H2-s; Hamp 1994a, 37; EWAI II,
81-83; Szemernyi 1996, 168: *pn, gen. *pt-s with
secondary aspiration in II. under the influence of the root
*rath- to travel; Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 125: II.
pantaHo : *ptH2o; Beekes 1995, 181: *pont-eH1o : *pt-H1o):
number
sg.
case /
Ved.
language
nom.
pnths
pant
gen.
pay
acc.
loc.
abl.
instr.
paths
Av.
pl.
IE.
*pnteH-s
Ved.
Av.
IE.
pnths
*pntpnthnas pantn eH-es
*pnteH-en-es
pathm
paym *pt-pathnm
om
paths
pay
*pt-Hs?
*pt-Hs
pnthm
pantm
*pnteH-om
pnthnam pantnem *pnteH-en-om
path
paiy
*pt-H- pathu
pathe-h
*pt-eH-i
paths
pay
*pt-H-s
path
paya
*pt-/ pathbhi
*pt-su
padebs
*pt-b h is
The word has rich continuants in the later IA.

languages: Pli panthan-, Pkt. patha-, Romani panth, pand,
Kati put, Prasun wtu, Dameli phan, Tirahi
Waigali p]t, pt,
pand, Shumashti p]t, Khowar pan, Bashkarik pand, Lahnda
pandh, Punjabi pandh, Marathi p[th, Sinhali patun etc.; the
base path- reflects inter alia Pli patha-, Pkt. paha-, Lahnda
ph, Hindi ph etc. (Turner 1966, #7785; 7743).
ptman- n. flight, later also run, footpath, path =
OAv. payman- flight from the verb attested in OI. patto fly, to fall, YAv. patenti they fly (EWAI II, 71); cp. Gr.
ptmow fate, destiny, although the exact equivalent of
the II forms should have been +ptma (Frisk II, 54243).
pratol f. street, tower gate, building of a gate, Pkt.
325
paol- town gate, Hindi paul gate etc. (Turner 1966,

#8633). Connected with OI. torana- arch, vaulted gate
(EWAI III, 341, 254).
rathy f. street, cart-road from rtha- carriage.
The word continues in Pli racch-, Pkt. also ratth-, Phalula
rah etc. (Turner 1966, #10609); cp. also Ashkun weriu &
biriu path < *upa-/vi-rathy-.
sakram- m. bridge (RV), cp. krma- step (AV),
with a continuant in Pli sakama-, Pkt. sakama-, Assami
x[ku, Bengali s[ko, Hindi s[k, Marathi s[kav etc. (Turner
1966, #12834) all from the verb kram- to walk, to go =
Buddh. Sogd. grm- to come, NPers. xirmdan to walk
(cp. Bailey 1979, 308) < IE. *kremH- (EWAI I, 410).
satra- m. ford derived from tr- taking across,
carrying over, the latter from tra- crossing (of water)
all from the verb tari - to go over something, to penetrate,
to overcome, YAv. titarent- overcoming, Osset. tryn /
trun to propel < IE. *terH2-, cp. Hitt. tarh- to overcome
(EWAI I, 62932).
stu- m. bridge; primarily tie, bond, also dike, Pli
setu- bridge, Pkt. su-, Ashkun, Waigali sw, Kati sy,
Dameli swa, Pashai seu, Gawar-Bati su, Khowar ser, Punjabi
seo, Sinhali seya, heya (Turner 1966, #13585) = YAv. hatum. dike, Khot. h, Osset. xd/xed bridge (Bailey 1979,
481; Abaev IV, 199) < *sH2i-tu-, from the verb s- ~ say- <
*seH2(i)- (EWAI II, 745). An Indo-Iranian or Indo-Aryan
source has Morvinian Erzya sed, sd, Moksha ed bridge,
(in Moksha, too) floor, bottom (of a boat), plank; Komi
sojd, sojt, sod stairs; ladder; bridge (Joki 1973, 31314).
srut- f. path, course (RV) from the verb srvati
flows, streams, runs. In later Vedic texts (VS, S11Br)
there appears, at the corresponding place, the form st- f.
path, footpath cp. Lahnda, Bengali, Hindi sarak path,
Assami xar track in jungle (Turner 1966, #13577).
Formally, it could be derived from the verb sar- to run, to
hurry; Iran.: Sogd. %rt (he) went, Kurd. hr- to go, but
considering Ved. srut- path, we can think about a
contamination of derivates of both verbs (EWAI II, 784
85; KEWA III, 55455).
trth- n. ford, watering place, descent to water, place
326
for bathing, access, entrance, street, Pkt. tittha- & tha-,

Khowar thrt ford, Oriya tuha, Sinhali toa (Turner 1966,
5846, 5903) < IA. *trth- & *trth- < *tH2-tH2- (EWAI I,
650), from IE. *terH2- to step over, to overcome. This
reconstruction rules out an oft-repeated comparison with
Lit. tltas bridge. Wakhi trt ford (Paxalina 1975, 276) is
assumed to be a borrowing from Khowar thrt ford (see
EWAI I, 650).
tgvan- n. ford, attested in loc. sg. tgvani besides a
ford (RV 8, 19.37). Derived from the verb toj- to urge, to
hasten, to make something/somebody move, to throw
(EWAI I, 651, 670)
vrtman- n. course, rut, Pli vauma- footpath, path,
Kashmiri wath, Bengali, Hindi b, Sinhali vauma etc.
(Turner 1966, #11366) from the verb vart- to turn
around (EWAI II, 520). The word is formally identical with
OChS. vrm< time < *uert-men-, cp. Khot. ba- time,
Lat. annus vertens (EWAI II, 520). Another synonym
formed from the same base is OI. vartan- f. path, course,
line, rut.
vthi- f. ep. path, course, street; cl. also racing
course; row, Pli vthi- street, course, line, Pkt. vhi-,
Punjabi vih, bih, Sinhali vehe-, veya etc. (Turner 1966,
#12050) from the verb vay- to search for, to pursue,
pada-v- following a track, pathfinder, Khowar bay
hunting; YAv. vaiieiti pursues, vtar- pursuer, Sogd.
wywq hunter, Osset. wajyn / wajun to hurry, to run, to
jump, also Gr. emai I strife for, I try, I hurry, Lit. vti to
propel, to pursue < IE. *ueiH- (EWAI III, 476 & II, 509
10; Buck 1949, 721).
yna- m. course & yn f. footpath. Cp. Assami zn
stream, flow (Turner 1966, #10460).
Tocharian Languages
B klautke path, means; from the verb klautk- to turn;
to happen (Adams 1999, 229).
B naunto street < *noiHo-ut-n-, from the IE. verb
*neiH- to lead (Hilmarsson 1989, 2526; Adams 1999,
349).
A ont street < *antu- < *sntu- (Van Windekens
1976, 459). Hilmarsson (1986, 2327) reconstructs
327
*seH1ntu-. He explains the absence of quantity in Celt.

*sentu- and Gmc. *senpaz as being influenced by Osthoffs
law (cp. Welsh gwynt, Bret. gwent wind, Gmc. *wendaz id. <
*H2ueH1nto-). Hilmarsson searches for support in the OI.
hapax stu- (RV IV, 6.7) which he translates as vagina (=
*path of foetus from womb) and derives it from
*seH1tu-, similarly like vta- wind comes from
*H2ueH1to-. His reasoning is inviting; the semantic shift is
backed up by an example from the modern IA. languages:
Bengali m vulva : OI. mrga- path, street, track;
method, Hindi mg, magg footpath, Sinhali maga path
etc. (Turner 1966, #10071), but they do not explain Slavic
parallels with *-o- in the root. The vddhi lengthening in
Tocharian represents a common means of derivation and
there is no need to project it to the IE. proto-language.
A tiri = B teri ~ tiri path; way, means (Adams 1999,
30506: without etymology; Van Windekens 1976, 506
mentions the etymology by Schneider (1939, 251) who
compares MLG. tre & tre nature, essence, shape, quality,
way, means, from tr shine, glory, ON. trr, OEng., OSax.
tr honour, glory (de Vries 1962, 589 derives all from IE.
*deiH2- to shine, see LIV 108). Also worth considering is
an alternative comparison with the Slavic material: *tor" &
*tir > Cz. tor beaten path, track, p. tor id., Brus. tor
lopped path, Ukr. tor track, rut, R. dial. tor beaten
path & Sln. tr f. footpath clumped in snow, m. track,
little footpath; path for cattle; from the verb *terti : *t "r
/*toriti to rub (Kurkina 1971, 94; Snoj 2003, 766) <
*terH1- to rub (Pokorny 1959, 107172; LIV 63233).
A wkm, pl. wknant = B yakne path, way, custom <
*ueghno -; from the IE. verb *uegh - to carry (Adams 1999,
481).
A yme = B ymye path, footpath; stopping in life <
*eim-- + -en- <*H1 eim-eHa -H1en-; from the verb i- < *H1eito go (Adams 1999, 518).
A yoi = B yoiya path; footpath; run < *H1inu-i,
cp. Lat. jnua passage, entrance (Adams 1999, 511).
A ytr = B ytrye path, course, road < *H1i-tr, cf. Hitt.
itar path, course, Lat. iter id.; all from the verb *H1 ei- to
go (Adams 1999, 516; LIV 23233).
328
Anatolian Languages
Hitt. GIS/NA4armizzi- n. bridge (Tischler 2001, 23).
The ideograms GIS and NA4 reveal it might be made from
wood or even from stone. The words do not as yet have a
convicing IE. etymology. Tischler (1983, 6364) compares
them with Old Babylonian arammu dike from clay (cp.
Weeks 1985, 15960).
CLuv. harwa- path, footpath, harwanni- little path,
footpath, harwani- to send (Melchert 1993, 6162),
HLuv. harwa- (acc. sg. VIA-wa/i-na), harwant- (dat. pl. VIAwa/i-ta-za, acc. pl. VIA-wa/i-ta-z[i?]), plus the denominative
verb harwani- to send (Hawkins 2000, 373; cp. Oettinger
1979, 494). A clear etymology is still missing. On IE. soil, it
may perhaps be connected with OI. rvan-, rvant- racing
horse, YAv. auruua- quick, brave, OAv. auruuant- quick;
racing horse (EWAI I, 12122); Gmc. *arwa- > ON. rr
quick, ready/finished, OSax. aru ready for harvest
(Orel 2003, 25); ?Toch. A rwar, B rwer ready/finished.
However, provided that the source is a verbal stem attested
in OI. ar- to send, to bring; to move (see EWAI I, 105
06), Gr. rnumi I hasten, I corral, Lat. orior I lift myself
(LIV 299300), it is necessary to explain the absence of a
laryngeal in Hitt. arnuzi he transfers, he delivers, arye-hhi
to lift oneself which just fits here semantically. An
acceptable explanation might be regular loss of the
laryngeal before *o, as is assumed in the Leiden School
laryngeal theory (Beekes 1995, 144). The word harwacould, however, be also a borrowing from non-IndoEuropean languages of the region. In this case, there are
even several candidates:
Semitic: Akkad. %arrnu path, Ugarit. %rn path,
expedition, caravan, bn %rn messanger (DUL 405).
North Caucasian: Hurr. %ari path, course, Urart.
%rie path, march; Tsakhur wuhur street, road (Laroche
1976, 94; Mesaninov 1978, 125; Diakonoff & Starostin
1986, 62).
Hitt. itar path, course, road (= Akkad. %arrnu =
Sumer. KASKAL) < **H1i-t , CLuv. nom.-acc. pl. n. itraya
(Melchert 1993, 96), cp. Lat. iter, gen. itineris way, road,
Toch. A ytr = B ytrye path, course, road; from the IE.
verb *H1ei- to go (Weeks 1985, 159; Tischler 2001, 68;
329
Kloekhorst 2008, 422).

Hitt. palsa/i- path, footpath (Tischler 2001, 117
18), HLuv. palsa- path attested in abl. sg. pa-la-sa-ti-i
(Hawkins 2000, 112). Perhaps OIr. bel (o-stem) path
could be related to it (DIL, B 61; LEIA, B 29).
Alternatively, it is possible to think about some connection
with IE. *pels- rock (OI. py-, Pashto parsa stone, Gr.
plla : lyow, MIr. all reef, ON. fjall, fell, OHG. felis
rock see Pokorny 1959, 807), hence perhaps [path
broken in] rock, cp. Lat. [via] rupta against rump, -ere,
rp, ruptum to break, besides rps reef, rock face.
Kloekhorst (2008, 62122) keeps the old comparison of
Hrozn of Hittite palsa- with the second member of the
compounds expressing the multiplicative numerals: Lycian
tbipl twice, trppl three times; Greek diplw; Latin
duplus twice.
Hitt. urki trace; track, trail = Sumer. KA.GI16R
(Tischler 2001, 187); perhaps from the IE. verb *uer- to
search (Kronasser 1966, 211; Weeks 1985, 159; LIV 685
86). Another candidate might be the homonymous root
*uer- to run > Lit. vara : varti to propel, Latv. veu :
vert to run, OChS. varj : variti to forecome, to overrun
(LIV 685). Kloekhorst (2008, 92728) sees the closest
cognate in OI. vraj- to walk, stride, reconstructing
*H1/3urg-i-. However, a substrate origin cannot also be
ruled out, cp. Hurr. ugri leg ~ Urart. kuri id. (Laroche
1976, 277). On the semantics, cp. e.g. Cz. psina : ps,
originally loc. sg. *pd-su from IE. *ped- leg.
Conclusion
The lexical material gathered here represents a
nearly exhaustive overview of what we know about the
semantic field way, road, path in the Indo-European
languages. It is obvious, but not surprising that the most
productive source for names of paths and related notions
is verbs of movement, in particular *H1ei- to go, *H1nedh to go; *H2eg- to propel, *H3er- to deliver, to send,
*drem- to run, *dh regh - to drag, to carry, *gegh - to
penetrate through water, *gueH2- & *guem- to go, to
walk, *kel- to move, *keng- to walk, *kuel(H)- to move,
*kers- to run, *lgh - to crawl, *leiku- to leave, *leit- to
330
go, to ride, *mei- to change, to pass, *neiH- to lead,

*pent- to track, to search, *per- to cross over, *petH3- to
fall, to fly, *reidh - to ride, *sed- to move, *sent- to
send, *sreu- to flow, to run, *steigh - to ascend, *tek- to
run, *terH3- to overcome, to outrun, *trep- to trotter,
*uedh - to lead, *uegh - to carry, *ueH2 d- to go through
water, *ueiH- to propel, to run after, *uer- to run or to
search (track?), *uert- to turn around etc. Next comes a
semantic motivation based on landscaping, be it beaten
earth, spread gravel or lime, broken rock, or cleared forest: S.
*csta, *tor" & *tir", Gmc. *ban, ON. braut, OIr. slige, Lat.
[via] calciata, [via] rupta, [via] trita, Gr. trbow, perhaps
also Hitt. and HLuv. palsa- etc. A third, less numerous
source for names of paths is motivated by the word
carriage or wheel; it is therefore a cart-road: OIr.
drochet, Gaul.-Lat. carrria, Khot. mapa, Av. rayiia-, OI.
rathy. Similarly scarce are names stemming from terrain
characteristics such as deeply cut or meandering, e.g. S.
*ulica and Arm. owli, Prus. lonki, Bret. gwenodenn, Lat. rga.
A somewhat different strategy of designation can be
witnessed in the term bridge. Here, then, comes the
technique by which a bridge is created. In most cases, we
encounter a beam or a caber (S. *br"v", Gmc. *bruwwj,
Gaul. briua; S. *most), a board (Balt. *tiltas), a dike (Alb.
ur; Hitt. armizzi-), or the bridge could be suspended (II.
*saitu-; alternatively S. *most). Despite the apparent
semantic richness, there is only one undeniable candidate
for proto-language origin of the notion path, i.e. an
etymon which is equally recorded both in the Anatolian
languages and in the non-Anatolian ones. This is the term
*H1 ei-t ~ *H1ei-tr, gen. *H1i-tn-s (Della Volpe, EIEC 487
88), attested in Hittite and probably also in Luvian, in
both Tocharian languages, in Latin and Avestan pairi-iyna(end) of lifetime, and perhaps also in Old Irish bthar
path, if the interpretation from *bou-itro- cattle path is
correct (ORahilly 1950, 160; Hamp 2001[03], 153) is
correct. The word is derived from the verb *H1ei- to go
which gave rise to a number of other words with the
meaning path etc. in most IE. branches. Also quite
widespread is the word *sentu-/-o- known from Tocharian A
on the one hand and from Slavic, Germanic and Celtic
331
languages on the other. The derivates of the root *uegh also go through four branches: Balt., Gmc., It., Toch. In
most IE. branches there persisted the word *pont-(eH)-s,
gen. *pt-(H)-os: II., Arm., Lat., Balt., S., plus a primary verb
in Germanic. However, it is not known either from the
Anatolian or Tocharian languages, i.e. from the branches
which probably separated first. If we accept Afroasiatic
parallels of the word *bh rodh o- ford, we get to the most
archaic etymon of the analyzed semantic bundle. Likewise,
there exist promising external parallels to the verb *dh regh . The other terms usually represent local innovations.
ABBREVIATIONS
Abl. ablative; acc. accusative; adj. adjective; Aeol.
Aeolic; Akkad. Akkadian; Alb. albanian; aor. aorist; Arab.
Arabic; Aram. Aramaic; Arm. Armenian; Assyr. Assyrian; Att.
Attic; Av. Avestan; AV Atharvaveda; Bulg. Bulgarian; Bal.
Balochi; Balt. Baltic; Bret. Breton; Brit. British; Brith.
Brithonic, Brus. Belorussian; Boiot. Boiotic; Buddh.
Buddhist; Calabr. Calabrian; Campid. Campidan (Sardinia);
Cat. Catalan; Celt. Celtic; Celtiber. Celtiberian; Centr.
Central; ChS. Church Slavonic; Chwarezm. Chwarezmian;
cl. classic; CLuv. Cuneiform Luvian; Corn. Cornish; Cr.
Croatian; Cret. Cretan; Cz. Czech; dat. dative; dial. dialect;
Digor. Dogorian; Dor. Doric; E East; Eastern; Egypt.
Egyptian; Eng. English; Engad. Engadian; ep. epic; f.
feminine; Fin. Finnish; Fr. French; Fris. Frisian; Furl.
Furlanic; Gaul. Gaulish; gen genitive; Georg. Georgian;
Germ.German; gl. gloss; Gmc. Germanic; Got. Gothic; Gr.
Greek; Hatt. Hattic; Hebr. Hebrew; Hitt. Hittie; HLuv.
Hieroglyphic Luvian; Hom. Homeric; Hung. Hungarian;
Hurr. Hurrian; IA Indo-Aryan; Icel. Icelandic; IE. IndoEuropean; II. Indo-Iranian; Il. Ilias; instr. instrumental; Ion
Ionian; Ir. Irish; Iran. Iranian; Ital. Italian; Kash.
Kashubian; Khot. Khotanese; Kurd. Kurdish; L Low; Lat.
Latin; Latv. Latvian; Lepont. Lepontic, Lit. Lithuanian;
loc. locative; Logud. Logudorish (Sardinia); LSorb. Lower
Sorbian; Lus. Lusitanian; m. masculine; Mac. Macedonian;
Messap. Messapic; M Middle; MHG Middle High German;
MLG. Middle Low German; ntr. neuter; N. New; NL nomen
loci; nom. nominative; No North Northern; O Old; OChS.
332
Old Church Slavonic; OHG. Old High Germanic; OI. Old

Indic; ON. Old Norse; Osc. Oscan; Osset. Ossetic; p- proto-;
Parth. Parthian; Pers. Persian; Phryg. Phrygian; Pkt. Prakrit;
pl. plural; Plb. Polabian; Pol. Polish; PomSln. Pomerian
Slovenian; Port. Portuguese; Prov. Provencal; Prus. (Old)
Prussian; R. Russian; Rom. Romance; Rum. Rumanian; RV
gveda; S. Slavonic, Sax. Saxon; SCr. Serbo-Croatian; sg.
singular; Sic. Sicilian; Slk. Slovakian; Sln. Slovenian; Sogd.
Sogdian; Sp. Spanish; Sumer. Sumerian; Swed. Swedish;
Syr. Syriac; Br atapatha-Brhmana; Thr. Thracian; Toch.
Tocharian; U Upper; Ugarit. Ugaritic; Ukr. Ukrainian;
Umb. Umbrian; Urart. Urartian; USorb. Upper Sorbian;
Ved. Vedic; Vegl. Vegliotic; VS Vjaseneyi-Sahit; Y.
Young; Zor. Zoroastrian.
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Acknowledgment
This study was prepared in cooperation with the Center for
the Interdisciplinary Research of Ancient Languages and
Older Stages of Modern Languages (MSM 0021622435) at
Masaryk University, Brno, and thanks to the grant No.
IAA901640805. We owe John D. Bengtson his correction
of English.
Armenian Traditional Black Youths: the

Earliest Sources1
Armen Petrosyan
Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Yerevan, Armenia
alpehist@gmail.com
In this article it is argued that the traditional figure of the

Armenian folklore black youth is derived from the
members of the war-band of the thunder god, mythological
counterparts of the archaic war-bands of youths. The blackness
of the youths is associated with igneous initiatory rituals. The
best parallels of the Armenian heroes are found in Greece,
India, and especially in Ossetia and other Caucasian traditions,
where the Indo-European (particularly Alanian-Ossetian)
influence is significant.
In several medieval Armenian songs young heroes are

referred to as tux manuks black youths, tux ktris black
braves, or simply tuxs blacks (see Mnatsakanyan 1976,
which remains the best and comprehensive work on these
figures, and Harutyunyan and Kalantaryan 2001, where
several articles pertaining to this theme are published).
Also, Tux manuk is the appellation of numerous ruined
pilgrimage sanctuaries. A. Mnatsakanyan, the first
investigator of these traditional figures, considered them
in connection with the fratries of youths, whose remnants
survived until medieval times (Mnatsakanyan 1976: 193
ff.).2
The study of the tux manuks should be based on
revelation of their specific characteristics and comparison
with similar figures of other traditions. In this respect, the
study of the Tux manuk sanctuaries and their legends
1
This article represents an abridged and updated version of Petrosyan

2001.
2
In Armenian folklore the figures of similar names tuxs (blacks) and
alek manuks (good youths) figure as evil spirits (Alishan 1895: 205,
217). This demonization shows that the tux manuks originated in pagan
times.
Armenian Traditional Black Youths
343
(carried out by A. Mnatsakanyan and others) will not help

us very much, as they are similar to the other sanctuaries
and the legends of other Christian confessors.
Furthermore, there are very many black and dark heroes in
the traditions of many peoples, and the extreme extension
of the boundaries of the black youth figure threatens us
with loss of his specificity.3 Thus, I will confine myself here
to pointing out the earliest prototypes of the black
youths and their relationship to heroes of the closely
allied Indo-European Indian, Greek, Northern Iranian
(Ossetian) and neighboring Caucasian traditions.
In Armenian, tux means black, dark and manuk
means child, youth, young warrior. Thus tux manuk would
mean black/dark youth/young warrior. In Armenian
traditional history the first manuks young warriors are
mentioned in the myth of the eponymous forefather Hayk
who kills the Babylonian tyrant Bel and founds Armenia
(Khorenatsi 1.10-15; Sebeos 1).4 The young warriors
figure also in the myth of Hayks descendant Aram, second
eponym of Armenia. He, heading an army of 50,000 norati
youthful warriors (Khorenatsi I.13; Thomson 1976: 93)
extends the borders of Armenia on every side and creates a
new, superior Armenia.
In the variant of Anonym (Sebeos I), before the
battle Bel suggests that Hayk become the head of his
young hunters (mankunk orsakank). In return, Hayk
calls him dog, from a pack of dogs and kills him with a
three-winged arrow (Khorenatsi 1.11). The comparison
of enemies with dogs in Indo-European traditions is related
to the mythologem of the Indo-European wolfish warrior
deity, the dog slayer, to whom sacrifices of dogs were
made. The best counterpart of Hayk in Indo-European
traditions is the Indian god Rudra (they are both associated
with the constellation of Orion; they have homonymic
descendants/followers: Hays and Rudras, respectively; they
are archers who kill their adversary with a tripartite arrow,
etc) (For the myth and image of Hayk in comparative
3
For numerous Indo-European and non-Indo-European black heroes,

see Petrosyan 1997; 2002.
4
For the English translation of these sources, see Thomson 1976: 82 ff.,
357 ff.
344
Armen Petrosyan
context, see Petrosyan 2002: 53 ff.; 2009).

Arams most significant battle occurred in Cappadocia,
at a place where the city of Mazaka/Caesarea was later
founded, i.e., near Mt. Argaios in central Anatolia (Turk.
Erciyes). The early name of this mountain, Hitt. Harga, is
etymologized from Indo-European *Harg- bright, white
(Laroche 1985: 88 f.), while the name of Aram is compared
with the Indo-European *rmo- dark, black (Petrosyan
2002: 43 ff.).5 The best parallel of Aram, in this context, is
the Indian epic hero Paraurma (Rma-with-the-axe),
who defeats Arjuna Krtavrya. The names of Rma and
Arjuna are derived, respectively, from IE *rmo- dark,
black and *Harg- white (Petrosyan 2002: 44 ff.; see also
Puhvel 1987: 90). The young warriors of the black Aram
are, obviously, comparable with the tux manuks black
youths/warriors.
The figures of Hayk and Aram, in some aspects, are
almost identical. According to the classical work of M.
Abeghian, Aram is the second incarnation of Hayk
(second image of Hayk, see Abeghian 1966: 55).
Moreover, they are both considered to be the epicized
versions of the archaic thunder god (Harutyunyan 2000:
230 ff.; Petrosyan 2002: 43 ff.). On the other hand, there
are differences between the figures of Hayk and Aram and
between their followers. In an Indo-European context,
Hayk represents the first function (sovereignty), while
Aram, the only warlike figure of the ethnogonic myth, is
an obvious warrior (second function) (Ahyan 1982: 263 ff.;
Dumzil 1994: 133 f.); Hayk is described as an old
patriarch, the leader of adult warriors, his sons and sons
sons, martial men about three hundred in number
(Khorenatsi I.10), and he finds it humiliating to be the
head of young hunters/warriors of Bel, while Aram is the
leader of the young warriors; Hayk has a troop of 300 men,
while Aram leads an army of 50,000 youths;6 Hayk fights
5
IE *(H)rmo-/*(H)rmo would yield Arm. *arim-/*arum-, and arm- in
derivatives and compounds. This eponym of Armenia could have been
conflated with the name of the first king of Urartu, Aramu, and the
ethnonym of the Aramaeans, cf. Markwart 1928: 215, 224 f.
6
Note that the 300 men represent the whole tribe, while 50 is the
characteristic number for the warrior groups on borders (Petrosyan
2002: 160; Kershaw 2001: 116, 126 ff.).
345
only one battle, while Aram is the winner over many

adversaries in many battles; Hayk fights with his adversary
within the territory of Armenia, while Aram militates
against the enemies in the borderlands and beyond the
borders of Armenia.
In the Indo-European past, the boys first moved into
the category of the (armed) youths and then, as
members of the war-band of unmarried and landless young
men, engaged in predatory wolf-like behavior on the edges
of ordinary society, living off hunting and raiding with
their older trainers/models. Then at about the age of
twenty they entered into the tribe proper as adults
(*wiHro- or *Hner- man, see Mallory and Adams 1997: 6 f.;
531, 632 f.).7 The young warriors of Aram and the martial
men of Hayk may be identified with those two groups,
respectively: the followers of Hayk, in contrast to Arams
norati youths, are mentioned as martial/mighty ark pl.
men < *Hner-.
The mythic reflections of such bands are the Maruts
and Rudras of Indian mythology (both are the sons of
Rudra), Fiana in Irish, and Einherjar in Norse traditions.
The mythic Mnnerbnde and their leader are frequently
associated with black: e.g., Indra and his followers as well as
Rudra and his followers wear black clothes (for the IndoEuropean Indian, German, Celtic, etc dark warriors, see
Kershaw 2001: 26, 30, 42, 89, 127, 185, 202, 203, 211).8
Hayk and Aram could be regarded as counterparts of the
Indian Rudra and Indra, respectively. However, the
members of the bands of Rudra and Indra Rudras and
Maruts (thunder and storm deities) are hardly
distinguishable, and moreover, Rudra, by some
characteristics (father and leader of the Rudras and Maruts,
associatied with lightning, etc) duplicates the thunder god
Indra. In Armenia, also, the difference between Hayk and
Aram, as we have seen, to a certain degree, was eroded:
7
For the Indo-European mens societies and their mythic reflections, see
the well known works by O. Hfler, L. Weiser, S. Wikander, G.
Widengren, H. Jeanmaire, G. Dumzil, R. Jakobson, K. McCone, K.
Kershaw et al.
8
Note that in ancient Europe, the warriors of some tribes used to fight
naked, dyeing their bodies black/dark (Caesar, De Bello Gallico 5.14;
Tacitus, Germania 43.6).
346
Armen Petrosyan
they both, as the eponyms and creators of Armenia and

leaders of Armenian warriors, come close to being
identical.
P. Vidal-Naquet has shown that in Greek tradition, in
the figures of young heroes, there is preserved the trace of
an initiatory ritual in which the young males, as guileful
black hunters, were sent out to the frontier area until
they should perform the exploits symbolically imposed
upon the young men in archaic societies. They are strongly
associated with black: e.g., the name of a paradigmatic
Athenian hero (Melanthos), the location of his story (in
Melania), and the epithet of his protector deity (Dionysos
Melanaigis) are derived from Gk. melas black; the
Athenian ephebes (youths) wore a black chlamys ( short
cloak), and moreover, the young men not yet adult are
sometimes called skotioi of the dark. Furthermore, the
alternation of light and dark heroes involves the struggle
between age-classes and the initiation of the youths into
the rank of adult warriors (Vidal-Naquet 1986: 106 ff.).
The tricky black hunter represents the dark aspect
of the Indo-European second function, and hunting and
fighting at night were their distinguishing characteristics.
Those Greek heroes are comparable with the young
warriors of the black Aram, who fight enemies in the
borderlands of Armenia. Characteristically, Aram and his
army suddenly came upon their first adversary before dawn
and slaughtered his whole host. (Khorenatsi I.13).9
In Armenian mythology, the thunder god is associated
with the color black. The Black Aram, as has been said, is
regarded as the epic heir of the ancient thunder god.
Sanasar, the first hero of the epic Dardevils of Sasun,
another epicized version of the thunder god who obtains
the lightning sword, the characteristic weapon of his
successors, is identified with the black raincloud (Orbeli
1939: 83; Abeghian 1966: 417); the black bull (symbol of
the thunder god) seems to have been the most sacred
totemic animal of the Armenians of the region where the
epic was centered (Samuelyan 1931: 182). Thus, Sanasar
9
Orion was regarded as the inventor of hunting by night (Vidal-Naquet
1986: 119). The association of Hayk with Orion make it possible to
consider his hunting youths, too, in this context.
347
corresponds with the Indian thunder and rain god Parjanya

raincloud, often identified with Indra and compared with
the bull (see, e.g., MNM II: 286). The thunder gods are
associated with black in many traditions, e.g., in the
Caucasus, as in Armenia, the thunder god figures as a black
hero (Dalgat 1969: 111 f.); Indra, as has been mentioned,
wears black clothes (Mahabharata I.152); during the rituals
of the Hittite thunder god black vessels were used and
sacrifices of black bread and animals (sheep, bulls) were
made (Ardzinba 1982: 213 f.); the Lithuanian thunder god
Perkunas is pictured in white and black clothes and black
animals were offered to him (MNM II: 304).
The expression tux amb/p dark cloud is known in
the ritual songs sung during droughts. Characteristic is the
refrain mandr anjrev, tux-tux amber,/ harav kamin mer
samber small rain, dark, dark clouds, the southerly wind in
our reeds (dialect) (Khachatryan 2000: 126). Mandr (dial.
version of manr, manu) small, sparse, like manuk, is
derived from IE *men-u- small, sparse, thus the first line
seems to allude to the tux manuks, which would personify
the dark rainclouds.
Arm. tux black is to be associated with tux baking
(bread), txem (< tuxem) to bake, hatch (eggs), to produce
by means of warmth, to hatch, to heat, maturate (like the
sitting hen eggs) (Aydinyan 2001: 49 f.; see also Petrosyan
2007: 6 f.; cf. Acharyan 1973: 203 f.). Hence, tux may be
interpreted as burnt, black, matured as a result of thermal
treatment. That is, in this case, the opposition of the
youths and adults was juxtaposed with the opposition
between the raw and the cooked. Accordingly, the
blackness of the tux manuks can be considered in
connection with the igneous and thermic initiatory rituals
(widespread ordeals of transformation from infancy to
manhood, see Aydinyan 2001: 45 f.; Petrosyan 2001: 25
ff.).10
The folktale manifestation of the young initiand is
the younger brother who visits the otherworld and comes
back endowed with new, higher characteristics. The well
10
For the roasted, baked and burnt initiates, see Eliade 1958: 7,
138, n. 13; Propp 1986: 98 ff.; for their relation with the thunder god, see
Toporov 1986: 81 f.
348
Armen Petrosyan
known ash-covered, sooty, mudded (black, dirty) folktale

hero has been considered in the context of initiatory rites
(Propp 1986: 133 ff.). From this point of view, the
Armenian folktales have specific data. The brothers have
to descend into a hole/well, the way to the netherworld
(Gullakyan 1983: 165, 400). The elder brothers cannot
endure the heat of the hole, while the youngest emerges
from the ordeal triumphantly. He kills the dragon and
devils of the netherworld, returns to our world, punishes
his brothers and becomes king. The motif of the hot
hole/well may be explaned by the structure of the special
stove tonir (= tandoor, earthen stove, a sort of furnace pit
used for baking bread).11 Notably, in a new Assyrian parallel
folktale the brother who could not stand the heat of the
well is compared with lavas, a special pita baked in tonir
(Matveev 1974: 112).
Thus, the blackness/darkness of some traditional
young heroes may be interpreted as burnt, sooty and
associated with igneous initiatory rituals or be a result of
discoloring their bodies with soot. The above-mentioned
names of Rma and Aram are derived from IE *r-mo-/* rmo- dirt, soot, (cf. Old English rmig sooty) and may be
interpreted
as
burnt,
sooty;
the
Greek
Meleagros/Melanion (cf. melas black), one of the models
of the black hunter (Vidal-Naquet 1986: 119 f.), will live
until the brand which lay in the fire at the time of his
birth should burn to ashes (Ovid. Met. 8.9), i.e., the brand
figures as a double of the hero. However, the best parallels
to the Armenian black youths are found in the Caucasus.
The young Ossetian braves are called sau lppu black
youths, which has a positive sense (comparable to the
appellation of the Russian folk heroes: dobryj molodec kind
youth, see Abaev 1979: 42 f., 96 f.; Abaev 1986: 21).
Ossetian culture, like the cultures of the other Caucasian
peoples, is strongly associated with their Nart epic. The
body of the newborn Nart Soslan, one of two protagonists
of the younger generation of the heroes, was heated up
11
This motif occurs in the folktales of the neighbors of Armenia who used
tonirs: (New) Assyrians, Georgians, Persians, Turks, see, respectively,
Matveev 1974: 111 f.; Kurdovanidze 1988: 91; Osmanov 1987: 58;
Stebleva 1986: 60.
349
on the hot coals and then quenched like steel in wolfs

milk (see, e.g., MNM II: 464; Abaev 1981: 85 ff.; cf. the
association of the members of the warrior bands with the
wolf; note also that according to V. Abaev 1965: 86 ff., the
name of Warxag, the founder of Soslans clan, is derived
from the word for wolf). Soslans cousin Batraz, the other
protagonist of the younger generation, Ossetian
counterpart of the Indian thunder god Indra (Dumzil
1990: 14 ff.), is born with a white-hot steel body and
quenched in the sea. Before becoming the great hero he
figures as a grimy boy who lives in the ashes (Dumzil
1990: 17, 23 ff.).
The great hero of the Circassian Nart epic Sosruqo
(corresponding to Ossetic Soslan) is consistently called
black man (see, e.g., Broido 1936: 15, 23, 24, 29; Alieva
1974: 199, 200, 215; Ardzinba 1985: 158 ff.; Ardzinba
1988: 271; Colarusso 2002: 112). 12 The stone with his
embryo is put in the stove or a hot place and the white-hot
steel body of the newborn baby was quenched in water. His
figure is characterized as the heroization, pathetic
idealization of guile and fierce (Broido 1936: 8.) and thus
correponds with the Indo-European guileful black heroes.
In Circassian tradition, the young braves are called
sao/sawa (Broido 1936: 641; Colarusso 2002: 45). This word
corresponds to the Ossetic sau lppu and could have been
borrowed from the Ossetic sau black (Osset. s sounds like
s in the majority of dialects and elsewhere in the Caucasus
appears as s, cf., e.g., Georg. savi black, see Abaev 1979:
43). The name of one of the young Nart heroes may
correspond with this term: Circ. Saoy, Osset. Sauay/Sauay,
Balkar. Karasauay; Chechen-Ingush. Soa (this hero being
borrowed from the Circassian tradition). Notably, the
mother of this hero dropped her newborn son into the fire
12
Armi, dark Sawseruquo,/Armi, a black man with iron eyes The

otherwise senseless Armi in this refrain may be regarded as the older
name for the hero and compared with the Indo-European *Hr-mo- and
Arm. Aram/Arm-. Note that the name Aram occurs in the Caucasian epic
traditions also as Aram-xutu, see Petrosyan 2002: 170 f. For the Armenian
influence on the Caucasian epics, see Petrosyan 2002: 168 ff.; 2011;
Dalalyan 2006; Russell 2006 (according to K. Tuite, Armi may be
compared with the name of the Georgian epic hero Amirani, see
Colarusso 2002: 122).
350
Armen Petrosyan
of the hearth; he, by the way, was fed on wolfs milk (for
this hero, see Broido 1936: 62 f.; Abaev 1945: 79 f.; Lipkin
and Obradovich 1951: 435 f;. Alieva 1974: 310, 393;
Colarusso 2002: 45, 289).
In Georgia, the great epic hero Amirani is regarded as
the son of a hunter who is frequently called savi black
(Virsaladze 1976: 53 ff.). He kills his fairy dog for some
obscure reason, and thus may be juxtaposed with both
Indo-European black hunter and dog slayer (Petrosyan
2002: 170).
Thus, the Armenian black youth would represent an
echo of archaic war-bands of youths. The mythological
counterparts of this hero are the members of the war-band
of the thunder god. The blackness of this hero is
associated with igneous initiatory rituals (burnt initiates).
The best parallels of the Armenian black youth are found
in Ossetia and other Caucasian traditions, where the IndoEuropean (especially Alanian-Ossetian) influence is
significant.
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Kavkazskie bogatyrskie skazanija drevnix ciklov i epos o
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Toponymes hittites ou pre-hittites dans la Turquie moderne.
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Two Old Germanisms of East Romance

(Romanian ateia to dress up and brnduU
crocus) confirmed by West Romance
cognates
Adrian Poruciuc
Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of IaUi
In a series of articles, published mainly during the last
decade, this author has demonstrated that Romanian contains
more Old Germanic loans than previously believed (see
Poruciuc 1999, 2000, 2005, 2008, 2009). The first part of the
present article deals with a regional Romanian term, ateia
to dress up, whose Old Germanic origin was assumed by two
forerunners, Diculescu and Gamillscheg. In the final part,
another Romanian term, brnduU crocus, is presented, for
the first time, as based on an Old Germanic loan (brand
sword). As indicated in the title above, a special focus of this
article is on West Romance cognates that confirm the Old
Germanic origin of the two Romanian terms discussed
below.
The Romanian verb ateia in dictionary entries

A dictionary of the Romanian Academy MDA, vol. I,
2001 presents the regional Romanian verb ateia
(pronounced /ateja/) as a term of unknown origin. The
author of the only complete etymological dictionary of
Romanian, Ciornescu (2001), also considers ateia to be
etymologically obscure. However, Ciornescu mentions
several etymologies proposed by various forerunners. A
rather curious fact is that, in regard to Romanian (Rm.)
ateia Ciornescu takes into consideration opinions that are
hardly tenable (such as the one formulated by Spitzer, who
tentatively referred Rm. ateia to Rm. tei lime-tree), but he
does not mention Gamillscheg (1935), who demonstrated
that Rm. ateia represents a borrowing from Old Germanic.1
1
Gamillschegs Romania Germanica does appear in the reference list of
Ciornescus dictionary; nevertheless, Ciornescu (in observing a certain
356
Adrian Poruciuc
Below I will resume Gamillschegs main arguments, with

some additions of my own. But first I will present the
semantic sphere of the Romanian term under discussion.
The main meanings of Rm. ateia, as given in
Ciornescus dictionary, are to dress up (for festive
occasions), adorn, trim.2 More semantic details are to be
found in MDA, where the following meanings are given
under ateia: to change ones clothes, to dress up (for a
holiday), to undress (only in the Romanian dialect of
Banat). The same dictionary mentions the regional
(Banatian) threatening formula Las-c te ateiu eu pe tine,
translatable as Ill fix you good. MDA also gives, as
separate entries, the derivatives ateiat changing of
clothes, undressing, ateiat festively dressed, undressed,
and ateieturi (pl.) clean clothes, festive clothes. Such
derivatives are proof of the fact that, for all its dialectal
status, ateia is not an isolated element, but a member of a
Romanian lexical family.
Gamillschegs view revised and expanded
In his Romania Germanica (1935: 294) Gamillscheg
presents Rm. ateia in a subchapter on East Germanic loans
in
Romanian
(Ostgermanische
Lehnwrter
im
Rumnischen). By furthering an assumption of
Diculescus,3 Gamillscheg refers the Romanian term (given
with the meaning of sich festlich kleiden) to the Gothic
verb gatwjan to arrange (anordnen), whose cognates
are Go. taujan to make, act, perform and Go. twa order
line of the Bucharest school of historical linguistics) rejected practically
all propositions of Old Germanisms in Romanian. For instance, under
bordei hut (a Romanian term for which several important linguists
propounded an Old Germanic origin), Ciornescu simply invokes the
well-known absence of Old Germanic terms from Romanian.
2
All translations from other languages into English are my own.
3
The Romanian historian Constantin Diculescu published the earliest
amply documented study (in German) on the Gepids and on the
important part they played in the making of the Romanians as a distinct
Romance people (see Diculescu 1922 in the list of references).
Although Diculescu was immediately criticized, mainly for the much too
large amount of Romanian terms presented by him as Gepidic loans, a
certain number of those terms can be accepted as elements of Old
Germanic origin, as indicated in statements of outstanding linguists such
as Gamillscheg and Giuglea (see below).
357
(all of which correspond etymologically to O.Eng. twian

to process, prepare). On the same page, Gamillscheg
makes use of historical facts too, in observing that Rm.
ateia was recorded only in Banat, that is, in the most
restricted Gepidic domain.4 On the basis of such evidence,
the same author assumed that a Gepidic term twjan5
more precisely a prefixed derivative of it, at-twjan to
prepare (zurichten) could have been Romanized as
attewiare, from which the Romanian form subsequently
derived.
Although Gamillschegs arguments in favor of a
Gepidic origin for Rm. ateia are credible, I consider that
some supplementary observations should be made at this
point. First of all, I must observe that a root *taw-, with a
variant *tw-, and with the meanings to make, prepare,
manufacture, may be regarded as exclusively Germanic.
Terms in which such a root is visible are to be found in
practically all Germanic idioms,6 and those terms have no
corresponding terms outside Germanic.7 In regard to
attestation, I will mention that a preterite form, tawid
4
The territory of todays Banat now divided between Romania and
Serbia is known to have once belonged to Gepidia, that is, to the
kingdom of the Gepids, which was eventually destroyed by the
Langobards (supported by the Avars) in AD 567. For a recent view on
that dramatic turn, see Pohl 2008: 266-267.
5
Although the Gepidic term was not attested as such, Gamillscheg (as in
other such cases discussed in his Romania Germanica) did not mark it by an
asterisk, probably since he considered it to be safely reconstructed on the
basis of a sufficient number of cognates recorded in Old Germanic
idioms. In the particular case under discussion, I suppose that
Gamillschegs main reason for the reconstruction of a Gepidic variant
*tw- was the need to justify the /e/ of Rm. ateia. However, such an /e/
could actually reflect a perpetuation of an Old Germanic vowel in
Romance, such an assumption being supported by the existence of the
same vowel in a Catalan correspondent, ateviat ornamented (to which I
will return below).
6
For the lexical elements discussed here, see the material given under
*taw- in the AHD Appendix. See also the series of Germanic terms
(based on *taw-) given in de Vriess dictionary of Old Norse, under tauiu
(I prepare), a series that includes the already mentioned Go. taujan, as
well as O.H.Germ. zouwen to prepare and Dutch touwen to tan. It is also
under O.Norse tauiu where de Vries mentions a possible Indo-European
base *deu- (as source of Germanic *taw-).
7
Kluge 1989 presents Go. taujan as a Germanic term ohne sichere
auswrtige Beziehungen.
358
Adrian Poruciuc
(which represents an Old Germanic verb that corresponds

to Go. taujan and to O.Eng. tawian), stands for one of the
earliest Germanic words recorded in writing: tawid occurs
in the runic inscription on the famous horn of Gallehus
(Schleswig). The inscription, a typical example of Old
Germanic alliterative text, was dated to the period around
AD 400, and it can be transcribed8 as follows: ek
HlewagastiR Holtijar horna tawid I, Hlewagast, (son) of
Holte, made this horn. Another inscription of
approximately the same period (on the wooden casket
found in the bog of Garblle, Seeland presented in
Dwel 1983: 17) contains a variant of the same Old
Germanic preterite, with the prefix i- (< in-): hagiradaR
itawide Hagirad made (the runes).
Some English derivations from Proto-Germanic *tawdeserve special attention. The above-mentioned O.Eng.
tawian to process was inherited by todays English as a
technical term (with a restricted semantic field), namely to
taw to dress (skins and hides), curry. A less visible relative
of taw is the (now obsolete) heriot, a feudal juridical term
that designates a service rendered to a lord on the death
of a tenant, consisting originally of the return of military
equipment of which the tenant had had the usufruct
(AHD, s.v. heriot). The contracted form of heriot no longer
reveals its origin in the quite transparent Old English
compound heregeatwa, made of here army + geatwa (geatwe)
trappings (cf. Hoad 1993, s.v. heriot). The latter member
of the compound under discussion reflects a Germanic
derivative *gatawja- gear, trappings, which is made of the
Germanic collective-associative prefix ga- (= German ge-)
and the already presented Proto-Germanic root *taw-.9
Speaking of derivation, I must also mention that just as
*taw- produced derivatives by ga- and by i(n)- (see above),
it could certainly also produce derivatives by at- (a prefix
based on the preposition at, to be found in Gothic,
8
See Dwel 1983: 28.

See the rich Old English lexical family visible in the following entries
of Bosworths Old English dictionary (1983): geatolic ready, prepared,
equipped, stately, geatwan to make ready, equip, adorn, geatwe arms,
trappings, garments, ornaments, getawa instruments (also used in the
combination mannes getawa male genitals), getawian to prepare,
reduce, bring to.
9
359
English and Scandinavian languages). 10 Kblers Gothic

dictionary (1989) contains no less than five pages of atderivatives, mainly verbal ones, such as atbairan to bring,
offer, present to (< bairan to bear), atgaggan to go to,
proceed to, come up to (< gaggan to go, come, walk),
atgiban to give unto, give over to (< giban to give), etc.
Kblers dictionary contains nothing like *attaujan or
*attwian, but we can assume that speakers of Gothic may
have used such derivatives, even if the latter were not
recorded in written documents. Also, a derivative like
*attwian could occur in Gepidic (as a variety of Gothic),
and it most probably was such an Old Germanic derivative
that was Romanized11 and subsequently grew into
Romanian ateia, as Gamillscheg assumed (1935: 294).
West Romance cognates of Romanian ateia
Very significant for this discussion are Gamillschegs
references to obvious cognates of Rm. ateia among the
Germanisms recorded in West Romance languages. Such
references are to be found in the first volume of Romania
Germanica, mainly in the chapter Gotische Lehnwrter im
Iberoromanischen und Italischen. It is in that chapter
(1934: 393) where Gamillscheg first mentions Span.
ataviar to arrange, adorn, as well as other West Romance
words that can be referred to the Gothic verb taujan to
prepare, or to the above-mentioned derivative *attaujan.
What results from Gamillschegs presentation is that IberoRomance preserved only the prefixed variant, under the
form of ataviar, whereas Italian dialects appear to have
borrowed (from Ostrogothic, according to Gamillscheg)
both simple and prefixed variants that all refer either to
cooking or to eating with relish and/or greed. Such a
semantic sphere is visible, for instance, in Sicilian taffiari
to eat with relish, and in Sardinian attafiari to gobble,
wolf down. The existence of such terms in West
10
Notable Indo-European correspondents of Germanic at are Latin ad

and Slavic ot (od).
11
I know of no term like *attaviare to have been recorded in Late Latin;
therefore, I cannot assume that Span. ataviar and Rm. ateia belong to the
stock of Old Germanisms that entered Late Vulgar Latin and
subsequently became part of the Latin heritage of Romance.
360
Adrian Poruciuc
Romance 12 enabled Gamillscheg to draw the conclusion

that for the Romance cognates under discussion one
should consider the possible existence of an original
(Germanic) reference to cooking (das Mahl zurichten).13
In regard to the Romanization of Old Germanic
lexical elements, worth considering for this discussion are
especially the Ibero-Romance Germanisms that correspond
to Rm. ateia in both form and meaning. Here is the
Spanish verb ataviar, given as an element of Gothic origin
in Corominass etymological dictionary of Spanish:
ATAVIAR to adorn or dress richly, since 1300. From
Go. taujan to make, work; probably [] from a
Gothic derivative *attaujan to prepare, cf. Du.
touwen [].
In his etymological dictionary of Catalan (1982-1991),

the same author signed as Coromines included Cat.
ataviar (to dress richly - vestir ricament), as a borrowing
from Spanish. The ataviar entry of Corominess Catalan
dictionary also presents a derivative, ataviadament, as well
as the formula cavall ateviat, which translates the Latin
formula equus phaleratus (a horse with richly ornamented
harness).
Although
Corominas
(Coromines)
includes
Gamillschegs Romania Germanica in the reference lists of
his two dictionaries, he does not mention that Romanian
also has an Old Germanism that perfectly corresponds to
Spanish/Catalan ataviar. It is quite obvious that by both its
visible prefix at- and by what is left of the root *taw- (or
*tw-), Rm. ateia shows like its Spanish and Catalan
cognates its origin in an Old Germanic idiom, such as
Gothic or Gepidic. In regard to the form of the Romanian
12
Certain terms included in more recent West Romance dictionaries also

deserve attention: the Battisti/ Allessio dictionary (1950-1957) gives It.
taffiare mangiare lentamente, fare una scorpacciata (presented as a
term that reflects an expressive base taf-); in its turn, the Pons/Genre
dictionary (1997, s.v. tafi) gives a dialectal Provenal tafi mangiare
abondantemente.
13
In a forthcoming article, I will discuss Go. gataujan (< ga- + taujan) as a
main indicator of the probable Old Germanic origin of Rm. gata ready
and gti to prepare, cook, as well as of Slavic gotov ready, finished.
361
term, the fusion of the /t/ in the prefix and the /t/ in
the root is easy to explain, and so is the disappearance of
the original /w/ in Rm. ateia: for a comparison, see (for
the former aspect) Rm. atinge < Lat. attingere < ad- + tingere,
and (for the latter aspect) the contracted form of Rm.
pmnt ground, earth < Lat. pauimentum.
A conclusion in favor of the Diculescu-Gamillscheg
etymology
The arguments above indicate that Rm. ateia has an
Old Germanic origin as clear as the one of its most obvious
cognate, the Ibero-Romance ataviar. As ultimate source of
both words one can safely assume the existence of an Old
Germanic derivative *attawian, which could be one of the
Germanisms that entered Late Vulgar Latin, although (as
far as I know) there is no attestation in that respect.
Another possibility is the one of independent borrowings
of the same Old Germanic term into the varieties of ProtoRomance that were still in contact with Old Germanic
idioms during the passage from antiquity to the Middle
Ages. In the specific case of Rm. ateia, whose usage is
known to be confined to the province of Banat (a territory
that belonged to the Gepidia of the 5th-6th centuries), a
Gepidic origin appears to be the most credible
etymological solution. Romanian (and Romance)
etymological dictionaries should at least mention the
etymology proposed by Diculescu and confirmed by
Gamillscheg with arguments that I consider to be quite
acceptable.
The more complicated case of Romanian brnduU
The Romanian noun brnduU crocus, whose Old
Germanic origin I will demonstrate in the second (longer)
part of this article, has an etymological position that is
quite different from the one of Rm. ateia. The latter is still
marked in most Romanian dictionaries as a word of
unknown origin, although an Old Germanic origin was
proposed for it long ago (see above). By contrast, for Rm.
brnduU several etymologies have been proposed, all
rather weak (see below); none of those etymologies refers
to Old Germanic as a possible source. The main points of
362
Adrian Poruciuc
my demonstration, in the paragraphs to follow, are (a) that

Rm. brnduU is based on an Old Germanic loan, to which a
suffix of substratal (autochthonous) origin was attached,
and (b) that the plausibility of an Old Germanic origin for
Rm. brnduU is sustained, as in the case of ateia, by the
existence of corresponding Germanisms in West Romance
languages.
The feminine noun brnduU (with a masculine
variant brnduU) is among the best-known names of plants
in the Romanian language. Also, brnduU is among the
earliest Romanian words recorded in a dictionary, in the
17th century.14 As regards Aromanian (Macedo-Romanian),
the absence of a word like brnduU in Papahagis
dictionary (1974) 15 may be misleading, since Russu (1981:
269) mentions a masculine Arom. brnduU (also as base of
an Aromanian name, BrnduU), together with an IstroRomanian variant, brnduUe. As indicated in the brnduU/
brnduUe/ brnduU 16 entries of dictionaries such as
Ciornescu, DEX and MDA, the botanical term under
discussion designates rather diverse plants, going from
crocuses proper (that is, spring crocuses such as Crocus
aureus, Crocus heuffelianus, Crocus variegatus, Crocus
reticulatus and Crocus moesiacus) to the plant known in
English as autumn crocus, meadow saffron, or naked lady
(Colchicum autumnale).
MDA marks Rm. brnduU as a word of unknown
etymology, whereas DEX only refers the same word to
Bulg. brenduska and Serb.-Croat. brndusa. In his turn,
Ciornescu (2001, s.v. brnduUe) first gives unknown
etymology, then he mentions a whole series of hardly
14
According to Chivu 2008: 23, brnduU was first recorded in the
Dictionarium valachico-latinum (now known as Anonymus Caransebesiensis),
which was written around 1650.
15
In an etymological interpretation first published in 1944, Giuglea
considers that brnduU is an autochthonous word that can be found only
in Daco-Romanian (see Giuglea 1988: 33).
16
For readers less familiar with written Romanian, I must mention that
and represent (in two successive Modern Romanian orthographic
systems) one and the same vowel, //. In the history of Romanian, the
vowel now rendered by and obviously developed from an earlier /e/
(now written ), that is, from a Balkan schwa of a quality similar to the
one rendered by in Albanian and by in Bulgarian.
363
tenable etymological explanations, such as the ones

proposed by Philippide, who reconstructed a Lat.
*brundusia, and by Giuglea, who saw the origin of brnduU
in an autochthonous root *brend- swelling.17 In the same
entry, Ciornescu observes that Slavic terms commonly
mentioned in connection with Rm. brnduU Serb.
brndusa, brenduska saffron, Dalm. brndjuska saffron,
Ruthen. brenduska, brandjusi actually look alien in Slavic,
where they could be Romanian loans.18 And, in fact, an
authoritative etymological dictionary of Bulgarian,
Georgiev et al. (1971), presents Bulg. (dial.) branduski,
with a variant brenduski, as being from Romanian
brnduU.19 In my opinion, the a/e alternation shown by
several of the above-mentioned Slavic variants indicates
hesitations of Slavic speakers in rendering a Romanian
vowel of the schwa type.
Substratal visions, reconstructed roots and metaphorical
motivations
That Rm. brnduU should be considered as very old in
Romanian is indicated not only by its early attestation and
by its archaic shape, but also by the rich onomastic material
based on it (see below). The word does not belong to the
Latin heritage of Romanian, nor can it be presented as a
loan from languages of historical neighbors of the
Romanians. As for the opinions that have presented Rm.
brnduU as substratal, they deserve detailed discussion. I
have already mentioned that Giuglea and PuUcariu thought
the origin of Rm. brnduU to be autochthonous (that is,
17
Giuglea appears to have been preoccupied with the origin of Rm.

brnduU throughout his career (see especially his article BrnduU,
first published in 1923, and finally included in the posthumous volume
Giuglea 1983: 125-130).
18
In his history of Romanian, PuUcariu (1976: 168) states that maybe
brnduU is an autochthonous word. The same scholar (1976: 304)
includes brnduU among the words of Romanian origin in the Serbian
language.
19
Mihescu (1993: 316) also considers that Rm. brnduU must be
included among the words that were borrowed into several Slavic
languages. Along the same line, at the end of the brnduU entry of his
dictionary of Romanian (1990), Rohr mentions that Bulg. brenduska and
Serb.-Croat. brudusa (most probably a misprint of brndusa) are loans
from Romanian.
364
Adrian Poruciuc
pre-Roman). Subsequently, Russu (1981: 270) considered

that, of all the etymologies proposed for brnduU, only
Giugleas approach appears to be justified, but without
managing to discover [] the real source from which
Romanian inherited the word. Russu was not very precise
about the real source either, as I will point out below.
Whereas Giuglea, in his etymology of brnduU,
started from the swelling represented by the crocus bulb,
Russus etymological approach focuses on the shape of
crocus leaves. In Russus opinion, the PIE root that should
be regarded as ultimate source for brnduU is *bh(e)rend-,
which is also the base of Lat. frons, frondis (from which
Romanian has frunz leaf). As I will demonstrate below,
the very formation of the term brnduU has quite much to
do with the shape of crocus leaves; but that fact hardly
guarantees that the Romanian term has its origin in an
idiom of the the Illyro-Thraco-Dacian substratum, as
Giuglea believed.
In the first volume of his etymological dictionary of
Romanian, Rohr (1999)20 gives an even earlier attestation
(1495) for brnduU, which is presented by him as the
name of two plants (Colchicum autumnale and Crocus
vernus). As for origin, Rohrs view (very similar to
Giugleas) is that Rm. brnduU is based on a Dacian root
*brand-, in its turn based on PIE *bhrendh- to swell. Such
resort to a succession of reconstructions hardly looks like
sailing on safe seas. Anyway, speaking of reconstructios,
Rm. brnduU can be more credibly referred (as I will point
out below) not to the PIE root given as *bhrendhaufschwellen in Pokorny 1959, but rather to PIE *bhreu-
to boil, bubble, effervesce, burn, from which ProtoGermanic developed the specific extension *brenw- to
burn (to which I will return below). For a more realistic
etymology of Rm. brnduU one can resort not only to PIE
and Proto-Germanic reconstructions, but also to wellattested Germanic terms, several of which were borrowed
into early varieties of West Romance.
20
As a disciple of Gnther Reichenkron, Rohr furthers the

reconstructivist line of his master (who, among other things, aimed to
reconstruct the Dacian language by starting from substratal elements of
Romanian).
365
According to the visions of various predecessors,

practically the only part of Rm. brnduU that appears to be
transparent enough is its suffix, whose function is known
to be diminutive (or, rather, also diminutive). The origin
of that suffix remains unclear though. Whereas Poghirc
(1969: 363) includes -(u)U(), with a diminutive value,
among the Romanian suffixes of autochthonous origin,21
Russu (1981: 270, with direct reference to brnduU) states
that -uU is an Old Romanian suffix (of Slavic origin? cf.
cpuU, ctuU, mtuU, pnuU etc.). However that may be,
it is obvious that the suffix -uU truly belongs to earliest
Romanian, as results from the fact that it occurs in
derivations from substratal terms, as well as from terms that
belong to the Latin heritage of Romanian: see, for
instance (in MDA), the name of the insect known in
Romanian as cpuU tick, corresponding to Alb. kpush
tick (of the family of Alb. kap to catch, seize), or see
Rm. ctuU little cat, handcuff and Rm. mnuU glove
(from Lat. catta cat and manus hand, respectively). Also
obvious is that -uU (as a diminutive suffix) has a masculine
counterpart, -uU, occurring in derivations such as arc bow
> arcuU bow (for a string instrument), vierme worm >
viermuU maggot, which show word-formation patterns
comparable to the ones visible in Alb. djall devil > djallush
imp, or lepur rabbit > lepurush young rabbit.22 I will add
that the gender alternation implied by the pair of variants
brnduU/ brnduU recalls an Old Germanic aspect, as I will
show in more detail below. But first I will make some
semantic observations (mainly along the lines of the
Wrter-und-Sachen method).
As I have suggested above, in the making of the
original form of Rm. brnduU the basic reference was not
to the bulb, but to the leaves specific to all the plants
designated by the Romanian term under discussion. More
precisely, the type of leaves I refer to is the one presented
by DEX (s.v. brnduU) as big and fairly long, and by
Russu (1981: 270) as linear-lanceolate and pointed. The
neologistic botanical term lanceolate was created by
reference to the shape of a spearhead (cf. Lat. lancea). For
21
22
See also Giuglea 1988: 41, on -uU as a Thraco-Illyrian suffix.

See also Alb. arush female bear, from ari bear.
366
Adrian Poruciuc
a comparison, I will observe that, by a metaphorical

interpretation of a similar shape, Romanian speakers
created a plant-name such as sgetic (literally, little arrow,
since it derives from Rm. sgeat, from Lat. sagitta arrow);
the same plant is known in Romanian under the names of
sbioar and sbiut, both of these being diminutive
derivatives from Rm. sabie sword. The plant designated by
the three vernacular terms (sgetic, sbioar, sbiut) is
known to botanists as Gladiolus imbricatus. DEX presents
sbiut as a herbaceous plant with swordlike leaves.23 It is
actually the same plant as the one known to most
Romanians under the neologistic name of gladiol, from
Germ. Gladiole (cf. MDA, s.v. gladiol). In its turn, Germ.
Gladiole (first recorded in the nineteenth century) was
most probably inspired by the taxonomic term Gladiolus,
which belonged to eighteenth-century botanical Latin
(cf. Pfeifer 1993, s.v. Gladiole Zierblume aus der Gattung
der Schwertliliengewchse). Nevertheless, the diminutive
gladiolus little sword (as derivative of gladius sword) is
known to have been already in use as a plant-name in the
Latin spoken by the Romans themselves (see
Ernout/Meillet 1985, s.v. gladius).24
It was from such data that I started my investigation of
the origin of Rm. brnduU; and that investigation led me
to the conclusion that the etymology of the Romanian
term under discussion can be definitively clarified by
reference to an Old Germanic term that meant sword.
Old Germanic and West Romance evidence
Kblers dictionary of Gothic includes the following
nouns (all masculine, but belonging to two different types
of declension), with meanings rendered by Kbler in
German and English: branda Brand, fire; brands Schwert,
sword; branps Schwert, sword, all referable to PIE *bhreu23
Since I happen to have two varieties of crocus in my garden, I can add

that a leaf of such a plant strikingly resembles the blade of a typical IronAge double-edged sword. That aspect of the crocus leaf becomes even
more prominent due to the lengthwise nervure of a whitish shade that
contrasts with the shiny green around it.
24
In Baumgartner/Mnard 1996 (s.v. glaeul) , the French term glaeul
gladiole is considered to be from Lat. gladiolus short sword as well as
gladiole, due to the form of the leaves of this plant.
367
to boil, bubble, effervesce, burn.25 From that root, as I

have already mentioned above, Proto-Germanic produced
an extension (with a nasal infix), *brenw- to burn,
which accounts for English burn and German brennen. The
family of *brenw- also includes a Proto-Germanic derivative
*brand(az) a burning, or flaming torch, hence also a sword
(cf. *bhreu- in the AHD Appendix my italics). Most
etymologists have considered that, in the case under
discussion, there occurred a semantic shift from piece of
burning wood to sword, by way of a metaphor motivated
by the brilliance of sword blades (see the brand entry in
Bosworth 1983). It appears that terms of the brand family,
with both meanings, have not only survived in the
Germanic languages, but they also entered Romance, as
Old Germanic loans. In that respect, worth mentioning is
the lexical material to be found in Meyer-Lbkes panRomance dictionary (REW, 1935) under 1237. brand
(marked as a Germanism). As developments from that Old
Germanic loan Meyer-Lbke mentions only West Romance
terms, such as O.Fr. brandir burn and O.Fr. brant sword,
Piedmont. brand to boil, Lombard. brandena firedog, It.
brandire to brandish, etc.26
Among the Old Germanisms of earlier French
included in the Baumgartner/ Mnard etymological
dictionary (1996) there are: (1) brande, an earlier name
(15th c.) for the plant now generally known as bruyre;27 (2)
an early derivative (12th c.), brandon flaming bundle of
straw, from a Germanic loan of the brand type; (3) a verb
brandir to brandish a weapon (11th c.), presented as
25
See *bhreu- in the AHD Appendix; see also O.Norse brandr (piece of
burning wood, sword blade, sword) in de Vries 1961, and O.Eng. brand
(fire-brand, torch, burning, flame, sword) in Bosworth 1983.
26
Besides the illustrative examples of REW (Meyer-Lbke 1935), other
Old Germanisms of the brand family are to be found in dictionaries of
various Romance languages and dialects. For instance Battisti and Alessio
(1950) give Italian brandire to brandish (a brando) and brando sword;
Coromines (1983) gives Catalan brander to brandish (a weapon), to
which he refers abrandar to set on fire and branda flame; Pons and
Genre (1997) give dialectal Provenal brand to burn up.
27
In the entry under discussion, the origin of the plant name brande is
explained as follows: from the old verb brander to burn, from
Germanic *brand piece of burning wood, by reason of the fact that the
plants called bruyres would be burnt in clearings.
368
Adrian Poruciuc
derived from *brand piece of burning wood, then

sword, by reason of the brightness of metal.28 The last
example clearly recalls the existence of a double meaning,
piece of burning wood and sword, specific to Old
Germanic words of the brand family (see Gothic terms
above).
Spanish has a verb blandir (with a shift of /br/ to
/bl/) which can be explained as a borrowing of Fr. brandir,
as indicated in Corominas 1967:
BLANDIR (14th c.) to wave a weapon, or a similar
thing, with a swinging motion. [] From Fr. brandir
[], from O.Fr. brant sword, spearhead, and the
latter from Frank. *brand blade of a sword (actually
piece of burning wood, derived from *brennan to
burn, by reason of the brightness of the blade).
So, Corominas regards Span. blandir as based on an

early borrowing from mediaeval French, a language which,
besides brandir, also contained the Frankish loan brant
(sword, spearhead). Germanisms of the brand family
recorded in West Romance are also mentioned in Kblers
dictionary of Gothic (1989), under brands: Kbler gives
O.Fr. brant, It. brando and Prov. bran, all with the meaning
sword. In his turn, Tagliavini (1977: 235) mentions the
Germanism brand sword as a term recorded in several
West Romance languages and dialects.
Phonologic and onomastic arguments
A borrowing of the Germanism brand from any kind
of West Romance into Romanian is out of the question.
Three possibilities are worth considering: (a) although
there is no attestation in that respect, an Old Germanic
military term brand(a) could enter Late Vulgar Latin, due
to the many Germanic mercenaries of imperial Rome; (b)
the term under discussion could enter, independently,
28
A meaning such as to flourish or wave a weapon menacingly

represents the semantic load of both Old French brandir and English
brandish; note that the latter term does not belong to the genetic
(Germanic) heritage of English, but it stands for a borrowing (into
English) of a Germanism of Old French see the brandish entry of Hoad
1993.
369
from one or another Old Germanic idiom into one or

another variety of Proto-Romance; (c) an Old Germanism
of the same type may have been borrowed from early
Germanic intruders (Bastarni, Peucini, Buri, etc.) into the
autochthonous (pre-Roman) idioms that were to constitute
the substratum of Romanian.29 All three possibilities would
imply the presence of brand(a) in Romanian from its very
beginnings as a distinct Romance language. The most solid
proof of that fact is the very early Romanian shift of the
Latin stressed sequence /an/ to /en/ (later to /n/).30 A
number of Romanian names (see especially Brnd and
Brnda below), as well as the existence of Rm. brnt
inflammation are proofs of the fact that the schwa of Rm.
brnduU (as forerunner of todays brnduU) reflects the
early Romanian regular shift of a stressed /a/ to /e/
whenever followed by an ungeminated31 nasal, as in Lat.
lana > Rm. ln wool, or Lat. scandula > Rm. scndur
board, plank.32
I have already referred to the gender alternation
29
Most probably, that term was initially used with reference to a specific
weapon of Germanic warriors. For a comparison, the name of a typically
Turkish weapon, yatagan, came to enter, much later, not only Romanian
(as iatagan), but also English (as yataghan).
30
In regard to a possible transfer from Old Germanic into Vulgar Latin,
Rohr (2002, s.v. brandu) makes a rather singular attempt at explaining
the Aromanian term brandu trunk a word considered to be of
unknown origin in Papahagis dictionary (1974, s.v. brandu) by a chain
of reconstructions: a Germanic loan, *brand, with its initial meaning
(Feuerbrand), supposedly produced a Latin *brando, wherefrom
Aromanian, indirectly, by way of Italian, got its brandu with the meaning
of Christmas log (Weihnachtsklotz). Most probably, Rohr had to resort
to the idea of Italian intermediation, since filiation proper (Latin >
Aromanian) would normally have produced not brandu, but *brndu in
Aromanian.
31
The most obvious case of a stressed Lat. /a/ preserved as such in front
of a geminated nasal is the one of Rm. an year < Lat. annus.
32
I must add that the existence of monosyllabic brnt and Brnd (as
reflexes of a very early simplex form) excludes, in the case of brndU,
the possibility of an early Romanian /e/ caused by a shift of stress to the
suffix for that possibility, see regular cases such as Rm. pn feather >
pnU corn husk, or Rm. cs house > cst little house. From the
standpoint of diachronic phonology, the schwa of Rm. brnduU should be
compared not to the one of Rm. pnuU, but to the one of Rm. mnuU
glove (< Rm. mn hand < Lat. manus).
370
Adrian Poruciuc
(feminine/ masculine) shown by the two Romanian

variants, brnduU and brnduU, respectively. I do not
consider it out of place to assume that the two Romanian
variants may actually reflect the existence of a pair of Old
Germanic cognates, such as the one represented by Go.
branda and brands (both masculine).33 For speakers of Late
Vulgar Latin (or of Proto-Romanian) a variant like branda
must have been felt to be a feminine noun ending in -a
(that noun being subsequently extended by the feminine
suffix -uU), whereas a form like brand(s) was felt to be a
masculine noun (and it consequently got the suffix -uU).
In the absence of helpful attestations, I can only
hypothesize that Germanisms of a simplex type such as
*brnd and *brnd were in use in early Romanian, as
suggested by the existence of Rm. brnt inflammation
and of several of the Romanian Brnd- surnames given
below. What I can safely assume is that early Romanians
used diminutive derivatives such as brnduU and brnduU,
which still transparently meant little sword,34 and which
the same Romanians metaphorically applied to certain
plants with swordlike leaves, just as speakers of Latin had
done with their diminutive gladiolus.
I kept some onomastic material in store for the end of
this article, since in a seemingly paradoxical way the
Romanian names discussed below raise further questions
about the status of Rm. brnduU, but they also provide
significant arguments in favor of the Old Germanic origin
of that word. Romanian person-names that transparently
derive from variants of the appellative brnduU (see, for
33
The ending -a marked the nominative-singular foms of many weak

masculine nouns (of the n-declension) in Old Germanic languages such
as Gothic (baira bear, falka falcon) and Old English (hunta hunter,
oxa ox).
34
Possibly, in the Carpathian-Danubian part of Europe, such diminutive
forms were created as derivatives from an Old Germanic term brand(a),
which had been borrowed as a useful designation of the Celtic-Germanic
type of straight long sword, as different from both the short gladius of the
Romans and the curved sica of the Dacians. As for West Romance, a clue
to the kind of weapon that was designated by an Old Germanism of the
brand(a) type is to be found in the Catalan dictionary of Moran and
Rabella (1999), in which Cat. bran is given as designation of a sword
wielded with both hands (espasa que sagafava amb les dues mans).
371
instance, BrnduU, BrnduU, BrnduU, BrnduU)35 were

created on Romanian soil, therefore I will not dwell on
them; for similar reasons, I will simply mention the
existence of transparent derivatives from such names
(BrnduUanu, BrnduUescu, BrnduUoni, BrnduUeriu) and of
village-names such as BrnduUa (Dolj) and BrnduUari
(Vlcea). All these are quite numerous, and they may be
taken into consideration in connection with the age and
position on the appellative brnduU in Romanian.
However, what I must primarily focus on at this point is a
category of Romanian surnames that appear to depend
directly on the Brand family of Old Germanic surnames.
Constantinescus
onomastic
dictionary
(1963)
includes the Romanian family names Branda, Brnda,
Brnda, plus suffixed derivatives such as Brndin, Brndar
(in the Serbian Banat),36 BrndaU, Brndu, Brndin
(Moldavia, 1493). To these, in his dictionary of 1983,
Iordan adds Brandu which he refers to Bulg. Brando ,
as well as Brandea and Brndeu, which he regards simply as
careless transcriptions 37 of names based on the appellative
35
I extracted the anthroponyms discussed in this article not only from the
onomastic dictionaries Constantinescu 1963 and Iordan 1983, but also
from the telephone directories of the main cities of Romania.
36
In regard to Romanian names of the Serbian Banat, I will mention that
a student from Serbia, Dragana Brndusic (who participated in the 2007
summer courses of the Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of IaUi),
considered her family name to derive from the Romanian plant-name
brnduU.
37
It is true that Romanian names with spellings such as Brandus, Brandusa,
or Branduse (all of which I extracted from the telephone directory of
IaUi) may be suspected of being results of negligence, or even of
intentional removal of diacritics. However, since there are rather many
Romanian names that show the alternation Brand-/Brnd-/Brnd-/Brnd(which can all be referred to Old Germanic terms of the brand type), the
problem deserves a separate discussion. Such a discussion should take
into account not only Romanian brnduU and the numerous Romanian
names of the Brand- series, but also the Bulgarian name Brando (to which
Iordan referred Rm. Brandu see above), as well as the Aromanian
appellative brandu trunk. The question is: could a stressed sequence
/an/, well preserved in Romanian names like Branda and Brandu,
indicate that such names were originally borne by members of lingering
Old Germanic communities that became Romanized (or, rather,
Romanianized?) at a time during which the regular early-Romanian
change /an/ > /en/ was no longer active? (Such a period can be rightly
called post-Slavic, since Romanian Slavisms such as hran food and ran
372
Adrian Poruciuc
brn(d)z cheese.38 Personally, by resorting to telephone

directories of Romanian cities, I could observe that
TimiUoara (in the Romanian Banat) has the most abundant
series of Brand- names: besides the ones of a simplex type,
such as Branda, Brnda, Brnda, Brnda, there are
derivatives, such as BrandaU, BrandeU, Brndu, BrndaU,
BrndaU, Brndea, Brndeu, Brndeu, Brndev, Brndescu,
Brndici, Brndici. In the directory of Oradea (a city in
northwestern Transylvania), besides Branda, Brandas,
BrnduU, etc. (see above), I found Brnd and Brnda, which
form a doublet that strikingly recalls the one represented
by the above-mentioned Old Germanic pair of appellatives,
brand and branda. Speaking of appellative bases, I will
observe that a Romanian name like BrndaU can very well
reflect an (unattested early Romanian) appellative
*brndaU (maker of swords, or sword wielder?), which is
typologically comparable to Rm. brdaU carpenter, that is,
ax wielder,39 the latter undoubtedly representing the
appellative base of the Romanian family name BrdaU. A
similar conclusion can be drawn in regard to the Romanian
(Banatian) name Brndar, which shows brand extended by
wound were not affected by the change under discussion.) The separate
discussion I suggest at this point should also consider a Romanian name
like Bndea, which shows a shift from an to n, according to
Gamillscheg, who referred Rm. Bndea to Germanic Bando, Bandi
(1935: 246). Notable is that Romanian onomastic dictionaries and
telephone directories include not only Bndea, Bnda and Bndil, but
also Bandu, Bande and Bandac. One conclusion could be that, just as hran
and ran became Romanian later than brnduU, names like Branda and
Bandu began to be used in Romanian (as borne by Romanians) later than
Brnda and Bndea. Such a conclusion should be sustained by ethnologicdemographic-historical arguments, wherever possible.
38
At the end of his brnduUe entry, Ciornescu (2001) states: There may
be a connection between brnduUe and brnz [cheese]; but it is not easy
to clarify in the present stage of research. In an article to-be, I will
demonstrate that Rm. brnduU is etymologically related to Rm. brnz, a
possible starting point for the envisaged demonstration being the
generally assumed connection of the Latin terms fervere and fermentum to
the PIE root *bhreu- (to boil, bubble, effervesce, burn), that is, to the
root that also accounts for the Germanic terms of the *brenw- family
discussed above.
39
For the Old Germanic origin of Rm. bard broad/hewing ax, see first
part of Poruciuc 2000.
373
the Latin suffix -arius, as trade-name marker.40

It is quite difficult to decide which of the abovementioned names presuppose a previously borrowed
Germanic appellative brand(a) sword (from which
Romanian proper names could subsequently be derived),
and which of them reflect direct onomastic transfer. In the
latter case we should imagine situations of Romanized
bearers of Old Germanic names of the Brand type. 41 What
we know for sure is that, on Germanic soil, appellatives of
the brand(a) type did show enough capacity for onomastic
transfer. For instance, the onomastic appendix of Kblers
dictionary (1989) contains the Gothic person-names
Brandariz, Brandila, 42 Brandirigus (all based on Go. brands
sword). In his dictionary of Old Norse (1961), under
brandr sword, de Vries mentions the person-names
Brandr, Brandlfr, Gudbrandr, Kolbrandr. Todays stock of
German anthroponyms includes both a simplex Brand (also
known as family name of a former Chancellor of the
Federal Republic of Germany) and double-member
compounds, such as Adalbrand, Hildebrand, and Brandolf, 43
in which one member is most probably based on the ProtoGermanic appellative *brandaz sword.44 Most remarkable
are two certainly Gothic names that Gamillscheg (1935:
312) mentions as recorded in southern France: the two
onomastic compounds, Gdbrands
and
Wtbrands,
40
In an early stage of Romanian there must have been a competition

between the suffixes -aU (as in brdaU carpenter, csaU house owner,
ostaU soldier) and -ar (as in fierar blacksmith, mcelar butcher, pdurar
forester). In regard to the Romanian name BrndaU, as possible
reflection of an unattested appellative that meant sword wielder, I take
into consideration the existence of certain Romanian designations of
(medieval) categories of soldiers such as arcaU (< arc bow) and sulitaU (<
sulit spear).
41
For a comparison, I will mention that among the Romanian family
names included in Iordan 1983, at least three namely Sabia, Sabie and
Sbiescu have Rm. sabie sword as their appellative base.
42
The Gothic name Brandila is translatable as Little Sword, and it
corresponds, etymologically and structurally, to Rm. BrnduU (whose
suffix-uU has exactly the same diminutive function as the one of Old
Germanic -ila).
43
All these are extracted from Mackensen 1990.
44
The reconstruction *brandaz Brand, Schwert in given in Kblers
Gothic dictionary under branda and brands, respectively.
374
Adrian Poruciuc
doubtlessly contain Go. brands sword as second member.45

We can suppose that such names were not used only by
Gothic speakers proper, but that they continued to be
used by assimilated (that is, Romanized) heirs of the Goths
in France and/or Spain. It is exactly the kind of direct
onomastic transfer by assimilation of bearers that I
presume in cases of Romanian surnames such as Branda,
Brnda, Brnda, Brnd.
The arguments presented above impose the idea that
Rm. brnduU is based on an Old Germanic term, namely
brand (brands, branda) sword. Such a term might have
represented soldiers jargon, like several others terms
that Gamillscheg regarded as lexical elements introduced
by Germanic mercenaries into the Vulgar Latin of the
East (1935: 256); but, I must repeat, there are no records
that could attest to such a transfer of such an Old
Germanic word into Late Vulgar Latin. There are,
however, attestations that indicate the very early presence
of the Old Germanic loan brand sword in West Romance
languages. Under such circumstances, one may consider
the possibility of independent borrowing (of Old
Germanic appellatives) and transfer (of Old Germanic
names) into varieties of Romance, both East and West. As
for the East, one should observe that borrowings/transfers
could occur not only between Germanic military peoples
(Goths, Gepids, Langobards) and Proto-Romance speakers
of the 5th-6th centuries, but also between very early
Germanic (pre-Gothic) intruders and pre-Roman natives of
Southeast Europe.
General conclusions
For a first conclusive statement, I consider that the
regional use of Rm. ateia, in Banat (that is, in a territory
once controlled by the Gepids), indicates a most probable
Gepidic origin for the Romanian word under discussion.
Therefore I will sustain the solution proposed by Diculescu
and subsequently reinforced by Gamillscheg. In contrast to
ateia, the term brnduU is a word of earlier attestation and
of general Romanian use, as well as a word that represents
45
I consider the two names to be interpretable as Good-Sword and

Lawful-Sword, respectively.
375
the appellative base of quite a number of Romanian

proper-names.46 There are many arguments (see above) in
favor of a development of Rm. brnduU from an Old
Germanic loan, namely brand (or branda), which
designated a certain type of sword. It would, however, be
quite difficult for anyone to indicate precisely from which
Old Germanic idiom and into which non-Germanic
Central-Southeast European idiom that term was first
borrowed. Taking into consideration (1) the archaic
character of brand (word-and-thing) in Germanic, (2) the
probably substratal origin of the Romanian suffix -uU, and
(3) the very early occurrence of the shift /an/ > /en/ in
the history of Romanian, I will not exclude the possibility
that Rm. brnduU could represent a borrowing from Old
Germanic into a pre-Roman substratal idiom from which
Romanian inherited brnduU as designation for plants
with swordlike leaves.
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AHD
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46
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produced a multitude of both person-names and place-names) is quite
different from the one of ateia. First of all, for the latter I have not been
able to find any illustrative examples among recorded Romanian personnames. As for place-names, taking into consideration that Rm. frumos
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conflation with the Hungarian lexical family of atya parent, father, I
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interpretation of Rm. ateia.
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1996
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Was there an Indo-European word for pear?

Martin E. Huld,
California State University, Los Angeles
Two distinct words for pear can be reconstructed for

Indo-European. The widespread distribution of *A 1piso-,
reflected by Latin pirum and Greek pion, and an Old Indic
derivative, *pea-, which is the source of Burushaski pheo,
assures Proto-Indo-European status. Paradigmatic reflexes
and derivatives of a second term, *A 1 g hord-s, are found in
Albanian dardh and Greek xerdow, xrw, and perhaps
gxnh and its variants. Though confined to the Balkans,
reflexes of *A 1 g hord-s can only be explained in terms of a
Proto-Indo-European hysterodynamic declension. The
distinction between the two terms may reflect different
utilization of wild pear species.
The possibility of an Indo-European pear tree was

briefly entertained by Paul Friedrich in his classic work on
Proto-Indo-European Trees, at the end of which he listed
among his twenty-two Miscellanica Arborea three terms for
pear: Lat. pirum a pear, Gk. pion a pear, and
Burushaski pheso 1 (1970:151). With typical caution,
Friedrich noted that all twenty-two sets listed in this
addendum to the main work did not warrant positing a
prototerm but may merit further study. However, any
further study was apparently curtailed by Eric P. Hamps
dismissal of the forms in his review of Friedrichs book for
American Anthropologist (1973:1093-96). Echoing the
opinions of Walde-Hofmann and Frisk, Hamp declared that
these words were non-Indo-European and further justified
their exclusion by stating that the distribution of pear
terms matched those of terms for mulberry and fig
(1973:1095). Friedrich himself may have accepted Hamps
judgment, for he offered no separate entry for pear in his
1
The actual form has a retroflected sibilant and is more properly
represented as pho.
381
later articles for Indo-European trees in the Encyclopedia of

Indo-European Culture, and where the pear is mentioned in
that work, it is characterized by Mallory and Adams as
having a common, presumably non-IE source (1997:433).
The chief reason for this opinion seems to be a belief
that the cultivation of domestic fruit trees is a late
development, largely begun by the Chinese. However, this
belief, though founded on fact, embodies a profound
misunderstanding of the situation. Pears, and most other
fruit trees, propagate through sexual reproduction. While
this method assures a constant turnover of genetic
characteristics and enables the species on the whole to
maintain a desirable variability which makes it less
susceptible to disease, it has an unfortunate consequence
for the grower of fruit. Because a fruit body is a modified
ovary, a particularly succulent or esculent fruit is the
product of its mothers genetic resources, but the seeds
within share only half of those desirable genetic
characteristics, the other half being the contribution of
the male plant. In other words, no non-self-pollinating
plants breed true. In order to perpetuate beneficial
mutations, these need to be cloned by layering, rooting
slips, or grafting. The latter technique, the most efficient
but also the one requiring the greatest skill, appears to
have been begun sometime around 1000 BC by the
Chinese, but there is no reason to believe that if the IndoEuropeans knew of fruit trees, they had to know only
domesticated species and consequently the complexities of
Chinese arboriculture. While the fruit of wild pears (Pyrus
pyraster) and apples and cherries for that matter is
less appetizing to the modern palate than that of domestic
cultivars, Pyrus communis, with their larger, more succulent
fruit, earlier populations did not inevitably scorn these
products; therefore, it is entirely possible that the IndoEuropeans were familiar with wild pears, a species, Pyrus
pyraster, which is ubiquitous throughout southeastern
Europe and western Asia (Figure 1). Thus, the obviously
late date for grafted, domestic pears is irrelevant for a
discussion of gathered, wild pears.
382
Martin E. Huld
Figure 1: Distribution of Pyru pyraster, the wild ancestor of P.

Communis [after Zohary and Hopf 2000:176 map 19]
Moreover, close inspection shows that there are

significant differences in the distribution of cognates for
pear and those of fig (Ficus carica) and mulberry
(Morus nigra). First of all, the set of alleged cognates for
pear consists only of three witnessesLatin, Greek, and
Burushaskiwhile both fig and mulberry include
Armenian as well. The other three languagesArmenian,
Greek, and Latin indicate a Mediterranean distribution.
We find wine similarly distributed, though in the form of
loans from these languages, especially Latin, wine ranged
rather wider than figs and mulberries. Nevertheless, these
words are thought to represent indigenous culture items of
the eastern Mediterranean traded around the sea and
throughout the Near East. Burushaski, spoken in the
Himalayas, is far removed from this Mediterranean world
and a unlikely destination for traded food stuffs,
particularly pears which ripen quickly in heat and then rot
all too soon. 2
2
Modern trade in pears depends on refrigeration; when stored at 1 C
(34 F) hard (unripened) pears will keep almost indefinitely and will
begin ripening upon being warmed to 16 C (60 F). While dried pears
can be stored and transported more easily, there is no evidence for such
dried fruits.
383
Moreover, the pear cognates can be shown to have a

clearly reconstructible form that follows canonical IndoEuropean morphological patterns, while the fig,
mulberry, and wine sets have numerous phonological
and morphological anomalies which suggest adaptation of
alien phonetics. It is possible that the Latin and Greek
referents to Ficus carica can be referred to a single etymon
if it is assumed that the of Lat. fcus represents a
delabialization of * and that the sibilant seen in Attic
skon beside the stop of Boeotian tkon reflects a
palatalized aspirate. In that case, Lat. fcus and Att. ,
Boeot. could reflect PIE *dhiuHKo-. However, even
if an initial cluster of PIE *dhi (the source of Attic s and
Boeotian t) could give Latin f, the initial voiceless aspirate
of Arm. tuz cannot be accounted for by such a
reconstruction, and we would require instead a loan from
an intermediary in which Indo-European aspirates lost
voice and voiceless stops became voiced (to account for
the Armenian voiced final). The resemblance of
Burushaski pfak fig (actually Lorimer writes pfk signifying
perhaps a phonemic /phak/) to these etyma is confined
to the final tectal and suggests a mere accidental similarity.
Referents to Morus nigra, the black mulberry, are
even more problematic, for there is not even complete
agreement between Gk. mron and Lat. mrum. The Latin
form has a consistent long vowel, which, except for the
Hesychian mvra:sukmina is unheard of in Greek. If Arm.
mor is a loan from Greek, it points indisputably to a short
*; however, the oblique mori and instrumental moriw
indicate that unlike Gk. mron , Arm. mor is not a o-stem
but an i-stem (Meillet 1936:66). The discrepancies among
Greek, Latin, and Armenian are best seen as the result of
these words being loans in at least some, if not all, of
them. This view would explain the difference in vowel
quantity between Latin and the other languages and the
discrepancy in the Armenian morphological category. Also,
the similarity of these forms to Burushaski biran is even
less apparent that the similarity among Lat. fcus, Att.
skon, Boeot. tkon, Arm. tuz, and Burushaski pfk. Finally,
there are other, similar terms for mulberry scattered
384
Martin E. Huld
across Eurasia, and additional complexities of vocalism arise

if one includes OIr. smr blackberry and W. mwyar
blackberries, which Pedersen derived from *smijoro-, a
Sievers variant of *smioro- (1909:101), among the set.
The matter becomes even more complicated when Rom.
zmeur raspberries are added; if these terms are all
related,3 the geographical distribution and variable
vocalism set them apart from the pear terms. In the case
of pear, the alleged cognates are limited to three
languages and form a tight, phonetically regular set of
morphologically structured forms, and the relationships
among Lat. pirum, Gk. pion and Burushaski pho is
considerably greater than mere phonetic similarity, for
they are governed by replicable correspondences. The
Latin rhotic and the Greek hiatus can only be accounted
for by an underlying intervocalic sibilant, which is actually
attested in Burushaski.
The possibility of a relation between Lat. pirum and
Gk. pion was seen by Walde-Hofmann (1954:309-10), but
they dismissed the word as a Mediterranean culture word,
an opinion shared by Frisk (1960:121) and Boisacq
(1938:69), though in his corrigenda (1972:35), Frisk also
notes Bergers adduction, with references, of the
Himalayan Burushaski pho (1956:15-17), which would
seriously weaken any claims of a Mediterranean or central
European origin. The similarity in these European words is
confined not only to Lat. pirum and Gk. pion, the fruit of
the pear tree, but it can be extended to the trees
themselves, Lat. pirus and Gk. piow. This is not a trivial
observation, for these etyma follow a well-established IndoEuropean pattern in which the tree name is an animate ostem noun (in Latin of an unexpected, and perhaps
original, feminine gender) while the fruit appears as a
neuter o-stem noun. Thus, a reconstructed set *A1piso-s
pear-tree and *A1piso-m pear matches *kno-s cherrytree (Lat. cornus, Gk. krnow) and *knom cherry (Lat.
cornum, Gk. krnon). Scattered tree etyma in other
3
Though blackberries are botanically quite distinct from mulberries, the
fruit of both is strikingly similar. Raspberries, on the other hand, are
quite distinct in shape and color.
385
branches show faint traces of this same pattern. Watkins

identification of OIr. ad with the first element of the
Hittite compound %at-alkisna hawthorn permits the
reconstruction of a feminine *A1 ed-o- hawthorn, while
the retention of the intervocalic *-d- in Albanian vodh
(Tosk vadh) rowan requires a neuter, *A1 ed-om (Huld
2006:173). While the pattern has become productive, the
fact that it appears in both Latin and Greek increases the
probability that it reflects an Indo-European original. This
pattern has become productive in Latin, as for example
with the international word for mulberry, mrus mulberry
tree beside mrum mulberry, but the same pattern is not
shared by arboreal loans in Greek; there the tree
producing the mronmulberry is the moraand the laion
olive is borne on the laa. Though Greek still
distinguishes the tree from the fruit, these obviously
borrowed tree names are first declension feminines, not
the o-stems of the inherited vocabulary.
Not only does the fact that pear and pear-tree fit
this derivational pattern of distinguishing the animate tree
from the inanimate fruit suggest that the antecedents of
this pair can be projected into Indo-European antiquity,
but the treatment of the intervocalic sibilant also suggests
a word of some antiquity. The Latin cognates show
rhotacism indicating that the form cannot have been a
recent loan; and it certainly cannot be a loan from Greek.
Intervocalic *s was already lenited in Greek by the
Mycenaean period, so there is little possibility that the
Italic words could have been borrowed from Greek or vice
versa. Moreover, the initial alpha of the Greek cognates is
a reflex of an initial laryngeal, which does not appear in
the Latin form, another indication that the Italic word
could not have come from the Greek cognate, nor could
the Greek be derived from the Italic forms. The only way
in which these two forms can be related is if they are
derived from a protoform which had an unaltered
intervocalic *s and still retained the initial laryngeal before
such sounds vocalized in Greek and were lost before nonsonorants in Italic, that is at a stage virtually identical to
Proto-Indo-European.
Nevertheless, a distribution limited to Greek and
386
Martin E. Huld
Latin might suggest an early loan from some unidentified

Mediterranean or central European language; however,
Berger (1956:15-17) noted a possible relationship between
these forms and Burushaski pho. Appeals to a
Mediterranean or central European substrate which
resembles a non-Indo-European language of the Himalayas
at the Indian-Pakistani border are not particularly
compelling, and the similarity between the classical words
for pear and the form in Burushaski requires another
explanation. Borrowing from Burushaski is both
geographically problematic and phonetically difficult, for
both Greek and Latin reflect a simpler zero-grade vocalism.
The similarity of Burushaski pho to *A1piso-, the
antecedent of pirus and piow, is too great to be dismissed
as mere coincidence, yet the borrowing of Greek and
Latin from an unknown Mediterranean source
represented solely by a remote Himalayan language is also
improbable; thus it is worth considering that it is
Burushaski itself which is the borrower.
One of the weaknesses of Friedrichs otherwise
admirable study is that it does not pay close enough
attention to the morphological processes within cognate
sets. Such attention enables us to see these words for
pear in a new light. In his discussion of the cognates for
birch Friedrich reconstructed a feminine PIE *bherHgo-s,
apparently much influenced by OE beorc (< PG *berk),
Lithuanian brzas, and R. berza. However, while Oss. brz is
ambiguous, OInd. bhrj- unquestionably points to PIE
*bhHgo-s, and the same zero-grade is required to account
for Lat. farnus ash (< *bhHg-no-) and fraxinus ash, as
well as the Albanian adjective bardh white < *birch-bark
colored. In 1981, I suggested that the Indo-European
etymon was instead of a feminine o-stem an ablauting
athematic noun (1981:303). I see now that this view is
wrong. Friedrich was right in supposing a feminine o-stem,
but that etymon was not an e-grade, but a zero-grade
preserved in Indo-Iranian and Italic at the eastern and
western extremes of the Indo-European world. The egrade is a specifically central innovation based on
Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic and represents a vddhied egrade adjective. Such e-grade adjectives were at one time
387
quite productive in Indo-European, and PIE *A1pisos is

the expected adjectival form from *A1piso-. PIE *A1pisos
would have given PII *pas, OInd. *p; in which case,
Burushaski pho must be a loan from an Indic derivative
adjective and as such may preserve evidence of the lost
Indic cognate noun derived from PIE *A1piso-. The
geographical distribution of these three forms suggests
that *A1piso- was the original Indo-European designation
for pear. While Sanskrit maintains a distinction between
PII *p and *ph, there are a number of Middle Indic forms
in which *p has become ph, e.g. Pli pharusa beside OInd.
parua rough, and a loan from such a dialect could
account for the aspiration. 4
As the Proto-Indo-European community split up at the
beginning of the Bronze Age, any traces of hunting and
gathering subsistence which survived into the Neolithic, as
suggested by PIE *A1piso- pear, would become more
imperiled as tribes moved into new ecological zones and
foraging for such marginal dietary items as wild pears
became a less reliable (and perhaps more dangerous) mode
of subsistence. That PIE *A1piso- survives as a tree-name
and fruit-name only in Greek and Italic and as a
substantivized e-grade derivative adjective *A1peiso- in the
form of a loan word in a non-Indo-European language of
the Himalayas is hardly surprising. What is surprising is that
Greek seems to be richly endowed with terms for pear. In
addition to reflexes of *A1piso-, there is a second root,
which may have given as many as three cognates in Greek
and one in Albanian.
As long ago as 1892, Sophus Bugge suggested that
Alb. darde (his archaic philological spelling of dardh
pear) was akin to Gk. xerdow and xrw, both wild pear
(1892:184). In his review of Greek and Albanian
correspondences, Jokl accepted this argument and
reconstructed *ghord- thornbush, a reference to the spiny
branches of the wild pear, Pyrus pyraster. This
reconstruction would account for both the vocalism and
consonants of the Albanian form and has been accepted
4
Metathesis of the initial laryngeal, *A 1peiso- to *pA 1 eiso- is also
possible, but I think rather an expensive solution.
388
Martin E. Huld
by Pokorny (1959:446) who instead reconstructed *gh erzdto align the forms with his root be prickly though the
sibilant ought to have been reflected in Albanian as th
rather than dh (cf. the actual Albanian cognate, drith
barley (so named for its brittler, sharper awns when
compared to wheat) from the zero-grade *ghsdcomparable to Lat. hordeum and OHG gersta). Mann also
accepted Bugges connection, but reconstructed an absurd
*gh erds for Albanian and an inexplicable *ghds for Greek
(1952:34) though he had earlier declared it to be
probably a non-IE word (1941:17). Huld also accepted
this set, but noting the limited distribution and vexed
phonology, again suggested a Balkan-gean substrate
word (1983:48).
The problems involved in such an equation have
prompted several scholars to reject the entire relationship
and propose alternatives. Orels claim that dardh is a
simple o-grade nominal formation of a root *derdh- pour
(1998:56) is both semantically vague and too ad hoc to
carry much conviction. In addition, a root that begins and
ends in apical consonants also violates constraints on root
shape in Indo-European. abejs attempt to relate
Albanian pears and Irish blackthorns (1976:107) deserves
more attention, though as Demiraj noted, the equation is
not definitive (1997:121-22).5 In this etymology, abej
proposed linking dardh with OIr. draigen sloe, Prunus
spinosa. There are many problems with this equation, not
the least of which is the semantics. Though OIr. draigen is
once glossed pirus in the St. Gall glosses to Priscian
(Stokes and Strachan 1903:II.115, line 19), all other Irish
occurrences mean sloe the blackthorn tree, Prunus
spinosa, and that is the only meaning found for the British
cognates: Welsh draen, MCo. drn, and Bret. drean. These
forms appear to reflect a Proto-Celtic *dragenos. They
differ from Alb. dardh, which would reflect an unsuffixed
*dharghoA2, in both the suffix and in the order of the
vowel and rhotic. Despite these obvious differences,
Demiraj has lent some support to this notion,
reconstructing *dhor(H)gh-eh2, claiming that the vocalism is
paralleled by that seen in bardh white and dark supper
5
nicht eindeutig.
389
(1997:122), but the vocalisms of these two alleged parallels

are not at all commensurate. The color bardh represents a
zero-grade of a root with a post-sonorant laryngeal,
Brugmanns so-called long syllabic liquids, and is to be
reconstructed *bhHgo- (cf. OInd. bhrj-) while dark is a
simple o-grade, PIE *dorkwo- (cf. Gk. drpon) as shown also
by the zero-grade, drek breakfast with [e] lowered from
earlier [i] the vocalism of a simple, short syllabic liquid with
no laryngeal, PIE *dkw-oA2. Demirajs hestitant
reconstruction of a laryngeal signified by the parentheses
is due to his desire to add the Slavic cognates, Russian
dern, Ukr. drn, SC drn (dialectal dr;jen), and Pol. drzon,
all cornel cherry, Cornus mas, to the cognate set. If these
forms really did contain a laryngeal, PIE *d(h)erH-no-, as
comparison with the accents of R. berza, Ukr. brza, SC
brza, and Pol. brzoza, all birch < PIE *bherHgoA2, might
suggest, the semantic differences still raise doubts. The
Slavic referents are notably lacking in thorns or spines, the
original justification for the Albanian-Celtic comparison.
Also, there is no need to posit any kind of tectal in the
root coda of cornel, and any connection with sloe is
illusory. Moreover, the laryngeal-less root of OIr. draigen
and W draen sloe, PIE *d(h)reg(h), has a more acceptable
Albanian cognate, namely driz < *d(h)g(h)ioA2. In modern
Linnaean classifications, this name is used to designate the
Christs thorn, Paliurus spinachristi, but colloquially, it also
denotes bramblebush and its derivatives, drizrisht
bramble thicket and drizare wren, a bird species notable
for nesting among brambles, suggest an original meaning
bramble or in the United States blackberry. Like the
sloe, we have in Alb. driz a dark, almost black fruit on a
spiny plant, which is rather different from the yellowishred wild pear, although wild pears do have spines. I
therefore suggest that Alb. dardh pear is in origin quite
distinct from the set of terms denoting black fruits on a
spiny plant and should be placed with the Greek terms
denoting pyriform fruits on a tree, whether spiny or not.
There are two or three such forms: xrw and xerdow
denoting the wild pear, Pyrus pyraster and perhaps gxnh
pear. If these forms are all derived from a common
prototype, the demonstration of this fact must involve
390
Martin E. Huld
rather complex developments. The sketch given below

involves a number of speculations.
Though Frisk (1960:203) and Boisaq (1938:108-09)
call the equation between the first two Greek names for
pear and Albanian dardh doubtful, it was made as early
as 1892 by Sophus Bugge (1892:164). In laryngealist
terms, Bugges suggestion amounts to a zero-grade
feminine athematic noun, *A1ghd-, beside an e-grade
thematic *A1 gh erd-o-, which like the innovative *bherHgoof Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic, was probably originally an
adjectival formation. While such a vddhied adjective easily
accounts for Gk. xerdow, the other forms are a bit more
complex than Bugge realized. To relate these to Albanian
dardh, it is not necessary to posit an additional o-grade stem, but merely to imagine that the athematic feminine
noun belonged to the hysterodynamic pattern, with
nominative *A1 ghord-s and oblique *A1 ghd-. Such a
reconstruction can explain both Alb. dardh and Gk. xrw,
xrdow.
A feminine athematic hysterodynamic noun
*A1 ghord-s would have been restructured in Albanian as
*A1 ghord-oA2 and given PAlb. dard > Alb. dardh; the
oblique stem genitive *A1 ghd-os regularly gave Gk.
xrdow, the genitive, from which the nominative xrw
was back-formed; the thematic e-grade adjective,
*A1 gherd-o-s gave xerdow which was later substantivized.
At first glance, the last term, gxnh and its variants
would appear to have little in common with the xerdow,
xrw, dardh set, but to leave it unaccounted would
require us to assume three distinct terms for pear in the
Balkans, a rather perplexing surfeit given the general
limitations of pear terms elsewhere. Therefore, it is worth
exploring a relationship with the other terms even if such
speculations never rise above the barest possibility. Frisk
(1970:348) wisely rejected Schraders wild guess that the
word was related to the s-stem gxowspear from the use of
the wood in making spears, for while the light and easily
turned wood of the pear tree is preferred for recorders
(the flauto dolce of baroque instrumentation) and
harpsichords, pearwood is brittle and not typically used for
391
spears. It is hard to see a connection between gxnh and

xrw unless we begin with a thematic form, PIE *A1 ghdoA2. Early metathesis to *A1ghd-oA2 would have given, with
Mycenaean vocalism,6 an initial rx- which then may have
been dissimilated to gx- to avoid homophony with *rxiw
testicle. Assimilation of * gxd to gxnh would then
eliminate the awkward xd-cluster, and further dissimilative
loss of the nasal in gxnh would account for the variant
xnh. While these developments may seem excessively
complex, they have the advantage of bringing five
separate Balkan terms for pear species into a single
etymon.
Despite being isolated in the Balkans, the complex
inflectional and derivational morphology of *A1ghord-s and
the derivational morphology of the more wide-spread
*A1piso-s are purely Indo-European, yet the question
remains why do we have a second name for pear in the
Balkans when PIE *A1pisos is already found in Greek,
Latin, and probably Indic as demonstrated by a Burushaski
loan.
The domestic pear, Pyrus communis, is a cultivated
variety of Pyrus pyraster, commonly called the wild pear,
which was formerly ubiquitous throughout southeastern
Europe and western Asia, areas that are commonly thought
of as potential locations for a Proto-Indo-European
homeland. Domestication of the pear may have involved
some form of hybridization with other species of the genus
Pyrus (Wasson 2003:582; Zohary and Hopf 2000:175-76),
and other species of wild pear occurring in the same
region need not have been neglected by earlier
populations. Though the fruit of these species is not as
large as that of Pyrus communis, many are edible, and in
particular, Pyrus nivalis, the snow pear of southeastern
Europe, is still prized today for its fruit, which is rarely
eaten, but is often the principal source of pear juice from
which perry or pear cider is fermented. It is possible that
Indo-Europeans in the Balkans felt a need to distinguish
6
Rather than Mycenaean vocalism, it is possible to imagine that the

omicron here represents an original *V 1 g h d-o-, with the other forms
attracted to the *A 1 or *A 1piso- because all refer to some kind of pear.
392
Martin E. Huld
the eating pear, PIE *A1piso-s, Pyrus pyraster or Pyrus

communis from the drinking pear, Pyrus nivalis or some
other species, *A1 ghord-s. At any rate, it is possible that the
fruit of different pear species was sufficiently distinct in
both shape and use to warrant a distinctive term.
Elsewhere, the original terms for pear were largely lost,
but in the Balkans, where two distinctive species remained
ever present, preservation of two distinct Indo-European
designations for pear, PIE *A1piso- and *A1ghord- resulted.
References
Berger, Hermann
1956
Mittelmeerische Kulturpflanzennamen aus dem Burusaski.
Mnchner Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 9:4-33.
Boisacq, mile
1938
Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue grecque, 3 dition.
Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universittsverlag.
Bugge, Sophus
1892
Beitrge zur etymologischen erlauterung der albanesischen
sprache. [Bezzenbergers] Beitrge zur Kunde der
indogermanischen Sprachen 18:161-201.
abej, Eqrem4
1976
Studime Gjuhsore, i. Prishtin: Rilindja
Demiraj, Bardhyl
1997
Albanische etymologien. Amsterdam: Rodopi
Friedrich, Paul
1970
Proto-Indo-European Trees. Chicago: University of Chicago Pr.
Frisk, Hjalmar
1960
Griechisches etymologisches Wrterbuch, i A-K. Heidelberg: Carl
Winter Universittsverlag.
1970
Griechisches etymologisches Wrterbuch, ii Kr-W. Heidelberg: Carl
1972
Griechisches etymologisches Wrterbuch,iii Register. Heidelberg:
Carl Winter Universittsverlag.
Hamp, Eric P.
1973
review of Paul Friedrich, Proto-Indo-European Trees.
American Anthropologist 75:1093-96.
393
Huld, Martin E.
1981
Albanian Corrigenda to Friedrichs Proto-Indo-European
Trees. [Kuhns] Zeitschrift fr vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft.
95:302-08.
1983
Basic Albanian Etymologies. Columbus, OH: Slavica Publishers.
2006
Indo-European hawthorns. In Proceedings of the Seventeenth
Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference, Karlene Jones-Bley et
all. (eds), JIES Monograph 52. Washington: Institute for the
Study of Man.
Mallory, J[ames] P. and D[ouglas] Q. Adams
1997
Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. London: Fitzroy and
Dearborn Publishers.
Mann, Stuart E.
1941
The Indo-European Semivowels in Albanian. Language 17.1223.
1952
The Indo-European Consonants in Albanian. Language 28.3140.
Meillet, Antoine
1936
Esquisse dune grammaire compare de larmnien classique, seconde
dition. Vienna: Mekhitharistes.
Orel, Vladimir .
1998
Albanian Etymological Dictionary. Leiden: Brill.
pear. Encyclopdia Britannica.
2008
Encyclopdia Britannica Online. 20 Feb. 2008
<http://search.eb.com.mimas.calstatela.edu/eb/article9058872>.
Pedersen, Holger
1909
Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen, i. Gttingen:
Vandenhoeck and Rupprecht.
Pokorny, Julius.
1959
Indogermanisches etymologisches Wrterbuch. Berne: Francke.
Stokes, Whitley and John Strachan
1903.
Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus, ii. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Walde, A[lois] and J[ohannes] B. Hofmann
1938
Lateinisches etymologisches Wrterbuch, i A-L. Heidelberg: Carl
1954
Lateinisches etymologisches Wrterbuch, ii M-Z. Heidelberg: Carl
1956
Lateinisches etymologisches Wrterbuch, iii Register. Heidelberg:
Carl Winter Universittsverlag.
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Wasson, Ernie.
2003
The Complete Encyclopedia of Trees and Shrubs. San Diego:
Thunder Bay Press.
Zohary, Daniel and Maria Hopf
2000
Domestication of Plants in the Old World, third edition. Oxford:
Oxford University Press
Notes on the Function of Gothic -U

Giuseppe Pagliarulo
Dipartimento di Scienze del Linguaggio e
Letterature Moderne e Comparate
Universit degli Studi di Torino
In this article the distribution of the Gothic enclitic particle u is examined in the light of speech act theor y. It is argued
that the particle is optional in non-canonical questions but
compulsory in canonical ones, therefore it should be
regarded as a fully vital and not yet vestigial questionintroducing device in Gothic.
1. The problem
Gothic is the only Germanic language in which the
enclitic particle -u is used. This particle, which is thought
to be etymologically related to the Sanskrit deictic particle
-u and Old Bulgarian - (Wright 1954: 140), is found in
direct and indirect interrogative clauses, where it cliticizes
to any constituent that appears in first position (Buzzoni
2009: 39). It has therefore been interpreted and is usually
referred to in handbooks and dictionaries simply as an
interrogative particle (see, for instance, Wright 1954: 140;
Moss 1942: 190; Binnig 1999: 117; Streitberg 1981: 62;
Lehmann 1986: s. u.). Its apparent optionality, however,
has not failed to puzzle scholars. Jones (1955) notes
couples of cases like the following 1:
(1) a. niu ussuggwup aiw â gatawida Daweid?
(Mk 2:25)
b. ni pata ussuggwud patei gatawida Daweid?
(Lk 6:3)
Have you never read what David did?
Here the enclitic appears in the first question but it is

1
The English translation of New Testament verses is taken from the New
International Version.
396
Giuseppe Pagliarulo
not used in the second one, even though the two

sentences are practically identical. To explain this
inconsistency, Jones hypotesizes that the enclitic is made
virtually redundant by interrogative intonation, therefore
it should be considered as vestigial in Gothic. Its absence
in later Germanic would, in his opinion, confirm this
assumption.
Scherer (1968) gives a different explanation of the
particle's optionality as an interrogative enclitic, basically
proposing that it can introduce rhetorical questions only.
Two more recently published studies on Gothic syntax
(Ferraresi 2005; Buzzoni 2009) advance a similar claim,
arguing that -u functions as a modifier of the interrogative
force of a sentence, contributing an emotive flavour that
turns the sentence into a surprise or disapproval
question. Ferraresi, in particular, suggests that -u expresses
surprise or disappointment of the questioner, bearing the
same function as the Greek particle ra.
The aim of the present study is to establish whether
there is any truth in these theories and to help define the
limits of the Gothic particle's usage more clearly.
2. Distribution of -u
It should be noted that, according to Ferraresi and
Scherer, -u can introduce yes/no and wh-questions alike;
this is also implicitly granted by Streitberg (1981: 64).
According to Ferraresi (2005: 149) the particle's ubiquitous
distribution is exemplified by the following cases:
(2) a. magutsu driggkan? (Mk 10:38)
dnasye pien
Can you drink ?
b. âuppan [=â-u-uh pan] habais patei ni namt?
(1Cor 4:7)
t d xeiw ok labew;
What do you have that you did not receive?
It should be noted, however, that -u never appears as

such after wh-words. Wh-words can only be found to host
the sequence -uh. In all such cases the sequence is most
parsimoniously analyzed as a copulative particle (-uh as in
wakaip standaiduh wake and stand firm, 1Cor 16:13),
397
rather than a (theoretically possible, but distributionally

very limited: Schulze 1907) -u-uh (interrogativecopulative) complex. Here are the relevant passages:
(3) a. ânuh pan puk seûm gast jah galapodedum? (Mt
25:38)
pte d se edomen jnon ka sunhggomen;
When did we see you a stranger and invite
you in?
b. ânuh pan puk seûm siukana (Mt 25:39)
pte d se edomen syenonta
When did we see you sick
c. âuppan habais patei ni namt? (1Cor 4:7)
t d xeiw ok labew;
What do you have that you did not receive?
d. ôuh pan samaqisse alhs gudis mip galiugam?
(2Cor 6:16)
tw d sugkatyesiw na yeo met edlvn;
What agreement is there between the temple
of God and idols?
e. ôuh pan samaqisse Xristau mip Bailiama (2Cor
6:15)
tw d sumfnhsiw xristo prw belir
What harmony is there between Christ and
Belial?
It must be noted that in all five cases the enclitic is

immediately followed by pan and the Greek question shows
the particle d. Now, it is quite common practice, for the
Gothic translator, to render d with -uh pan, in all kinds of
sentences:
(4) a. patuh pan qap fraisands ina (Jn 6:6)
toto d legen peirvn atn
He asked this only to test him
b. nip-pan mag augo qipan du handau (1Cor 12:21)
o dnatai d fyalmw epen t xeir
The eye cannot say to the hand
c. sumaizeh pan jah afargaggand (1Tm 5:24 A)
tisn d ka pakolouyosin
the sins of others trail behind them
d. qipanuh pan ist (Mt 5:31)
rryh d
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Giuseppe Pagliarulo
it is said
See Fourquet 1938: 247.

Note, moreover, that the copulative enclitic -uh is
never used independently of the Greek text in questions,
with the exception of disjunctive ones:
(5) a. p is sa qimanda pau anparizuh beidaima?
(Mt 11:3)
s e rxmenow teron prosdokmen;
Are you the one who is to come, or should
we expect someone else?
b. framuh guda sijai, pau iku fram mis silbin rodja
(Jn 7:17)
pteron k to yeo stin g p' mauto
lal
whether my teaching comes from God or
whether I speak on my own
c. daupeins Iohannis uzuh himina was pau uzuh
mannam? (Mk 11:30)
t bptisma t vnnou j orano n j
nyrpvn;
d. daupeins Iohannis uzuh himina was pau uzuh
mannam? (Lk 20:4)
t bptisma vnnou j orano n j
nyrpvn;
Johns baptismwas it from heaven, or of
human origin?
If we accept Ferraresi's analysis, we will have to grant

that -u is never found in wh-questions except in the
sequence -u-uh, a sequence that, in turn, is only found
together with the particle pan and in the translation of
Greek d. As -uh pan (where -uh is a simple copulative
enclitic) is a commonplace rendering of d in all kinds of
sentences, Ferraresi's analysis of this particular passage
(2b) is effectively a piece of special pleading. Interpreting
(2b) as a sequence of two enclitics rather than a simple
instance of copulative -uh requires a textually unjustified
complication of the passage's analysis. As to the possibility
of using -u after wh-words, it should also be noted that, as a
rule, the translator avoids using -u to mark the first
member of a disjunctive question when this stands in
399
appositive relation to a preceding interrogative pronoun

(as in Lk 6:9: â skuld ist sabbato dagam, piup taujan pau
unpiup taujan? See Schulze 1907: 563). Buzzoni (2009: 34)
also rejects Ferraresi's analysis of âuppan as tentative, on
the grounds that the expression is an isolated sequence.
The sequence, however, is not isolated at all, as (3d) and
(3e) show.
One might object that the forms ôuh and âuh are
not what would be expected as the result of â and ô plus
enclitic -uh, the regular enclitic-hosting forms of these
pronouns being âh and ôh. These forms, however, are
never used as interrogative pronouns but only as indefinite
pronouns in the Gothic Bible. The text, moreover, shows
some hesitation in the use of -uh after vowels:
(6) a. sumaiup-pan (Lk 9:8)
llvn d
b. sumaip-pan lofam slohun (Mt 26:67)
o d rpisan
which suggests that both forms may have been acceptable.

The alternation between (interrogative) â-uh and
(indefinite) â-h may also be due to prosodic reasons: as in
Greek, the interrogative pronoun may bear a heavier
stress.
It seems therefore soundest to affirm that Gothic -u is
only used in yes/no or disjunctive questions. To
generalize, we may say that the enclitic is only used when
a choice between two distinct possibilities is given.
3. Greek r a, Gothic -u
Ferraresi claims that Greek ra and Gothic -u have
the same function. Greek ra may denote anxiety of the
questioner (Liddell-Scott 1940: s. u.), lively feeling of
interest, surprise attendant upon disillusionment,
scepticism, or it may simply add liveliness to a question
(Denniston 1950: 33-40).
The direct textual evidence does not support
Ferraresi's claim. Let us note, first of all, that the Greek
particle may easily be left untranslated in the Gothic Bible:
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Giuseppe Pagliarulo
(7) a. â skuli pata barn wairpan? (Lk 1:66)
t ra t paidon toto stai;
What then is this child going to be?
b. âs siai sa (Lk 8:25)
tw ra otw stin
Who is this?
against
(8) âs pannu sa sijai (Mk 4:41)
tw ra otw stin
Who is this?
The Gothic Bible yields three instances of yes/no

questions in which the Greek text has ra or the similar
form ra:
(9) a. ibai aufto leihtis bruhta? (2Cor 1:17)
mti ra t lafr& xrhsmhn;
Was I fickle?
b. pannu Xristus frawaurhtais andbahts? (Gal 2:17)
ra xristw martaw dikonow;
doesnt that mean that Christ promotes sin?
c. bi-u-gitai galaubein ana airpai? (Lk 18:8)
ra ersei tn pstin p tw gw;
will he find faith on the earth?
In (9a) -u is excluded by the presence of the particle

ibai, as Gothic interrogative clauses are never introduced
by more than one particle (Buzzoni 2009: 36). In (9b) the
Greek particle is rendered by the inferential pronoun
pannu, as in (8). The only case suggesting a functional
equivalence between Greek ra and Gothic -u is (9c),
which, in its isolation, and in consideration of the
inconsistent rendering of ra, is of little significance. It is
practically impossible to discern whether the Greek
particle is here left untranslated or it is rendered by the
Gothic enclitic, which is used independently of the Greek
text throughout the Gothic Bible.
401
4. Use of -u in rhetorical questions

Scherer claims that -u is never used in content
interrogations (i. e. canonical questions), its use being
restricted to rhetorical questions.
This claim is advanced not only about -u, but about all
Gothic interrogative particles. According to Scherer, wordorder is also used as a differentiator of rhetorical
response: the SV order marks questions predicting an
affirmative answer, the VS order marks questions
predicting a negative answer. In both cases incredulity is
denoted. This would be illustrated by the following
examples (Scherer 1968: 420-421)
(8) a. pata izwis gamarzeip? (Jn 6:61)
toto mw skandalei;
Does this offend you?
b. swa jah jus unwitans sijup? (Mk 7:18)
otvw ka mew sneto ste;
Are you so dull?
c. swa filu gawunnup sware? (Gal 3:4)
tosata pyete ek;
Have you experienced so much in vain?
d. fimf tiguns jere nauh ni habais jah Abraham sa^t?
(Jn 8:57)
pentkonta th opv xeiw ka bram rakaw;
You are not yet fifty years old and you have
seen Abraham!
e. disdailips ist Xristus? (1Cor 1:13)
memristai xristw;
Is Christ divided?
f. aftra pugkeip izwis ei sunjoma uns wipra izwis?
(2Cor 12:19)
plai dokete ti mn pologomeya;
Have you been thinking all along that we have
been defending ourselves to you?
It is easy to see, though, that in examples (8a)-(8d)

the Gothic text merely reproduces its source's word-order.
In example (8e) the periphrasis disdailips ist translates the
Greek memristai: in cases like this, it is commonplace for
the translator to put the copula immediately after the
participle, in all kinds of sentences (Pagliarulo 2006).
Example (8f) is not a proper case of inversion, and the
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Giuseppe Pagliarulo
position of the object pronoun izwis has nothing unusual,

as shown by plain declarative clauses like the following:
(9) a. mipinsandida imma bropar (2Cor 12:18)
sunapsteila tn delfn
I sent our brother with him
b. mipgaqiwida uns Xristau (Eph 2:5)
sunevopohsen t xrist
made us alive with Christ
c. galeikaida uns (1Thess 3:1)
edoksamen
we thought it best
See Fourquet 1938: 271-272.

An analysis of the function of all Gothic interrogative
particles lies far beyond the scope of this study, but an
outline thereof will be given in 6. Suffice it to say, for the
moment, that Scherer's thesis about the function of -u
seems far-fetched. It is perhaps reasonable to regard the
following sentences as rhetorical questions, i.e. questions
the response to which, in Scherer's own words, is
unambiguously anticipated within their context:
(10) a. swau andhafjis pamma reikistin gudjin?
(Jn 18:22)
otvw pokrn t rxiere;
Is this the way you answer the high priest?
b. sau ist sa sunus izwar panei jus qipip patei blinds
gabaurans waurpi? (Jn 9:19)

otw stin uw mn, n mew lgete ti
tuflw gennyh;
Is this your son? Is this the one you say was
born blind?
but it is much more difficult to see how the same could be

said of
(11) a. wileidu fraleitan izwis pana piudan Iudaie?
(Mk 15:9)
ylete polsv mn tn basila tn
oudavn;
Do you want me to release to you the king of
the Jews?
403
b. witudu â gatawida izwis? (Jn 13:12)

ginskete t pepohka mn;
Do you understand what I have done for
you?
c. pu ga-u-laubeis du sunau gudis? (Jn 9:35)
s pisteeiw ew tn un to yeo;
Do you believe in the Son of [God]?
d. wileidu nu ei fraletau izwis pana piudan Iudaie?
(Jn 18:39)
bolesye on polsv mn tn basila tn
oudavn;
Do you want me to release the king of the
Jews?
e. ga-u-laubjats patei magjau pata taujan? (Mt 9:28)
pisteete ti dnamai toto poisai;
Do you believe that I am able to do this?
Moreover, a remarkable number of obviously

rhetorical questions can be found to lack the enclitic, as
we have already seen. Note the following case:
(12)
gasaiîs po qinon? (Lk 7:44)

blpeiw tathn tn gunaka;
Do you see this woman?
(the woman in question is right in front of the
listener).
Scherer (1968: 419) lists (12) as a content

interrogation, which it clearly is not.
Thus, there seems to be no textual evidence of a
relation between rhetorical questions and word-order in
Gothic, nor is there any evidence of a consistent relation
between the use of -u and rhetorical questions.
5. Use of -u as a modifier of the interrogative force
Ferraresi claims that -u acts as a modifier of the
interrogative force, expressing surprise or disappointment
of the questioner.
Unfortunately, Ferraresi develops her analysis on a
very limited amount of cases. Her conclusions are basically
drawn from a comparison between the following sets of
examples (Ferraresi 2005: 148-149):
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Giuseppe Pagliarulo
(13) a. iku fram mis silbin rodja (Jn 7:17)
g p' mauto lal
(whether my teaching comes from God or)
whether I speak on my own
b. pau ainzu ik jah Barnabas ni habos waldufni?
(1Cor 9:6)

mnow g ka barnabw ok xomen jousan
m rgesyai;
Or is it only I and Barnabas who lack the
right?
c. abu pus silbin pu pata qipis pau anparai pus
qepun bi mik? (Jn 18:34)
p seauto s toto lgeiw lloi soi epn
per mo;
Is that your own idea, or did others talk to
you about me?
d. swau andhafjis pamma reikistin gudjin? (Jn 18:22)
otvw pokrn t rxiere;
Is this the way you answer the high priest?
(14) a. qap du im: pata izwis gamarzeip? (Jn 6:61)
epen atow, toto mw skandalei;
[Jesus] said to them, Does this offend you?
b. paruh qepun du imma: â taujaima, ei waurkjaima
waurstwa gudis? (Jn 6:28)

epon on prw atn, t poimen na
rgameya t rga to yeo;
Then they asked him, What must we do to
do the works God requires?
Example (14b) is not pertinent, because it is not a

binary question (see 2, above). Examples (13a)-(13c) are
disjunctive questions. As Schulze (1907) has persuasively
shown, the use of -u can be regarded as exceptionless in
disjunctive questions, so that, at least in such cases, the
enclitic may be considered as bearing no intrinsic emotive
charge. Example (13d) is indeed recognizable as a
surprise or disapproval question and so is example
(14a): Jesus is here reproaching his disciples for the
scandal they take at hearing his words. Incidentally,
Buzzoni (2009: 34) mentions (14a) as an example of
canonical question, which it is not: the answer to this
question can be easily assumed to be known in advance
405
(But Jesus, knowing in his heart that his disciples were

murmuring so, said). The supposed element of surprise,
disappointment or disapproval is hardly detectable in such
sentences as (11a), (11c), (11d).
Anyway, Ferraresi's thesis does not seem applicable to
the whole Gothic corpus. It is difficult to see how
questions like (11) and (13) can be thought to be more
heavily
charged
with
surprise,
disapproval
or
disappointment than the following:
(15) a. qamt her faur mel balwjan unsis? (Mt 8:29)
lyew de pr kairo basansai mw;
Have you come here to torture us before the
appointed time?
b. fimf tiguns jere nauh ni habais jah Abraham sa^t?
(Jn 8:57)
seen Abraham!
c. ni bigitanai waurpun giban wulpu guda, niba
sa aljakunja? (Lk 17:18)

ox eryhsan donai djan t ye e m
llogenw otow;
Has no one returned to give praise to God
except this foreigner?
d. swa jah jus unwitans sijup? (Mk 7:18)
Are you so dull?
e. swa unfropans sijup? (Gal 3:3)
otvw nhto ste;
Are you so foolish?
Ferraresi's thesis seems therefore no more efficient

than Scherer's in capturing the conditions under which
the use of -u or its omission may be expected.
6. The negative evidence
Gothic -u is found in all kinds of binary questions,
both canonical and non-canonical. However, as Buzzoni
(2009: 36) notes, the enclitic is in complementary
distribution with non-clitic complementizers such as ibai, ei
etc. This complementarity, it must be added, is perfect in
the case of indirect questions (zero-complementizer
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Giuseppe Pagliarulo
indirect questions are never found) but it is imperfect in

the case of direct questions: a certain number of direct
yes/no interrogative clauses are not introduced by any
interrogative particle whatsoever. It is therefore possible to
proceed negatively, i.e. to try to define the limits of the
enclitic's usage by analyzing the cases in which it is not
used. The rhetorical force of particles like ibai, whose
presence excludes -u, has long been recognized. Ferraresi
(2005: 145) qualifies ibai as a modifier of the illocutionary
force that basically turns questions into rhetorical
statements the answer to which is known in advance. This
is essentially the same function of ja-u and ni-u, in which
the enclitic does appear: the rhetorical force of these
particles, however, is determined by their first elements
(ja yes, ni not) rather than the enclitic itself. Ibai and
jau are used in expectation of a negative answer, niu in
expectation of an affirmative one.
Let us consider all direct yes/no questions lacking
interrogative particles. The Gothic Bible contains less than
thirty such cases. A complete list of these is given here:
(16) a. qamt her faur mel balwjan unsis? (Mt 8:29)
lyew de pr kairo basansai mw;
Have you come here to torture us before the
appointed time?
b. pata izwis gamarzeip? (Jn 6:61)
toto mw skandalei;
Does this offend you?
c. ip mis hatizop, unte allana mannan hailana
gatawida in sabbato? (Jn 7:23)
mo xolte ti lon nyrvpon gi pohsa n
sabbt;
are you angry with me for healing a mans
whole body on the Sabbath?
d. fimf tiguns jere nauh ni habais jah Abraham sa^t?
(Jn 8:57)
seen Abraham!
e. in frawaurhtim pu gabaurans warst alls jah pu
laiseis unsis? (Jn 9:34)
n martaiw s gennyhw low, ka s didskeiw
mw;
407
You were steeped in sin at birth; how dare

you lecture us!
f. jus qipip patei wajamerjau, unte qap: sunus gudis
im? (Jn 10:36)
mew lgete ti blasfhmew, ti epon, uw
to yeo emi;
do you accuse me of blasphemy because I
said, I am Gods Son?
g. nu sokidedun puk afwairpan stainam Iudaieis, jah
aftra gaggis jaind? (Jn 11:8)
nn toun se liysai o oudaoi, ka plin
pgeiw ke;
a short while ago the Jews there tried to stone
you, and yet you are going back?
h. galaubeis pata? (Jn 11:26)
pisteeiw toto;
Do you believe this?
i. saiwala peina faur mik lagjis? (Jn 13:38)
tn cuxn sou pr mo yseiw;
Will you really lay down your life for me?
j. swalaud melis mip izwis was, jah ni ufkunpes mik,
Filippu? (Jn 14:9)
tosot xrn mey' mn emi ka ok gnvkw
me, flippe;
Dont you know me, Philip, even after I have
been among you such a long time?
k. waitei ik Iudaius im? (Jn 18:35)
mti g oudaw emi;
Am I a Jew?
m. qamt fraqistjan unsis? (Lk 4:34)
lyew polsai mw;
Have you come to destroy us?
n. ni pata ussuggwud patei gatawida Daweid?
(Lk 6:3)
od toto ngnvte pohsen daud;
Have you never read what David did?
o. gasaiîs po qinon? (Lk 7:44)
blpeiw tathn tn gunaka;
Do you see this woman?
p. ni bigitanai waurpun giban wulpu guda, niba
sa aljakunja? (Lk 17:18)
ox eryhsan donai djan t ye e m
llogenw otow;
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Giuseppe Pagliarulo
q.
r.
s.
t.
u.
v.
w.
x.
y.

z.
Has no one returned to give praise to God

except this foreigner?
swa jah jus unwitans sijup? (Mk 7:18)
Are you so dull?
nih pata gamelido ussuggwup? (Mk 12:10)
od tn grafn tathn ngnvte;
Havent you read this passage of Scripture
pata nu piupeigo warp mis daupus? (Rm 7:13)
t on gayn mo gneto ynatow;
Did that which is good, then, become death
to me?
disdailips ist Xristus? (1Cor 1:13)
memristai xristw;
Is Christ divided?
nih dwala gatawida gup handugein pis fairâus?
(1Cor 1:20)
ox mranen yew tn sofan to ksmou;
Has not God made foolish the wisdom of the
world?
nist us pamma leika? (1Cor 12:15,16)
ok stin k to smatow:
Is it not of the body?
duginnam aftra uns silbans anafilhan? (2Cor 3:1)
rxmeya plin autow sunistnein;
Are we beginning to commend ourselves
again?
aftra pugkeip izwis ei sunjoma uns wipra izwis?
(2Cor 12:19)
plai dokete ti mn pologomeya;
Have you been thinking all along that we have
been defending ourselves to you?"
swa unfropans sijup? anastodjandans ahmin nu
leika ustiuhip? swa filu gawunnup sware?
(Gal 3:3-4)
otvw nhto ste; narjmenoi pnemati nn
sark pitelesye; tosata pyete ek;
Are you so foolish? After beginning by means
of the Spirit, are you now trying to finish by
means of the flesh? Have you experienced so
much in vain?
du mis ni rodeis? (J 19:10)
mo o lalew;
Do you refuse to speak to me?
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This list does not include ambiguous cases like Mk

15:2: pu is piudans Iudaie? = s e basilew tn oudavn;
or Jn 16:31: nu galaubeip? = rti pisteete;
What most of these questions seem to have in
common can be stated negatively, in speech act
terminology, thus: they appear to be defective, in that they
fail to fulfill the preparatory and essential rules of
questions as described by Searle (1968: 66). In other
words, they do not presuppose that the speaker does not
know the answer to them (i.e. if their propositional
content is true or not) and/or they do not count as
sincere attempts to elicit any information from the
listener.
Questions like (16d), (16e), (16s), (16t) have a
propositional content that is patently absurd to the
speaker or to both speaker and listener: You are not yet
fifty years old and you have seen Abraham!; You were
steeped in sin at birth; how dare you lecture us!; Did that
which is good, then, become death to me?; Is Christ
divided?. In (16s), it will be noted, the speaker himself
immediately gives the answer: nis-sijai! By no means!.
Such utterances are mere expressions of indignation,
incredulity or reproach. A similar case is that of ironic
sentences like (16k): Am I a Jew?, says Pilate, and of
course he and his listeners know very well that he is not.
Questions like (16b), (16c), (16f), (16g), (16i),
(16j), (16z) are simple repetitions of previous statements
made by the listeners, or descriptions of actions recently
performed by the listeners, uttered in disbelief, disapproval
or irony so much so that the answer may be immediately
given by the speaker himself: Will you really lay down your
life for me? (I tell you the truth, before the rooster crows,
you will disown me three times!).
Questions (16o), (16p) have a patently true
propositional content: the actual function of (16o) is
simply to direct the listener's attention to someone (the
woman), while (16p) is an expression of surprise: (Were
not all ten cleansed? Where are the other nine?) Was no
one found to return and give praise to God except this
foreigner?. It is interesting to note that (16p) is almost
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Giuseppe Pagliarulo
immediately preceded by another rhetorical question

introduced by ni-u: niu taihun pai gahrainidai waurpun? The
difference lies in the rhetorical force of the two questions:
the use of ni-u is avoided in the second one because it,
unlike the previous one, predicts a negative answer. In
other words, the propositional content of the predicted
answer is here identical to that of the question. Question
(16u) is another clearly rhetorical question: Has not God
made foolish the wisdom of the world?. The answer can
only be positive. The same can be said of question (16v).
Questions (16n), (16r) are ironic utterances that do
not actually predict any answer or, at best, they can be
considered as exam questions, in Searle's terms: Have
you never read what David did when he and his
companions were hungry?; Haven't you read this
scripture?. Both questions are directed at the scribes and
at the pharisees, whose authority Jesus is questioning.
Questions (16q) and (16y) are actually reproaches
and, as such, do not require answers. Questions (16w) and
(16x) are clearly rhetorical, the answers being immediately
given by the speaker himself: Are we beginning to
commend ourselves again? (Or do we need, like some
people, letters of recommendation to you or from you? You
yourselves are our letter, written on our hearts, known and
read by everybody); Have you been thinking all along
that we have been defending ourselves to you? (We have
been speaking in the sight of God as those in Christ).
The only ambiguous cases seem to be (16a), (16h),
(16m). In (16h), however, the questioner can be assumed
to know the answer in advance, as the question is not
meant to put Martha's faith in doubt, but rather to have
her proclaim it openly: And whoever lives and believes in
me will never die. Do you believe this?. In (16a) and
(16m), two almost identical instances, the question stands
in appositive relation to a preceding interrogative pronoun
(â uns jah pus?) and the use of -u is therefore avoided.
Compare Lk 6:9: â skuld ist sabbato dagam, piup taujan pau
unpiup taujan? (see Schulze 1907: 563).
We may conclude that what almost all the sentences
grouped under (16) have in common is, at the
illocutionary force level, their non-interrogativity. It is
411
interesting to note, in this respect, that some of the

considered sentences are rendered by declarative clauses
or by uninverted questions in the English translation.
It thus seems that zero-particle questions do not
actually compete, functionally, with all kinds of particlebearing questions, but only with non-canonical questions.
The absence of the interrogative particle, in other words,
is observed only in the kind of questions in which such
particles as ibai find their only possible use. Canonical
yes/no questions, which can be introduced by -u only, are
never left with no particle to introduce them.
7. Conclusions
As we have seen, Jones (1958: 222) finds the cause of
the optionality of -u in its redundancy, which is brought
about by the contrast between affirmative and
interrogative intonation, and sees this as the probable
cause of the loss of the enclitic in later Germanic.
What we have observed, however, suggests that
interrogative particles are optional in non-canonical
questions only and this optionality seems to limit the use
of rhetorically charged particles such as ibai much more
than that of -u, a particle that seems to bear no intrinsic
rhetorical or emotive charge and to function as a plain
question-introducing device, which makes its use optional
in rhetorical questions and compulsory in canonical
questions very much like inversion in modern English.
Considering this, it may perhaps be useful to re-examine
the current editions of the Gothic Bible for what concerns
places like pu is piudans Iudaie? (Mk 15:2). Here, the
personal pronoun pu is perhaps better read p (= pu-u), as
in Mt 11:3 p is sa qimanda pau anparizuh beidaima? or Lk
7:19 p is sa qimanda pau anparanu wenjaima? (see
Streitberg-Scardigli 2000, ad loc.; Schulze 1907).
References
Binnig, Wolfgang
1999
Gotisches Elementarbuch. Berlin-New York: de Gruyter.
Buzzoni, Marina
2009
Ibai mag blinds blindana tiuhan? Pragmatic functions and
syntactic strategies in the Gothic left sentence peripher y.
Filologia Germanica / Germanic Philology 1: 29-62.
412
Giuseppe Pagliarulo
Denniston, John D.
1950
The Greek Particles. Second Edition. Revised by K. J. Dover,
London-Indianapolis: Duckworth-Hackett.
Ferraresi, Gisella
2005
Word-Order and Phrase Structure in Gothic. Leuven: Peeters.
Fourquet, Jean
1938
L'ordre des lments de la phrase en Germanique ancien. Paris: Les
Belles Lettres.
Jones, Oscar F.
1958
The Interrogative Particle -u in Germanic. Word 14: 213-223.
Lehmann, Winfred P.
1986
A Gothic Etymological Dictionary. Leiden: Brill.
Liddell, Henry G. - Scott, Robert
1940
A Greek-English Lexicon. Revised and augmented throughout by
Sir Henry Stuart Jones with the assistance of Roderick
McKenzie, Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Moss, Fernand
1942
Manuel de la Langue Gotique. Paris: Aubier.
Pagliarulo, Giuseppe
2006
On the Alleged Functions of Word-order in Wulfilian Gothic.
Journal of Indo-European Studies 34: 437-450.
Scherer, Philip
1968
The Gothic Interrogative and the Problem of the Enclitic u.
Word 24: 418-426.
Schulze, Wilhelm
1907
Zur gotischen Grammatik. Zeitschrift fr vergleichende
Sprachforschung 40: 563-565.
Searle, John R.
1968
Speech Acts. An Essay in the Philosophy of Language. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Streitberg, Wilhelm
1981
Gotische Syntax. Nachdruck des Syntaxteils der fnften und sechsten
Auflage des Gotischen Elementarbuchs. Herausgegeben von Hugo
Stopp, Heidelberg: Winter.
Streitberg, Wilhelm - Scardigli, Piergiuseppe
2000
Die Gotische Bibel. Band 1: Der gotische Text und seine griechische
Vorlage. Heidelberg: Winter.
413
Wright, Joseph
1954
Grammar of the Gothic Language. Second edition with a
supplement to the grammar by O. L. Sayce, Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
The Indo-European Year

Lenka Dokalov & Vclav Blazek
Department of Linguistics and Baltic Studies
Masaryk University, Brno
Czech Republic
Dockalova.Lena@seznam.cz and blazek@phil.muni.cz
In the present study the designations of year and its seasons

are summarized in all Indo-European branches, analyzed
from the point of view of their word-formation, internal
reconstruction and etymology. For typological comparison
the external parallels from language families in the
neighborhood of Indo-European are surveyed. Some of these
indicate which terms could be inherited from older stages of
development of the Indo-European protolanguage and
which represent innovation.
During more than the six or seven millennia of

language evolution estimated by archaeologists and
glottochronologists, the Indo-Europeans have spread over
an enormous area with different climates and vegetation,
as well as different lengths of day and night, depending on
the season and, indeed, their geographical latitude. In
order to recover their original division of the year into its
seasons, it is necessary to analyze, and then reconstruct,
the terminology of seasons in the individual daughter
protolanguages. In this study, lexical material is ordered
according to the following topics: 1. Year; 2. Part of the
year, or a period of time in general; 3. Temporal adverb; 4.
Winter; 5. Spring; 6. Summer; 7. Autumn; 8. Child, juvenile
animal or any animal in general whose name originates
from the season or by the year-length; 9. Plant, whose
designation is motivated by the seasons of a year or the
length of a year.
A. Anatolian languages
1. Hitt. wett-/witt- & wettant-/wittant- c. year, adj.
wittassiya- (Tischler 2001, 201, 203); a form extended by
415
the suffix -s- appears in other Anatolian languages: *utsV- >

CLuv. ussa/i-, HLuv. u-sa/i-, Lyc. uh(V)- (Melchert 1994,
269, 314); perhaps also Sidetic oad by year, yearly (Prez
Orozco 2003, 106; Vine 2009, 216).
2. CLuv. ra/i-, HLuv. +ra/i- time < Anat. *ro- <
*iro- (Melchert 1989, 41, see Note no. 28; 1994, 75, 245:
*yH1ro-; Morpurgo Davis 1987, 219, see Note no. 31). Lyc.
abl. nuredi nuredi with every new segment of time, which
is possible to project into proto-Lyc. *nu(i) new + *ere/itime interval, cp. Gr. nvnta next year < *neuo-ut-M,
meaning exactly in a new year (Starke 1990, 116-17, see
fn. 339a) is also related; Lyd. ora- month like the
segment of the time, as well (Gusmani 1964, 178; 1982,
81).
4. Hitt. gem-/gim(m)- & g/kimmant- winter (from
November till March; Puhvel 3, 73: gimmanza kisat winter is
coming, gimmanti for the period of winter, dat. sg. gi-immi < *ghimei, dat.-loc. sg. gi-(e)-mi in winter= < IE. loc. sg.
*gh(i)im-i, acc. sg. giman can reflect an n-stem of neuter
*gheim, corresponding to Gr. xema winter or a root name
* ghim-M with nom. *ghim-s or o-stem *ghimom of the type of
OI. him- frost; see Puhvel 4, 145). Hitt. verb giman-ye to
overwinter (Oettinger 2001a, 307) reflects the form in
-n-. According to Melchert (1994, 153), it is possible to
derive the form gimmant- from the form *gheimn-ont- which
is, however, what the majority of other specialists does not
agree with; above all, we can mention e.g. Oettinger
(2001a, 307), who reconstructs the basis of *gheim-on-t-.
Oettinger
(1982,
238) proposes
the
following
reconstruction of the whole paradigm: nom. sg. *ghi(m),
acc. *ghiom-M, gen. *ghim-s, dat. *ghim-ei, loc. *gh(i)im-i.
5/6. Hitt. ha(m)mesha- & ha(m)meshant- c. spring(summer) (from April till June; Puhvel 3, 73): hameshi kisari
(e. g. a storm) is coming in spring, but hameshanza kisari
spring is coming, hameshanza zinattari spring is ending;
gen. ha-me-is-ha-as / ha-mi-es-ha-as, dat.-loc. ha-me-es-hi in
spring; -nt-stem: acc. sg. ha-mi-es-ha-an-tin, gen. sg. ha-amme-es-ha-an-ta-as, dat.-loc. ha-mi-is-ha-an-ti. For the Hitt. word
ha(m)mesha(-nt)- a number of etymologies was proposed:
(i) It was already Bedich Hrozn who first speculated
on the connection with IE. words for summer, such as Av.
416
ham-, Eng. summer, plus OI. sam, Arm. am year.

Hoenigswald (1952, 183) tried to explain the difference
between Hitt. h- : IE. *s- through the effect of s-mobile.
Hamp (1961a, 26) admits that the Hitt. word is akin to
other IE. equivalents, but he is not convinced that this is
via metathesis. Starting from a proto-form *sH2em-, the
root-vowel a in Armenian, as well as in Celtic, is
automatically clarified, and there is no need to speculate
on the laryngal following -m-. Furthermore, it is likely that
the extension of the base *sham- (on the basis of Hittite)
by a suffix -sha- gives rise to the simplification of an initial
consonantal cluster *sh-. CLuv. hishiya- to bind, HLuv.
hishimin compared to Hitt. ishiya- to bind offer an
analogous translation. Luvian forms represent an intensive
reduplication, characteristic for Luvian verbs (Puhvel 1-2,
398-402). The simplification of the consonantal clusters
*sh .. sh > h .. sh has an exact analogy in the supposed
development of the basis *sham- after affixing the suffix
-sha-.
(ii) Kurylowicz (1927, 101) proposed the solution
hamesha- < *hwesha-, which would determine the approach
to other IE. words for spring, such as OI. vasant-.
Indeed, Hitt. -m- can reflect an original *-w-, but only after
*u/*u, e.g. Hitt. sums you < *s(u)us (Melchert 1994,
58).
(iii) Starke (1979, 249-50) and Gusmani (1972, 259)
elaborate on Sturtevants (1928, 163-64) old idea about
the connection of the Hitt. word with Gr. mv I am
reaping. The reconstruction of the root *H2meH2-,
extended by the suffix of verbal abstract nouns *-sH2o-,
results from this idea.
(iv) Goetze (1951, 471) saw the compound there:
ha(m)esha- < *hanwasha- < *hant-wesha- an early spring, cp.
It. primavera, Akkad. pn satti spring = the beginning of
the year. Hoffners (1974, 15) idea derives from *hantmiyasha- where mai-/miya- to grow is used in connection
with spring in a cult legend about the feast Purulli.
(v) op (1971, 63) sought a cognate in Toch. A oml,
B emalle warm, hot < *omel(i)o- < **H3m-.
(vi) Guyonvarch (1968, 55) and de Bernardo Stempel
(1999, 426, fn. 24) find promising parallels in OIr. amser &
417
aimser time, period, age, season; weather < *am(m)-es-ter,

where the root *am- also creates another close word amm
time, which corresponds to Gaul. amman time, period
from the Calendar of Coligny (*am(s?)-m; see de Bernardo
Stempel 1999, 241, fn. 7; 273, fn. 104). We prefer this
solution.
7. Hitt. zena- & zenant- c. summer-autumn (from July
till October; Puhvel 3, 73). As for the etymology, a number
of options was again introduced:
(i) Goetze (1951, 471) linked zena- (as a label of warm
period of a year) with other IE. words for a day: Got.
sinteins daily, Pruss. deina day, OCS. d"n day. However,
another research showed that the palatalization of the
dental to z only concerns *t.
(ii) Benveniste (1954, 35), Puhvel (3, 73) etc.
suppose that there is a link to Gr. late summer
(*op-ohar < *os-); they remind that Gr. and Hitt. seasons
used to begin at the same time: at the rise of Sirius, i.e.
around 20th June. Then the Hitt. form would reflect
Benvenistes basis II in the heteroclitic r/n- paradigm:
*H1os-: *H1s-en-. In addition, Ivanov (2003, 201-02)
enquires if the initial cluster *H1s- could not give rise to
the origin of Hitt. z- in contrast to the expected s-. Let us
add a remark that Hitt. z does not mean the voiced
correlate to s, but the palatalized t, i. e. /ts/.
(iii) Oettinger (1979, 152; 1994, 323) derives znafrom IE. *sno- which means old in the most of IE.
branches. Furthermore, G. Neumann (1999, 50-53) added
to it Lyc. kbi-sne two years old, tri-sni three years old.
Oettinger (1994, 322-323) explains the mysterious z- via
pre-nasalization: *s ... N > *ns ... N > *z ... N, evoked by that
N; cp. zamankur- beard, zini to end (see Melchert 1994,
83, 172, 315). H. Eichner (1973, 89, fn. 26) can take the
credit for this etymology. He first compared Hitt. zenaautumn and Gr. denow two-year < *dui-seno-. This
solution seems most convincing.
Note 1.: Puhvel (3, 73) compares three seasons in
Hittite to the analogous pattern known from Akkadian winter: kiu, exactly cold ~ Sum. EN.TE.NA; spring:
dsu or pn satti, exactly the beginning of a year;
summer: ebru, exactly harvest, cp. Sum. EBUR or
418
ummtum, cp. umsu hot or Assyrian %arp.

8. Neumann (1958, 221) identified the compound
*sM-utes- yearly in Hitt. saw(i)tis(t)- infant. His solution
is generally accepted.
9.1 Puhvel (3, 74-75) proposed the idea that the
original IE. word for spring is hidden in the Hitt.
compound suppi-washarSAR onion, where suppi- means
clean or sacred (it concerns the ritual text, where the
peels of the onion are found in the metaphorical context;
cp. Hoffner 1974, 108-09; Ivanov 2003, 191) and Sum. SAR
indicating vegetables. Then the whole compound is
interpreted by Puhvel as clean spring vegetables (cp.
Sum. SUM.SIKIL clean leek). Rieken (1999, 311-14)
analyzed the word washar also in texts, where it occurs
separately, and she came to the conclusion that it
indicated a plant. Tischler (2001, 198) proposes the
translation of this word directly as a garlic and the
compound suppi-washar clean garlic = onion. Besides
the r-stem, there also exists the n-stem in Old-Hitt. suppiwashanalli- bunch of an onion (Puhvel 3, 74; Zinko 2001,
754-55; Ivanov 2003, 191). Witczak (manuscript 2006)
draws our attention to Hitt. washar/washano garlic having
exact parallels in naming garlic in other IE. languages:
OI. una- m. garlic (lex.), un- f. (Nighanupraka);
Dard.: Khowar wen garlic (Turner 1966, #2390); Iran.:
?Pashto 'ua, dial. Kakari w'aze,
. Waziri wza, Wanetsi m'urza
garlic (the Iranian basis *sna- was reconstructed by
Morgenstierne 1927, 13; later he changed it into *bz/0n-,
see NEVP 7, where the parallels from other Iranian
languages are pointed out as well: Yidgha w znu,
Sogd.
.
bzn-) | Lat. unio, -nis m. type of an onion / Allium cepa
< *usn-in- | OIr. uinnion, uindiun onion, Welsh wynwyn
pl. id. (Vendryes, LEIA U-20, supposed a Latin origin; for
Witczak, the geminate -nn- < *-sn- is a demonstration of
inherited origin of the Celtic forms against the Latin
development *usno < *no | Lit. usns thistle / Cirsium,
usnn thicket of thistles). Even if we excluded the Celtic
forms, as well as the Baltic forms with their different
semantics, the basic paradigm would still be easy to
reconstruct in terms of Hittite, Old Indian, and Latin
forms *(H1)usH- : *(H1)usH-no garlic/onion, which can
419
essentially be a derived from the verb *H1eus- to burn

(Pokorny 1959, 245; LIV 245), in case we accept a strong
hot taste as a sufficient symptom of a motivation of the
name.
9.1.1 Instead of the word garlic, the IE. *ues-/-no
spring can survive in another Hitt. r/n-heteroclitics, i. e.
in GISwessar n., naming a tree (Tischler 2001, 184, 201).
9.2 Hitt. esarasila-, issarasila- c. naming a plant,
probably a reed, CLuv. issarsila- (Tischler 2001, 33) can
consist of a component *es(H)ar- < *H1es(H)-, which could
represent the analogous r-stem as MIr. erna f. barley
(DIL E-154), if derived from *esorni (Pokorny 1959, 343;
de Bernardo Stempel 1999, 136, fn. 35; but Pedersen I, 65
derived it from *ieuo- without explanation of the word
formation; it is tempting to propose a compound *ieuoesorni). Then both fythonyms would be related to Gr.
(from Il.) f., Laconian (Alkm.). late summer
early autumn, if it reflected the compound * - <
*(H1)os(H)-.
9.3 Hitt. zinail- n. a type of corn (Tischler 2001,
208) may be a derivative of the word zena- c. autumn.
B. Indo-Aryan languages
1.1 OI. vatsar- m. year (RV etc.), samvatsar- m. a
single year, without the extension by the suffix -ar- in
compounds tri-vats- three years old (VS), and sa-vtsam
one year long [RV IV, 33.4]. The word vats- m. (RV etc.)
itself means calf, juvenile animal, from the primary
meaning yearly. It has been interpreted as the s-stem
*ut-os, o-es- year, cf. Gr. tow, dial. Wtow year, Myc. we-to,
we-te-i = [wetos, wetehi] (EWAI II, 495). Vine (2009, 213-14)
sees in them the degenitival derivatives and interprets OI
samvatsar- as *s(o)m-uet-es during the same year (like
sadys & sadvas on the same day < *sM-di-s, o-diu-s
respectively), reinforced by the -er-locative. Then Hitt.
sudist- suckling animal < *sM-uet-es-t- that which belongs
to the same year, is based on the same formation *s(o)muet-es (born) during the same year as the OI counterpart.
In Iranian, Sogd. wtsnyy old (Szemernyi 1951, 204-05,
who supposed that there was a vocalization of
/wat[u]san/, where s indirectly indicates u, lost by a
420
syncope, according to the rule of RUKI), represents the

only direct relative (but cp. the 3, 8.1. of the Iranian
section).
1.2. OI. var- n. year (B), meaning rain (RV) in
particular, similarly f. var- season of rains (RV etc.);
further, Pli vassa- rain, Pkt. vsa- & varisa- id., Bengali
baris year : baris rain, similarly Dardic: Shumashti w
rain : Shina br year, Phalura b rain : bri summer
etc. (Turner 1966, #11392). Av. aibi.varsta- beregnet
[Vdvdt V, 14] is closest in meaning; then, in northwest
Iranian dialects (styn) vasand rain; Tati vris,
Mazendarani vor s, dial. Shahmerzad vres id.; Semnani
vres (Lecoq 1989, 298, 307, 308), Kurd. dial. wst, wsani
rain; further, Hitt. warsa- Regenguss, CLuv. warsaTropfen, Gr. rsh, rsh, rsh dew, OIr. frass
Regenschauer, Schwall (EWAI II, 522-23) is also related,
leading to the reconstruction of *H2uers-/*H2uors-/*Hus(t-) (Schrijver 1995, 173).
1.3. OI. hyan- m., n. year (AV), Pli, Pkt. hyanayear, Sindhi, Punjabi hz of that age; cp. also Dardic:
Gawar-Bati hn goat < *hyanik- (Turner 1966, #14057),
but Nuristani forms reflect IA.*h aiana-: Ashkun z: winter,
Dameli zn winter, as a part of a compound
Waigali z:, zQ,
with *vra- time by Kati zewr id. (Turner 1966, #13976,
13978). Iranian parallels also have a short root vowel in Av.
zaiiana- winterlich or Winterzeit; to reconstruct IndoIranian *h aian- < *ghei-en- or *ghei-Mn- (EWAI II, 814; about
the stretching stage in OI. see Darms 1968, 381) still
remains as an open question.
3. The root *uet- year without a sigmatic extension,
but in the zero-grade, appears in the adverb parut last
year (Pnini), Nisa paru-vara last year, Sinhali paru,
Punjabi par, Kumauni por(i), Oriya paru etc.; Dardic: Kalasha
pr h man last winter, Pashai pr kl last year, Khowar
por, Phalura pr, Kashmiri parus id.; Nuristani: Ashkun p)w,
Waigali pw, Kati pu last year (Turner 1966, #7907),
which represents the compound *per-ut(i), exactly over
the year. Other relations appear in modern Iranian
languages Wakhi prd, Parachi parsur last year; Pers. pr,
pr-sl last year, Osset. faron / far id. (EWAI II, 94-95;
Abaev I, 422). An analogous compound is preserved in Gr.
421
prusi, Doric pruti last year, Arm. herow, MHG. vert id.
etc.
4.1. OI. hman- winter is attested only as loc. sg.
hman [Kh.]; hence, adj. haiman- winter (AV); the
form hman- reflects IE. *gheimen- , cp. Gr. xema n., xeimn
m. winter, winter storm, Alb. Gheg dimn winter (EWAI
II, 819). The form of loc. hman also tends to another
interpretation *gheim-en in winter with the locative
expressed postpositively. Similarly, Pinault (1993, 155-56)
tried to explain other n-stems in season terms, too. OI.
hm- f. winter (RV etc.), in addition to m. him- frost,
himvant- covered with snow (RV X, 121.4), in Av. m.
Himalaya; then Pkt., Pli hima- cold; snow, Sinhali hima
frost, dew, cold, Gujarati him hoarfrost, dew, Hindi hw
snow, hoarfrost, dew, Nepali hi snow, ice, Marathi hv
coldness, Punjabi hi snow, Romani hiv, iv, yiv snow,
Kashmiri himun to snow; Dardic: Khowar, Bashkarik,
Torwali him snow, Gawar-Bati hJm, Shumashti, Wotapuri
m, Pashai (h)m, ym, Ningalami im id.; Nuristani: Ashkun
zm, zm, Kati, Waigali zm, m, Prasun zma, Bashgali zm
snow (Turner 1966, #14096). The closest parallels appear
in Iranian: OAv. gen. sg. zim in winter, etc.; the simplest
form is kept in compounds approaching *ghim-o: OI. RV
at-hima- [living] for a hundred winters, Av. hazaNr.zemaconsisting of a thousand winters, Gr. ds-ximow
blustering, appalling, Lat. bmus two-year-old < *duihimos (EWAI II, 815-16).
OI. hemant- m. winter [RV X, 161.4], Pli hemanta-,
Pkt. hemata-, Old Awadhi hevata, Hindi hewt, Bengali
het, Nepali hid, Romani (Hung.) yevend etc. winter;
Dardic: Savi hemnd, Torwali himn, Bashkarik h3man,
Gauro hewnd, Phalura hewnd, Gawar-Bati hemnd, Khowar
yomn, Tirahi man, Shumashti yman id. (Turner 1966,
#14164). Everything is, apparently, formed from hmanbased on vasant- spring. Outside IA., Toch. B *icwinter could be the closest parallel, if it was possible to
extract it from *imc-, cp. adj. *icatstse (K.T. Schmidt
1980, 410, fn. 74); a direct comparison with Hitt. gemmantwinter (see Eichner 1980, 163; Oettinger 1982, 238;
Lindemann 1986, 371; Melchert 1994, 153) is problematic.
422
4.2. OI. ira- m. early spring, cold period of a year

(AV), Pkt., Pli sisira- cold; winter, Sinhali sisil, sihil, hl-a,
il- cold; coldness, Marathi sisir cold and damp period of a
year which lasts from January till March, Hindi sisir cold;
coldness, dew, hoarfrost, Kashmiri iholu cold, coldness,
etc. (Turner 1966, #12475) probably *ki-kH-o- from
*kelH- to freeze > OAv. sareta- cold; further ON. hla
hoarfrost, Lit. slti to become cold etc. (EWAI II, 641).
5. OI. m. vasant- spring (RV etc.), Pli vasanta-, Pkt.
vasata-, Sinhali vasat- id.; Dardic: Pashai wah7n(d), GawarBati wasand, Phalura basnd, Kalasha bsun, Khowar bosn,
Bashkarik bsan, Torwali basn, Savi basan, Shina basn
spring; Nuristani: Ashkun wosnt id., Waigali was]t, Kati
wosut, Prasun usti spring, Gambiri wos]t summer (Turner
1966, #11439). With regard to the Iranian forms, the
heteroclitic *vasar-/*vasan(t)- < *ues-r/n- is possible to
reconstruct. Formally, Brittonic forms of the type Old
Welsh guiannuin in spring < *uest-eino- (EWAI II, 53233) are closest to Indo-Aryan.
6.1. OI. sm f.- half-year, season, year (RV etc.),
season, weather (AithBr), also summer: ttarm-uttarm
smm every other summer (AV III, 10.1 as well as 17.4.
according to Whitney; see Wackernagel 1934, 197-98), cp.
su-ma- n. great, happy year (B), Pli, Pkt. sam- year,
West Pahari sam year, Lahnda sam season (Turner
1966, #13198). Mayrhofer supposes an ablaut *sem-eH2/*sM-H2- (EWAI II, 704). Olsen (1999, 60, fn. 122; similarly
also Hamp 1981, 13) reconstructs a hysterodynamic
paradigm *smH2 / *sMH2 : *sMH2s.
6.2. OI. grm- m. summer (RV etc.), Pli gimha- hot
summer weather, pl. summer, Pkt. gimha- summer,
Sinhali gim hot, gima hot weather, Marathi g(h)m hot
season, Lahnda ghim dampness, Sindhi ghima moist
steam flowing from the ground; Khowar grip summer
(Turner 1966, #4391), where gr- < *guriH- (~ Gr. bri-puow
crying strongly, br-yw schwer, wuchtig, see
Wackernagel 1934, 197-98) and om-- corresponds to Av.
o
sem-a- in compound maidiii-sem-a- m. god of the second
season (EWAI I, 509-10). Then, the compound gr-mmeans heavy summer weather, i.e. very hot summer.
423
6.3. OI. ni-dgh- m. hot weather, hot season (B),

ni-dgha- m. hot season, summer season (AV), Pli
nidgha- hot (summer) weather, Pkt. ni(d)ha- hot
season, Oriya ni[ fire; anger, Romani nily summer;
Dard.: Kalasha nir summer; hence, Ashkun nir early
spring, Kati nil spring feast; *nidghya- > Sinhali niyaga
hot, dry season, Punjabi niggh hot weather, West Pahari
nggo hot, Lahnda nigh hot weather (Turner 1966,
#7193, 7195). Everything derived from the verb dah- to
burn, cp. further OAv. dazaiti [he] is burning
(something), Khot. daj- flame, Pers. dazdan to burn,
scorch, Sogd. dg- to burn, Lit. deg I am burning
(something) etc. < *dheguh - (Pokorny 1959, 240).
7. OI. ard- m. autumn; year < Indo-Iranian *carad/*card- < *kel-(e)d- (the same suffix in dd- rock etc.
Olsen 1999, 336), cp. Pli sarada-, Pkt. sara-, saraya-, sarada-,
Sindhi sara, West Pahari r autumn, Sinhali sar
Khowar
autumn, year; Dardic: Shina sar, Bashkarik sar,
sro, Shumashti saru, Pashai sari & sordo-m; Nuristan.:
Ashkun sor, Prasun sir, Waigali sar etc. id. (Turner 1966,
#12329). Apparently, Lat. calre to be hot, Lit. slti, Latv.
sit to become hot < *kelH!- (EWAI II, 616) are related.
Lit. silius August (Buck 1949, #14.73.8; Pokorny 1959,
551) is close in semantics. Regarding the dental suffix see
Beekes (1975, 9).
8.1. OI. sa-vtrau nom. du. f. having the same calf is
formed from the IE. root *uet- year; evidently by the
same suffix -elo-/el as Gr. telon, talon one-year-old
(concerning domestic animals), as well as Lat. vitulus
calf, Umb. acc. pl. vitluf vituls (Pokorny 1959, 1175).
Udmurt vetil calf, young cow (Wichmann 1987, 314) may
evidence of the existence of II./IA./Iran.
serve as the
o
*vtaL (first Lewy 1927, 87-88; accepted by Jacobsohn, IF
46, 1928, 339), which Joki (1973, 345) identified with
doubts in Nuristani-Dardic *vatsala- calf > Gambiri we5el
m., ol f., Ashkun u5el7 m., ol f., Waigali wu5al, Shumashti
wa5olik, Pashai w5elik, wula id. (Turner 1966, ##11239,
11244).
8.2. OI. paryrn- f. cow which was calved after a year
represents a compound *pari-yro, i.e. after a year (EWAI
II, 98-99).
424
C. Iranian languages
1.1 OAv. yr- n. year: nom. yre, gen. sg. y (in
connection with yris y dreimal des Jahrs [Nirangastan 4];
see Bartholomae 1904, 1287) < *ih < *iNh < *iaH-ans
(Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 153, 108.2). On the basis
of Avestan forms, Schindler (1975, 5) reconstructed an
original paradigm nom. **(H)iH1- : gen. **(H)iH1--s (cp.
compound duziiiriia- bad year; adj. coming a bad year
[Yast VIII, 36; 51, 54] = OPers. dusiyra- bad harvest
(Bartholomae 1904, 759; Brandenstein & Mayrhofer 1964,
117); cp. OI. *yr- year in compound paryrn- f. cow
which was calved after a year < *pari-yro, e. g. after a
year (EWAI II, 98-99).
1.2./6./7. OAv. sared- f., OPers. yar(a)d- <yrd>, Pers. sl
year > Kurd., Baluchi, Pashto sal id., Kurd. serdem age,
Lur. srdw autumn, Parth. *sard- after Arm. Nava-sard
New Years Day, Sogd. *sard (srd) year, Chwarezm. srd,
Bactr. sardo, older *sarlo in parasarlo (Sims-Williams
2007, 262), Khot. sal, Tumshuq sli id., Osset. srd
summer, Wakhi serd in wuserd this year (Abaev III, 80;
Bailey 1979, 422); then, Pashto serlay one-year-old kid <
*saradyaka- (NEVP 76). Considering OI. ard-, it is a
specific Indo-Iranian isogloss.
1.3. Evidently, Osset. Digor anz, Iron. az year does
not have any Iranian relatives (see Abaev I, 95),
presumably only Jaghnobi yso year (Andreev & Pesereva
1957, 366). Millers comparison with Av. azan-, OI. handay does not explain Osset. a- < *- (vddhi?) and
requires a deeper semantic argumentation. Perhaps, a
presumption of an older meaning summer would
legitimize this semantic distinction (cp. e. g. Svan zladeg
summer : ladeg day; see Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 283).
Iran. *ham-, *hmJna- summer is not attested in Ossetic
dialects, and the meaning summer was transferred to the
word srd, originally autumn or year. Lewy (1928,
1078f) identified Ossetic forms with Lit. mzius age (cp.
Heidermanns 1998, 91). Abaev himself derived anz/az from
Iran. *smn- sky > Av. asmn-, MPers. smn, Kurd. zmen,
Baluchi zmn id. In terms of semantics, this represents an
425
even greater, though superable leap, as documented by

some of the Daghestanian languages: Andi, Godoveri,
Karata resin year; sky (NCED 975). Another relevant
Kurdish parallel sma month, mentioned by Abaev, is
problematic itself. Even a substrate of Caucasian origin is
not out of the question. If we take into account the
development of winter
year, then e.g. Abkhaz a-2in
winter could be a source (Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 282).
3. The root *uet- year without the sigmatic
extension, but in the zero-grade, appears in modern
Iranian languages Wakhi prd, Parachi parsur last year;
then there is Pers. pr, pr-sl last year, Osset. faron / far
id. (EWAI II, 94-95; Abaev I, 422). Related are IA. forms:
OI. adv. parut last year (Pnini), Nisa paru-vara- last
year, Sinhali paru, Punjabi par, Kumauni por(i), Oriya paru
etc.; Dardic: Kalasha pr h man last winter, Pashai pr kl
last year, Khowar por, Phalura pr, Kashmiri parus id.;
Nuristani: Ashkun p)w, Waigali pw, Kati pu last year
(Turner 1966, #7907), which reflect the compound *perut(i), exactly over a year. The analogous compound is
preserved in Gr. prusi, Dor. pruti last year, Arm. herow,
MHG. vrt id. etc.
4.1. YAv. nom. sg. zii m., acc. sg. ziim, OAv. gen. sg.
zim in winter [Yasna LI, 51.2], YAv. zem, nom. pl. zim
(Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 141), MPers. zam & zim,
Pers. zam coldness, MPers. zamstn, Pers. zamistn
winter, Kurd. zemesn, Baluchi zawistn, Mukri zistn <
*zima-stna-, Khot. ysumi winter, ysmna- winter [adj.],
cp. Sarykoli z/'mun, zaman snow, Wakhi zam, zem id.;
then, continuants of the form *zimaka-: Av. zemaka- winter
storm [Vdvdt IV, 49], Parth. za mag, Sogd. *zamk (zmk)
winter, in addition to the forms without a velar
extension: zmy & zmyy id. (Gharib 1995, ##2320, 11329),
Bactr. zimgo id. (Sims-Williams 2007, 212), Osset. Iron
zymg, Digor zumg id., Pashto z7may winter, Ormuri
zimak, zemak, Parachi zem, zem id. The non-extended basis
*zima- appears in compounds in Osset. sawzym black
winter, e.g. without snow. Remarkable is Prasun zma
winter (Benveniste 1956, 33; Abaev IV, 320-21; NEVP
102). Middle, as well as modern Persian forms with initial zhave to be taken from Iranian language of the Parthian
426
type, where Iranian z- is preserved; in the continuation of

an Old Persian d-dialect, we would expect an initial d-. In
fact, the initial d- appears in MPers. dmystn, Pahlavi dmstn,
Kumzari dimestn winter, Pers. dame wind and snow <
*dimaka- (Benveniste 1956, 32; Szemernyi 1959, 70).
4.1.1. Av. zaiiana- n., nom. sg. zaiia, instr. sg. zana
winter (time) [Vdvdt XVI, 12], Sarykoli zyn, Yazgulami
zin winter, Yidgha avzno the first watering of the
ground < *upa-zayan-, exactly after winter; Pers. dai
(Bartholomae 1904, 1666; Morgenstierne 1974, 108;
Benveniste 1956, 33).
4.2. Av. aibigma- winter [Vdvdt V, 10, 42], also
year [Yast IX, 10; XIX, 29], cp. with the prefix *ham-,
OPers. *hangma-, MPers. hangm, Pers. he/ingm time,
Iran. > Arm. angam unhappiness (Horn 1893, 248,
#1109); in fact concerning a verb arriver , atteindre,
which is used when particular seasons are coming: [Vdvdt
IX, 6] pasca ham aibi.gaitm ... pasca zem isaos aibi.gaitm
then summer is coming ... then icy winter is coming
(Benveniste 1956, 34). Cf. Man. MPers. zmn /zamn/,
Man. Parth. jmn /zamn/, MoPers. zamn time < Iranian
*amn- < *guem-on- Geher (Schaffner 2004, 287, fn. 44).
5.1. Av. vaNhar- spring, cp. loc. vaNri in spring
[Frahang i om 8], OPers. *vhara- in the name of a spring
month (April - May) yra-vhara- (Brandenstein &
Mayrhofer 1964, 147 combine the first component with
Pers. sr feast, wedding), which also appears in the
Elamite transcription as tu-ir-ma-ir (Szemernyi 1950b,
235), MPers. wahr spring, Pers. bahr, dial. vohr, vihr,
vr id., Sangesari vihr (Christensen 1935, 179), Sogd.
*wart- (wrtyy) spring, Osset. wal2g spring < *wrt- <
*wah(a)rt- & *-aka-, cp. also zymg winter, fzzg
autumn, Pashto wray spring < *wh(a)rt-aka-, Yidgha
wro, Sarikoli wug spring, Munjan wro summer (Abaev
IV, 46-47; NEVP 92). Szemernyi (1959, 69-70) explains
Osset. wal2g by means of the compound *wrd-zg where
the second component probably patterns a word fzzg
autumn; in agreement with other Iranists, he identifies
*whart- in the first component, which is analyzed as a
compound *whara-ratu- time of spring, cp. Av. ratu-
427
time in rizaremam ratm, hamaspa madam paiti ratm.

5.2. Av. zaremaiia- m. spring [Yast VII, 4], adj.
zaramaiia- [Hadxt Nask II, 18], probably meaning primarily
green, though Av. zairi- means yellow or golden
(Bartholomae 1904, 1683; Schrader & Nehring I, 530; see
also Schneider 1940, 202, fn. 1).
5.3. Pashto p(a)sarlay spring < *(u)pa-sarada-ka-, cp.
Sogd. psrdh the holiday of the New Years Day/spring,
Yidgha p/fsdro, MPers. *af-sln, Pers. b-sln, Taleshi
avasr, Zaza wesr spring, by Khot. pasl spring season,
which can reflect *pa(ti)-sarda- (NEVP 66).
5.4. Natanzi pism spring; midday; only a midday in
other languages of the region: Farizandi pisim, Yarani pisn,
Qohrudi psm, Zafrai psm etc. id. (Christensen 1930,
284).
6.1. YAv. ham- summer m. (?): gen. sg. ham [Vdvdt
IX, 6], instr. sg. hama in summer [Vdvdt V, 42; XV, 45;
VIII, 74], nom. pl. hama summer time [Vdvdt V, 10],
maidiii-sem-a- m. god of the second season [Yasna I, 9; II,
9; Visprat I, 2; II, 2; Afrnakn III, 2] & hmina- summer
[adj.]; summer, cp. a connection of hminemca zaiianemca
summer and winter [adj.] (Bartholomae 1904, 1773,
1118), MPers. hmn, Zaza amn, Kurd. hvn summer,
Baluchi hmn harvest-time (July-September), by Sogd.
*hman-, after adj. *hmanya- <mynyy>, Khot. hamnasummer (Bailey 1979, 459), Pashto menay autumn
(NEVP 50), Yazgulami hamaNg summer (Skld 1936,
138), Chwarezm.mnk summer, Sarikoli men summer,
autumn
< *haminaka(Tomaschek
1880,
752;
Morgenstierne 1974, 44).
6.2. Pers. tbn & tbistn summer is a derivate of
the verb tften to burn, heat, light (Horn 1893, #372);
the word appears in a number of local idioms: Gilaki

tbstn, Natanzi tbestn,
Yarani tbess'n summer,
Semnani tvstun, Sangesari tevstn etc. (Christensen
1930, 284; 1935, 179); it also entered Pamir languages:
Shughni tobist'n etc. (Skld 1936, 138).
7.1. Iran. *pati-zya(m)- autumn, exactly towards
winter > MPers. ptz, Pazend pdz, Pers. pyz, Semnani
(Christensen 1935, 179), Kurd., Zaza piz (Tomaschek
pz
428
1880, 752), Sogd. *patyaz/*patz/*patz <py()z> (Gharib

1995, #8032, 8098), Khot. Pac, Sarykoli pi autumn
(Morgenstierne 1974, 55: < Pers.), Osset. fzzg id. < *patizyaka- (Abaev I, 469). Horn (1893, 64, #283) quoted the
idea of Fr. Mller (WZKM 5, 261), concerning a compound
*pati-daiza- Anhufung, Sammlung, Ernte.
7.2. Sogd. *xazn <gznh> & <xzn> autumn,
*xaznn <xznnc> & <gznnc> the sixth month of the
year (Gharib 1995, ##4549, 4550, 10877), Pers. xizn,
xezn, xazn autumn, Shamerzadi xazn, Surkhei xzn,
Gilaki xzn, Yarani xaz'n id. (Christensen 1935, 179;
1930, 284).
7.3. Shughni, Badui, Roshani, Wakhi tiramo, Bartangi
tirmo autumn (Skld 1936, 138-39) = Shughni tram,
Wakhi tiram & tir(e)m id. (Paxalina 1975, 273) < Pers.
tiramh autumn = tir Merkur; the fourth month of the
Iranian lunar year & mh month (Junker 1981, 200).
8.1. IE. root *uet- continues in labeling of a calf:
MPers. (Zor.) vahk <whyk>, Parsi Pers. vah, Pers. bah,
Khot. basaka- calf, Osset. Digor ws, pl. wsit, Yaghnobi
wsa, dimin. wask, Wakhi wesk < *wasyaka-, Sarykoli wisk,
Sanglechi wosk, Yazgulami w's, pl. wasay, Parachi gas) <
*vasaka-, Ormuri gus id. (Bailey 1979, 274). FennoMordvinian parallels are obviously of Iranian origin: Fin.
vasa calf, dimin. vasikka, dial. vaska, vasu,-i, Karelian vasa,
vaza, vasa, Veps vaza, Estonian vasik, -as, vak, Livonian
vaiski, vask id.; Lapish Inari vyesi, Skolt vess, Ter vss
caribous calf; Mordvinian Moksha & Erzya vaz, Moksha

vaza calf (Joki 1973, 338-39).
8.2. Pashto serlay one-year-old kid < *saradyaka(NEVP 76).
D. Armenian language
1. Arm. am year < *sMH-eH2 or from Lindemans
variant *sM-eH2 (cp. Olsen 1999, 60), instr. sg. amaw < *sm8bh- ( Hamp 1981, 13).
2. Arm. elanak ~ yelanak season, weather; method
evidently formed from the verb elanim I will become
(Pedersen 1906, 367).
3. Arm. herow last year < *peruti (Olsen 1999, 209).
429
4. Arm. jmern
winter, gen. jmer-an, acc. pl. jmerowns;
Olsen (1999, 128) supposes a contamination of the r-stem
in nom.-acc. sg., as well as the n- or rather nt-stem in
oblique cases: * ghimer : *ghimen(t)*ghimer : *ghimer-t- >
*jmer : *jmeran-. On the other hand, Szemernyi (1960,
109) analyzes *jmer- as *jimer- and then, he reconstructs
*jeim-ar- with an analogous extension as in *am-arsummer.
5. Arm. garown spring, gen. garnan < *gar-own-an,
where *gar- reflects an ancestral *gehar- < *ues-, and -own- <
*-ont-. Then, OI. vasant- (Olsen 1999, 41-42) would be
closest to it. According to Szemernyi (1960, 109, see Note
no. 2), *-wn- should be connected with the same ending in
jiwn snow (~ Gr. xin, -now snow, Av. zii, gen. zim <
*ghiim, gen. *ghims see Olsen 1999, 135); In
Szemernyis view, the genitive ending -an corresponds to
-an in jean, which is the genitive of the word jiwn snow,
similarly gen. jmeran winter, amaran summer, as well.
6. Arm. amarn
summer reflects the contamination of
the original r- and n-stems leading to the r-stem *sM[H]-,
as well as nt-stem *sM[H]-t-V-, continuing in oblique
cases, such as gen. amaran (Olsen 1999, 141 finds the
counterpart of the original n-stem in Iranian forms of the
type Sogd. *hman-, after adj. *hmanya- <mynyy>).
Szemernyi (1960, 109) explains the vocalisation -ar- after
garo spring.
7. Arm. asown, gen. asnan autumn, probably derived
from *osionto- and further towards Gmc. *sani-/*azansummer; harvest-time, Pruss. assanis autumn, Slav. *osen"
autumn etc. (the suffix as in garown spring; the
development of IE. *-si- > Arm. -s- see Mann 1963, 2, 162).
However, Hbschmann (1897, 433) rejects these parallels.
An alternative reconstruction of *os-skh-on-, connecting the
Armenian word with the same parallels, was proposed by
Scheftelowitz (1928), which was later accepted by Solta
(1960, 284), Dzaukjan (1967, 255; 1983, 64) etc. Other
alternatives were introduced by Pedersen (1906, 433) who
considered the connection with aem I grow, as well as by
Lidn (1911; apud Solta 1960, 284, fn. 10) who sought the
connection with Arm. hasown ripe.
9. Arm. gari, gen. gareoy barley can be a derivative of
430
*gar- spring (Witczak 2003, 42, 131: *wesH2ariyo-). On the

other hand, Olsen (1999, 439) supposes the basis *ghriom
for gari (Lindemans variant) and she compares them
with Gr. kgxrow millet (by dissimilation from *gherghros)
and kxruw roasted barley.
E. Hellenic languages
1.1. Gr. tow year (from Il.), dial. (Cyprus) Wtow n.,
Myc. (Pylos) acc. sg. we-to, loc. sg. we-te-i-we-te-i = *wtehiwtehi year after year, yearly (Aura Jorro II, 423-24). A
remarkable Mycenaean form au-u-te, documented from
Knossos, may represent a compound adverb auwetes, having
an analogy in Hesychius gloss aet : atoet (Aura Jorro
1985, 146; Bartonk 2003, 347, 543). This can be found in
a large number of compounds with numerals, e. g. tri-etw
three-year, oteaw acc. pl. belonging to the same year,
of the same age. A derivative phetanw plentiful
probably arose by haplology from *-weti/o-tano- lasting for
the whole year (Frisk I, 583-84; II, 313, 359, 895; 518).
The closest parallel is Phryg. dat. sg. vetei < *uetesei from the
inscription from Pterie (7th 6th cent. B. C.), which is
interpreted as year or old (Orel 1997, 294-95).
1.2. Gr. (from Il.) niautw m. year, anniversary,
anniversary day, hence niasiow (cp. Myc. masculine e-nija-u-si-jo from Pylos, see Aura Jorro I, 220), Delph. niatiw
yearly, a year long, annual. Till now none of the
submitted interpretations have enjoyed a general
acceptance.
(i) Here, Frisk (I, 518) sees there a structure similar
to koni-or-tw cloud of dust, bou-lu-tw time for a
removal of a yoke of oxen, and he analyses the word into
n-i-au-tw. He finds a parallel to now year (Hes.; Sch.
Theok. VII, 147) in the first syllable, see above. The
second component stems from the verb av I am
sleeping, I am having a rest; hence, the semantics of
calmness of a year = solstice? perhaps results from it
(Brugmann 1903, 87-93 with reference to Etymologicum
Magnum 342, 33, where the Homeric verb niav I am
having a rest, I am sleeping, I am living is noted in
431
connection with niautw).

(ii) Otr<bski (1967, 25-32) noticed the possible
connection between Lat. autumnus autumn and G.
niautw year. Semantically, his confrontation is entirely
right, cp. OI. ard- year; autumn. However, his
reconstruction of pre-Greek *(m!)eni-auto- which should
correspond to pre-Lat. *auto-meno-, is entirely frivolous.
(iii) Probably best is the solution of Van Windekens
(1986, 84) and Szemernyi (1966, 7), who noticed that in
niautw it is possible to separate the stem *-ut-, which
represents the zero-grade in ablaut of IE. *uet- year, as
appears in the compound *per-uti. Van Windekens analysed
the word into three components: *en-ia-uts, where the
basis year proper stands for the third component of the
compound; in the second component, he sees a feminine
a from w selfsame, and the first one has to represent
an indefinite pronoun known from pl. nioi some.
1.3. Gr. now year (Hes., Sch. Theok. VII, 147)
appears especially in compounds: denow two-year-old
(Thphr.), tetrenow four-year-old (Kall.), ptenon :
ptaet (Hes.). Vddhi-derivative is evidently the word
nn, gen. sg. niow, acc. pl. nw, which serves as an
attribute of bow cattle, cow, bull (Frisk I, 638;
Szemernyi 1966, 6-12).
1.4./2. Gr. , Ion. -h f. year, season, day time,
hour, row m. year, time < *iro-/- (Frisk II, 1150-51).
Myc. E-ra excludes an initial *i- in the theonym `Hra,
which consequently does not belong here (Peters 2002,
365: *sr).
3.1. Gr. adv. prusi(n), Dor. prutin last year, Myc.
pe-ru-si-nu-wo, reflect IE. *per-uti, cp. Arm. herow, OIr. n nurid ab anno priore, ON fjord, OHG vert last year;
without final -i OI. part id.
3.2. Gr. Att. ttew, Ion. stew, Dor. stew adv. this
year, Myc. (Knossos) za-we-te (Aura Jorro 1993, 455-56) <
*ki-uetes < *kiH2-eH1 *ut-es here/now, during the year
(Vine 2009, 221; he designates the ending - < *-eH2-eH1 as
the perlative instrumental and mentions Hittite k siwatt
today, where k here may be interpreted as the instr.
432
*ko-H1), similarly tmeron, smeron, smeron today < *kimeron (formed after *ki-uetes and not vice versa see
Vine 2009, 222). The closest cognate occurs in Alb. si-vjet
this year < dat.-loc. *kiei-uetei, where *kiei- was remodelled
in the secondary masculine-like form, instead of the
expected feminine-like form *ki- > Alb. so-, attested in the
Alb. adverbs so-t today, so-nte tonight < pre-Alb. f. *kiditi, *ki-nakti respectively (Vine 2009, 221). Perhaps an
analogous compound appears in Messap. atavetes of the
inscription from Brindisi, described already in 1765 (MLM
I, 137, MLM II, 31). Beginning with Torp, the word is
interpreted as atetew. Hamp (1957, 81) separated a
component ata- there, and compared it with Alb. a-t
that. The same root *vet- probably appears in two
inscriptions from the so-called Cave of Poetry by
Melendugni: dat. sg. veteui and an odd appellative vete
(MLM I, 369-70; II 143-44).
3.3. From a hypothetical adv. *(W)etew (born) during
the same year with a copulative omicron, perhaps the
Aeolic version of copulative alpha, Vine (2009, 215)
explains the adj. oteaw.
3.4. Hesychius gloss aet : atoet and Myc. au-u-te
(Aura Jorro I, 146; Bartonk 2003, 347) can reflect /ha(u)ut-/; they are derivable from the coumpound *sM-uto
(Vine 2009, 216).
3.5. Gr. nvta next year < *neuo-ut-M or ouet-M in a
new year (cp. Meillet 1925, 15). Szemernyi disagrees
(1969, 241-43) with this idea, reconstructing the primary
phrase *nWviWtei, whose final ending had to be replaced
by the adverbial ending -ta in process of grammaticalization. But Vine (2009, 211) finds support in the form
, derivable from the acc. *ki-uet-M [for duration of]
this year.
4. Gr. (from Il.) xeimn, -now m., MoGr. xeimnaw,
(from Od.) xema n. winter, also in Myc. (Knossos) ke-maqe-me = *kheima-gweimen to survive winter, cp. xeimzein to
overwinter; extended by -r-: xeimriow winter [adj.],
stormy, xeimerinw wintry, xmarow he-goat, xmaira
she-goat; without r/n-extension: ds-ximow stormy,
433
melg-ximow black on a white field, xmetlon Frostbeule,

etc. (Frisk II, 1079-81). Extension by nt-suffix is
represented by a form -xemantow without storms (cp.
Oettinger 2001a, 307).
5.1. Gr. ar spring, Hesych. gar < *ues (Szemernyi
1956, 191 refuses the reconstruction of *us, which, on
the contrary, Tremblay 2003, 233 supposes on the basis of
Dor. [Alkman] r). The athematic locative in *-i in ari in
spring leads by addition of an adjectival suffix *-no- to the
adjective arinw spring [adj.]; similarly persi last year
perusinw last years, further, yerinw summer [adj.],
parinw autumny, xeimerinw wintry, and further YAv.
hmina- summer [adj.], OCS. zim" n winter [adj.] etc.
(Olsen 1999, 276).
5.2. MoGr. noijh spring represents a continuation
of Gr. noijiw opening, i.e. spring = opening of
flowers (Buck 1949, #14.75.2).
6.1. Gr. yrow n. summer (Il.), literally hot weather,
Ion.-Att. also harvest, yerea summer (Pindar, Herodot,
etc.), yerzv I am gathering, yerismw harvest, harvesttime, from IE. *guher-os hot. The closest cognate is Arm.
er warm, muggy weather (Frisk I, 665-66).
6.2. MGr. kalokarion, MoGr. kalokari summer,
exactly good season: kalw good & kairw term, season,
weather (Buck 1949, #14.76.2).
7. Gr. (from Il.) pr f., Lac. (Alkm.). p r late
summer early autumn < *
hr < *(H1)os-, further,
to Got. asans harvest, summer < *(H1)es-n-, etc. (Frisk II,
408; Schindler 1975, 3, 5). However, there exist other
solutions as well. Pisani (1966a, 150) seeks for a base in
*po-ivr , where r probably represents the second
component. Deroy (1970, 371-385) supposes that the word
r originated by contamination from *ivr and *ohr
(see also Frisk III, 162-63, 191). From here

is the later
compound fyinpvron autumn, MoGr. fyinpvro : fyinv
I am disappearing, ceasing, perishing + pra, i. e.,
periods, when a harvest ends (Frisk II, 1014). Probably,
the name of the constellation 'Vrvn < *osar-in is also
434
related (Forssman 1985, 81-86; Neumann 1999, 52).

8. From the IE. root *uet-, Gr. telon, talon yearly
(about domestic animals) is formed. Let us also mention
the syllabogram we used in the Linear B script for *wetalos
yearling (Bartonk 2003, 123; Vine 2009, 215, fn. 31).
The same l-extension appears in Lat. vitulus calf etc.
F. Albanian & Palaeo-Balkan languages
1. Alb. vit m., vjet f., pl. vjet year < *uetos; hence vi
calf < *uets(o)- (Hamp 1968, 27-31; 1971, 222; cp. also
Orel 1998, 509, 506). The word ETESA from Thracian (?)
inscription from North Bulgarian Kjolmen (6th cent. B. C.)
is being associated with Gr. Hom. nom.-acc. pl. tea <
*uetesf2 (Georgiev 1977, 127-29).
3.1. Alb. adv. si-vjet this year can reflect an ancient
loc. sg. in *-i (Hamp 1957, 81 reconstructs *(a)t(j)i-uetes-;
Orel 1998, 397: *kiei uetei). However, for nasalized variants
preserved in Italian dialects of Albanian, such as simvjet,
simjet, smbjit Hamp (1957, 82) offer another solution. In -m
Hamp (l.c.) sees no accusative (however, cp. Lit. smt this
year < acc. sg. *kim-mto of this year, Fraenkel 1962-65,
990), but instr. pl. as in Slav. *tm", Lit. tuom. According to
Hamp, the first component of the compound should
correspond to Messap. atavetes atetew. However, the
demonstrative in *k- is preferable with regard to Gr. Att.
ttew, Ion. stew, Dor. stew this year < *ki-uetes- and Lit.
smt this year.
3.2. Alb. par-vjt the year before last year (Mann
1984-87, 928).
4. Alb. Tosk dimr, Gheg dimn winter < *ghimen
(Hamp 1961, 52-55).
5. Alb. prndver ~ prandver, Sami printver spring <
Rom. *prma vra, cp. Ital. primavera, Rum. primvar
spring (Meyer 1891, 466; Orel 1998, 344).
6. Alb. ver summer < Rom. *vra id. (Meyer 1891,
466; Orel 1998, 499).
7. Alb. vjesht f., pl. vjeshta autumn; Meyer (1891,
475) etc., as well as Orel (1998, 512) derive through the
suffix -sht from the verb vjel, aor. vola to pick (fruit), cp.
Lit. valti to gather, from vlti to throb (Fraenkel 1962-
435
65, 1190, 1221). Mann (1984-87, 46) thought of the

origin in the root *H2ueg-s- to grow, but an appropriate
buttress in Lat. autumnus autumn against augre falls (see
entry).
8. Alb. vi calf < *uets(o)- (Hamp 1968, 27-31; 1971,
222; see also Orel 1998, 506).
G. Italic languages
1.1. Lat. annus m. year, hence annna annual yield;
price of corn (Walde & Hofmann I, 50-51), with
continuation in Rom.: Port. anno, Sp. ao, Cat. any, Prov.,
Fr. an, Engad., Furl. an, Ital. anno, Sard. Logud. annu, Vegl.
yan year, Rum. an last year, cp. also Fr. dial.
(Lothringen) an summer, Ital. annata harvest-time, Sp.
dial. (Asturia) aada harvest (Meyer-Lbke 1935, #487).
On the territory of ancient Italy, it is usually connected
with Umb. acc. sg. or pl. acnu annos (Vb 8,12 14, 17),
Osc. loc. sg. akene in anno (TA A 18, B 23), acc. or gen.
pl. akun (Pompeii 44), gen. sg. aceneis, acenei (TB Pocc.
185,6; 185,9), gen. pl. acunum (TB 31) < *atno(Untermann 2000, 74-75); further, Got. dat. pl. apnam and
gen. pl. at-apnjis year and Skt. (lex.) atna- sun which
formally corresponds to Italic-Germanic isogloss (EWAI I,
56). The same root is represented in Iran. *tra-, which
appears in Av. compounds xvyra- wealth (*hu-tra-), apairi.yra- unkind (EWAI I, 56), all evidently derived
from the verb of the type OI. tati [he] is going, [he] is
wandering. Contrary to the general agreement with this
etymology, Szemernyi (1950a, 174-75) proposed a
derivation of Lat. annus from *as-no-s, from the root *as-,
which appears in Lat. re I am dry, aridus dry etc.
According to Lat. cnus < *kasno-, we should expect +nus.
Szemernyi points out in favor of his reconstruction the
example of Lat. penna wing, after OLat. pesna, and he
supposes the development of penna < *pn, which is
documented by the pair of forms Iuppiter ~ Ipiter. Then,
the basic form *petsn stems from this. He refuses OscoUmbrian forms to be related with Lat. annus. Zavaroni
(2003, 230; 2004, 254; already for the first time Vaniek see Walde & Hofmann I, 51) presents another alternative
and he reconstructs Italic *anKno-, which he connects with
436
Lat. nus circle, ring, OIr. inne a ring, Arm. anowr

necklace, ring (Pokorny 1959, 230), all from the IE. root
*ank-/*angh-. To the semantics, cp. Egypt. rnp.t year :
Copt. ranpi circle (Vycichl 1983, 175).
1.2. Venet. *yro- year? appears perhaps in
inscriptions from Este in the instr. pl. in connection with
preposition: op iorobos (#23) and op iio[robos (#69), see
Lejeune 1974, 129, 197, 210.
3. The root *iro occurs in the Lat. adj. hrnus
produced in this year and adv. hrn this year, usually
derived from *ho-ir-ino- (Untermann 2000, 75), cp. ho-di
today. De Vaan (2008, 289-90) finds strange the
uninflected deictic component ho- and so proposes the
primary loc. sg. *hoi iroi > *hoiroi > *hr, and further
*hrino-.
4. Lat. hiems f., gen. hiemis winter, transferral also
year (Ennius); in compound bmus, trmus, quadrmus
two-, three-, four-year < *dui-, *tri-, *quadri-himo-. The
form hiems reflects the variant II *ghiem-, according to
Benvenistes root theory. The closest is probably the
Ligurian base *giem-, to which the meaning snow is
presupposed, if the name of the mountain mons Berigiema
(CIL V 7749) meant carrying snow, as usually assumed
(Kretschmer 1905, 118, fn. 2). Adj. hbernus reflects the
original *heimerinos with a subsequent dissimilation of m .. n
> b .. n, rather than the form +heimrinos, which does not
correspond to IE. syllabification (Szemernyi 1960, 10708). The phrase hbernum (tempus) winter (time) gave rise
to Romance marking of winter: Port. inverno, Galician
iverno, Sp. invierno, Cat., Prov. ivern, Fr. hiver, Engad. iviern,
Furl. inviarn, Ladin. dinver, Istr. dinviern, Ital. inverno, Sard.
Logud. ierru, Vegl. inviarno, Rum. iarn id. (Meyer-Lbke
1935, #4126.2).
5.1. Lat. vr n., gen. vris spring < *uesr- (Szemernyi
1956, 191 rejects the reconstruction *usr-, as supposed by
e.g. Benveniste 1935, 191 or also Schrijver 1991, 128; but
he does not come back to his older hypothesis any more
when he had derived the form *uesr- from IE. *ues- to be
see 1950, 174). As for the Romance languages, only
some of them preserved the word, however, more or less
with a move towards the meaning summer: Cat.
437
(Valencia), Prov. ver, OItal. (Naples) vera, Rum. var id.;

but OItal (Naples) vertiempo spring preserves still an
original meaning of the component ver-. From the phrase
*vrnum (tempus) spring summer (time) arises Port.
v(e)ro, Sp. verano, Cors. veranu, Sard. Logud. b(e)ranu
summer. Even Port., Sp., Cat. primavera, Prov. primver,
OFr. primevoire, Engadin. prmavaira, Ital. primavera,
Roman. primvar spring, exactly the first summer
(Meyer-Lbke 1935, #9213, 9216, 6754) stems from the
shift of meaning.
5.2. Fr. printemps spring, formed from compound
prmum tempus the first (yearly) season, replaced older
primevoire in the 16th century (Meyer-Lbke 1935, #6753a).
6.1. Lat. aests f., gen. aesttis summer < *aidh-tt-, cp.
aestus hot, heat < *aidh-tu- and aeds, aedis fireplace,
temple, pl. house (old root name; see Schrijver 1991,
374-75); the closest cognate is OIr. ed fire, OEng. d,
OHG. eit pyre, Gr. ayv I burn < *aidh- < **H2eidh- (ibid.
38). Even some Romance languages preserved the word:
Prov. estat, Fr. t, Engad. sted, Furl. instat, Ital. istate, Sard.
Campid. istadi, Istro-Rum. dist & list summer (MeyerLbke 1935, #245); in other languages, continuants of
Lat. vr or their derivatives replaced them.
6.2. Prov. and Fr. beautemps summer exist in parallel
with Prov. estat, Fr. t; their meaning is lovely time
(Meyer-Lbke 1935, #1027), cp. MGr. kalokari (Buck
1949, #14.75.2.).
7. Lat. autumnus m. autumn continues in Romance
languages: OPort. atuno, Port. outono, Sp. otoo (> Sard.
Logudor. attunzu), High-Vald. atun, Engad. utuon, Rum.
toamn id., cp. also Furl. mes di tom October, mes di tomuts
November. Prov. autom, Fr. automne, It. autunno autumn
represent later Latin adaptations (Meyer-Lbke 1935,
#812).
The word does not have an unambiguous etymology,
so let us compare more solutions:
(i) Considerations about the connection with OIr.
acht, cht coldness, Lit. usti to become cool, Latv.
aksts cold, Arm. oyc cold refer to the fact that Latin
should preserve an expected velar (+aucto).
(ii) Ribezzo thought of an adaptaion of Etruscan avil
438
year, but his construction *av(i)-to-m(e)nos Jahresumkehr

is entirely artificial (see Walde & Hofmann I, 88).
(iii) Otr<bski (1967, 225-32) tried to prove the
connection between Lat. autumnus autumn and Gr.
niautw year. Semantically, his confrontation is
absolutely right, cp. OI. ard- year; autumn. However, his
reconstruction of pre-Gr. *(m!)eni-auto- is entirely artificial
to get a correspondence to pre-Lat. *auto-meno-.
(iv) As most promising we find the connection of the
prefix *au- (cp. Lat. aufer, aufugi) with the verb of the
type Gr. tmnv I am cutting, I am hewing would be
possible, as well as considering grass and herb collecting
(Dioscorides III, 132), MIr. tamnaid [he] is slicing, in
Latin, with a shifted meaning: temn, -ere to despise,
disdain (*to cut hair ignominiously?), all from the root
*temH1- to slice, to cut, more precisely from its present
stem, which originates by the insertion of the nasal infix
*tM-n/n-H1- (LIV 625). To the semantics autumn =
cutting-off-time, i.e. harvest, cp. Alb. vjesht autumn :
vjel to pick (fruit) or from Gmc. *harbista- autumn : Lat.
carp I am picking, MIr. cirrim I am reflecting,
shrinking, Lit. kerp, kiTpti to cut with scissors etc.
(Walde & Hofmann I, 172). See Rix (1997, 871-889) who
reconstructed the protoform *au-tomH1-ino-.
8.1. IE. root *uet- year is in Italic languages
represented by several derivates:
(i) Lat. vetus, -eris old; cp. probably Osc. ND dat. sg.
Vezke (TB A 2, B 3) < *uetes-iko- (Untermann 2000, 85354). Rix (Studi Etruschi 61, 1996, 355) and Heidermanns in
his unpublished Habilitationsschrift from 1999, 227,
include there Umb. ND dat. sg. Vesune (IV 3, 6, 10, 12,
25), Mars. dat. sg. Uesune (Civit dAntino; Ortona dei
Marsi), from nom. sg. f. *uet-s-n (see Untermann 2000,
852-53).
(ii) Lat. veternae & veterna beasts of burden < *uet-esno (cf. Vine 2009, 216).
(iii) Lat. vitulus calf, dim. vitellus, Lat. > Etruscan
vitli, OUmb. acc. sg. m. vitlu, acc. pl. m. vitluf = Late Umb.
uitlu, acc. pl. f. vitlaf = Late Umb. uitla, apparently from
*uetlo-/- (Walde & Hoffmann II, 807; Untermann 2000,
859-60).
439
8.2. Lat. annus year is a base for derivatives

designating various yearly animals:
(i) Lat. anniculus yearly > Italian from Naples anniky
yearly cattle, Abruzzian nnekky yearly goat, Logudor
anniyu yearly horse, etc. (ML #481.1.).
(ii) Lat. annuculus yearly > Rumantch of Bergell
nuila goat with no kids, Upper Waldish anul yearly
sheep, Gascogne anulh bullock, Cat. anoll(a) yearly
lamb (ML #481.2.).
(iii) Lat. *annoticus yearly > French idiom of
Morvand (Burgundy) ano yearly sheep, Old Provenal
anotge id., Poitevinish noz young goat (ML #484).
(iv) Lat. anntinus of last year > Romanian noatin
yearly animal, Logudor annodinu yearly cow, Normanish
tn two-year-old foal, etc. (ML #485).
9. Lat. annus year is also the base for designation of
various kinds of corn: Latin annna corn, Old Provenal
anona rye, Occitan of Dauphin nuno wheat, French of
Swiss noneta Speld (ML #483a).
H. Lusitanian language
1. IE. root *uet- in its zero-stage is perhaps hidden in
the acc. sg. adj. f. usseam yearly < *ut-seios, -, -om (Witczak
2005, 385-86).
I. Celtic languages
1. OIr. bladain f., gen. sg. bladnae year < Celt.
*bleidan, gen. *bleidaniis (or *bleidono; see Schrijver 1995,
245). Schrijver (1995, 244-46) supposes the same basis for
OWelsh bloidin, MWelsh blwydyn, pl. blwydyned & blwynyded,
Welsh blwyddyn f. year, pl. blynyddoedd, OCorn. blipen,
MCorn. blythen, blethen, OBret. blidan, bliden, blid, MBret.
bliz(i)en, Bret. dial. blizenn year, while MWelsh pl. blyned,
Welsh blynedd, OBret. blened reflect *bleidaniis (or
*bleidono).
MWelsh blwyd, Welsh blwydd f. year of life, MCorn.
bloth m. id., MBret. bloez, bloaz, Bret. bloaz m. year < Celt.
*bleid-(n) (Schrijver 1995, 243). See also Hamp 1980, 166.
Matasovic (2009, 69) reconstructs pCelt. *bld / *bldom,
*bldan; he expresses his doubts concerning the
comparison with OCS *bld, OEng. blt pale for semantic
440
reasons. Schaffner (2004, 289-91) derives it from the root

*bhleid- to pass (on time), but his reconstruction is based
on Greek flidv to overflow with moisture and OEng.
bloat to swell which are also rather distant in semantics.
2. Welsh adeg f. appropriate time, a (year) season;
crescent moon, derivable from Celt. *atik, has been
compared with OIr. athach f., dat. athaig & athaid (also as
nom.) time, time period (LEIA A-99), and further with
the Italic-Germanic isogloss *atno- (Hamp 1977, 240).
3.1. OIr. nn uraid gl. ab anno priore, MIr. innuraid
from last year < *per-uti (via metathesized *irud? see
Griepentrog 1995, 445, fn. 5) with the word for year in
the zero-grade and loc. sg., or < *per-utem in the fossilized
accusative, as it is possible to understand from the form of
the definite article (Schrijver 1995, 244, 257; Matasovic
2009, 128).
3.2. MWelsh yr llyned, Welsh y llyned, Bret. arlene, arlene
last year < acc. *per-bleidniim with the same prefix *per- as
in corresponding OIr. uraid (Schrijver 1995, 244, 256-57).
3.3. MWelsh eleni, yleni, Bret. hevlene this year < dat.
*se-bleidniiai, cp. the same deictic element in expressions,
such as Welsh heddiw, Bret. hiziv today, MWelsh henoeth
tonight (Schrijver 1995, 256-57).
4. OIr. knows three variants of the word winter: gaim
(oldest nom. sg.; also in compound gaimred in the phrase a
n-gaimred this winter; the second component has its
origin in rithe season), gem (in compounds of the type of
gem-adaig winter night) and gam (with vocalism evidently
affected by the word sam summer). The lattest stem
probably appears in the Ogam personal name Gami-cunas
(Ziegler 1994, 105; Matasovic 2009, 170). Schrijver (1995,
108-10) supposes forms gaim & gem reflecting an original istem with a root vowel *-e- of the type of OIr. daig, gen.
dego flame, tailm, gen. telmo loop, so perhaps nom. gaim,
gen. *gemo. Schrijver reconstructs the basic image of the
form *gem-i- < *giem-i-. On the other hand, de Bernardo
Stempel (1999, 36) supposes that gem reflects an old gen.
sg. *ghim-os (also in compound gem-red). OWelsh gaem,
MWelsh gaeaf m. represent the closest parallels and in
compound gaeaw-rawd the corresponding OIr. gaim-red;
then, OCorn. goyf gl. hyemps, Corn. gwaf, OBret. gouiam,
441
MBret. gouaff, Bret. gouav, dial. (Vanetais) gouia

autumn (Deshayes 2003, 280) < Brit. *giiamV- < *ghiem(Schrijver 1995, 101, 108-10). Cp. further Ir. gamain
November; the name of the month *giamonios in the
Gaulish calendar from Coligny formally corresponds to it
(in fact, it is preserved at the different stages of
shortening: giamoni, giamon, giamo, giam, gia), all from Celt.
*gi(i)amo < *ghiem- (Schrijver 1995, 101, 109; Pinault 1993,
152 still follows the traditional reconstruction *ghiom-). The
r-extension appears in some Romance forms as Fr. givre,
Prov. gibre, giure, Cat. gebre hoarfrost, derivable from
*gewro- < Gaulish *gem(e)ro- (Matasovic 2009, 170 after
Gamillscheg).
5.1. OIr. errach spring < *uesr-ko- (Pedersen I, 82,
435) with *u- > caused by lenition, cf. OIr. espartain
twilight < Lat. vespertina (Schrijver 1995, 445), and -rr- <
*-sr- as in OIr. err tail, end vs. ON. ars arse (Pokorny
1959, 340); OWelsh guiannuin in spring, Welsh gwanwyn
spring, OCorn. guantoin, OBret. guiannuin (Pedersen I,
74) < *uest-eino-, analyzable as the loc. in *-ei from a
thematic stem of the type OI. vasant-, hemant-, plus the
adj. suffix *-no- (Olsen 1999, 277). A Gaulish equivalent is
reconstructed in the form *visonna (< *uesont) on the
basis of the compound simiuisonna, representing the eight
month in the Gaulish calendar from Coligny (*smi-uesont
half of spring or of a year? - see Delamarre 2001, 232).
5.2./2. Bret. newez-amser spring = new time. Bret.,
as well as MBret., Corn., Welsh amser, MCorn. anser time
have an accurate counterpart in OIr. aimser f., gen. aimsire/i
time, a moment, epoch, and Gael. aimsir. Deshayes
(2003, 62) reconstructs the Celtic starting point *amb[i]menser (with [i] added by an anonymous referee to explain
the palatal -ms-). Vendryes (LEIA A-35) supposes
connection with OIr. amm n./m. time, a moment, which
should be extended by the suffix -stero/-. The origin of
amm remains unknown for him. Guyonvarch (1968, 55)
already proposed a comparison of Celt. *am-s-ter- with Hitt.
ha(m)mesha(nt)- spring-summer. Duval & Pinault (1986,
422) derived amm from *am-m < H2em-m, which is also
connected with Hitt. ham(m)esha(nt)- spring-summer.
Accepting the Celtic-Anatolian comparison, Matasovic
442
(2009, 33-34) proposes the segmentation *H1emos-tero- and

syncope, where the first component was the s-stem.
5.3. Bret. newez-hav spring = new summer
(Favereau 1993, 551).
6. OIr. sam & samrad summer, OWelsh ham, Welsh
haf, Corn. hf, OBret. ham, MBret. (1499) haff, Bret. hav
summer (Deshayes 2003, 321) < Celt. *samo- < *sMH-o-,
cp. dam m. bull < *dMH2-o- tamed (Pinault 1993, 152;
Schrijver 1995, 460). The same stem may be identified in
Gaulish anthroponyms, e.g. Samo-gnatius, if it meant born
in summer. The name of one of the months of Gaulish
calendar of Coligny may be placed here, too, and is
reconstructed in the form *Samonios, and an OIr. feast
Samain (*samoni-), taking place on the 1st November, i.e.
the end of great summer, the nice part of the year (but
the forms samuin, samfuin indicate the compound of sam
summer & fuin sunset, end - see LEIA S-22; Lambert
1994, 110 prefers the etymology from the root *semtogether, thus, the feast implies a gathering). Its
presence in Brittonic has been sought in Welsh Mehefyn,
Bret. Mezeven June, if they represent the compound
*medio-samono- mid-summer (Matasovic 2009, 262, 321;
Schrijver 1995, 265 proposes the old n-stem *-sam :
*-samno < *-(n) : *-no), similarly MWelsh kintevin
beginning of summer, May and OIr. ctamain May <
*kentu-samonio- (Matasovic 2009, 201), but traditionally
*kentu-samno- (LEIA C-58). The name of the Gaulish
summer month with its hypothetical insular cognates,
confirm the existence of the Celtic form *samon- < *sMmonor *sMHon-. Then, this form would represent the n-stem in
a heteroclitic paradigm, where the r-stem is represented by
Gaulish form *samaro-, reconstructed on the basis of the
substratal heritage in Fr. dial. samar, sombre July
(Delamarre 2001, 225) and the place name Samaro-briva
Ambianorum (see Matasovic 2009, 321). Further, cp. e.g.
Gmc. *sumara- < *sMmor-o- or *sMH2e/or-o- (Pinault 1993,
152).
7.1. OIr. fog(a)mar autumn < *u(p)o-gem-rado below
(= before) winter (MacBain 1911, 177), cp. Czech podzim
autumn.
7.2. Welsh hyddref autumn; October, cp. Corn. hedra,
443
OBret. hedre, MBret. hezreff, Bret. herev, hr October,

earlier also autumn. An etymology can be sought in
Welsh hydr, MBret. hezr, OBret. hitr, OIr. sethar violent
(Henry 1900, 161), but semantic motivation on the basis
of an assumed connection between Lat. augre : autumnus
is not motivated (see the etymological analysis of the Lat.
word). Deshayes (2003, 328) offers another solution - it
could be a compound consisting of the component deer,
attested in OBret. hed deer, fallow-deer, MBret. heiz
deer, Corn. hth, Welsh hydd deer (MIr. sed/seg stag,
sideng elk = sid + eng wild confirm at least the Insular
Celtic level see Matasovic 2009, 33; problematic remains
the idea of Henry 1900, 159 on adaptation of OEng. hind
doe here) & bref mooing, howling. The month name
would indicate a period of rutting (cp. Slav. *rjuj"n > ChS.
rjuin, SCr. rujan September, OCz. jen, Cz. jen
September - see
October; further, Lit. rujs menuo
Machek 1968, 532).

7.3. Welsh cynhaef autumn, OCorn. kyniaf gl.
autumpnus < *kintu-gijamo- the first winter (Campanile
1974, 34-35).
7.4. Bret. kozh-amser autumn = old time in
opposition on newez-amser spring = new time (Favereau
1993, 439).
7.5. Bret. diskar-amser autumn = diskar abattage,
dclin, rduction & amser time (Favereau 1993, 172).
7.6. Bret. dilost-hav autumn = the end of summer;
dilost means without a tail (lost = tail), however, in the
figurative sense also termination, end (Favereau 1993,
161).
8.1. In Celtic, the IE. root *uet- year is proved
indirectly also in the zoonym *uet-s-- sow, pig > MIr. feis,
gen. sg. feise, nom. pl. feisi; OCorn. guis gl. sroffa, OBret.
guis, Bret. gwiz, gwez (Campanile 1974, 58; Pokorny 1959,
1175; Stber 2002, 188; Matasovic 2009, 417 proposed
another reconstruction *uet-ti-).
8.2. Celtic continuant of IE. *i/r- has been traced in
OWelsh iar, Welsh ir, pl. ieir hens, OCorn., Corn. yar,
MBret., Bret. f. yar, Bret. pl. ir hens < *iar-, cp. further
MIr. eirn(e) pullet; ?Gaulish NV Iaros, Iarilla (Pokorny
1959, 297; Deshayes 2003, 760). Schrijver (1995, 104-05)
444
rejects Pokornys hypothetical OIr. *airn and reconstructs

pCelt. *iiar- or *isar-. In the first case, Celt *a in *(i)iarwould reflect a vocalized laryngal *if1r- in reduced (zero)
stage. However, Schrijver admits alternative etymologies:
(i) *pp-ero-, cp. Lat. ppi I am cheeping and a suffix, such
as in passer sparrow, hanser gander; (ii) cf. Latvian iTbe
grouse, Middle Bulgarian jer<b partridge (Pedersen I,
65; Campanile 1974, 105; Matasovic 2009, 434).
Considering the popularity of the semantic motivation
yearly on labelling various animals, it is possible to admit
the same basis here as well. As for meaning, cp. South
Slavic & Slovak *jarica hen, which has not laid eggs yet.
8.3. Ir. gamuin one-year-old calf (omnis, see de
Bernardo Stempel 1999, 252, 257) evidently represents a
derivative of the variant gam winter.
8.4. The Celtic bird-name *wennlo-/ swallow
(Holder III, 172) > Goidelic *wannel (with vowel
metathesis *e-a > *a-e as in OIr. nn uraid gl. ab anno
priore < *irud < *per-uti) > OIr. fannall gl. hirundo, gen.
fainle with palatalization indicating *wannel); Brittonic
*wennl > OWelsh guennol gl. hirundo, MWelsh gwennawl
f. swallow, Corn. guennol, OBret. guennol gl. herundo,
MBret. guennel, Bret. gwennel id. (Deshayes 2003, 305);
Gaulish *wannlo- > South French vanelo (> Italian vanello),
vaneu, French vanneau lapwing, North Italian dial. (West
Piemont, Lombardia, Emigliano) vanel (Meyer-Lbke 1935,
#9140), is derivable from the n-stem *wesno spring, i.e.
swallow = spring-bird. The swallow was connected with
the beginning of spring by such classical authors as Horace
in his Epistolae I, 7.13, or Ovid in his Fasti II, 853 (Matasovic
2009, 416; McCone 2005, 408-09 traces substratal origin in
Basque [1745] ain(h)ara , [1562] enara swallow < *eNala
in reconstruction of Trask 2008, 170-71, derivable easier
from Celt. *wennl than vice versa - see Morvan sub enara).
8.5. The Celtic years season summer was also used in
terminology connected with animals: MIr. samaisc heifer;
MBret. hanvesk sterile cow, MoBret. havesk sterile <
Celt. *samo-siskw, lit. dry in summer (LEIA S-23; Matasovic
2009, 321).
9.1. MIr. erna f. barley (DIL E-154) has been
derived from *esorni (Pokorny 1959, 343; de Bernardo
445
Stempel 1999, 136, fn. 35; cf. p. 450: bchna sea, ocean <
*boukani). Pedersen (I, 65) saw here a continuant of IE
*ieuo- barley (Pokorny 1959, 512), without explanation of
the word formation. It is tempting to connect both
protoforms in the compound *ieuo-esorni. If the
reconstruction *esorni is correct, it is compatible with Gr.
(from Il.) pr f., Lac. (Alkman). pr late summer
early autumn < *p-ohr < *(H1)os-.
9.2. Witczak (2003, 42, 131) derives Welsh gwenith,
Corn. gwaneth, Bret. gwiniz wheat from a hypothetical
Celt. compound *wesant-itu- spring grain < *uest-pitu-, cp.
Welsh ith, Corn. yd, MBret. it > id, Bret. d, OIr. ith grain
(Henry 1900, 110). Although the first component has no
traces of *-nt- > -nn- as in OWelsh guiannuin in spring,
Welsh gwanwyn spring, OCorn. guantoin, OBret.
guiannuin (Pedersen I, 74) < *uest-eino-, the simplification
*-nn- > -n- in pretonic position is possible (LEIA C-255).
Vendryes (ibid.) admited an alternative solution, deriving
the word wheat from Brittonic *wind white > Welsh f.
gwenn etc., cf. Gmc. *hwaitjaz wheat vs. *hwta- white
(Hoad 1986, 538). Other etymologies are discussed in
LEIA C-255 and by Henry (1900, 154).
J. Germanic languages
1.1. Gmc. *jran > Got. jer year; ON. r, Icel., Faer. r,
Norw., Dan., Swed. r; OEng. gar/gr, Eng. year, OFris. jr,
Fris. jier, MDutch jaer, Dutch jaar, OSax., MLG., OHG. jr
id., further cp. OHG. hiuru, -o, MHG. hiure, Germ. heuer
this year < *hiu jru in this year, cp. Germ. heute, OHG.
hiutu, OSax. hiudu, OFris. hide(ga) today, i. e. of this
day (Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 1101-02; Kluge &
Seebold 1999, 373, 408-09).
1.2. Gmc. *apnaz & *apnjan > Got. dat. pl. apnam and
gen. pl. at-apnjis year, cp. Lat. annus year, Umb. acnu
annos, Osc. akene in anno < *atno-, everything
apparently from a verb of the type of Ved. sm atasi [RV I,
30.4] du rennst darauf los, tamna- [RV II, 38.3]
wandering (see Schaffner 2004, 286). Perhaps, even Skt.
(lex.) atna- sun is of the same origin and formally
corresponds to the Italic-Germanic isogloss (EWAI I, 56).
The same root is to be represented in Iran. *tra- which
446
appears in Av. compounds xvyra- wealth (*hu-tra-), apairi.yra- unkind (EWAI I, 56).
3. Gmc. *ferudi adv. last year > ON. i fjrd in last
year, Faer. i fjr, Norw., Dan., Swed. ifjor id., cf. ON.
fjordgamall, ODan. fjorgammel one-year-old (Bammesberger
1990, 199; Griepentrog 1995, 445; Orel 2003, 101). The
different vocalism of MHG. vrt in last year, reflecting
Gmc. *frad (i), resembles the vacillation of the type OHG.
anut : OSax. anad duck (Schaffner 2004, 294-95).
4.1. Gmc. *wentur-/oru- winter > Got. wintrus (u-stem)
winter; a year; Run. (Rk) acc. pl. wintura winter, ON.
vetr, pl. vetr (also year), Icel., Faer. vetur, Norw. (Nynorsk)
vetter, (Bokml) vinter, ODan. wintr, Dan. vinter, OSwed.
vinter/vitter/vtter, Swed. vinter; *wintraz > OEng., Eng.,
OFris., Fris. winter, OSax. wintar, MLG., MDutch., Dutch.
winter, OHG. wintar, Germ. Winter winter. An
unambiguous etymology is lacking; there are several
possible solutions (for summary see Mathiassen 1968, 9198; Bammesberger 1990, 161; Kluge & Seebold 1999, 893;
Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 1058):
(i) A relation with Celt. *vindo- white (Uhlenbeck
1905, 326; lately also Krause 1968, 161 and Bammesberger
1990, 161).
(ii) A connection with nasalized forms of IE. *uedwater as Lit. vandu, Pruss. wundan; it should concern
humid, rainy season (Lidn 1891, 522; see Mathiassen
1968, 92-93). Humidity, however, is not the main feature
of winter in the North of Europe. An opposite
phenomenon appears more often: the main attribute of
winter, is snow, which may be converted to melts in
warmer climatic zones: OI. snhyati [it] is getting wet : Av.
snaza- to snow, OCS. sng snow or OIr. snigid [it] is
dripping, raining, snige a drop : Welsh nyf snow
(Pokorny 1959, 974).
(iii) A connection with Gmc. *wenistraz left > ON.
vinstri, OEng. winester, OFris. winister, OSax., OHG. winistar
left on the basis of metaphor left = north, i.e. a
direction from where winter comes, cp. ON. nordr North
vs. Osc. nertrak a sinistra, Umb. nertru sinistro (Pokorny
1959, 766). Though semantically attractive possibility, it
does not explain the word-formation factors.
447
(iv) A connection with Slav. *v<d- in OCS. uv<dati,

uv<zdati to fade, SCr. vnuti, Sln. vniti, Slk. vdnut, Cz.
vadnout, ULus. wjadnyc, Rus. vjanut, uvjadet (Mathiassen
1968, 91-98; refering particularly to a possible relation to
the root of the type Gr. av I am sleeping). Basically, it
is semantically conceivable, but the analogy for a similar
semantic motivation is missing.
(v) A connection with Gmc. *wendaz wind (Wood
1932, 214) is naturally acceptable in semantics (cp. Arab.
satwat, pl. sit winter : Soqotri ete North, northern
wind), but is problematic for the distinction between d : t.
The solution can constitute a pressumption of a
heteroclitic character of the word for winter. Emerging
from an early Gmc. form *wenp- of the word wind yet
before the application of Verners law, the r/n-heteroclitic
can possibly be reconstructed as *wnpro : *wenpno. Then,
for the n-stem we have to expect an application of Kluges
law (see e.g. Lhr 1980), leading to form *wentto. Thanks
to paradigmatic leveling we obtain a form *wentro, which
already reflects the existing base.
(vi) We find most promising the comparison with
Hitt. wantai- to be hot, white-hot; to be furious, participle
wantiyant-, e.g. in wantianza GUSKIN glittering gold,
fient. wantes- to became hot, nom. actionis wantemmaglow, hot; sunbeam, redupl. (u)wantiwant- lightning,
CLuv. wandaniya- glittering (Oettinger 1979, 381; Id.
2001b, 463-65; Tischler 2001, 194). A semantic distinction
can be explained in two ways: a) winter = [a period of]
glittering snow, cp. Welsh eiry, eira m. snow, MCorn. irch
gl. nix, Corn. ergh, Bret. erch snow < Celt. *argio-, which
is also evidently reflected in the first component of Gaul.
NV Argiotalus, and further Gr. rgw bright, white etc.
(Vendryes, LEIA 1959, A-88); b) winter is a period, when
the frost is biting, cp. examples from Finno-Ugric
languages, where this connection is apparent: Finn. palato bite, palele- to feel cold, to freeze; North Lappish
buolle- to burn, be on fire, buols frost; Md. palo- to nip,
but also to freeze, Mansi pl- to freeze; Hung. fagy
frost; to freeze (UEW 352). It is possible to find other
analogous examples in Lat. pruna hoarfrost, frost, pl.
snow, winter, vs. prna live coal or Got. frius frost vs.
448
Alb. prsh live coal, glow, eventually also OI. pruv

hoarfrost, freezing water, drops vs. plati [it] bites,
plua- burned (Walde & Hofmann II, 378-79; Pokorny
1959, 846; Mayrhofer is against the affinity of the OI.
examples, EWAI II, 193: *plo- < *pra-u-).
4.2./2. ON. gi f. & gmnadr a month lasting from
the middle of February to the middle of March (> North
Lappish kuova-manno February), Icel. ga, Faer. g, Norw.
gj, goa, goi, Swed. gjemnad February, ODan. gue, gj (de
Vries 1962, 182; Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 301-02) <
Gmc. *gi(n) < *ghim, cp. Arm. jiwn snow, Gr. xin id. <
*ghiim.
Note: Gmc. *gamala- old > ON., Icel. gamall, Faer.
gamal, Norw. gammel & gammal, ODan. gaml, Dan. gammel,
OSwed. gamal, Swed. gammal, OEng. gamol, Fris. gammel,
MDutch gmol, Dutch gammel. Apparently, the basis is the
apophonic stage *ghiom- of winter, with simplification of
the intial cluster *ghi- similar to Gmc. *gz > ON. gr,
OSwed. gr yesterday : OI. hy- (Bjorvand & Lindeman
2000, 282, 330-31).
5.1. ON. vr spring, ODan. wr, OSwed. vr, Icel. vor,
Faer. vr, Norw., Dan., Swed. vr; OFris. wers/wars, North
Fris. uurs id. (Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 1077-79 emerge
from pre-Norse *wrru < *wrru < *werz (see OFris.) <
*wezr).
5.2. OGutn. lapigs in spring, Swed. dial. lding, ling,
lig spring, i ldigs during the last early spring < Gmc.
*lp- < *lt-; Slav. *lto summer < *ltom is formally the
closest. OIr. laithe, dat. lathiu n. day (Celt. *lation < IE.
<*lf2tiom) may also be related, and perhaps also the Gaulish
abbreviation LAT from the Calendar from Coligny, which
also apparently indicates days (Mikkola 1908, 360;
Pedersen I, 133, 177, 538-39; Schrader & Nehring II, 419;
Pokorny 1959, 680). The semantic distinction between a
day and summer has a parallel in Gmc. *dagaz day vs.
Pruss. dagis summer.
5.3. OEng. lencten, MEng. lente(n) spring, Eng. lent
Easter, MDutch lenten, lentijn, Dutch lente spring, OSax.
lentn only in compound lentnmnd summer month,
MLG. lenten spring, OHG. lentzinmnth March, further
abbreviated forms as OHG. (about 1000) lenzo, MHG. lenze,
449
Germ. archaic Lenz spring, by OHG. (11. c.) langez id. adj.
(8. st.) lenzin, (11. c.) lengizi(n); all reflect a compound
*langa-tna- long day , cp. Got. sin-teins daily < Gmc.
*tJna- day ~ OCS. d"n", OI. dnam day etc. (Kluge &
Seebold 1999, 515; Pfeifer 2000, 791-92).
5.4. Eng. spring spring (from 13. c.) from the verb
spring, OEng., OSax., OHG. springan to grow, to originate
form, thus spring = rise of a year, similarly spring-day =
daybreak (Hoad 1986, 456; Buck 1949, #14.75.5).
5.5. MLG. vorjr(e), Dutch voorjaar spring; MLG. >
Dan. foraar id. (Falk & Torp I, 252).
5.6. Germ. Frhling spring, early Germ. frelinc (15.
c.), from frh, OHG. fruoi early. In premodern German, it
was also used for a suckling born at the beginning of a
year.
6. ON. sumar(r), ODan. sumar/sumr, OSwed. sumar,
Icel. sumar, Faer. summar, Norw., Dan. sommer, Swed.
sommar; OEng. sumor, OFris. sumur, -er, MDutch smer,
MHG. smer/sommer, OSax., OHG. sumar summer, Eng.
summer, Fris. simmer, Dutch zomer, Germ. Sommer < Gmc.
*sumara- ~ *sumera- (Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 834-35
reconstruct the IE. heteroclitic paradigm nom.-acc. *sMH-
/-r : obl. *sMH-(e/o)n-).
7.1. Got. asans summer; a harvest < *sani-; ONorse
nn autumn, Icel. nn, OSwed. an(n) / and, Swed. dial.
and; OEng. -ern, OFris. arn(e) / ern(e), MDutch arn(e), MLG.
rn(e) / rn(e), OHG. arn f., dat. arni, m. aren harvest, by
aran- in compound aranmam harvesting; the Western and
Northern Germanic forms reflect Gmc. *az(a)n-. Other
derivatives of the same root are Got. asneis, OHG. asni,
OEng. esne labourer (*snija-), also f. in OSax. asna,
OFris. esna wage, and the verb *aznn- & *aznn- > OEng.
earnian, Eng. earn, OHG. arnn, MLG. rnen, by OSax.
arnen. Bjorvand & Lindeman (2000, 686-87) suppose that
this concerns a part of a heteroclitic paradigm **H1s- :
**H1(o)s-(e/o)n-, where they even include Hitt. zenaautumn, deriving it from *H1sen-o-.
7.2. ON. haust & haustr, Icel. haust, Faer. heyst, Norw.
hst, OSwed. hster, Swed. hst, ODan. hst, Dan. hst
autumn reflect Gmc. *harbust-, while OEng. hrfest
autumn, Eng. harvest harvest, OFris. herfst, Fris. hjerst,
450
MDutch. herfst/hervest, Dutch. herfst, OSax. herbist,

MLG.
hervest, OHG. herbist, Germ. Herbst autumn go back to the
protoform *harbist- < *korp-ist-. It concerns the derivate of
IE. *kerp- > Hitt. karp-, karpiya- to lift, to carry away, Gr.
karpw fruit, Lat. carp I am picking, Lit. kerp : kiTpti to
cut (Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 419-20). Pfeifer (2000,
533) formulates an interesting idea: an original *karpistos
can reflect the superlative expressing the most suitable
time for picking fruit.
7.3. Dan. efteraar autumn = Swed. efterr id., exactly
after a year (Falk & Torp I, 181; Buck 1949, #14.77.4).
Germ. dial. sptling autumn means a late season of
year, symmetric with an early season, Frhling spring
(Buck 1949, #14.75.5).
7.4. Eng. (USA) fall autumn has its origin in a
phrase fall of the leaf falling of leaves (Buck 1949,
#14.77.4).
8.1. Besides 3, the IE. root *uet- also continues in
*wepru- > Got. wiprus lamb, ON. vedr ram, Icel. vedur,
Faer. vedrur, Norw. veder, ver, Swed. vdur, Dan. vder, Norse
> North Lappic viercca; OEng. weder, Eng. wether, OSax.
wethar, withar, MLG., MDutch weder, Dutch weer, OHG.
widar, Germ. Widder id. (de Vries 1962, 649; Rau 2007, 281292).
8.2. The base *ghim- winter continues in ON. gymbr,
ODan., Dan., Swed. gimmer, Norw. gimber & gimmer, Icel.
gimbur/gymbur, Faer. gimbur lamb = *yearly. All from
Gmc. *gimr-/ *gimrj-. Unexpected y in ON. and Icel., plus
Faer. can be explained only from the protoform *gumr-,
whose u originated as a result of a secondary ablaut
(Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 293-94). The same basis
occurs in ingimus porcus anniculus in the Old Low
Franconian code of laws Lex Salica 23.3, 24.2; cp. 23.6:
ingimus suaini, which reflects a compound *oino-ghimo- onewinter [adj.] (Pokorny 1959, 426).
9. OSax. amer, OHG. amar(o), amari, MHG. amer, emer,
Germ. Emmer m. summer wheat of spelt / Triticum
dicoccum, evidently also in the name of the bird
bunting, which likes to consume it: OSax. amer, OHG.
amaro, MHG. amer, Germ. Ammer, OEng. amore, Eng. yellowhammer (Kluge & Seebold 1999, 219, 34) may reflect Gmc.
451
*amaro or *amazo. The second alternative is compatible

with Hitt. ham(m)esha- spring-summer (op 1971, 62-63,
82-83).
K. Baltic languages
1.1./2. Lit. mtai year = pl. from mtas time, Latv.
m<ts time, time space, Pruss. (EV 12) mettan Jor, i. e.
year (Fraenkel 1962-65, 445) < *mto-, from IE. root
*meH1- to measure; cp. Alb. mot m., pl. mote time,
weather, storm < *mti- and Sogd. myd, Jaghnobi mt,
Jazgulami my day (Orel 1998, 274; Trubaev 1967, 14).
1.2. Latv. gads year < Russ. god year.
3. Lit. smt this year < acc. sg. *kim-mto in this
year, also in nom. pl. si mt(ai); analogously Latv. sogad
this year (Fraenkel 1962-65, 990).
4. Lit. ziem, acc. zim winter, ziemnis wintry, ziems
north wind, ziemia North, Latv. zema winter, ziemalis
north wind, ziemelis North, Pruss. (EV 15) semo winter,
cp. (EV 257) seamis winter grain (Fraenkel 1962-65,
1306). J. Schmidt (1895, 119-20) reconstructed the Baltic
protoform as *zeimn.
5. Lit. pavsaris spring, Zemaitic pavseris, Latv.
pavasaris spring (Fraenkel 1962-65, 1206) is formed from
*vaseris summer by the same prefix *pa- as Lit. pmot,
Latv. pamte, Pruss. pomatre a stepmother (Fraenkel 196265, 465).
6.1. Lit. vsara, var. vasar (Kurschat), archaic vasera
(Chylinski; see Specht 1947, 14, Note no. 6), Latv. vasara
summer; Lit. vasris, Zemaitic vasris summer [adj.], of
this year; southern wind (Fraenkel 1962-65, 1206). J.
Schmidt (1889, 196) proposed a primary form *veser.
Hofmann (1938, 71) analysed Lit. vasris, now February,
but earlier January, and came to a conclusion that a
similarity with the word for summer is only accidental; he
seeks its origin in the adj. vss khl. On the other hand,
the old record (Kurmin) of East Latv. wossoras menesis for
June (Hofmann 1938, 72, fn. 1) is entirely in accordance
with the meaning summer in both Lit. and Latv.
6.2. Pruss. (EV 13) dagis summer, cp. Lit. dgas, dag
summer hot; a harvest-time, degsis August, atodogiai
452
summer wheat everything from the word in Lit. dgti

to burn (intr.), to fire (intr.), Latv. degt to burn
(Fraenkel 1962-65, 85-86); further cp. Gmc. *dagaz day.
The same etymon appears in Pruss. compounds as (EV 260)
dagagaydis Som weyse, i. e. summer wheat, and (EV 638)
dagoaugis Somirlate = MHG. somerlate spray growing up in
summer. We can find analogous compounds in Lit.
vasaraugis, Latv. vasaraudzis id., where the word spring is
the first component and derivatives of the verb of the type
Lit. ugti, Latv. agt to grow constitute the second
component. Semantically identical components constitute
OCS. ltorasl" spring (Toporov I, 286-89). The second
component in OI. ni-dgh- m. hot weather, hot season
(S11B), ni-dgha- m. hot season, summer season (AV)
originated in the identical IE. root *dheguh-.
7.1. Pruss. (EV 14) assanis autumn is isolated in the
Baltic context. For example, H. Hirt (1898, 344n) was led
by this to consider a Gothic origin for the word. Against
this idea there were e.g. Bga (1959, 91-92) or Toporov
(1, 130).
7.2. Lit. rudu, Latv. rudens autumn, cp. Lit. rudens
menuo
September = Latv. rudens mnesis id. all from the
adjective in Lit. rdas (reddish) brown, deep yellow, Latv.

ruds reddish, reddish brown (Fraenkel 1962-65, 745;
about names of months see Hofmann 1938, 65).
Fraenkel (1958, 349) proposed an original r/n-heteroclitic:
Latv. rudu < *rudh(r), as well as Lit. vandu as
corresponding to Gr. dvr, OHG. wazzar etc.
8. The root *ir- year can be indirectly identified in
Lit. jeras,
ras, Latv. jrs lamb (Fraenkel 1962-65, 121),
which was also adopted to Balto-Fennic languages: Fin.

jr tup (Thomsen 1890, 169).
jr, jaara, Est. jr,
Further cp. Slav. *jarina & *jar"c" etc.
9.1. Such words as jr spring green; verdigris, joriti,
-oti, -uti to become green also exist in Lit. Zemaitic 1.
sg. pres. joriou & jorst, adj. jors green, also theonym
Jris, - green god or goddess of spring. Generally they are
treated as an adaptation of an East Slavic origin of type
Rus. jaQ spring crop; productive force (so Brckner, Bga,
Otr<bski; see Fraenkel 1962-65, 194-95), but e.g. Specht
(1947, 15) saw the continuation of IE. parcenary in them.
453
9.2. The word for summer, originally spring,

became the attribute, then also a separate appellative for
determining various kinds of grain: Lit. vasarnai kvieia
spring wheat, vasarniai rugia spring rye, vasarjus
spring or summer grain, vasariai spring wheat or rye;
Latv. vasarja f., vasarjs m. spring grain (Fraenkel 196265, 1206; Piesarskas & Sveceviius 1979, 821-22; Witczak
2003, 42-43).
L. Slavic languages
1.1. OCS. lto year, summer see below, 6.
1.2./2. Slav. *god m. / *goda f. > OCS. god occasion,
fixed time, sporadically year, Easter Sunday, feast, Bulg.
dial. god year, Mac. dial. god annual feast, anniversary,
SCr. gd great feast; year; occasion, Sln. gd an occasion,
a moment; maturity, adulthood, Slk. hod Sunday table, a
repast, Cz. hod church feast, pl. hody repast, ULus. pl.
hody Christmas, LLus. archaic gd time, instance, a cause,
a reason, pl. gdy Yuletide, PomSlc. pl. gùod
Christmas, Pol. god, mostly pl. gody a wedding reception,
dial. guody time after Christmas, ORus. god time, period;
term; year; age, Rus. god year, dial. good time, pl. gdy
repast, OUkr. hod year, Ukr. hod & hid, gen. hodu, Brus.
hod a year (ESSJ 6, 191-92; Tenorov, ESJS 3, 91-92).
Even the meaning of derivates of the type of *godina is
year, but only in some of the Slavic languages: OCS.
godina time, occasion, hour, Bulg. godna year, Mac.
godina year, dial. warm rainy time, SCr. g`dina year,
dial. (Dubrovnik) weather, bad weather, Cr. rain, Sln.
gdina rain, Slk. hodina an hour, OCz. hodina succes,
luck, term, Cz. hodina an hour, ULus. hod0ina id., LLus.
g0ina id., Pol. godzina an hour, a term, a moment, ORus.
godina time, an hour; year, pl. godiny fates, Rus. godna
known, special time, dial. (good) weather, OUkr.
hodyna a year, Ukr. hodna time, term, dial. good
weather, Brus. dial. godzna bad weather (ESSJ 6, 18788). The base *god- is obviously related to the verb *goditi
(s<) to correspond, to fit to (ESSJ 6, 189-90). For
example, Slav. *doba time, term (& Lit. dabaT now) :
Slav. *dobr good constitute a semantic parallel. Other
connections appear in Latv. gadt to intervene, to extract,
454
gadties to appear, OFris. gadia to connect, MLG. gaden

to correspond, to like, OHG. gigat advantageous,
suitable, Got. gadiliggs relation, nephew, etc. Even forms
with lengthened root vowel fall there: Lit. guda honor,
Latv. goda id., repast, Gmc. *gda- good (Kluge &
Seebold 1999, 343). Also related are: Alb. nge f., pl. nge
time, chance, opportunity < *en-ghodh- (Orel 1998, 294),
Gr. Myc. ke-ke-tu-wo-e /khekh(e)thwohes/ integrated, OI.
gdhya- hold tight, maybe Toch. AB ktk- to have
pleasure of; everything from IE. *gh edh-/*ghodh- (Pokorny
1959, 421-22; LIV 195).
1.3./2. Slav. *rok m. year > OCS. rok term,
deadline, Mac. rok, SCr. rk, gen. roka, Sln. rok, gen. rka
id., also fate in Slovenian, Slovakian, Cz. rok year, but in
archaic Cz. also term, PomSlc., Kash. rok (Lorentz;
Sychta), Pol. rok year, Ukr. rik, gen. rku, Brus. dial. rok
id., Brus., Rus. poetic rok fate (ZVSZ 309). Alb. rok
deadline (Orel 1998, 373) is a loan from South Slavic.
Everything from the verbal root *rek- > OCS. rek : resti to
say, cp. Lit. rkas deadline, limit (< Slav.?), Got. ragin
advice, Toch. A rake, B reki word, OI. epic racanorder, etc. (Pokorny 1959, 863; LIV 506).
4. Slav. *zima f. winter > OCS. zima, Bulg. zma, Mac.
zima, SCr., Sln. zma, Slk. Cz. zima, ULus., LLus. zyma, Plb.
zaim, Kash. zma, Pol. zima, ORus. zima, Rus., Ukr. zim,
Brus. zym winter (VZSZ 426), in Ukr. dial. also snow
(Ivasina & Rudenka 2005, 289; for sounds reasons, it is
definitely necessary to reject the old comparison of the
Slav. and IE. word winter with Hitt. heyu- rain, to which
the authors suprisingly returned).
5.1. Slav. *vesna f. spring > ChS. vesna spring, Sln.
vsna, Slk. vesna, Cz. poetic vesna, dial. also ntr. vesno, Pol.
wiosna (> PomSlc. vosna; Lorentz III, 979), ORus. vesna,
Rus., Ukr. vesn, Brus. vjasn (ZVSZ 400). The word vesna
spring came into Serbo-Croatian from Czech (Skok III,
579).
5.2. Slav. *jaro/*jara/*jar > Bulg. jar f. air, haze, fata
morgana; glare, dial. jr warm weather, (summer) glow,
jra vapour, Mac. dial. jara f. glow, heat, swelter, sultry
hot, SCr. j`ra f. great glow, jr m. spring, Sln. adj. jr
m., jra f. spring [adj.], Slk. jaro ntr. & jar m. spring, Cz.
455
jaro ntr., OCz. also j, LLus. archaic jaro ntr. id., PomSlc.
adj. jari spring [adj.], of this year, Pol. archaic jar m. &
jaro ntr. spring, ORus., Rus.-ChS. jara spring, Rus. dial.
jar m. glow, warm, fire, flame, Ukr. jar spring (ESSJ 8,
175). The Slavic forms are possibly to be derived from *iro/*iro-. Forms of feminines in -a represent a
reinterpretation of the nom. pl. ntr.
5.3. Other Slavic qualifications of spring mean that
spring follows winter: Plb. pzaim, PomeranianSlovincian (s)p uozmk, zmk (Lorentz II, 78; III, 1094), Kash.
(s)pozimk the end of spring (Sychta IV, 156) or before
summer: Bulg. prolet, Mac. prolet, SCr. (Vuk) prljece, Ekavish
prlece, Ikavish prol`ce, Plb. prlot, ORus. proltije; it possibly
comes before summer: OCz. podletie in symmetry with
podzim; the prefix na- plays an analogous role in Lusatian
languages: ULus. nalto, LLus. nalco spring and also in
PomSlc. nzmk the first part of spring (Lorentz I, 572).
6. Slav. *lto > OCS. lto summer, more often year,
term, time, Bulg. ljto summer, dial. also year, Mac. leto
summer, archaic and dial. also year, SCr. (Vuk) lj`to
summer, archaic year, Ekavish, partly akavish l`to,
Ikavish l`to, Sln. lto year, archaic summer, Slk. leto
summer, OCz. lto summer; year, Cz. lto, pl. lta years,
ULus. lto year, lco summer, LLus. lto a year, also
spring (16. c.: Jakubica) : lco summer, Plb. lot
summer; year, Kash., Pol. lato summer, pl. lata years,
ages, dial. (Silesia from 14. c.) na lato in spring, Brus. lta
summer, dial. a year, Ukr. lto summer, pl. lit years,
Rus. lto summer, pl. let years, in Rus. dial. also South
(Trubaev, ESSJ 15, 8-12). A number of etymologies was
introduced (for their discussion, see Trubaev, l.c.; Slawski
1989, 69; Blazek & Erhart, ESJS 7, 1997, 415-16):
(i) Already Miklosich, and then a century later Skok
(II, 336-37) connected Slav. *lto with Lit. liets, Latv. litus
rain. Mikkola (1908, 360) introduced unassailable
objections. Summer, as a season of rains, is typical for the
Indic subcontinent, but, however, not for Central Evrope.
Though, above all a primary Slavic verb *lj : *liti would
imply a substantive *lito, similarly as from the verb *sj :
*siti is generated *sito. It is obvious that Slav. * does not
reflect an old diphthong, but a long *. Hence, Macheks
456
etymology (1968, 328), connecting *lto with Lat. laetus

nice, delectable can be also excluded.
(ii) From the point of view of historical phonetics, as
well as semantic typology, Mikkolas comparison of Slav.
*lto < *ltom with OGutn. lapigs in spring, Swed. dial.
lding, ling, lig spring, i ldigs during last early spring <
Gmc. *lp-ing- < *lt- (Mikkola 1908, 360) still appears as
the most promising solution. OIr. laithe, dat. lathiu n. day
(Celt. *lation < IE. <*l8tiom) can be also related, and
perhaps the Gaulish abbreviation LAT from the Calendar
of Coligny, which apparently also indicated days
(Pedersen I, 133, 177, 538-39; Schrader & Nehring II, 419;
Pokorny 1959, 680). Semantic distinction between day
and summer keeps the parallel in Gmc. *dagaz day vs.
Pruss. dagis summer.
(iii) Slav. *lto represents without doubts an inovation
between the IE. naming of seasons. However, in such cases
it often happens that a new term functionally
approximates the original term. If the Slavic word replaced
the most widespread IE. term for summer, which is
reconstructed in the form *sem-eH- ~ *sM-H- and whose
meaning could be a half-year (see OI. sm), it is possible
to expect an analogous semantic connotation also in case
of Slav. *lto. The key to this idea can be OIr. leth ntr. a
half, gen. leith < *letom, gen. *let, vs. leth side, gen. le(i)the
< *let-os, gen. *let-es-os (~ Lat. latus, gen. latoris id.). PreSlavic *ltom would then be the vddhi-lengthening. An
identical explanation is also possible to apply to Gmc. *lping- spring. Then derivation of Celt. *lation day from
the identical etymologic nest would be more difficult but
not impossible. The semantic aspect is easier: day as a
term, when the light is (it is a primary meaning of IE.
*dieu- a day), represents a half of time unit day-night.
Root *a most probably reflects a zero-stage of laryngeal.
Then, it would be necessary to convert individual
reconstructions fundamentally: OIr. leth < *lH1etom, Slav.
*lto < *leH1tom, Celt. *lation < l1tiom = *lf1tiom (Blazek
2000, 358). The situation will still change, if Hitt. elzi
scales is related. Puhvel (1-2, 269-71) who was the first
author who compared it with OIr. leth a half, supposed
the basic semantics one of the two. In connection with
457
Hitt. elzi < *H1elt-iH, Hamp (1988, 79-80) recasts other

proto-forms as well: OIr. leth a half < *litom < *H 1tom, leth
side, Lat. latus id. < *H1t-es-. Slav. *lto could then reflect
vddhi-lengthening *H1ltom.
7.1. Slav. *osen" f. autumn > OCS. jesen", esen", but
also osen" autumn, adj. jesen"sk, by osen"n, osen"sk
autumny, Bulg. sen, dial. jsen, Mac. esen, SCr. j`sn, Sln.
jesn, Slk. jese autumn, OCz. only podjesen f. spring while
Cz. arch. jese represents a revivalist assumption perhaps
from Pol., Plb. only jisin-mond September = the calque of
German Herbstmonat, PomSlc. vjese autumn, Kash. jese ,
jesi , wiesie , Pol. jesie , ORus. osen" (a contract of Igor to
the year 945; Novgorods First chronicle to the year 1069)
by jesen", similarly also Russ. se , dial. jse , Ukrainian osi ,
gen. seni, also vse , Brus. vose (ESSJ 6, 28; ESJS 5, 283).
Iljinskij (1923-24, 252-53) saw traces of paradigm of the
type nom. *os(n), gen. *esenes > Slav. *osy : *esene in
variation e-/o-. However, it can be a result of regressive
asimilation *o .. e > *e .. e (cp. Rozwadowski 1914-15, 19;
Andersen 1996, 87-88; Blazek 2003, 244, 251-52).
7.2. Other qualifications of autumn mean that it
comes on winter: Cz. podzim (thus already in the 14th
cent.), or it represents some anterior winter: Plb. pre a
zaim, or more pecisely winter succeed to it: ULus., LLus.
nazyma (Ivasina & Rudenka 2005, 294).
8./9. Slav. *jaro continues also in a number of
derivatives, which mean sucklings or spring growths:*jar<,
gen. -<te ntr. > Bulg. jre kid, dial. jrja, Mac. jare, SCr.
j`re, gen. -eta id., Sln. jar, gen. -ta, lamb, Cz. archaic
je tko sheep at the age of one and a half year, ORus.,
Rus.-ChS. jar< lamb (ESSJ 8, 172). Pre-Slav. *i/r-ent- is
the stem formed by the ent-suffix, typical for names of
sucklings.
*jarica f. > Bulg. jrica a hen, which has not laid yet,
Mac. jarica, SCr. j`rica yearly hen, jrica a small goat; a
spring wheat, Sln. jrica spring grain, aftergrass; young
hen, young sheep, Slk. jarica young hen, which has not
laid yet; spring wheat, Cz. ja ice, je ice spring grain (rye),
ULus. jerica spring grain, LLus. jarica id., PomSlc. i eca
spring rye, ORus. jarica kernel of spring grain, Rus. dial.
jarca spring grain, Ukr. jarcja spring wheat, Brus. jryca
458
spring rye (ESSJ 8, 172-73).

*jarina f. > OCS. jarina wool, Bulg. jrina lamb fur,
dial. jrina fur of a one-year-old sheep, jrina fur of a
lamb at the age under a half of year, SCr. j`rina fur of
lamb, jarna a spring and summer harvest; a glow (> Alb.
jarin ripe fruit - see Orel 1998, 157), Sln. jarna spring
sowing, summer harvest, Slk. jarina spring grain, Cz.
jaina spring grain, dial. also young men at the age of 1819, PomSlc. iena, Pol. jarzyna vegetable; spring grain,
ORus., Rus.-ChS. jarina sheep fur, wool, OUkr. jaryna
harvest from spring sowing, Ukr. jaryn spring grain,
spring field, dial. jaryn vegetable, spring sowings of
grain, Brus. jaryn (ESSJ 8, 173-74; ESJS 5, 270).
M. Tocharian languages
1. A pukul / pukl, pl. pukl, B pikul, pl. pikwala year. In
accordance with Van Windekens (1976, 395-96) Adams
(1999, 384) reconstructs Common Toch. *pkwl which
should be derivable from the verbal name *peku-, formed
from the verb *peku- to bake to ripe. Katz (1994, 15168) introduced a more semantically promising etymology
when he analyzed the word as a compound of the
preposition *(e)pi- and the verbal root *kuel- to turn over
(in IE. projection *pi-ku), referring to a suggestive parallel
from Homeric Gr. piplmenon tow a revolving year
[h261 = z287], as well as an epic formulation of
piplomnvnniautn as years revolve.
3.1. One of IE. designations of year or time is
hidden in Toch. B erwe today that can be analyzed as a
demonstrative *ne- (cp. ake now < *ne gho) + root *ir- +
suffix *-uo- (Adams 1999, 271; Baldi, EIEC 654). Adams l.c.
quotes the idea of Hamp who derived the first syllable from
*ni- < *H1eni; then the compound would mean at this
time = today.
3.2. The indeclinable adj./adv. A ne, B nau prior,
former, earlier (Adams 1999, 350 with other derivatives)
can be explained as a compound of the pronoun and noun,
both in the loc. sg.: *(e/o)no-i + *uet in that year (Pinault
2006, 276: Common Tocharian *nywyC > A *nay, B
*naw).
4. A rme winter < *mre, B *impriye ~ *impro id.
459
(obl. sg. f. impryai) reflect proto-Toch. *m()ri- <

*ghim(e)r-H1en- (Adams 1999, 630; Schmidt 1994, 281).
Pinault (1993, 153-54) proposes a completely different
etymology, assuming A rme < *kerdmn-, compatible with
Indo-Iranian designation of autumn or year.
B adj. *icatstse snowy according to Schmidt (1980,
410) implies the existence of the basis *icwinter
which is possible to derive from *imc-; thus, a form that
exactly corresponds to Hitt. gimmant-. Adams (1999, 62930) supposes the basic substantive *ice that he derived
from the protoform *sniguh-en- providing an assimilation of
the regular continuant +e.
5. A yusr spring (Schmidt 1994, 280) <*yn w'sr <
*en uesr (Hilmarsson 1991, 190). An interesting idea is
that of Schneiders (1940, 202), about a possible
connection of the IE. designation of spring and grass
which has a continuant also in Toch. A *wsri, pl.
wsrys(yo), cp. Av. zaremaiia- spring, primarily green
(Schrader & Nehring I, 530).
6. A me summer, B mye summer [adj.], cp. m[y]i
mei summer months (Schmidt 1994, 280; Adams 1999,
668) < *sem-H1en- (Baldi & Mallory, EIEC 504). Pinault
(1993, 145-51) specified the translation as a nice part of
the year which corresponds to three of six Indic terms,
particularly spring, summer and a raining season, and
to two Uyghurs spring and summer. The word is
derived from the protoform *sem-n, which is directly
compared with Indo-Iranian *samn- (Ved. f. sm should
be a transposition of an -stem to n-stems on the basis of
identification with nom. sg. *- < *-n).
7. A y[p]sant autumn (Schmidt 1994, 280). It
obviously concerns a connection of a prefix *epi- and a
word corresponding to Gmc. *sani-/*azansummer,
harvest-time, Pruss. assanis autumn, Slav. *esen"/*osen"
autumn or Hitt. zena- & zenant- autumn. The prefix
functionally, as well as etymologically corresponds to Gr.
p- in pr f., Lac. (Alkman) pr late summer early
autumn, if derived from *p-ohr < *(H1)os-.
8. Toch. A nom. pl. wtwa indicated an animal.
Supposed nom. sg. is reconstructed in the form *wtu, the
IE. base *ut-u[o-?] can be a derivative of IE. *uet- year
460
(Van Windekens 1976, 553).

9. Schneider (1940, 202), Huld (1990, 420), as well as
lastly Witczak (2003, 42, 131) and Ivanov (2003, 190-94)
tried to identify the IE. word for spring also in Toch. A
wsr heap of kernel, B ysre wheat < *uesro-.
Summary
The material introduced above can be summarized in the
following table (the forms without an asterisk reflect late
Table 1: Indo-European languages - summary
*meaning
/ branch
IndoAryan
year
uetsoghiMno-
Iranian
*i/r?
kel-edAnatolian uet-/ utso-
Armenian sMHo-
young season season temporal winter

one
plant
adverb
(yearly)
u/tel
per-ut
gheim-en
gheimuetsoperiont-i/r-inghimo-/-
uetsoper-uti
ghimogheiMnosM-utes- ue/osH2- rod. ghim-ei
- / -Vnl.
?es[H]gh(i)iem-i
gheim-ontper-uti
ghimer-t-
Greek
uet-os,
g. -esos
uetel/oghimif2
iro-/- per-uti
ki-uetes
Albanian
Italic
uetir(o)a[t]no-
uets(o)uet(e)lo-
kiei-ueto
gho-ir-ino-
?ghoutiam-m
u
h
Brittonic g /b leid(n) uetsio-/ am-esh
gu/b leid-
-tero-/
h
Goidelic gu/b leid- uetsi?(ieuo-) am-m per-uti
(-)esorn- am-es-i -ter-
amos- ghi(m) per-uti
Germanic iruetruh
atnog imroino-ghimoBaltic
mtoiro?ir-ii
Gaulish
ghodh orokoTocharian (e)pi-kuSlavic
i/rentutu[o?]
i/r-n
uesro-
(e)ni-ir-uotoday
spring
summer autumn
ues-ont- sem-eH- kel-edki- kHo- gur-smi(e)ni-dhguhouesse/omH- potior(t)/-r- (-Jno-)

-ghiom*H2Mmes-Ho-(nt-) (e)nsno-
ues-ont- sM[H]- osio-t-V

-ntguher-os opi-osg eim()n ues
h
g eimontoghimoghim-enuel-staidh-tt- *augh(i)iem- uesrghimo -tMnH1oghiemuesont- *sMHeroh
ghiem-
uesteino-
*sMHo-
ghiem-
[u]esko-
*sMHo-
uend-r-
upo-ghiem-rt*sMHero- osonikorpisto-
uesr-
lt(d)longho-deinogheim(n) po-uoseri- uoser-
dhoguhogheim(n) uesn-
i/roghim(e)r en-uesr
kentu-ghiem-
ltosemn
osonirudh-r/-ene/oseniepi-(V)s[n]-onto-
461
Indo-European, the so-called Brugmannian stage; the

asterisk indicates an early stage, which the reconstruction
of laryngals corresponds to).
Discussion of reconstructions and etymologies
It is obvious from the table above, which of the terms are
the most widespread. Let us consider their internal
etymologies now, where they exist, so that we can compare
hypothetical parallels in other language families.
*uet- year, also in the meaning old: Sogd. wtsnyy
/wat[u]san/; Lat. vetus, gen. veteris id., cp. vetustus id. <
*uetostos; OLit. vetusas id.; OCS. vetx id. (Pokorny 1959,
1175). Vine (2009, 219-20) has convincingly demonstrated
that the traditionally reconstructed *s-stem *uetos, gen.
*-es-os, can represent a secondary formation developed
from the genitive *uet-es during the year as a locative,
parallelly to the derivational model based on -er and -en
locatives. He adds a possible candidate for an etymology
based on the verbal root *uet-, attested e.g. in OIr. fethid
goes, makes ones way; watches, observes (DIL F-105-06);
Vedic api ... vat- vertraut sein, YAv. aip-uuatahe du bist
vertraut (LIV 694; Schaffner 2004, 285-86). A parallel
semantic motivation is ascribed to Semitic *wari%- month
vs. -r-% to travel, arrive; date, determine (DRS 32, 625).
There are also promising external parallels. Illi-Svity
(1965, 337) found them in (1) Afroasiatic: Berber *-waty,
pl. *-wutyn year (reconstructed after Prasse 1974, 22627) > Ghat a-watay, Ahaggar a-wtay, Awlemidden a-wty,
Ayr wtay id.; cp. also Mzabi t-t age. Takcs (1999, 227)
added Egypt. (Texts of Pyramids) wtj to be old, wt.w(.tj)
older son (Erman & Grapow I, 377), and (2) Altaic: pAlt.
*t (to be) old > Tk. *)t- | Mong. *te- | Tg. *ut- id. |
OJap. otono adult (Starostin, Dybo & Mudrak 2003, 106768).
*seno- year, more often old: OI. sna-; Av. hana- old;
Arm. hin id.; Lat. senex, gen. senis, comp. senior old, senects
old age, sentus senate = Osc. gen. senates; Lusitanian
superl. sintamom (Witczak 2005, 167-68); OIr. sen old,
OWelsh, Corn., Bret. hen id., comp. OIr. siniu, Welsh hyn;
Got. sineigis presbthw, i.e. old, superl. sinista, O.N. sini
last years grass, Alamannic seni-scalcus famulorum senior
462
(Leges Alamanorum), Gmc. > Prov. sene-scal, Fr. sn-chal, It.

sini-scalco (Lehmann 1986, 304-05); Lit. s nas old, s nis
old man, sen st age, old age, Latv. sens old (Pokorny
1959, 907-08). If it is true that the word **H1s(H)-/
*H1s(H)-no autumn is the derivative of *H1esH2-/-no
blood via the meaning bloody, i.e. red period, after a
red color of leaves, so it is impossible to apply the same
etymology to Hitt. zenaautumn for reason of an
incompatibility with Hitt. eshar blood. Hence, there
remains the only acceptable etymology of the word zenaand, that is, one which results from IE. *sen(o)-, whose
primary meaning most likely was year. Oettingers
explanation of an initial z- from pre-nasalization can be
modified in the sense that the hypothetical proto-form
*nsena- reflects the complex *(e)n sen(o)- corresponding to
Toch. A yusr spring < *en uesr.
An external comparison leads us to Semit. *san-(at-) year
> Akkad. sattu, pl. santi, Ugar. snt, Hebr. sn, Aram. sen,
Arab. sanat, Sabaic sn, Mehri sent / senyn (Mller 1909,
123-24: IE. + Semit.). Dolgopolskij (1974, 167) added
Egyptian (Middle Kingdom) snf last year, Copt. snf id.
which he interprets as sn-f on that year, and (New
Empire) sn%j.t an old age, an age (Erman & Grapow IV,
162; 169). Later, Dolgopolsky (1990, 215) added the
Chadic designation of year: (Western) Ngamo sn;
Northern Bauchi *wasin > Warji wsnn, Kariya wsen,
` Siri
wsenw,
Mburku wsen,
Jimbin wsn, Diri sn |
`
`
(Central) Tera son, Pidlimdi sna id. Other relatives are
possible to be sought for in Finno-Ugric *soN(k)2 (to be)
old > Mari soNgo & soNgo old; an old age, an age, Hung.
agg old age; very old, avul to become old, ? old (UEW
448), and Dravidian *cn- old > Gondi snl old man, sn
old woman, Kui sena first-born, the oldest (DEDR
#2808).
*ir(o)-/*ir(o)- a year / a month / spring < **HiH1/*HiH1-no (Schindler 1975, 5). Av. gen. sg. y represents
the only proof in favor of an n-stem in a heteroclitic r/nparadigm whose other projections into the chain of protoforms *ih < *iNh < *iaH-ans (Hoffmann & Forssman
1996, 153, 108.2) have no analogy. The reconstruction of
the IE. proto-form results from the popular etymology
463
supposing its origin in the verb *ei- : *ie- (Pokorny 1959,

296) = **H1ei- (LIV 232-33). However, its safe typological
parallels, as well as arguments based on word-formation for
it are missing. Szemernyi (1950a, 174) is totally outside
trying, in conflict with well-known sounds laws, to derive it
from the assumed protoform *iesro- from the root *ies- to
boil. Nor does the etymology appearing from *ai-/ *i- (i.e.
*H2ei-) to warm (Skok I, 755-56) deliver a solution. The
laryngeal base *H2iro would mean expectation of a form
*ara in Greek. If we start from the protoform H1ir(o)/*H1ir(o)-, a remarkable equivalence would be present in
Semitic languages: *ayyar- a month May > Akkad.
ayyarum the second month of the Babylonian calendar =
May, cp. ayyaru(m), iyarum flower, rosette (von Soden I,
24-25); post-Biblic Hebr., Jewish-Palestinian Aram. iyyar
the second month of the Judaic year (Klein 1987, 25),
Nabataic yr, Mandaic ayar, Arab. ayyr May (DRS, 18).
Afroasiatic age is acknowledged in Berber *Hay(y)r
month > Sus ayyur, Senhaja ayur (Renisio) Moon,
Shilha ayur (Stumme) moon/month, Kabyl (Dallet) aggur
moon/ month, Nefusi (Beguinot) uyr new moon;
Ghadames uyar moon determining a period of one
month (Motylinski); Awlemidden yyor (Alojaly) moon,
Taitoq (Masqueray) eior, Ahaggar yr id. (Prasse 1974, 21213); perhaps also Egyptian 3.t (Middle Kingdom), j3.t (New
Kingdom) time < *y/a3.at < *y/ar.at (Erman & Grapow I,
1-2).
**H2em-(es-) spring-summer / time the Anatolian-Celtic
isogloss with possible extension for German qualification of
summer species of spelt. The semantic distinction is
between Gr. r and Slav. *jaro. Further cp. Semit. year:
Arab. Cm, pl. aCwm, Sabaic Cwm, Jibbali Cnt, Soqotri
C
noh, Geez Cm, Amhara amat (Leslau 1938, 303) ||| Ural.
*oma > North Lapp. oames old | Md. umok some time ago
| Mari maste last year || Mator ig-omo morning (UEW
337).
*gheim-/*ghiem- winter, also with derivatives in the
meaning of snow, has no satisfactory IE. etymology
(Mann 1984-87, 419 speculated about *empty period, a
derivative of *gheH1i- to gape - LIV 173-74). It is already
uncertain whether the word can be considered as a soVolume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011
464
called m-stem (Beekes 1995, 178 reconstructs the minimal

paradigm of nom. *ghi-m, gen. *ghi-m-s, acc. *ghi-m-i).
Even outside comparisons are not very convincing. From
the Semitic languages, Geez gime, gum cloud, fog,
moisture, Tigre gim fog, cloud, Tigrinya gime, gem id.,
Amhara gum fog (Leslau 1987, 193) which imply Semitic
*gaym-. However, parallels in other Semitic languages differ
in the initial: Arab. aym cloud, Syr. Caym fog, cloud
(Leslau, l.c.). Ethio-Semitic *g-, as well as Arabic - together
with Aramaic C- are not regularly compatible. As for the
sounds, the hypothetical parallel from the Tungusic
languages is without problems: Oroch giama northwesterly wind (TMS 147). However, its isolation in the
context of other Tungusic or widely Altaic languages
already constitutes a problem. Semantically closest would
be Ural. *kum2 > Udm. kim fallen snow | Hung. h, acc.
havat snow || Samoyed.: Nenets xaw thin hard snow

laying on soft snow, Kamasin kamo snow coating (UEW
204); however, the correspondence of Ural. *-u- ~ IE. idiphthong is uncertain. Separating IE -m- in agreement
with Benvenistes root theory, Samoyed. *ke winter (H
1952, 175),
283) > Kamasin kh, ke id., Koibalsan koa (Joki
Mator ko hiems, Taigi kgu, Karagas ghu /ku-hu/ < *ke

winter + *pua year (H, l.c.) would present itself as a
promising cognate. The comparison is semantically implicit,
it is acceptable phonetically, uncertain is only for isolation
of the Samoyedic counterpart.
*ues- / *ues-no spring implies more etymologies. The
following roots offer solution:
(i) **H2ues- to dawn, thus **H2us- spring = the dawn
of the year (Kurylowicz 1927, 101; Pokorny 1959, 86,
1174; Peters 1980, 61). However, the initial sequence
**H2ue- would be preserved in the form of h(u)w(e/i)o in
Hittite (hwes-/huis- to live < *H2ues-; huwant- wind <
**H2ueH1t-) and *a(u)eo in Greek ((W)hsi [it] gusts <
**H2uH1-ti), as Bjorvand & Lindeman (2000, 1079)
dispute. Though Gr. ar spring, Hes. gar id., do not
correspond.
(ii) *ues- grass, thus spring = the time of coming of
vegetation. The word for grass or another kind of
465
vegetation is preserved in Hitt. wesi- pasture; MIr. fr, Ir.

far grass, fresh pasture, Welsh gwair, pl. gweiriau hay,
OCorn. guer id.; OHG. wisa, Germ. Wiese meadow; Toch. A
*wsri, pl. wsrys(yo) grass (Schneider 1940, 202; Mann
1984-87, 1526); cp. also Av. zaremaiia- spring, primarily
perhaps green (Schrader & Nehring I, 530). Typological
parallels exist on behalf of this very possibility. The most
persuasive example is Semitic *dati- spring; grass, see
Table 8.
**sem-eH2 / **sM-H2-(o-) summer may be etymologized
either as halfyear (see Fraenkel 1958, 348 who reminds
of possible connection with OI. smi-, Gr. mi-, Lat. smi-,
OSax., OHG. smi half) or as a word inherited from a
deeper past, as external parallels indicate: Egypt. smw (OK)
/sammyat/ summer, from the Middle Kingdom also
harvest > Copt. sm summer, harvest (Erman & Grapow
IV, 480; Vycichl 1983, 263-64). Another relation is perhaps
found in Semitic *mas- sun > Akkad. samsu, Ebl. s-pis,
Ugar. sps, Ph. sms, Hebrew sms, Aram. sims-, Arab. sams,
Sab. sms etc. (del Olmo Lete & San Martn 2003, 836-37).
**H1s(H)- / *H1s(H)-no autumn (Schindler 1975, 3, 5:
**H1s- / *H1s-no) has no satisfactory IE etymology.
Regarding the East Baltic innovation of *rudh(r), -eno > Lit.
rudu, Latv. rudens autumn, cp. Lit. rudens menuo
September = Latv. rudens mnesis id. - all from the
adjective in Lit. rdas russet, deep yellow, Latv. ruds
reddish, russet (Fraenkel 1958, 349; 1962-65, 745), it is
legitimate to think of similar semantic motivation, even in
the case of an original term. Thus, it is advisable to
rehabilitate the neglected consideration of Mikuckij
(1855, 48, 413; see also Valkov, ESJS 5, 283) about the
etymological connection of the words autumn and
blood as a symbol of the color of leaves of the late
autumn. The IE. heteroclitic *H1sH2-: *H1(e)sH2-no is
attested in most of IE branches: Hitt. eshar, later also ishar
and essar blood, gen. eshanas, Palaic eshur id. (Tischler
2001, 33), CLuv. ashanuwant- bloody, HLuv. asharmi- id.;
OI. sk, Gen. asns blood; ?MPers. *r < *ahro
(Gershevitz; EWAI I, 149); Arm. ariwn id. (< *eharo <
*H1sH-- with the ending in *-iion- or under influence of
466
the synonym *kreuHt-, see Olsen 1999, 490-91); Gr.

poetic. ar, Hes. ar id., OLat. aser, assyr, beside Lat.
sanguis, Latv. asins, pl. asinis; Toch. A ysr, B yasar id.
(Pokorny 1959, 343). Blood, as the most natural example
of red color, also served as a marking of ferrum in Celtic
languages: OIr. arnn, Gaul. isarno- < Celt. *sarno- < *s-no(W. Cowgill 1986, 68, fn 10; de Bernardo Stempel 1999,
136, 238-39). Only the addition of the root laryngeal *H2 is
enough for reconstruction of the IE. protoform **H1sH2-
/ *H1sH2-no autumn in order to make complete
agreement with the etymon blood. It is obvious that the
bloody etymology of IE. term for autumn excludes Hitt.
zenaautumn from the sphere of its prospective
continuants.
From the etymological analysis we may conclude that the
Indo-European proto-language used at least two words
indicating a year, *uet-(es-) and *sen(o)-. Both words could
have the same meaning old in some IE. branches, but
evidently only the first of them became the source for
naming animals and plants as well. Neither of them has any
inner IE. etymology, but, on the other hand,, external
parallels safely document the Nostratic heritage. The third
etymon relating to the same semantic domain, *H1ir(o)/*H1ir(o)-, is also rather of Nostratic age than the
derivative of the IE. verb *H1ei- to go. Its primary
semantics probably meant a shorter interval of time than a
year, perhaps a season or a month, as the Anatolian
languages prove. The same thing is possible to assume
about the etymon *H2em-(es-) including external parallels.
The basic opposition *gheim-/*ghiem- winter : *sem-eH-/*sMH- summer is shown among the indications of seasons
proper. The interior IE. etymology for winter is entirely
missing; in the case of summer, the connection of IE.
*smi- half, implying summer = a [warm] half of the
year comes on force. However, external parallels rather
indicate that both summer, and apparently also winter
represent an old Nostratic heritage. Internal IE.
etymologies for the two remaining seasons, *ues-/-no
spring and *H1osH2- / *H1esH2-no autumn, are both
associated with the growing cycle: spring = a time when
a new grass sprouts, autumn = a time when the leaves
467
become red. Hypothetical parallels in Hitt. GISu/wessar,-no

capoc and issarasila-, esarasila- a plant (a reed?) just
support this conclusion (concerning the absence of
expected -h- in the latter case cp. the Hitt. variant essarblood).
Abbreviations: abl. ablative, ac. accusative, adj. adjective, adv.
adverb, Akkad. Akkadian, Alb. Albanian, Alt. Altaic, Anat.
Anatolian, aor. aorist, Arab. Arabic, Aram. Aramaic, arch.
archaic, Arm. Armenian, Att. Attic, Av. Avestan, AV
Atharvaveda, Bactr. Bactrian, Balt. Baltic, Beng. Bengal, Berb.
Berber, Bret. Breton, Brus. Belorussian, Bulg. Bulgarian, c.
genus communis, Campid. Campidan (Sardinia), Cat. Catalan,
Celt. Celtic, Centr. Central, Ch. Chadic, ChS. Church Slavonic,
CLuv. Cuneiform Luvian, Com- Common, Copt. Coptic, Corn.
Cornish, Cors. Corsian, Cr. Croatian, Cushit. Cushitic, Cz.
Czech, Dan. Danish, Dard. Dardic, dat. dative, dimin.
diminutive, dial. dialect, Dor. Doric, Dr. Dravidian, Ebl. Eblaite,
Eg(ypt). Egyptian, Eng. English, Engad. Engadin, Est. Estonian,
Etr. Etruscan, EV Elbings Vocabulary, f. feminine, Far. Feroese,
Fin. Finnish, Fr. French, Fris. Frisian, Furl. Furlanic, Gaul.
Gaulish, Galic. Galician, gen. genitive, Germ. German, Gmc.
Germanic, Got. Gothic, Gr. Greek, Gutn. Gutnic, H High, Hebr.
Hebrew, Hitt. Hittite, HLuv. Hieroglyphic Luvian, Hung.
Hungarian, Chwarezm. Chwarezmian, IA. Indo-Aryan, IE. IndoEuropean, II. Indo-Iranian, Ion. Ionian, Ir. Irish, Iran. Iranian,
Icel. Icelandic, Ital. Italian, Jap. Japanese, Jb. Jibbali, Hung.
Hungarian, It. Italian, K kingdom, Karel. Karelian, Kartv.
Kartvelian, Kash. Kashubian, Khot. Khotanese, Kurd. Kurdish,
L Low, Lower, Lac. Laconian, Lap. Lappic, Lat. Latin, Latv.
Latvian, lex. lexicographers, Lit. Lithuanian, Livon. Livonian,
loc. locative, Logud. Logudorish (Sardinia), Lur. Luristn, Lus.
Lusatian, Luv. Luvian, Lyd. Lydian, Lyc. Lycian, m. masculine,
M Middle, Mac. Macedonian, Man. Manichean, Mars. Marsian,
Md. Mordvinian, Messap. Messapic, Mo Modern, Mong.
Mongolian, ms. manuscript, Myc. Mycenaean, n. neuter, N
New, N. Northern, ND nomen dei, NL nomen loci, Nor.
Norwegian, ntr. neuter, NV nomen viri, O Old, OCS. Old Church
Slavonic, OHG. Old High Germanic, OI. Old Indic, ON. Old
Norse, Osset. Ossetic, Osc. Oscan, Pal. Palaic, Parth. Parthian,
partic. participle, Pers. Persian, Ph. Phoenician, Phryg.
Phrygian, Pkt. Prakrit, pl. plural, Plb. Polabian, Pol. Polish,
PomSlc. Pomerian Slovincian, Port. Portuguese, Prov.
Provenal, Prus. Prussian, R. Russian, Rom. Romance, Rum.
Rumanian, RV Rigveda, Gr. Greek, Sab. Sabaic, Samoyed.
468
Samoyedic, Sard. Sardinian, Sax. Saxon, sg. singular, SCr.

Serbo-Croatian, Sem. Semitic, Skt. Sanskrit, Sl(av). Slavic, Slk.
Slovakian, Sln. Slovenian, Sm. Samoyedic, Sogd. Sogdian,
Sumer. Sumerian, Syr. Syriac, NW. Northwest, B atapathaBrhmana, Sp. Spanish, Sq. Soqotri, Swed. Swedish, Tg.
Tungusic, Tk. Turkic, Toch. Tocharian, U Upper, Udm.
Udmurt, Ugar. Ugaritic, Ukr. Ukrainian, Umb. Umbrian, Ural.
Uralic, Vald. Valdin, var. variant, Ved. Vedic, Vegl. Vegliotic,
Venet. Venetic, Veps. Vepsian, VS Vjaseneyi-Samhita, W.
Western. Y Young.
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Summary
The Indo-European terminology designating year and its
seasons can be summarized in the following table:
Indo-European term
*uet-(es-) year > old;
yearling
*sen(o)- year > old
Internal etymology Hypothetical external parallels

Berb. *-waty year | Eg. wtj be old
|| Alt. *t old
Sem. *san-(at-) year | WCh. *wasin
id. || Dr. *cn- old
*H1ir(o)- / *H1ir(o)Sem. *ayyar- May | Berb.
season of a year
*Hay(y)r moon/month
*H2em-(es-) part of a year >
Sem. *Cm- year / time | Ural.
time
*oma old
*gheim- / *ghiem- winter
?Ethio-Sem. *gaym- fog || ?Sm. *ke
winter || ?Tg. *giam- northwest
wind
*ues- /*ues-no spring
*ues- grass
*sem-eH2- / *sM-H2- summer
*smi- half
Eg. smw summer | Sem. * mas< half-year?
sun < * ama [am]o
Kartv. *zisx-- blood
*H1es(H 2)- / *H1os(H 2)-n
*H1sH 2- /
autumn
H1(e)sH 2-no blood
Acknowledgements
This study originated in cooperation with the Centre
for the Interdisciplinary Research of Ancient Languages
and Older Stages of Modern Languages (MSM
0021622435) at Masaryk University, Brno, and thanks to
the grant No. IAA901640805.
The idea to describe the Indo-European year and its
seasons was primarily stimulated by extraordinary
interesting studies of Georges-Jean Pinault and later of
Stefan Schaffner and Brent Vine. The decisive part of our
paper was written during the fellowship of one of us in the
Indo-European seminar at the University of Freiburg in
487
September 2005 and September 2008. Deepest thanks

belong to Eva Tichy, the head of this seminar, whose kind
invitation vindicated a grant of the federal land BadenWrttenberg, to Bla Brogynyi for his many-sided help
here, as well as to Norbert Oettinger (Erlangen) and
Stefan Zimmer (Bonn) in their nobly formulated
recommendations. We are grateful for numerous remarks
and comments of many colleagues, as Ilona Janyskov,
Pavla Valkov, Vladimr Saur, as well as references to for
us unknown literature by Brent Vine, Krzysztof Witczak,
and others.
Appendix
In order to make a typological comparison, it is useful
to review the corresponding terms in other language
families of the temperate zone of North Eurasia. First of
all, so called Sino-Caucasian languages, often representing
the substrata of Nostratic languages:
Table 2: Basque language (Lpelmann 1968)
year
winter
urt(h)a
negu
spring
udaberri = new
summer
uda
summer
autumn
udazken = ending
summer
(1345-46)
< Romance; cp. Lat. ninguere to snow
(906-07)
berri new, fresh (191-92)
cp. Sumer. ud sun, day, light, time,
weather (1320)
azken ast; the end, azkendu to end (111)
Table 4: Burushaski language (Berger 1998)

year
year
(entire)
winter
spring
summer
den (118)
Yasin wel,
Hunza,
Nagir yol
(477)
bi (30)
gar (148)
in (395)
autumn
dat (116)
? < IA.: OI. vl- terminus, time; Ashkun, Kati

wl < ?Dr.: Gadba vle time of day
? < IA.: Skt. rvanik- July-August, Lahnda

svan autumn harvest
? < Iran.: MPers. dadu name of 10th month of
the Zoroastrian calendar
488
Table 5: Sumerian language (Hbner & Reizammer 1984)

year
winter
spring
summer
mu
en-te-(en-)na cp. en-te-na coolness, cold; derived from
ten to be cold
.bar8
cp. grass, plant
buru14
also harvest, harvest-time
H. Pedersen called the language families genetically

related to the Indo-European family Nostratic. In the
following survey their terminology pertaining to the year is
partially summarized:
sabV/b@-ast
a u t u mn /
s pring
so / sa ri
year
sir- old
s-x u
las t year
@ax V
s ummer
*Nakh
ssaalas t year
==inV
winter
ri-@ibu
s pring
q q inu
s ummer
HixxV
s pring
ccibirV
a u t u mn /
winter
-asa ra
old
risin year
*Avar-An di
ssibe( r V )
a u t u mn
=i
year
@e m e
s pring
*Tsez
ssu-t
a u t u mn
k.wi
winter
@in-t
s pring
sin year
Lak
ga(ni)
winter
Hijab
s pring
duss
year
*Darg.
q q Iol
s ummer
xomVa u t u mn
cowil
s pring /
a u t u mn
swa I- [ ss ]
las t year
jissa- year
ssn year
*Lezg.
cuwa-z
a u t u mn
q ula
rain
m ix
s ummer
k.ina-z
winter
s year
Khin.
Abb r ev iat ions: Abkh. Abkhasian, Ad. Adyg e ian, Dar g. Dar g ian, Khin. Khinalug, L ez g. L ez g ian.
cjwil! V
@xmV
GHlnV
! wijVmp
H=w nV
wj V
sw rho
wn
**
Tabl e 3: North Caucasian Langua g es
cc e ~ e
a u t u mn /
winter
= e
winter
pw V
s pring
z we year
s wA year
*Abkhaz-Ad.
327
235
458
537
591
975
968
NCED
p p.
975-76

489
490
Table 6: Kartvelian languages (Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 280-85)

languages
year
year
winter
winter
spring
spring
spring
summer
summer
summer
autumn
autumn
autumn
autumn
Georgian
cel-i
.
Mingrelian
cana
.
zamtar-i
zoton-i
gazapxul-i
(gazarxul-i
< Georg.)
Laz
.cana
( isi <
Tur.)
Svan
zj, zaj
lintw
lupxw
semodgoma
*px(w)warm
pukrinora
zawlade
zapxul-i
Kartvelian
*cel.
*za*za-mtar-
((b)zarxul-i
< Georg.)
(jazi <
Tur.)
zj
zlade
Sv. lade day

*px(w)warm
Sv. lade day
damoril-i
stveli
muz gwer,
o
gor
Abbreviations: Georg. Georgian, Sv. Svan, Tur. Turkish.
Table 7: Egyptian (Erman & Grapow 1971; Vycichl 1983)
year
last year
season
winter
summer
Old Egyptian
Coptic
/vocalization/
rompi
rnp.t (Texts of
Pyramids) /ranpi.t/
rnp.t cow = yearly
snf last year
snf (late)
jtrw (Texts of Pyramids)
te time
pr.t (Old) /parywa.t/
smw (Old Kingdom)
/sammyat/
notes
rnp.t round, Copt.
ranpi circle
in Egyptian pl. to tr
time
pr
pry to go, Copt. peire
id.
from Middle
sm summer,
Kingdom also harvest
harvest
spring
spring
dsu
spring;
grass
dasum
kuu
winter
winter
stu
(wind of)
south
Akkad.
sattu,
/santu
winter
ye ar
ye ar
Ebl.
?sa-dim
Table 8: Semitic language s
dtt
spring;
grass
Ugar.
snt
ds
grass
setw
Hebr.
sn
ds
grass
dit
grass
stw
Aram.
sen
datiyy
rain after
a hot
weather
Ye dit
spring
harvest
rabC
satwat,
pl. sit
Arab.
sanat
dt
stw
wm
Sabaic
sn
rebC
dte
Mehri
sent /
senyn
Jib
C
nt
tew
Sq te
(wind of)
north
mekrm
Geez
cf. r-b-C
fourth
ka (m)
be cold
keramt
rains
*dati -
* itaw-
*C-w-m
etymology
*san-(at-)

491
%arp
early
autumn
ummtum
%rpnt
q-.t
h or p
harvest =
autumn,
winter
qyi
ky
qayi
%rf
autumn,
ye ar
rb
Ye orb
autumn
harvest
qy-.t /
%arf
autumn,
ye ar
ayf
qay-.t
yreb
xarf
qay-.d
hagy
merar
summer,
autumn,
harvest
%arif
this year
last year
ma a w
Arab.
araba
to collect
%-r-p
to be early
%-r-p to
pluck fruit
h -m-m
to be hot
-f-y
to be clear
< Cushit.
arara
to gather
*qay-.t-
Abbreviations & sources: Akkad. Akkadian (von Soden 1965- 81), Arab. Arabic (Steingass 1988), Aram. Arama ic, Ebl. Eblaite, Geez (Leslau 1986),
Hebr. Hebrew (Klein 1987), Jib. Jibbali, Mehri (Johnstone 1987), Saba ic (Biella 1982), Sq. Soqotri (Leslau 1938), Ugar. Ugaritic (del Olmo Lete
& San Martn 2003), Ye Yemen dialects.
autumn
autumn
summer
summer
summer
summer
spring
summer
Table 8: Semitic language s (continued)
492
spring
spring
spring
winter
spring
ye ar
winter
ye ar
kide
tlv
ktv
interval
*Lp.
jek
vte
method
touko
se e d
talvi
kotva
moment
vdi
*BFi.
ik age
tuve- nde
kide
tle
*Md.
ige
tele
k ot
ye ar
*Mari
ij
ye ar
ye ar
tu-lis
to l
wo
*Perm.
tavasz
tl, tele-
Hung.
v age
ta-valy
last year
tg
t:l(eg)
Kh. a l /
(w)ul
*ObUg.
nr
k m pe
ke
poej / poa
*Sm.
Table 9: Ura lic la nguages
FU wdi
(UEW 335)
FV kodwa
(UEW 669)
(SW 127 / H 239)
FU tlw
(UEW 516)
(H 283)
FMd ke/id () i
(UEW 656)
FU towk
(UEW 532)
(SW 98)
(SW 64)
*
FU jik (UEW 98)

493
ce kce
sksi
suvi
suke
kze
size
keNez
summer
ar
id., year
goz-em
(nyr)
sz
M. orm
time
ges
u2g
er
(H 330) =
erejej
22)
(SW
autumn
teN(e)
FV keN
(UEW 659)
FMd kes
(UEW 660)
U suNi (UEW 451)
FU ka warm
(UEW 114)
< Tk
FU ski
(UEW 443)
U ara (X 130, #196)
= r (UEW 26)
Abbrev iatio ns: BFi. Balto-Finnish, FMd. Fenno-Mordvin, FU. Fenno-Ugric, FV. Fenno-Volgaic, Kh. Khanty, Lp. Lappic,
M. Mansi, Hung. Hungarian, Md. Mordvin, Ob Ug. Ob-Ugric, Perm. Permian, Sm. Samoyedic, U. Uralic.
autumn
summer
autumn
summer
summer
kes
kevspring
kes
spring /
summer
summer
Table 9: Uralic languages (continued)
494
495

Table 10: Altaic languages
(Starostin, Dybo, Mudrak 2003; TMS; Lee 1977)
languages
year
Turkic
*jil
year
year
year
winter
winter
winter
winter
winter
spring
~ *
month
*kil
-
autumn
autumn
autumn
autumn
Tunguz
~ *dilaa sun
* on
~ *punetime
*a Na
~ *oj
anniversary
~ *bud- to
freeze
*jQ
*tg
~ *budaN fog
*kabur
~ *nilka
newborn
*jj
*nair
*un
*g*Q
~ *kura rain
*namur
Korean
~ tors
anniversary
~ pm spring
nah
~ *gil- cold
*ebl
spring
spring
spring
spring
summer
summer
summer
autumn
Mongolian
*il
kyezer
~ njerm
`
summer
Japanese
tosi
~ kisaragi 2nd
month of
the lunar
calendar
puyu
~ natu
summer
*nlki
pm
*uga
~ *kurestorm
*bola
njerm
`
kzr
paru
~ n day
natu
aki
C. Scott Littleton
A Remembrance
(*1 July 1933 25 November 2010)
I met Scotty Littleton for the first time in Vancouver,
BC, in 1983, along with several other pezzonovanti in the
field of Indo-European studies (for example, Edgar
Polom, Will Sayers, and Franoise Bader), and I think that
I counted him as a friend and a valued colleague from that
time on. Scottys major achievement in this field was, of
course, The New Comparative Mythology, the premier
introduction (published in English) to the important
thought of Georges Dumzil, and which still stands as a
most comprehensive, clear-eyed and uncluttered vade
mecum for this French mythologists work. (We have CoutauBgaries Luvre de Georges Dumzil [1998] and Garca
Quintelas Dumzil une introduction [2001], both certainly
valuable, but Littletons earlier work remains as a strong
and reliable source and a uniformly high-level
performance). It is a great pity that a projected Fourth
Edition of the NCM, to bring up to date the late work of
Dumzil and the scholarship that led from him (and also,
unfortunately, to take up such grotesque side-shows as the
attacks on the French acadmicien as a purported cryptofascist or Nazi sympathizer) never came to fruition.
Scotty always was an enthusiast, and one who wore his
own scholarly achievements lightly. He was responsible for
valuable entries in the early years of this journal; his CV
would show significant contributions toward elucidating
and solving such enigmas as an I-E kingship in heaven
theme, and he provided an ingenious functional
interpretation of the Achaean-Trojan conflict in the Iliad.
He continued to be concerned with the broader and
deeper implications of the Dumzilian theoretical heritage
(and he involved himself in the posthumous defense of the
scholar himself, especially in respect to that political or
politicized side-show mentioned above). In 2000-2001 I
C. Scott Littleton, A Remembrance
497
cooperated with him in outlining a short prospectus or

prediction on the future of the tripartite idologie, and as
late as 2005-6 Scotty contributed a paper to an
interdisciplinary conference convened in Edinburgh to
consider and reconsider Dumzils scholarly legacy; here
Littletons anthropological background allowed him to
open up a novel area, that of the significance and extent of
cultural hybridization or mestizaje in the expanding IndoEuropean linguistic and cultural cosmos.
As a popular teacher, a mentor, and a colleague he
encouraged imagination and (well-founded) risk-taking; he
opened doors, he supported the investigation and
interrogation of established dogmas, he was delighted with
new approaches and odd and even extravagant possibilities
for research. He was certainly disciplined and possessed of
scholarly rigor, but he was not one to be constricted by any
narrow definition of proper academic regula when it came
to a choice between exactitude and amplitude, or between
the strictly precise and the fruitfully imaginative, he tended
to go for the latter option. He would never vaunt any
pretended status as a Renaissance Man, but he
experimented with and finally wrote and published science
fiction novels, edited a relatives 19th century travel notes,
and turned out a memoir of his own, a remarkably frank
and attractive account of growing up on or near a Los
Angeles-area beach (2500 Strand. Growing up in Hermosa
Beach, California, during World War II (Scotty was nothing if
not Southern Californian). And he had been in combat, in
Korea no warrior, he still had been forced to take war
seriously. In his ongoing scholarly career he never lacked
for a new project, and I doubt that he was ever bored. As an
anthropologist he delved into Japanese culture, and then,
in contrast, in his post-retirement years he took up and
elaborated on a novel intervention in the field of Arthurian
studies: the Sarmatian Connection that, in his view,
brought Indo-European-speaking knightly nomads, and
the core of the Arthurian mythos, to the island of Britain.
The eventual result was From Scythia to Camelot, written with
Linda Malcor; the notion naturally proved wildly
controversial in the specialist community, which (naturally)
pleased him no end.
498
Dean Miller
For most of those of us who knew C. Scott Littleton, I

think that his experiments in UFOlogy (made much of in
his Los Angeles Times obituary) paralleled such personal
eccentricities as going off (with his wife Mary Ann) to lie on
the white sands of Cancn in August. That, we said, was
Scotty. What we will surely remember about this man, and
will surely miss, is his vigorous, fearless, and penetrating
intelligence, his willingness to cooperate and to share ideas
and insights, and his unfailing good humor (the only time
that I recall him showing real exasperation was when he
spoke of Californias medical and medical insurance
establishment). Scotty was, in the end, a true beach person,
meaning that in his view (speaking in mythopoetic terms I
hope that he would appreciate) there was an ocean out
there, stretching to the horizon, an ocean that might hide
enormous possibilities, hold vast secrets. His many friends
have to regret that we wont have his bright and lively,
voluble and amiable presence to help us explore those
oceanic deeps and, perhaps, discover these arcana,
whatever they might prove to be.
Dean Miller
JIES Reviews
Archaeology
Annelise Freisenbruch, Caesars Wives: Sex, Power, and Politics
in the Roman Empire, New York/London/Toronto/ Sydney:
Free Press, 2010. 337 pages, 16 illustrations, $28. ISBN 9781-4165-8303-5 (cloth).
The subject of women in Indo-European Studies is
frequently neglected or set aside in a small section of a
larger work. While Caesars Wives is not a book that one
would immediately put on the IE shelf, it is pertinent to the
subject in that it concentrates on the roles played by the
women closest to the men who ruled the great empire. One
might say this is a history of Rome beginning with Augustus,
but the female characters who are usually left out are
dropped in genealogies of the Roman dynasties are set
out at the beginning of the book which includes the
women.
The subjects of the book go beyond just wives
mothers and sisters are also included. The book is divided
into nine chapters, the first four devoted to the JulioClaudian empresses, and the first three of these dominated
by Livia who was certainly a bigger than life character and
one of the most powerful women in the Roman world if not
the entire ancient Indo-European world. Although she has
been accused of numerous crimes against her family, she
was set up as a paragon of virtue and a model for Augustus
idealized wife and mother cast in the same mold as Cornelia
was during the Republic. Augustus sister, Octavia, and his
daughter, Julia, were also cast in this mold, but
unfortunately Julia failed to play her part.
Freisenbruch shows, however, that there was more to
Livia than wanting to be a goddess and a woman who
painted figs with poison. She like many wives of powerful
men was a close advisor to her husband, Augustus.
Freisenbruch compares her to Hillary Clinton as both
confident and political advisor. While wifely influence was
500
JIES Reviews
certainly not new, Livia was one of the first Roman women
to be recognized for her activities. This recognition came
early on in 35 BC when Augustus, still known as Octavian,
gave extraordinary honors and privileges to Livia and also
his sister Octavia. These honors made it an offense to
verbally insult them, gave them immunity from male
guardianship, thus they could manage their own financial
affairs, and statuary portraits were commissioned for public
display. Despite these privileges, Livia was not given a title.
It was not until much later that Augustus gave her the title
Augusta, the first woman to receive a title.
In the first chapter a section is devoted to Cleopatra,
but it must have been written for those who had never
heard of her. Still, it is a reminder of the fuel Octavian used
against Antony. Nevertheless, Freisenbruch accentuates the
role played by Octavia in the demise of her husband,
Antony, and the role of Livia.
The second chapter looks closer at the women who
surrounded Augustus and gives a description of upper class
households. Freisenbruch also describes the laws Augustus
passed encouraging childbirth and the punishment of
adultery. While men were punished only if they committed
adultery with a married woman, women were punished if
they had sex with anyone. Fathers could kill their daughters
but husbands were obliged to divorce their wives
immediately; if he didnt, he could be charged with
pimping.
Chapter 4 moves on to the next generation and places
Agrippina Minor, the mother of Nero, center stage. She,
like Livia, was ambitious for her son and, like Livia, took
charge. In 1979 a slab showing her crowning Nero was
unearthed (120) confirming at least some of her
reputation. Nero owed a great deal to his mother, which he
initially seems to have recognized, while she managed the
business of the empire, wrote letters to foreign dignitaries,
and eavesdropped on the Senate.1 By the year 55 her power
began to wane and Nero had her killed. Despite a purge of
her images at least 35 remain, but Freisenbruch does not
1
One might compare her to the Hittite Great Queen Pudu%epa, wife of
the Great King Hattusili III (1275-1250 BC) and mother of Tud%aliya IV
(ca.1237-1209).
JIES Reviews
501
include one of her alone.2

Chapter 5 brings us the Flavian emperors and the less
well-known female figures or at least those less popular in
modern times. The title Augusta was now given more freely,
but restrictive laws against women were reinstated.
The Good Empresses are introduced in Chapter 6
and these include profiles of Trajians wife Plotina for
whom we have no knowledge prior to her becoming
empress, but when she did enter the public eye it was as a
modest woman who was only a credit to her husband and
praised by Pliny the Younger. In the end, however, like so
many empresses before her, she was accused of conspiracy
in her husbands death. Freisenbruch compares this to
more modern times and the charges made against
Woodrow Wilsons wife Edith Wilson and Warren Hardings
wife Florence. The author concludes because of the
regularity with which such episodes recur in both ancient
and later historiography and with such convenient
similarities, the case for treating them with caution would
seem particularly strong (163).
The last three chapters give brief accounts of the
women in the Caesars lives, but it continues along the road
of being a Roman history with women dropped in.
Freisenbruch gives great detail of fashion and
particularly hair styles beginning in the second chapter
which emphasizes the need for more illustrations of which
there are all too few.
The book is well documented and the author draws
heavily on the classical authors for her information,
particularly Plutarch, Suetonius, and Tacitus. She confesses
that it is difficult to decide which of the conflicting reports
is correct and one can sympathize. All the same, the title
sets out the expectation that the reader will learn about
these imperial women, but unfortunately this expectation is
only fulfilled if the reader has little or no knowledge of the
subject. In other words, it is a disappointment to anyone
who has the barest knowledge, particularly the early
chapters, but it is useful for the later period despite the
thinness of information. The author mentions the I,
2
Burns (2007) provides many illustrations of coins that feature imperial

woman.
502
JIES Reviews
Claudius television series (where Livia famously says I want

to be a goddess) and our one-sided view of imperial
Roman women as wicked, licentious, and cruel. She
explains that this hostile reaction to these women was
justification for keeping them out of political power, and
while she makes efforts to set the record straight, she then
goes on to portray most of them as wicked, licentious, and
cruel. This, of course, was the view of Tacitus when writing
of the early Caesars wives. Livia, who occupies much of the
early chapters of Tacitus Annals, is painted with a very dark
brush. It is only when Tacitus wrote her obituary, that he
presents a softer tone (see Rutland 1978).
In her Epilogue Freisenbruch connects these imperial
Roman women to Medieval queens and says their legacy
lives on today (266) in the public scrutiny given to the wives
(and husbands) of political figures today.
The specific subject of women in the Indo-European
world is a nearly unknown subject. There are now a great
many works that look at particular groups of women within
the Indo-European world but none that looks at them in
general nor is there a comparative study. Caesars Wives
examines Roman imperial women, but it would be
worthwhile to have a study that took in a broader range.
References
Burns, Jasper
2007
Great Women of Imperial Rome: Mothers and wives of the Caesars.
London/New York: Routledge.
Rutland, Linda
1978
Women as Makers of Kings in Tacitus Annals. Classical World
72:15-29.
Karlene Jones-Bley
UCLA
JIES Reviews
503
Linguistics
Tanaka, Toshiya. A morphological conflation approach to the
historical development of preterite-present verbs: Old English, ProtoGermanic, and Proto-Indo-European. Fukuoka 2011: HanaShoin. xiv + 320 pp.
This book (hereafter Morphological conflation, or MC) is
a welcome addition to the modest literature on preteritepresent (PP) verbs. It includes a great deal of useful
information and offers an interesting new hypothesis
regarding the origin of that small, closed class of Germanic
verbs: that while some PPs reflect PIE stative perfects,
others developed from PIE stative-intransitive middle root
presents (see especially pp. 100-5). The core of the book is
chapter 4, which includes an in-depth discussion of each PP
reconstructable for Proto-Germanic (PGmc.); that chapter
is introduced by a sketch of the communis opinio regarding
the origins of the class and an explication of Tanakas
alternative hypothesis, which the discussions of the
individual verbs illustrate. Preceding chapters briefly
describe the morphology, syntax, and semantics of PP verbs
and dispose of an old hypothesis of their origin, while
chapter 5 (which is more speculative) suggests that there
may once have been more PP verbs than we can
reconstruct, offering a few potential examples. Throughout
MC the discussion takes into account recent developments
in the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European (PIE)
verb, and Tanakas scholarship is of high quality; though
MC may not be the last word on PPs, it needs to be read
and carefully considered by colleagues who work on the
PGmc. or PIE verb system.
The shortcomings of MC lie in Tanakas treatment of
previous hypotheses and of the non-Germanic comparanda,
especially the Greek data. They do not detract greatly from
the value of the book, but it seems advisable to discuss them
here simply because in other respects MC is an exemplary
work of comparative philology.
Tanaka argues against two older hypotheses of the
origin of PPs which he aptly calls the strong verb origin
theory and the stative perfect origin theory. The former,
which suggests that PPs were originally the preterites of
504
JIES Reviews
strong verbs whose present stems have been lost, is

considered and demolished in chapter 3. I certainly agree
that the strong verb origin hypothesis cannot be right, and I
suspect that all well-informed colleagues will agree; in fact,
all of Tanakas references to work supporting or accepting
the strong verb origin hypothesis are either to 19th-century
scholarship or to brief remarks in handbooks and other
works whose purpose is quite different. Of course it is useful
to have Tanakas detailed refutation of an old, unworkable
hypothesis, but it would also have been useful if he had said
plainly that no one who has considered the facts carefully
believes it anymore, instead of treating it with a respect
which it no longer deserves.
Tanakas attempt to refute the hypothesis that PPs are
simply PIE and post-PIE statives (traditionally called
perfects) which retain their original function in Germanic
is less successful. In his introduction (pp. 2-3) Tanaka
identifies four characteristics of PPs that he finds
problematic if a stative perfect origin is accepted: some PPs
do not have cognate stems which are perfects in other IE
languages; their pres. indic. 3pl. ends in *-un, obviously not
the ending of the corresponding PIE perfect form, which
contained an *r; the infinitives of PPs are made to zerograde stems and clearly have nothing to do with PIE perfect
participles; and PPs are not reduplicated, whereas most PIE
perfects were. But specialists who do believe that PGmc.
PPs are simply PIE perfects that have retained their
original aspectual force will be able to offer a plausible
solution to each of those problems, as follows. Some PPs
lack stem-cognates because the perfect has been lost, or has
merged functionally with the aorist, in many other
daughters of PIE, while others can be pre-PGmc.
innovations of a period when the perfect still retained its
stative function. PPs are unreduplicated for the same
reason that the preterites of strong verbs the other
PGmc. reflex of the PIE perfect are unreduplicated
(whatever that reason might be); their indic. 3pl. in *-un
has spread from the strong preterite, which in turn
acquired it from the weak preterite and did (the only PIE
imperfect surviving in PGmc.). Their infinitives exhibit
zero-grade roots because the zero-grade stem is the default
stem of PPs, and innovative forms (such as the PGmc.
JIES Reviews
505
infinitive and the weak preterite) are normally constructed

to default stems.
Moreover, Tanakas presentation makes the stative
perfect origin hypothesis seem less plausible than it is
because of several judgments and assumptions which to me
seem incorrect. He seems to regard it as significant that
other conservative IE languages exhibit fewer perfects that
are paradigmatically isolated, with no corresponding
present or aorist stems (pp. 7-8 note that he
underestimates the number of such perfects in Ancient
Greek). But it has long been clear that PIE verbs did not
exhibit neat paradigms in which nearly every verb had a
present, an aorist and a perfect stem (cf. Wackernagel 1904,
who emphasizes that point for Ancient Greek); in addition,
it appears that perfects which did occur beside other aspect
stems were sometimes different enough in meaning that a
lexical split, cutting the perfect loose to develop as an
autonomous verb, would not be particularly surprising (cf.
e.g. Lat. meminisse to remember, made to a root meaning
think which survives also in the causative monre to warn).
Tanaka also seems a bit unclear about the function of
the PIE stative perfect, suggesting in several passages (e.g.
on p. 116) that it had a resultative nuance, implying a past
action that resulted in the state expressed. The pattern of
evidence does not support that suggestion. In Homeric
Greek all perfect stems except two are (or can be
interpreted as) purely stative, and the two exceptions are
obvious innovations (Chantaine 1927); even Classical Attic
Greek exhibits some fifty purely stative perfects (among
several hundred of the more innovative resultatives), and
the surviving stative perfects of Vedic Sanskrit and Latin are
obviously archaic relics. It seems clear that the (nonAnatolian) PIE perfect simply expressed a state, just as most
Gmc. PPs do. The old canard that PIE *wyde (s)he knows
developed from an earlier (s)he has seen cannot be taken
seriously as counterevidence. The PIE telic root *weydmeant catch sight of, take a look at (whence Indo-Iranian
find; Greek aorist den/id:n/ preserves the original
meaning), and Latin vidre means see only because of its
stative suffix. Nor is it implausible to posit two accidentally
homonymous PIE roots *weyd- know and *weyd- catch
sight of, given the existence of other homonymous sets
506
JIES Reviews
(e.g. *sekw- see, *sekw- say, and *sekw- follow; *bheh2- say
and *bheh2- shine; etc.).
Finally, different but equally plausible judgments of
some specific details tend to support the stative perfect
origin hypothesis. If PIE *dhewgh- meant produce rather
than become available (pp. 128-30), the PGmc. PP *daug
can originally have meant it is productive, from which a
development to the attested meaning it is useful, it is good
for (something) is easy. If PGmc. PP *mag (s)he can and
OCS mosti to be able are connected not with Vedic
Sanskrit mahe (s)he procures, Greek mxesyai
/mkhesthai/ to fight, etc. (which entails positing PIE *a in
the root, p. 199), but with Old Irish mochtae powerful
(which entails positing PIE *o in the root), the PGmc.
meaning and inflection can actually be original, the
inherited perfect having been remodelled as a present
(unsurprisingly) in Slavic. Possibly reduplicated PPs
include not only PGmc. *g (s)he is afraid ~ *g- < *h2eh2gh- ~ *h2e-h2gh- (cf. pp. 216 ff.) but also *aih (s)he
possesses ~ *aig- < *h2e-h2yk- ~ *h2e-h2ik-, since the long
vowel that arose by contraction in the full-grade stem of the
latter might have been shortened by Osthoffs Law.
If the stative perfect hypothesis of the origin of PGmc.
PPs is not as problematic as Tanaka claims, we might
reasonably ask why a new hypothesis is needed; it seems to
me that that is the most significant weakness of MC. On the
other hand, at least one of Tanakas innovative suggestions
has enough of an inherent advantage over the stative
perfect hypothesis to give any fair reader pause. PGmc.
*kann (s)he knows how has always been a problem; it must
somehow be a reflex of PIE *gneh3- recognize, but its vowel
is in the wrong phonotactic position and its geminate nasal
is difficult to account for. The generally accepted
explanation suggests that the PP was an innovative perfect
formed to a nasal-infixed present *g-n-h3-, which should
have become PGmc. *kunn- (see pp. 147-8 with
references). Still worse are the verbal adjective *kunpaz
known and the weak past *kunp (s)he knew how, which
apparently require a pre-PGmc. accent on a zero-grade root
in a formation which was normally suffix-accented in PIE.
Tanaka proposes to derive PGmc. *kann ~ *kunn- from the
mediopassive of the nasal-infixed present (pp. 157 ff.),
507
JIES Reviews
eliminating the need for an analogical creation of a postPIE stative perfect. His account of the *-p- of *kunpaz,
*kunp is less compelling, since he has to posit the
introduction of columnar root-accent in the present *kunn(on the analogy of *mag- be able, which does not ablaut)
and the subsequent spread of columnar accent to the
preform of *kunp- (pp. 160 ff.); but Tanakas ingenious
solution to this puzzle is no worse than the existing
alternatives. A number of other interesting insights are
scattered through the book.
I have discussed what I think are the shortcomings of
MC at some length not because I think the book is weak,
but because I believe that it is an important book which
needs to be taken seriously. The questions which Tanaka
raises will continue to be the subject of debate, and we can
expect that he will continue to be a valuable participant in
those debates, since MC has already moved the discussion
substantially forward.
References
Chantraine, Pierre
1927
Histoire du parfait grec. Paris: Champion.
Wackernagel, Jacob
1904
Studien zum griechischen Perfektum. Programm zur akademische
Preisverteilung. Gttingen: Universitt Gttingen. (= Kleine
Schriften (Gttingen 1953: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht) 1000 21.)
Don Ringe
University of Pennsylvania
Mihai Vinereanu, Nostratic Roots in Romanian Language /

Rdcini Nostratice n Limba Romn. Edited by Corina
Firut. BucureUti: Alcor Edimpex, 2010. 143 pp. ISBN: 978973-8160-40-8.
This work lists 216 Nostratic roots from The Nostratic
Macrofamily: A Study in Distant Linguistic Relationship by Allan
R. Bomhard and John C. Kerns (Berlin and New York, NY:
Mouton de Gruyter [1994]) which have correspondences in
the Romanian language. Though the book is aimed
508
JIES Reviews
primarily at a Romanian audience, it is accompanied by an

English translation throughout. It should be noted that
there are some minor differences between the English and
Romanian versions.
The book begins with a short Introduction that
summarizes basic information about comparative-historical
linguistics, Proto-Indo-European, the Nostratic hypothesis,
ethnology, and archeology. In the Introduction, the author
notes that only 14% of the Romanian lexicon has cognates
in other Romance languages, while approximately 60% is of
Thraco-Dacian origin. For details, readers are referred to
the authors Dictionar Etimologic al Limbii Romne (Pe baza
cercetrilor de Indo-Europenistic) [Etymological Dictionary of
the Romanian Language] (BucureUti: Alcor Edimpex
[2008]).
The Introduction is followed by an in-depth discussion,
which forms the bulk of this work, of the 216 Nostratic roots
and their Romanian correspondences. The Nostratic
material is presented in tabular format. These tables are
well-designed and easy to follow. The putative Romanian
derivatives immediately follow the tables. The discussions
range in length from one line to several paragraphs.
The book ends with an index of Romanian words cited
in the text and a list of references. Though, in general, the
work is well-edited, a number of typographical errors
managed to elude detection. Also, the English version could
have benefited from proofreading by a native speaker.
The book was written primarily for Romanian linguists
and for the Romanian general public. There are very few
people in Romania who know anything about Nostratic.
Therefore, Vinereanu wrote this book to familiarize them
with this new field. The Romanian words discussed in this
book are, in general, common words, more or less known
by any educated native speaker of Romanian. Thus, the
work serves as a useful supplement to the authors
Romanian etymological dictionary mentioned above.
Allan R. Bomhard
Charleston, SC

MONOGRAPH SERIES
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A. Richard Diebold, Jr.: Linguistic Ways to Prehistory; Winfred P.
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Proto-Indo-European Syntax:: The Order of Meaningful

Elements
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The Argument; AN; NG; Comparison SA~AS; MC (RC; SVO; Homeric
Greek and PIE as Greenbergs III; NG; SA~AS; MC ( RC; SVO; Preverbs
and Prepositions the Locative Auxiliaries; The Eurasian Type III
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Derivation.
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Its Potentials and Limitations In New Perspective
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Homage to Georges Dumzil

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Jean Haudry: Comparative Mythology and Comparative Philology; Jaan
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the Eyrbyggja Saga?; J.C. Rivire: The Three Counsels; T.L. Markey:
The Cosmology of Lear and His Daughters; Eric P. Hamp: Beowulf
2863a [g].
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511
Essays In Memory of Karl Kernyi

Monograph No. 4 Editor, Edgar C. Polom
Edgar C. Polom: Karl KernyiA biographical sketch; Edgar C.
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with special focus on Indo-European; R. Panikkar: YamaA Myth of the
Primordial Man; Frithjof Hallman: The Labyrinth; Mythology and
landscape; Hellmut Sichtermann: Kernyis humanistic approach to
ancient religion; Johannes Kleinstck: Mythical night and night of a
myth; Furi Jesi: Reflections on the Pseudo-Euripidean Rhesos; Godo
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The Evolution of Indo-European Nomenclature

For Salmonid Fish::
The Case of Huchen (Hucho Spp.)
Monograph No. 5 By A. Richard Diebold, Jr.
Preamble Dramatis Personae; Novel referents conceptual and lexical
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semantic domains and word-fields; Salmonid referents what are the
Salmonids?; A metaterminology for Salmonids; Indo-Europeans and
Salmonids huchen etymologies; Slavic Bighead Hungarian Galca; Czech
Siven as Gray(Fish); Serbocroatian Mldica; German Lurker? Taunter?
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Essays on Germanic Religion

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Introduction; The Indo-European Component in Germanic Religion;
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ISBN 0-941694-34-8
1989, Pages 148, Paperback, Illustrated: $30.00
Perspectives on Indo-European Language, Culture and

Religion
Volume 1:
Studies in Honor of Edgar C. Polom
Monograph No. 7 Edited by Roger Pearson
Mohammad Ali Jazayery: Edgar C. PolomA Biographical Sketch;
Homer Thomas: Indo-EuropeanFrom the Paleolithic to the Neolithic;
Emily Lyle: Markedness and Encompassment in Relation to IndoEuropean Cosmogony; V. N. Toporov: Indo-European *egh-om (*He-ghom) *men-. 1 Sg. Pron. Pers. in the Light of Glossogenetics; Hans
Henrich Hock: On the Origin and Early Development of the Sacred
512
Sanskrit Syllable OM*; G.A. Klimov: The Kartvelian Analogue of ProtoIndo-European *sumb(h)o- spongy, porous; Vitaly Shevoroshkin: On
Carian Language and Writing; F. Villar: The Numeral Two and Its
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and Indo-European by; H. Craig Melchert: Death and the Hittite King;
Jos Weitenberg: The Meaning of the Expression To Become a Wolf in
Hittite by; Pierre Swiggers: The Indo-European Origin of the Greek
MetersAntoine Meillets Views and their Reception by mile
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ISBN 0-941694-38-0
Perspectives on Indo-European Language, Culture and

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Volume 2:
Studies in Honor of Edgar C. Polom
Monograph No. 9 Edited by Roger Pearson
Kenneth G. Zysk: Reflections on an Indo-European Healing Tradition;
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Keltischen und Germanischen; Riccardo Ambrosini: On The Wanderer
and The Seafarer Once Again, but from a Numerological Point of View;
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dsgardr.
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513
The Glottalic Theory::

Survey and Synthesis
Monograph No. 10 By Joseph C. Salmons
The Prehistory of the Glottalic Theory; T H E G L O T T A L I C T H E O R Y :
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I M A G E R Y A N D M Y T H : Context; Anatomy and Dress of the StatueMenhirs; Anatomy and Mythology; The Stela as Royal Figure; IndoEuropean Deities?; Diffusion?. S T E L A - O B E L I S K S O F T H E C I M M E R I A N S :
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and the Realism of Reconstruction
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514
A Student Guide to the Genitive of the Agent

in Indo-European Languages
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An Introduction to Old Russian

Monograph No 15 By William R. Schmalstieg
The Cyrillic Alphabet; Brief Remarks on Phonology; The Adjective,
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Indo-European Religion after Dumzil

Monograph No. 16 Edited by Edgar C. Polom
N. J. Allen: Romulus and the Fourth Function; Wouter Belier: The First
FunctionA Critical Analysis; Enrico Campanile: Today, after Dumzil;
Daniel Dubuisson: Penser Les Mythologiques (Dumzil, Eliade,
Lvi-Strauss); Emily Lyle: Broadening the Perspective on Dumzils
Three Functions; Edgar C. Polom: Indo-European and non-IndoEuropean Elements in Germanic Myth and Religion; Jaan Puhvel: After
Dumzil, What?; William Sayers: Tripartition in Early IrelandCosmic
or Social Structure?; Jens Peter Schjdt: Archaeology, Language and
Comparative Mythology.
ISBN 0-941694-51-8
The Indo-Europeanization of Northern Europe

Monograph No .17 Edited by Karlene Jones-Bley and Martin E. Huld
ANTHROPOLOGY: J.P. Mallory: The Indo-European Homeland
ProblemA Matter of Time; Einar stmo: The Indo-European
Question in a Norwegian Perspective; Algirdas Girininkas: The Narva
Culture and the Origin of Baltic Culture; Rimute Rimantiene and
Gintautas Cesnys: The Pan-European Corded Ware Horizon (A-Horizon)
and the Pamari (Baltic Coastal) Culture; Algimantas Merkevi ius:
Burial of the West and East Balts in the Bronze and Early Iron Ages; Ilze
Loze: Some Remarks about Northern Europeans in the Forming of the
Balts; Aleksander Koko: The Vistulian-Dnieper Community of the SubNeolithic Cultures; Karlene Jones-Bley: Ceramics and AgeA
Correlation in Early European Pottery. LINGUISTICS: Martin E. Huld:
Meillets Northwest Indo-European Revisited; Saulius Ambrazas: The
Ancient Relationship of the Baltic and Germanic Languages from the
Standpoint of Word Formation; rika Sausverde: Seewrter and
Substratum in Germanic, Baltic and Baltic Finno-Ugrian Languages;
Angela Della Volpe; Indo-European Architectural Terms and the PreIndo-Europeans; Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak: The Pre-Germanic Substrata
and Germanic Maritime Vocabulary. CULTURE AND MYTHOLOGY:
Norbertas Velius: Marija Gimbutasthe Investigator of Baltic
Mythology; Miranda Aldhouse Green: Concepts of Sacrifice in Later
Prehistoric Europe; Elvyra Usaiovait9 : Customs of the Ancient Prussians
515
in German; Walter L. Brenneman Jr.: Religious Authenticity at the Holy

Wells of IrelandA Methodological Problem; Miriam Robbins Dexter:
Dawn-Maid and Sun-MaidCelestial Goddesses among the Proto-IndoEuropeans; Adrian Poriuciuc: Indo-European Implications of an Old
English Document; Romualdas Apanavi ius: Ancient Baltic According to
Ethnoinstrumentological Data. PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY:
Gintautas esnys: Anthropological Substratum of the Balts in Prussia and
Lithuania; Irene Bal i ntene: The Odontological Characteristics of
Lithuanian Balts and their Roots; Ken Jacobs, Jeffrey M. Wyman and
Christopher Meiklejohn: Multi-Ethnicity in Pre-Indo-European
Northeast EuropeTheoretical and Empirical Constraints on the
Interpretation of Human Biodiversity; Rimantas Jankauskas and Adomas
Butrimas: Changes of Population Biological Status during the IndoEuropeanization of Lithuania; Raymond V. Sidrys: The Light Eye and
Hair ClineImplications for Indo-European Migrations to Northern
Europe.
ISBN 0-941694-52-6
1996, Pages 362, Clothbound: $56.00
ISBN 0-941694-53-4
1996, Paperback: $48.00
The Kurgan Culture and The Indo-Europeanization of

Europe
Monograph No. 18 Papers by Marija Gimbutas
Edited by Miriam Robbins Dexter and Karlene Jones-Bley
On the Origins of North Indo-Europeans; The Indo-Europeans
Archaeological Problems; The Relative Chronology of Neolithic and
Chalcolithic Cultures in Eastern Europe North of the Balkan Peninsula
and the Black Sea; Proto-Indo-European CultureThe Kurgan Culture
During the Fifth, Fourth, and Third Millenium B.C.; Old Europe c. 70003500 B.C.The Earliest European Civilization Before the Infiltration of
the Indo-European Peoples; The Beginnings of the Bronze Age of
Europe and the Indo-Europeans 3500-2500 B.C.; An Archeaologists View
of *PIE in 1975; The First Wave of Eurasian Steppe Pastoralists into
Copper Age Europe; The Three Waves of the Kurgan People into Old
Europe, 4500-2500 B.C.; The Kurgan Wave #2 (c.3400-3200 B.C.) into
Europe and the Following Transformation of Culture; Primary and
Secondary Homeland of the Indo-Europeans, Comments on
Gamkrelidze-Ivanov Articles; Remarks on the Ethnogenesis of the IndoEuropeans in Europe; Accounting for a Great Change; Review of
Archaeology and Language by C. Renfrew; The Collision of Two Ideologies;
The Fall and Transformation of Old Europe.
ISBN 0-941694-56-9
Varia on the Indo-European Past:

Papers in Memory of Marija Gimbutas
Monograph No. 19 Edited by Miriam Robbins Dexter and Edgar C.
Polom
Miriam Robbins Dexter: Introduction; E.J.W. Barber: On the Origins of
the vily/rusalki; Frank Battaglia: Goddess Religion in the Early British
516
Isles; Kees W. Bolle: The Great Goddess; Angela Della Volpe: The Great
Goddess, the Sirens and Parthenope; Miriam Robbins Dexter: The
Frightful GoddessBirds, Snakes and Witches; Michael Herity: Irish and
Scandinavian Neolithic Pottery VesselsSome Comparisons; Martin E.
Huld: The Childhood of HeroesAn Essay in Indo-European Puberty
Rites; Karlene Jones-Bley: Defining Indo-European Burial; W. P.
Lehmann: Frozen Residues and Relative Dating; Wolfgang Meid: Der
mythologische Hintergrund der irischen Saga; Edgar C. Polom:
Animals in IE Cult and Religion.
ISBN 0-941694-58-5
Studies in Honor of Jaan Puhvel Part One:

Ancient Languages and Philology
Monograph No. 20 Edited by Dorothy Disterheft, Martin Huld and
John Greppin
Preface; Philip Levine: Bibliography of Jaan PuhvelDear Jaan.
ANATOLIAN MATTERS: Harry A Hoffner Jr.: On Safari in Hittite
Anatolia; Michael Kearns: A. Lydian Etymology for the Name Croesus;
Calvert
Watkins:
Luvo-Hittite
lapan(a).
CULTURAL
INVESTIGATIONS: Angela Della Volpe: Problems of Semantic
Reconstruction PIE *dei- to show; Robert L. Fisher; The Lore of the
Staff in Indo-European Tradition; John A.C. Greppin: A Note on the
Etymology of English Horehound; Martin E. Huld: Magic, Metathesis
and Nudity in European Thought; Colin Ireland: The Ambiguous
Attitude toward Fosterage in Early Irish Literature. GRAMMATICAL
STUDIES: Dorothy Disterheft: The Evolution of the Indo-European
Infinitives; Eric P. Hamp: Intensive and Perfective prin Latin; Craig
Melchert: Denominative Verbs in Anatolian; Erich Neu: Zu einigen
Pronominalformen des Hethitischen. INDOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Jay
Jasanoff: Where Does Skt. bhvati Come From?; Andrew L. Sihler: The
Myth of Direct Reflexes of the PIE Palatal Series in Kati; Cheryl Steets:
jahd u dv mithunaa note on gveda 10.17.1-2. THE LEXICAL
DOMAIN: E. J. W. Barber: On 6ig as protection; Karlene Jones-Bley:
Red for the Deada Corpse of a Different Color; J. P. Mallory: Some
Aspects of Indo-European Agriculture.
ISBN 0-941694-54-2
Studies in Honor of Jaan Puhvel Part Two:

Mythology and Religion
Monograph No. 21 Edited by John Greppin and Edgar C. Polom
John A. C. Greppin: For an Indo-Europeanist, Upon His Retirement;
Franoise Bader: Voix DivinesReflexions Mtalinguistiques IndoEuropennes; Walter L. Brennemann, Jr.: The Drunken and the
SoberA Comparative Study of Lady Sovereignty In Irish and Indic
Contexts; Miriam Robbins Dexter: Born of the FoamGoddesses of
River and Sea in the Kingship in Heaven Myth; Dorothy Disterheft:
Irish Evidence for Indo-European Royal Consecration; Angelique
Gulermovich Epstein: The Morrigan and the Valkyries; Stephanie W.
Jamison: A Gndharva Marriage in the OdysseyNausicaa and her
517
Imaginary Husband; Linda A. Malcor: First BathThe Washing of the

Child Motif in Christian Art; C. Scott Littleton and Linda A. Malcor:
Did the Alans Reach Ireland? A Reassessment of the Scythian References
in the Lebor Gab la; Erenn; Dean A. Miller: In Search of Indo-European
Inter-Functional War; Edgar C. Polom: Some Reflections on the Vedic
Religious Vocabulary; William Sayers: Psychological Warfare in Vinland
(Erks saga raud a); The Sins of Siegfried; Udo Strutynski: Echoes of IndoEuropean War Crimes in the Nibelungenlied and its Analogues.
ISBN 0-941694-55-0
Indo-European, Nostratic and Beyond::

Festschrift for Vitalij V. Shevoroshkin
Monograph No. 22 Edited by Irn Hegeds, Peter A. Michalove
and Alexis Manaster Ramer
Vitalij Viktorovich Shevoroshkin: Selected Publications; Raimo Anttila:
Beating a Goddess out of the Bush?; Vclav Blazek: Indo-European
Seven; Claude Pierre Boisson: The Phonotactics of Sumerian; J. C.
Catford: The Myth of the Primordial Click; Madhav M. Deshpande:
Pnini and the Distinctive Features; Joseph H. Greenberg: Does Altaic
Exist?; Eric P. Hamp: A Far-Out Equation; Irn Heged s: On
Grammaticalization in Nostratic; Pramila Hemrajani: Three Kisses;
Peter Edwin Hook: Relative Clauses in Eastern Shina; Vyacheslav Vs.
Ivanov: Luwian Collective and Non-Collective Neutral Nouns in ar;
Brian D. Joseph: Macrorelationships and Microrelationships and their
Relationship; Mark Kaiser: Rigor or VigorWhither Distant Linguistic
Comparison?; Leonid Kulikov: Vedic mriyte and other pseudo-passives
Notes on an Accent Shift; Alexis Manaster Ramer: The Polygenesis of
Western Yiddishand the Monogenesis of Yiddish; Karl Heinrich
Menges: Etymological Problems with Words for Blood in Nostratic and
Beyond. Peter A. Michalove: Altaic Evidence for Clusters in Nostratic;
Vladimir Orel: New Albanian Etymologies (Balkan Etymologies
116-145); Ilya Peiros: Macro FamiliesCan a Mistake Be Detected?;
Richard A. Rhodes: On Pronominal Systems; Merritt Ruhlen:
Proto-Amerind *KAPA Finger, Hand and Its Origin in the Old World;
Sergei A. Starostin: On the Consonant Splits in Japanese; Alexander
Vovin: Some Japanese Etymologies.
ISBN 0-941694-59-3
Festschrift for Eric P. Hamp Volume One

Monograph No. 23 Edited by Douglas Q. Adams
Douglas Q. Adams: On the PIE Antecedents of Verbal Accent in
Tocharian B; Francisco R. Adrados: Verbo Celta Antiguo y Verbo
Indoeuropeo; Franoise Bader: Autour de gr. eedua phontique
historique des laryngales et prosodie; Philip Baldi: The Morphological
Implications of Certain Prosodic Rules in Latin; Alfred Bammesberger:
Celtic BOIOS; Thomas V. Gamkrelidze: A Relative Chronology of the
Shifts of the Three Stop Series in Indo-European; Henrik Birnbaum:
The PIE Nominal Stem Formations in -i/iy-, -u/uw-, -i/y- and Some
Related IssuesThe Slavic Evidence; Henry M. Hoenigswald: Analogy in
518
Cyrene and Elsewhere; Jean Haudry: Religious Polemics In the Heroic

AgeSome Linguistic Hints; Martin E. Huld: Satom, Centum and Hokum;
Stephanie W. Jamison: Sanskrit prin hya household goodsSemantic
Evolution in Cultural Context; Jay H. Jasanoff: An Italo-Celtic Isogloss
The 3 Pl. Mediopassive in *-ntro; Guy Jucquois & Christophe Vielle:
Illusion, Limites et Perspectives du Comparatisme Indo-Europen
Pour en finir avec le mythe scientifique des proto-langues/-peuples.
ISBN 0-941694-57-7
The Development of Verbal Reduplication in IndoEuropean

Monograph No. 24 By Mary Niepokuj
Preface; Introduction; Overview; Note on Proto-Indo-European
transcription.
THE
HISTOR ICAL
BEH AVIO R
AND
G R AMMA TIC AL IZAT ION OF RE DUPL ICAT IVE S Y STEM S CROSSL I N G U I S T - I C A L L Y : Introduction; Compounding reduplication; Turkish,
Diyari, Lardil; Fixed-segment reduplication; Fixed-vowel reduplication;
Tarok nominal reduplication, Salish, Fe?Fe? Bamileke, Other
Niger-Congo languages, Nez Perce, Malay nouns denoting similarity,
Synchronic
descriptions,
Malay,
Javanese,
Georgian;
Initial
fixed-consonant reduplication; Fixed affix-final consonant; Affixes with
two or more fixed segments; Theoretical approaches to reduplication,
The copy-and-association model, The full-copying approach; The
grammaticalization of reduplicative affixes. T H E S E M A N T I C
B E H A V I O R O F R E D U P L I C A T I O N : Introduction; Plurality of some sort;
Intensification; Childrens reduplication; Expressives and ideophones;
Echo-words; Reduplication for strictly grammatical reasons; Conclusion.
T H E I N D O - E U R O P E A N P E R F E C T : A N O V E R V I E W : Introduction; Vedic
Sanskrit; Gathic Avestan; Greek; Latin; Germanic; Armenian; Old Irish;
Tocharian;
Balto-Slavic.
INDO- EUROPE AN
PERFECT
R E D U P L I C A T I O N : T H E S H A P E O F T H E P R E F I X : Introduction; The
Old Irish prefix; The Latin prefix; The Sanskrit prefix, The Proto-IndoEuropean reduplicated prefixa new analysis. T H E D I S T R I B U T I O N O F
PERFECT
REDUP LIC AT ION
IN
PRO TO-INDO- E UROPEAN:
Introduction; Reduplication and o-grade vocalism in Greek and
Indo-Iranian; Reduplicated perfects in Western Indo-European, Old Irish,
Latin, Gothic; Perfects based on TeT- roots; Germanic, Old Irish, Sanskrit,
Tocharian, Conclusion. P R E S E N T - T E N S E R E D U P L I C A T I O N I N
I N D O - E U R O P E A N : Introduction; The Vedic Data; The Greek Data
Athematic verbs; Reduplicated thematic stems; Forms with the suffix
*-ske/o-; The shape of the present reduplicating prefix in Proto-IndoEuropean; Other issues. I N D O - E U R O P E A N I N T E N S I V E S : Introduction;
Hittite; Typological parallels; Comparative evidence; The linking vowel i-. Conclusion; Further prospects. Bibliography; Index.
ISBN 0-941694-60-7
Festschrift for Eric P. Hamp Volume Two

Monograph No. 25 Edited by Douglas Q. Adams
Jared S. Klein: Early Vedic th and tho; Frederik Kortlandt: PIE
Lengthened Grade in Balto-Slavic; H. Craig Melchert: PIE Dental Stops
519
in Lydian; T. L. Markey: Deixis, Diathesis, and DualityShifting

Fortunes of the IE 1st and 2nd Plural; Mary Niepokuj: Differentiating
SynonymsSome Indo-European Verbs of Cutting; Alan J. Nussbaum: A
Note on Hesychian teru and teuuaV; Edgar C. Polom: A Few Notes on
the Gmc. Terminology Concerning Time; Don Ringe: On the Origin of
3pl. Imperative -utou; Helmut Rix: The Pre-Luconian Inscriptions of
Southern Italy; Joseph C. Salmons: Naturalness Syndromes and PIE
Voiced Stops; Bernfried Schlerath: Name and Word in Indo-European;
William R. Schmalstieg: Slavic kamy and the First Person Singular
Ending; Karl Horst Schmidt: Zur Definition des Inselkeltischen;
Kazuhiko Yoshida: A Further Remark on the Hittite Verbal Endings; I pl.
-wani and 2 pl. tani; Calvert Watkins: Just Day Before Yesterday
ISBN 0-941694-62-3
The Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Peoples

Of Eastern Central Asia
Monograph No. 26 Edited by Victor H. Mair
(in two volumes)
VOLUME 1: A R C H E O L O G Y ,
MIGRATION
AND
NOMADISM ,
L I N G U I S T I C S : Map of Eastern Central Asia. I N T R O D U C T I O N : Victor H.
Mair: Priorities. A R C H E O L O G Y : AN Zhimin: Cultural Complexes of the
Bronze Age in the Tarim Basin and Surrounding Areas; Elena E.
Kuzmina: Cultural Connections of the Tarim Basin People and
Pastoralists of the Asian Steppes in the Bronze Age; David W. Anthony:
The Opening of the Eurasian Steppe at 2000 BCE; Asko Parpola: Aryan
Languages, Archeological Cultures, and SinkiangWhere Did
Proto-Iranian Come into Being and How Did It Spread?; Fredrik T.
Hiebert: Central Asians on the Iranian PlateauA Model for
Indo-Iranian Expansionism; SHUI Tao: On the Relationship between the
Tarim and Fergana Basins in the Bronze Age; HE Dexiu: A Brief Report
on the Mummies from the Zaghunluq Site in Chrchn County; J.P.
Mallory: A European Perspective on Indo-Europeans in Asia; Colin
Renfrew: The Tarim Basin, Tocharian, and Indo-European OriginsA
View from the West. M I G R A T I O N A N D N O M A D I S M : Karl Jettmar: Early
Migrations in Central Asia; Natalia I. Shishlina and Fredrik T. Hiehert:
The Steppe and the SownInteraction between Bronze Age Eurasian
Nomads and Agriculturalists; Jeannine Davis-Kimball: Tribal Interaction
between the Early Iron Age Nomads of the Southern Ural Steppes,
Semirechive, and Xinjiang; Claudia Chang and Perry A. Tourtellotte:
The Role of Agro-pastoralism in the Evolution of Steppe; Culture in the
Semirechye Area of Southern Kazakhstan during the Saka/Wustun
Period (600 BCE-400 CE); Tzehtley Chiou-Peng: Western Hunan and Its
Steppe Affinities. L I N G U I S T I C S : Eric P. Hamp: Whose Were the
Tocharians?Linguistic Subgrouping and Diagnostic Idiosyncrasy;
Werner Winter: Lexical Archaisms in the Tocharian Languages;
Georges-Jean Pinault: Tocharian Languages and Pre-Buddhist Culture;
Douglas Q. Adams: On the History and Significance of Some Tocharian
B Agricultural Terms; Alexander Lubotsky: Tocharian Loan Words in
Old ChineseChariots, Chariot Gear, and Town Building; Don Ringe,
Tandy Warnow, Ann Taylor, Alexander Michailov, and Libby Levison:
520
Computational Cladistics and the Position of Tocharian; Juha Janhunen,

The Horse in East AsiaReviewing the Linguistic Evidence; John
Colarusso: Languages of the Dead; Kevin Tuite: Evidence for
Prehistoric Links between the Caucasus and Central AsiaThe Case of
the Burushos; LIN Meicun: Qilian and KunlunThe Earliest Tokharian
Loan-words in Ancient Chinese; Penglin Wang: A Linguistic Approach to
Inner Asian Ethnonyms; William S-Y. Wang: Three Windows on the Past.
VOLUME 2: G E N E T I C S A N D P H Y S I C A L A N T H R O P O L O G Y : Paolo
Francalacci: DNA Analysis on Ancient Desiccated Corpses from Xinjiang
(China)Further Results; Tongmao Zhao: The Uyghurs, a MongoloidCaucaseid Mixed PopulationGenetic Evidence and Estimates of
Caucasian Admixture in the Peoples Living in Northwest China; HAN
Kangxin: The Physical Anthropology of the Ancient Populations of the
Tarim Basin and Surrounding Areas. M E T A L L U R G Y : Ke Peng: The
Andronovo Bronze Artifacts Discovered in Toquztara County in Ili,
Xinjiang; Jianjun Mei and Colin Shell: Copper And Bronze Metallurgy in
Late Prehistoric Xinjiang; Emwa C. Bunker: Cultural Diversity in the
Tarim Basin Vicinity and Its Impact on Ancient Chinese Culture;
Katheryn M. Linduff: The Emergence and Demise of Bronze-Producing
Cultures Outside the Central Plain of China. T E X T I L E S : E.J.W. Barber:
Bronze Age Cloth and Clothing of the Tarim BasinThe Krorn
(Loulan) and Qumul (Elami) Evidence. Irene Good: Bronze Age Cloth
and Clothing of the Tarim BasinThe Chrchn Evidence. G E O G R A P H Y
A N D C L I M A T O L O G Y : Harold C. Fleming: At the Vortex of Central
AsiaMummies as Testimony to Prehistory; Kenneth J. Hs: Did the
Xinjiang Indo-Europeans Leave Their Home Because of Global Cooling?
H I S T O R Y : Michael Puett: China in Early Eurasian HistoryA Brief
Review of Recent Scholarship on the Issue; E. Bruce Brooks: Textual
Evidence for 04c Sino-Bactrian Contact. M Y T H O L O G Y A N D
E T H N O L O G Y : Denis Sinor: The Myth of Languages and the Language of
Myth; C. Scott Littleton: Were Some of the Xinjiang Mummies
Epi-Scythians? An Excursus in Trans-Eurasian Folklore and Mythology;
CHEN Chien-wen: Further Studies on the Racial, Cultural, and Ethnic
Affinities of the Yuezhi; Dolkun Kamberi: Discovery of the
Tklimakanian Civilization during, a Century of Tarim Archeological
Exploration (ca. 1886-1996); Dru C. Gladney: Ethnogenesis and Ethnic
Identity in ChinaConsidering the Uygurs and Kazaks. C O N C L U S I O N :
Victor H. Mair: Die SprachmbeAn Archeolinguistic Parable.
A P P E N D I X : Victor H. Mair and Dolkun Kamberi: Place, People, and Site
Names of the Uyghur Region Pertinent to the Archeology of the Bronze
Age and Iron Age.
ISBN 0-941694-66-6
1998, Pages 912, Paperback,
2-volumes, with maps and illustrations: $96.00
Proceedings of the Seventh UCLA Indo-European

Conference:
Los Angeles, 1995
Monograph No. 27 Edited by Angela della Volpe
in collaboration with Edgar C. Polom
521
Henning Andersen: A Glimpse of the Homeland of the Slavs

Ecological and Cultural Change in Prehistory; Jeannine Davis-Kimball:
Burial Practices Among the Iranian Sarmatians; Angelique Gulermovich
Epstein: Divine DevouringFurther Notes on the Morrigan and the
Valkyries; John D. Frauzel: Impersonal Absolutes in Indo-Iranian, Greek,
Latin and Baltic and the Origin of the Indo-European Absolute
Construction; Gayan Hagopian: The Classical Armenian Term Skndik;
Yelena Izbitser: Wheeled Vehicles and the Homeland of the IndoEuropeans; Anatoly Liberman: English Girl under the Asterisked Sky of
the Indo-Europeans; Dean A. Miller: Destroyer or Builder and other
BifurcationsNotes on Indo-European Sovereignty; Marianna
Nikolaidou: Religious Symbols in Minoan Scripts and Iconography
Elements of Formulaic Expression; Yevgeniy Novitskiy: Semantic
Analysis of the Early Metal Period Sculpture of the Northern Black Sea
Region; Christopher M. Stevens: The Consonants of German and
Germanic.
ISBN 0-941694-64-X
Proceedings of the Ninth UCLA Indo-European

Conference:
Los Angeles, May 23-24, 1997
Monograph No. 28 Edited by Karlene Jones-Bley, Angela Della Volpe,
Miriam Robbins Dexter, and Martin E. Huld
Theo Vennemann: Andromeda and the Apples of the Hesperides;
Vycheslav Ivanov: Indo-European Expressions of Totality and the
Invitation to the Feast of All the Gods; Miriam Robbins Dexter: Queen
Medb, Female Autonomy in Ancient Ireland, and Irish Matrilineal
Traditions; Anna M. Ranero: An Old Indo-European Motif Revisited
The Mortal Combat between Father and Son; Christopher Wilhelm :
Prometheans and the CaucasusThe Origins of the Prometheus Myth;
Andrew Minard: Of Horses and HumansThe Divine Twins in Celtic
Mythology and Folklore; Dean Miller: The King, The Hero and the
GodsAn Exploratory Note on the Functions and the Supernatural;
Martin E. HuldAlbanian Evidence for the Sigmatic Aorist; Kazuhiko
Yoshida: Assibilation in Hittite. Index.
ISBN 0-941694-65-8
On the Bifurcation and Repression Theories

of Germanic and German
Monograph No. 29 By Christopher M. Stevens
Evidence for the bifurcation and repression theories of German is
evaluated and the author presents new evidence in support of the
traditional inventory of Proto-Germanic consonants, as well as for the
traditional view of the origin and spread of the Second Consonant Shift.
ISBN 0-941694-67-4
522
Language Change and Typological Variation.

In Honor of Winfred P. Lehmann on the Occasion of his
83rd Birthday
Volume 1::
Language Change and Phonology
Monograph No. 30 Edited by Edgar C. Polom & Carol F. Justus
Preface; Winfred P. Lehmann List of Publications; Mohammad Ali
Jazayery: Winfred P. Lehmann An Appreciation. I. ASPECTS OF
LANGUAGE CHANGE: A. E A R L Y E U R O P E : Edgar C. Polom; A Few
Remarks on Proto-Indo-European Substrates; Francisco Villar:
Hispanoceltica o Celtibrico. B. G R A M M A T I C A L C H A N G E : Charles J.
Bailey: How Grammars of English Have Miscued; T. Givn: Internal
Reconstruction, on its Own. C. G E R M A N I C D A T A : Elmer H. Antonsen:
Reng di Pr Vingi (Am. 4.2) Vingi distorted them Omitted runesA
question of typology? Wolfgang Meid: wair und andere Bezeichnungen
fr Mann im Gotischen. D. N U M E R A L S : Onofrio Carruba: Die
indogermanischen ZahlwrterNeue Ergebnisse und Perspektiven;
Vyacheslav Vs. Ivanov: On Terms for Half, Moiety in Indo-European
and Germanic; Eugenio Lujn Martinez: Towards a Typology of Change
in Numeral Systems. II. PHONOLOGY: A. P H O N O L O G I C A L
U N I V E R S A L S : Henry M. Hoenigswald: Secondary Split, Gap-filling &
Bifurcation in Historical Phonology; Gregory K. Iverson & Joseph
Salmons: Umlaut as Regular Sound ChangeThe Phonetic Basis of
Ingenerate Umlaut; Frans Van Coetsam: Umlaut as a Reflex of
Accentual Structure. B. P H O N O L O G I C A L T Y P O L O G Y : Thomas V.
Gamkrelidze: Italic Consonantism in the Light of the Glottalic Theory;
Frederik Kortlandt: Lachmanns Law Again; Ladislav Zgusta: Some
Thoughts on the Laryngeal and Glottalic Theories: Frederick W.
Schwink: On the Role of Typology in Reconstructing Phonological Rules.
C. I E P H O N O L O G I C A L P A R T I C U L A R S : Anatoly Liberman: Schrfung /
stootoon and Tgheitsakzent / sleeptoon in the Rhein-Limburg area and
Their Scandinavian Analogues; Franoise Bader: Fonctions des
allitrations; Werner Winter: Consonant Harmony in Armenian.
ISBN 0-941694-68-2
1999, Pages vi + 319, Paperback: $48.00
Language Change and Typological Variation. In Honor of

Winfred P. Lehmann on the Occasion of his 83rd Birthday
Volume 2:: Grammatical Universals & Typology
Monograph No. 31 Edited by Carol F. Justus & Edgar C. Polom
P R E F A C E : Grammatical Abbreviations; Bibliographical Abbreviations. I.
UNIVERSAL ISSUES: Paolo Ramat: On Categories and Categorizations;
Pieter A. M. Seuren: Topic and Comment; Robert Longacre: A
Footnote to Lehmanns OV/VO Typology. II. TYPOLOGICAL ISSUES:
A. C A T E G O R I E S A N D R E L A T I O N S : Theodora Bynon: Schleichers
Reconstruction of a SentenceBack to Pre-Pre-Indo-European;
Francisco R. Adrados: Hacia una tipologa de las combinaciones de
rasgos lingusticos; Henrik Birnbaum: On the Relationship of Typology
523
and Genealogy in Language ClassificationSome Theoretical

Considerations and Applications to Indo-European; Anthony Aristar:
Typology and the Saussurean Dichotomy. B. C O N S T I T U E N T O R D E R :
Subhadra Kumar Sen: On the Syntax of the Anitta Text; Douglas
Mitchell: Lehmanns Use of Syntactic Typology; Michael Clyne:
Typology and Language Change in Bilingualism and Trilingualism. C.
A L I G N M E N T & C O N T E N T I V E T Y P E : Bridget Drinka: Alignment in
Early Proto-Indo-European; Helena Kurzov: Syntax in the
Indo-European Morphosyntactic Type; Georgij A. Klimov: On the
Pre-accusative Component of the Structure of the Kartvelian Languages;
Karl Horst Schmidt: On Congruence in Languages of Active Typology;
Lszl Desz: On the Structuring of Early Indo-European in
Areal-Typological Perspective; Bernard Comrie & Maria Polinsky:
Gender in Historical PerspectiveRadial Categories Meet Language;
Brigitte Bauer: Impersonal Habet constructions in LatinAt the
Crossroads of Indo-European Innovation; Carol F. Justus: Indo-European
havea Grammatical Etymology.
ISBN 0-941694-69-0
1999, Pages vi + 321, Paperback: $48.00
Proceedings of the Tenth UCLA Indo-European

Conference: Los Angeles, May 21-23, 1998
Monograph No. 32 Edited by Karlene Jones-Bley, Martin E. Huld,
Angela Della Volpe, and Miriam Robbins Dexter
Introduction; LINGUISTIC INVESTIGATIONS: Calvert Watkins: A
Celtic Miscellany; Vyacheslav Vs. Ivanov: Palatalization and Labiovelars
in Luwian; Darya Kavitskaya: Vowel Epenthesis and Syllable Structure in
Hittite; Ilya Yakubovich: Stative Suffix / i-a/ in the Verbal System of
old Indic; Carol F. Justus: The Arrival of Italic and Germanic have in
Late Indo-European; Apostolos N. Athanassakis: keanos Mythic and
Linguistic Origins; Martin E. Huld: IE bear Ursus arctos, Ursa Major, and
Ursa minor. STUDIES IN POETIC DICTION: Dean Miller: Kings
Communicating - Royal Speech and the Fourth Function; Thomas R.
Walsh: Towards the Poetics of Potions - Helens Cup and Indo-European
Comparanda; Ralph Gallucci: Studies in Homeric Epic Tradition; Edwin
D. Floyd: Cometas, On LazarusA Resurrection of Indo-European
Poetics? INDO-EUROPEAN EXPANSION: Edwin F. Bryant: The
Indo-Aryan Invasion DebateThe Logic of the Response; Jeannine
Davis-Kimball: Priestesses, Enarees, and Other Statuses among
Indo-Iranian Peoples; Andrew Sherratt: Echoes of the Big BangThe
Historical Context of Language Dispersal.
ISBN 0-941694-70-4
Miscellanea Indo-Europea
Monograph No. 33 Edited by Edgar C. Polom
Edgar C. Polom: Introduction; Alain de Benoist: Bibliographie
Chronologique des tudes Indo-Europenes; Garrett Olmsted:
Archaeology, Social Evolution, and the Spread of Indo-European
Languages and Cultures; Alexander Husler: Nomadenhypothese und
524
Ursprung der Indogermanen; Franoise Bader: Homre et le plasge;

Carol Justus: Can a Counting System be an Index of Linguistic
Relationships?; Nick Allen: Hinduism, Structuralism and Dumzil; Dean
Miller: Who Deals with the Gods? Kings and Other Intermediaries;
Edgar C. Polom: IE Initial /b/ & Gmc. Initial /p/; Edgar C. Polom:
Views on Developments in Indo-European Religions During the Last
Decade of So.
ISBN 0-941694-71-2
Sub-Grammatical Survival::
Indo-European s-mobile and its Regeneration in Germanic
Monograph No. 34 By Mark R. V. Southern
Introduction; The Question; Phonological Distribution; Root Structure.
SandhiMosphological & Word-Boundary Issues, Phonetics and
Language Acquisition; Germanic Layers of EvidenceThe
Continuation of the Linguistic Process. The Cross-Cultural Context
Phonetics and Phrasal Domains, Comparative Baltic Evidence,
Implications. Summation.
ISBN 0-941694-72-0
Proceedings of the Eleventh UCLA Indo-European

Conference:
Los Angeles, June 4-5, 1999
Monograph No.35 Edited by Karlene Jones-Bley, Martin E. Huld,
Angela Della Volpe
Introduction; Language Abbreviations; Stephanie Jamison: On
Translating the Rig VedaThree questions; Jorma Koivulehto:
Finno-Ugric Reflexes of North-West Indo-European and Early Stages of
Indo-Iranian; Olga Petrova: Grimms Law in Optimality Theory; Joshua
T. Katz: Evening DressThe Metaphorical Background of Latin uesper
and Greek speroV; Martin E. Huld: Reinventing the Wheelthe
Technology of Transport and Indo-European Expansions; Kristin M.
Reichardt: Curse Formulae in Hittite and Hieroglyphic Luwian; Ilya
Yakubovich: Laryngeals from Velars in HittiteA Triple-Headed
Argument; David Atkins: An Alternative Principle of Succession in the
Hittite Monarchy; Christopher Wilhelm: On the Possible Origins of the
Philistines; Sandra Olsen: Reflections of Ritual Behavior at Botai,
Kazakhstan; John Leavitt: The Cow of Plenty in Indo-Iranian and Celtic
Myth; Betsy McCall: Metathesis, Deletion, Dissimilallon and Consonant
Ordering in Proto-Greek; Jens Elmegrd Rasmussen: The Growth of IE
AblautContrastive Accent and Vddhi; Harold Koch: Order and
Disorder in the Reconstruction of the Ablaut Pattern of Athematic Verbs
in Proto-Indo-European; Carol F. Justus: The Age of Indo-European
Present -R Person Endings; Alexander Nicholaev: PIE Ergativity and the
Genitive in *-osyo; Anatoly Liberman: Pseudolaryngeals (Glottal Stops)
and the Twilight of Distinctive Voice in Germanic; Vycheslav V. Ivanov:
Early Slavic/Indo-Iranian Lexical Contacts; Index
ISBN 0-941694-73-9
525
The One-eyed God::

Odin and the (Indo-) Germanic Mnnerbnde
Monograph No. 36 By Kris Kershaw
Abbreviations; Glossary. T H E E Y E I N T H E W E L L : grandaevus altero orbus
oculo; Odins pledge; Heiti relating to Odins eyesight; Blindr; Other
possible heiti; Blind, not the blinder; Other depictions of
Odin/Wodan; Snorri and Saxo; Wodan, Woden, et. al; Iconography; Odin
the Wolf-god; An overview of the book; PART I. HERJANN: T H E
E I N H E R I A R : Snorris description of the Einheriar; The word einheriar;
Herr and Herjann; PIE *koryonos; Thor Einheri and the Einheriar. D E R
S C H I M M E L R E I T E R : The Host and the Hunt; Legend, myth, and cult; The
matter of the Mnnerbund; The Dead and the living; Age sets and
ancestor cult; Masks; Masks and ancestor cult; Demon horses; The
Rider-god; The Ancestors bring blessings; Feasts of the Changing Year;
Harlequin. F E R A L I S E X E R C I T U S : Harii; Chatti; Weihekrieger; Civilis;
Haraldr Hrfagr; The hairstyles of the Suevi; Procopius and Ammianus on
youthful warriors; An analog from Doric Greece; The liminal state
(marge); Exiting marge; Demon warriors; An initiation scenario in
Vlsungasaga; Dmon warriors among the Chatti; Two armies of the
dead; Mercurius; Hermes at the boundaries of space and time. F U R O R
T E U T O N I C U S : *wo p-; dr; d inn; The suffix -no-; Examples; A
Fhrersuffix?; The suffix -no- in divine names; Poets god and
Rune-master; Ecstasy, Possession, Inspiration, Madness; Ecstasy; Furor
heroicus; War dances; Dancing gods; Mysterium and Mimus in the Anabasis;
The sword-dance in Germania; Mars and the Salii; KorhteV, KourteV,
KorbanteV; The Maruts; Some conclusions; Veratr; PART II. THE
INDO-EUROPEAN MNNERBUND: * T E U T A N D * K O R Y O S : Equites
and pedites; Village and Forest. T H E * K O R Y O S : Raubrecht; The Manes;
Animal transformations; EkstasiV; Times and seasons; Festivals; Seasonal
activities; Sub-groups; Small bands; Groups of 50; Older *koryos-bndler;
Weihekrieger; Men without property; Robbers and riff-raff; Mnnerbund
and Gefolgschaft. C A N I S A N D T H E * K O R Y O S : Wolf and Dog; Ethnonymns
and Mnnerbnde; Wolf-men as founders of city-states; An historical
example; Mythical foundation stories a) The founding of Rome b)
Caeculus and the founding of Praeneste; The ver sacrum; Cyrus, the
founder of the Persian Empire; Wolf-folk and Dog-folk; Ethnic names a)
Wolf-folk of Anatolia b) An Ossetian wolf-clan c) Other wolf-folk d) Dogfolk e) Hundingas and Ylfingar; Wolf-priests a) Hirpi Sorani b) Some
Hittite cult functionaries; Mythical ancestors a) Miletos b) Lamissio, king
of the Langabards c) The Welfs of Swabia; Wolf-men and Dog-men; The
Lombards; Germanic wolf-names; Irish dog and wolf names; Greek
heroes with wolf-names; Wolf- and dog-men of the Scythians; Slavic
wolf-men; Kunokfaloi a) Zu den litauischen Werwlfen b) Slavic
dog-heads c) Survivals of the kunh/ lukh; Alkimtatoi kneV; Ver sacrum
bei den [Indo-]Germanen?; Canine/ lupine qualities; O D I N A N A L O G S :
India; Iran; The Ossetes; The Celts; The Balts and Slavs; Greece; Italy;
Mars; Faunus; Veiovis; *teut-god and *koryos-god; Un rite dagrgation;
PART III. THE VRTYAS: W A R R I O R - B R A H M I N S : An oath-brotherhood;
Vratya clothing and weapons; Seasonal activities; The brahmac rin; The
education of a brahmin; The vr tyastoma; Vrtyastoma and sattra; Sattra;
526
Daksin ; Vr tyas and sattrins; R U D R A : Rudras armies; Ganapati; The

rudras; The Maruts; A troop; The Maruts are both like and unlike Rudra;
The Maruts as *koryos; I-Ir. *marXa; Marut epithets; Priestly activities;
War-god; The Wild Hunter; Canis; Dogs and the Lord of Dogs; Dasar ; Le
jeu du Cheval; Ttes coupes; The hunter with the spear; Some conclusions;
Death; Fertility; Ekstasis; The Feast of the Changing Year; The
Dragon-Slayer; Initiation; Natar ja; The Ekavrtya; C H O O S I N G A
L E A D E R : The Slagava sacrifice; Two stories; The vr tyas as rudras; The
dice game in early India; The dice; How it was played; An army of dice;
The dog and the dog-killer; Kali, the dog; Kali ekok ah and ekka; The
One and the Dog; The ritual dice game; sennr mahat gansya; Sabh
and irina; Sabh and solstice; Herjann; ExcursusThe Vr tyastomas;
D A R K N E S S , D O G S , A N D D E A T H : ConclusionThe Wolf-god and the Eye
in the Well; Bibliographies; Primary Sources; Works Cited; Index.
ISBN 0-941694-74-7
The Historical Morphology of the Baltic Verb

Monograph No. 37 By William R. Schmalstieg
The purpose of this book is to suggest a possible scenario for the history
of Baltic verbal morphology with relatively little attention to semantics
and syntax. The various stages of development from a reconstructed
Proto-Indo-European verbal system to the attested systems of the extant
Baltic languages are proposed. Various innovative theories of the author
and other contemporary specialists in Baltic historical linguistics are
discussed and evaluated, in many cases making available the results of
their work available in English for the first time. In addition to a large
bibliography on the Baltic verb the book is supplied with an index of
each word form discussed.
ISBN 0-941694-76-3
Greater Anatolia and the Indo-Hittite Language Family:

Papers presented at a Colloquium hosted
by the University of Richmond, March 18-19, 2000
Monograph No. 38 Edited by Robert Drews
Robert Drews: Introduction and Acknowledgments, Opening Remarks;
E.J.W. Barber: The Clues in the ClothesSome Independent Evidence
for the Movement of Families; Paul Zimansky: Archaeological Inquiries
into Ethno-Linguistic Diversity in Urartu; Peter Ian Kuniholm:
Dendrochronological Perspectives on Greater Anatolia and the IndoHittite Language Family; Discussion Session, Saturday Morning; Colin
Renfrew: The Anatolian Origins of Proto-Indo-European and the
Autochthony of the Hittites; Jeremy Rutter: Critical Response to the First
Four Papers; Discussion Session, Saturday Afternoon; Margalis
Finklelberg: The Language of Linear AGreek, Semitic, or Anatolian?;
Alexander Lehrmann: Reconstructing Indo-Hittite; Vyacheslav V.
Ivanov: Southern Anatolian and Northern Anatolian as Separate IndoEuropean Dialects and Anatolian as a Late Linguistic Zone; Bill J.
Darden: On the Question of the Anatolian Origin of Indo-Hittite; Craig
Melchert: Critical Response to the Last Four Papers; Discussion
527
SessionSaturday Morning; Robert Drews: Greater Anatolia, ProtoAnatolian, Proto-Indo-Hittite, and Beyond; Geoffrey D. Summers:
AppendixQuestions Raised by the Identification of Neolithic,
Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age Horse Bones in Anatolia. Index.
ISBN 0-941694-77-1
2001, Page xiv and 305, Paperback: $52.00
A Definitive Reconstructed Text of the Coligny Calendar

Monograph No. 39 By Garrett S. Olmsted
The fragmentary calendar plate from Coligny (near Lyons) apparently
dates to the second-century AD, although the Gaulish calendar engraved
on this plate is plainly the result of a long transmission process. The 25year-cycle calendar, the final system of this transmission process, probably
originated early in the first-century BC, before Caesars conquest. It is
within this late pre-Roman period that the calendar took on its final form
and notation to enter a two-century long transmission process. Since only
40% of the original Coligny calendar survives as a fragmentary mosaic,
the reconstruction of the original whole depends upon recognizing
repetitive patterns and filling in the missing sequences of these patterns.
The most significant of these patterns is that discerned in the schemes of
the TII and the N lunar/solar counting marks and their associated
notation. Here the chronological cycles implied by these notational
patterns are explained in detail. Also provided is a glossary of the
functional and etymological significance of terms utilized in these daily
notational patterns. The fragmentary calendar is brought to
photographic completion utilizing the original wording and engraving
found on the surviving fragments.
ISBN 0-941694-78-X
2001, Pages 120, Paperback, 70 plates: $40.00
Proceedings of the Twelfth Annual UCLA Indo-European

Conference: Los Angeles, May 26-28, 2000
Monograph No. 40 Edited by Martin E. Huld, Karlene Jones-Bley,
Angela Della Volpe, Miriam Robbins Dexter
Introduction;
Language
Abbreviations;
PHONOLOGY
AND
MORPHOLOGYSOUND AND SENSE: The Sound-Systems of ProtoIndo-European, George Dunkel; Against the Assumption of an IE
w
*k etures Rule, Jens Elmegrd Rasmussen; The Reflexes of IndoEuropean *#CR- Clusters in Hittite, Aleksei S. Kassian and Ilya S.
Yakubovich; Proto-Indo-European Root Nouns in the Baltic Languages,
Jenny Helena Larsson; Verb or Noun? On the Origin of the Third Person
h
in IE, Birgit Anette Olsen; Indo-European *b uH- in Luwian and the
Prehistory of Past and Perfect, Vyacheslav V. Ivanov. EPIGRAPHY AND
ETYMOLOGYWORDS AND THINGS: The Poggio Sommavilla
Inscription, Giovanna Rocca; The Etymology of Some Germanic,
Especially English Plant Names (Henbane, Hemlock, Horehound), Anatoly
Liberman; Elephant in Indo-European Languages, Vclav Blazek.
MYTHOLOGY AND POETICSFORM AND FANCY: The Persistence
of the Indo-European Formula Man-Slaying from Homer through
Gregory of Nazianzus, Edwin D. Floyd; Hermes and Agnia fire-god in
Greece?, Paul-Louis van Berg; Dumzil, a Paradigm, and Iliad, Thomas
528
R. Walsh; Dumzil in 2000An Outline and a Prospect, Dean A. Miller

and C. Scott Littleton. RETHINKING ARCHAEOLOGYMYTH,
CULTURE, AND MODELS: The Bird Goddess in Germanic Europe,
Mary Lynn Wilson; Village Life to NomadismAn Indo-Iranian Model
in the Tien Shan Mountains (Xinjiang, China), Jeannine Davis-Kimball;
Perpetuating Traditions, Changing Ideologiesthe Bell Beaker culture
in the British Isles and its implications for the Indo-European problem,
Marc M. Vander Linden; Towards an Understanding of the IndoEuropean Origin ProblemTheoretical and Methodological Interfaces,
Bryan K. Hanks. EPILOGUENEW RESEARCH TOOLS: The Internet
and Publication and Research in Indo-European StudiesPresent State
and Future Prospects, Deborah Anderson; Index.
ISBN 0-941694-79-8
Pre-Indo-European
Monograph No. 41 By Winfred P. Lehmann
THE BASES FOR RECONSTRUCTING PRE-IE: Advances in the
Sciences and Fields Relevant for Indo-European Studies; Pre-IndoEuropeanan Active Language; Genetics and its Importance for
Identifying the Indo-European Speakers in their Spread; Archeology and
its Contribution to our Information on the Early Period of IndoEuropean Speakers; Indo-European as one of the Nostratic Languages;
The Primary Bases for Reconstructing Pre-Indo-European. FROM PIE
TO PRE-IE: The Common Source; The Comparative Method; The
Method of Internal Reconstruction for Morphology and Syntax; The Use
of Residues; Determination of Chronological Strata in Language;
Typological Findings as Guides to Interpretation of Data; Characteristics
of Active Languages; Inferences Based on Application of these Methods
and Conclusions concerning Language Structures; Earlier Analyses of the
Lexicon that Support the Assumption of Pre-Indo-European as an Active
Language; Stages of Proto-Indo-European. RESIDUES IN PIE THAT
PROMPT ITS IDENTIFICATION AS A REFLEX OF AN ACTIVE
LANGUAGE: The Importance of Examining Residues as Illustrated by
the Clarification of Germanic Phonology by Jacob Grimm and his
Successors; Explanations of such Residues by a Historical Approach and
the Assumption of Stages in Languages; Pre-Indo-European as an
Agreement Language of the Active Sub-type; Doublets as Reflexes of
Earlier Active Structure in the Lexicon; Reflexes of Active Languages in
Nouns, Verbs, and Particles; Sentence Patterns of Active Structure as
Found in the Early Dialects; Morphological Patterns Reflecting the
Earlier Active Structure; Previous Recognition and Explanation of
Active Language Characteristics in the Indo-European Languages;
Conclusion. LEXICAL STRUCTURE: The Lexicon in Active
LanguagesNouns, Verbs, and Particles; NounsActive/Animate and
Stative/Inanimate, and the Introduction of Gender Classes; Sets of Nouns
in Accordance with their Meaning; Words for the Family and its
Arrangements; VerbsActive and Stative; Involuntary Verbs; Centrifugal
and Centripetal Uses of Verbs; Particles; The Particles Proper. SYNTAX:
Active Language Syntax in Pre-Indo-European; Basic Word Order in the
Sentence; Complex Sentences; the Use of Participles and Other Non-
529
finite Verb Forms; Uses of Participles in the Early Dialects; Subordinate

Clauses and the Development of Particles to Conjunctions; Classes of
Particles; The Meanings and Origins of Selected Particles, and their
Application as Morphological Markers; The Position of Particles with
Reference to Nouns and Verbs; Examples of Early Texts that Reflect the
Syntax of Pre-Indo-European. DERIVATIONAL MORPHOLOGY:
Attention to Indo-European Derivational Morphology in the Major
Handbooks; Theoretical Assumptions in Previous Attention to the
Earlier Derivational Patterning; Evidence for the Basic Derivational
Processes; The Role of Particles in the Pre-Indo-European Lexicon;
Production of the Earliest Suffixed Nouns; Production of the Earliest
Suffixed Verbs; Evidence in Compounds; The Increasing Use of Suffixes
in the Formation of New Verbs; Conclusion. INFLECTIONAL
MORPHOLOGY: Views in the Handbooks on Earlier Inflectional
Morphology; The Active Verb System of Pre-Indo-European; of the
Injunctive that Illustrate those of Earlier Verb Forms in Pre-IndoEuropean; Uses of the Perfect and of the Hittite hi-Conjugation Forms
that Illustrate those of their Etymon in Pre-Indo-European; Non-finite
Forms of the Verb in Pre-Indo-European; Verbal Nouns; The
Development of Inflections in the Noun; Adjectives; Pronouns;
Conclusion, with Examples that may Reflect Pre-Indo- European Texts.
PHONOLOGY: Theoretical Bases of the Phonological Systems
Proposed for Proto-Indo-European and Pre-Indo-European; Three
Phonological Systems that have been Proposed for Proto-Indo-European;
Period of Movable Pitch Accent and its Effect on Ablaut; The Period of
Stress Accent and its Effect on Ablaut; Chronology of Ablaut Changes;
The Obstruent System; the Glottalic Theory; The Palatals and Velars; The
Resonants; The Pre-Indo-European Phonemic System. THE CULTURE
OF THE PRE-INDO-EUROPEAN SPEAKERS: Evidence for the
Civilization and Culture of the Pre-Indo-European Speakers; Criteria for
Assuming a Preceramic Neo-lithic Period and its Relevance for Pre-IndoEuropean; Social and Economic Conditions; Livestock and Agricultural
Activities in the Pre-Indo-European Community; Terminology Indicating
Gradual Development from Hunting-Gathering to a Settled Society;
Tokens, their Distribution, and implications for Settlement Areas of the
Indo-European Speakers; Art, Literature and Religion of the Pre-IndoEuropean Speakers; Life in the Pre-Indo-European Period; Bases of the
Preeminence of the Indo-Europeans. PRE-IE AND POSSIBLE
RELATED LANGUAGES: Pre-Indo-European in Relation to Nostratic
and Eurasiatic; Principles to be Observed in Reconstructing Macrofamilies; The Need to Reconstruct Proto-Languages for Macro-families;
References; Index.
ISBN 0-941694-82-8
2002, Pages xvi+ 287, Paperback: $52.00
The Indo-European and Ancient Near Eastern

Sources of the Armenian Epic
Monograph No. 42 By Armen Y. Petrosyan
INDO-EUROPEAN
AND
ANCIENT
NEAR
EASTERN
MYTHOLOGICAL PARALLELS: The Sasna CQer and the Basic myth;
Covinar, Inara, and *}ner; The Equine Myths; Bull and Cow as the
Symbols of the Thunder and Storm Deities; The Sun God, Divine Twins,
530
and Their Sister; The Early Twins and Triplets of the South of Armenia;
Sanasar and Baldasar, Indra and Agni, Tessub and Tasmis u; Sanasar,
Eruand, and Pirwa; Angel, Nergal, and Kur; The Third God Vahagn,
Davit`, and Asag; The Indo-European Dog SlayerHayk, Davit` and
David. EPONYMOUS PATRIARCHS, THUNDER GOD, AND BLACK
AND WHITE MYTH: Aram, the Black Hero; Hayk and Aram; The
Birth of the Black Hero; The White Hero; The Myth of the Black and
White Cities. THE DYING GOD AND THE ADVERSARIES OF THE
ARMENIAN HEROES: Ara Gel ecìk, Mher, and their Cousins;
Adversaries of Heroes. ARMENIAN AND INDO-EUROPEAN
MYTHOLOGICAL PATTERNS: Black and White, Boar and Dog; The
Principal Genealogical Scheme of the Armenian Epics; The Three
Functions of Indo-European Mythology; Daredevils of Sasun, Ethnogonic
Patriarchs, Urartian and Armenian Gods. MYTH AND HISTORY:
Historical Prototypes of the Sasna CQer; Mus and TarunThracoPhrygians and Armenians; Davit`, Mus el, and Murs ili; The Iliad and the
Epics of the Sasun-Tarawn. ETHNOGENESIS AND PREHISTORY:
Cosmogony and Ethnogeny; Ethnonymic Ar(a)m- Armenians and
Aramaeans; The Proto-Armenians and the Caucasus; HA.A, Hayasa, Hatti,
and Etiu; Hurrians and Urartians; The Ancestors and Descendants of
HaykPrehistoric Movements. Abbreviations. Works of Medieval
Armenian Authors. Bibliography. Index. Note on Armenian Phonology.
ISBN 0-941694-81-X
Indo-European Perspectives
Monograph No. 43 Edited by Mark Southern
Preface; Miles C. Beckwith: Greek verbs in - A paradigmatic

solution; Hope Dawson: Deviations from the Greek in the Gothic New
Testament; George E. Dunkel: Vedic janapads and Ionic 6:
with notes on Vedic drupadm and IE *pdom place and fetter; Joseph
F. Eska: Remarks on linguistic structures in a Gaulish ritual text;
Benjamin W. Fortson IV: Linguistic and cultural notes on Latin Inius
and related topics; John Harkness: Observations on appositions in
Beowulf; Hans Henrich Hock: Vedic ta stv ma: Subordinate,
coordinate, or what?; Brian D. Joseph: Balkan insights into the syntax of
*m: in Indo-European; Carol F. Justus: Hittite and Indo-European
gender; Ronald Kim: The distribution of the Old Irish infixed pronouns,
Cowgills particle, and the syntactic evolution of Insular Celtic; Sara
Kimball: Hittite kings and queens; Jared S. Klein: Homoioteleuton in
the Rigveda; H. Craig Melchert: Hieroglyphic Luvian REL-ipa indeed,
certainly; Edgar C. Polom: Some thoughts about the Indo-European
homeland; Charles Reiss: Towards an explanation of analogy; Don
Ringe: Tocharian B Up and; Douglas P.A. Simms: A word for wild boar
in Germanic, Italic, Balto-Slavic and Greek and its possible Semitic
origins; Ann Taylor: The distribution of object clitics in Koin Greek;
Bert Vaux: Szemernyis Law and Stangs Law in non-linear phonology;
Brent Vine: On full-grade *-ro- formations in Greek and Indo-European;
Michael Weiss: Observations on the South Picene Inscription TE 1 (S.
Omero).

ISBN 0941694844
531
2002, Pages vi + 306, Paperback, $58.00
Proceedings of the Thirteenth Annual UCLA IndoEuropean Conference: Los Angeles, November 9-10, 2001
Monograph 44 Edited by Karlene Jones-Bley, Martin E. Huld,
Angela Della Volpe, Miriam Robbins Dexter.
Introduction; Language Abbreviations; MIGRATION AND LANGUAGE
CONTACT: J.P. Mallory: Indo-Europeans and the Steppelands: The
Model of Language Shift; Petri Kallio: Prehistoric Contacts between
Indo-European and Uralic; IDEOLOGY AND MYTHOLOGY: PaulLouis van Berg and Marc Vander Linden: Ctesias Assyriaka: IndoEuropean and Mesopotamian Royal Ideologies; Edwin D. Floyd: Who
Killed Patroklos? Expressing the Inexpressible through an Inherited
Formula; Arwen Lee Hogan: The Modesty of Odysseus; Dean Miller:
Theseus and the Fourth Function; LANGUAGE: TYPOLOGY,
ETYMOLOGY AND GRAMMATOLOGY: Andrii Danylenko: The East
Slavic HAVE: Revising a Developmental Scenario; Anatoly Liberman:
English Ivy and German Epheu in Their Germanic and Indo-European
Context; Paul B. Harvey, Jr. and Philip H. Baldi: Populus: A
Reevaluation.
ISBN 0-941694-85-2
2002, Pages x + 191, Paperback: $46.00
Regional Specifics in Light of Global Models BC

Complex Societies of Central Eurasia from the 3rd to the
1st Millennium. Volume 1: Ethnos, Language, Culture;
General Problems; Studying Statistics; Studying Sintashta;
The Eneolithic and Bronze Ages
Monograph 45 Edited by Karlene Jones-Bley D. G. Zdanovich
Introductions by Karlene Jones-Bley and D.G. Zdanovich. I. COMPLEX
SOCIETIES OF CENTRAL EURASIAETHNOS, LANGUAGE,
CULTURE: Colin Renfrew: The Indo-European Problem and the
Exploitation of the Eurasian SteppesQuestions of Time Depth; E.E.
Kuzmina: Ethnic and Cultural Interconnections between Iran and Turan
nd
in the 2 Millennium BC; Vyacheslav Vs. Ivanov: Towards A Possible
Linguistic Interpretation of the ArkaimSintashta Discoveries; I.V.
Pyankov: Arkaim and the Indo-Iranian Var; A.P. Medvedev: Avestan
Yimas Town in Historical and Archaeological Perspective; Karlene
Jones-Bley: Indo-European Burial, the Rig Veda, and Avesta; L.T.
Yablonsky: Archaeological Mythology and Some Real Problems of the
Current Archaeology. II. COMPLEX SOCIETIES OF CENTRAL
EURASIAGENERAL PROBLEMS: L.N. Koryakova: Social Landscape
of Central Eurasia in the Bronze and Iron AgesTendencies, Factors,
and Limits of Transformation. III. COMPLEX SOCIETIES OF
CENTRAL EURASIASTUDING SINTASHTA: G.B. ZDANOVICH
AND I.M. BATANINA: Planography of the Fortified Centers of the
Middle Bronze Age in the Southern Trans-Urals according to Aerial
Photography Data; A.V. Epimakhov: Complex Societies and the
Possibilities to Diagnose them on the Basis of Archaeological Data:
532
Sintashta Type Sites of the Middle Bronze Age of the Trans-Urals; A.V.
Epimakhov: The Sintashta Culture and the Indo-European Problem; T.S.
Malyutina: Proto-towns of the Bronze Age in the South Urals and
Ancient Khorasmia; R.A. Litvinenko: On the Problem of Chronological
Correlation between Sintashta Type and MRC Sites; V.N. Logvin: The
Cemetery of Bestamak and the Structure of the Community; D.G.
Zdanovich and L.L. Gayduchenko: Sintashta Burial SacrificeThe
Bolshekaragansky Cemetery in Focus; P.A. Kosintsev: Animals in the
Burial Rite of the Population of the Volga-Ural Area in the Beginning of
nd
the 2 Millennium BC. IV. COMPLEX SOCIETIES OF CENTRAL
EURASIATHE ENEOLITHIC AND BRONZE AGES: N.L.
Morgunova: Yamnaya (Pit-Grave) Culture in the South Urals Area; T.M.
Potemkina: The Trans-Ural Eneolithic Sanctuaries with Astronomical
Reference Points in a System of Similar Eurasian Models; V.T. Kovalyova
and O.V. Ryzhkova: Circular Settlements in the Lower Tobal Area
(Tashkovo Culture); I.I. Dryomov The Regional Differences of the
Prestige Bronze Ages Burials (Peculiarities of the Pokrovsk Group);
N.M. Malov: SpearsSigns of Archaic Leaders of the Pokrovsk
Archaeological Culture; A.N. Usachuk: Regional Peculiarities of
Technology of the Shield Cheekpiece Production (Based on the
Materials of the Middle Don, Volga, and South Urals); Index to Volumes
1 & 2.
ISBN 0-941694-83-6
2002, Pages xxxviii + 364,
Volume 1, with illustrations, $52.00
Regional Specifics in Light of Global Models BC

Complex Societies of Central Eurasia from the 3rd to the
1st Millennium.
Volume 2: The Iron Age; Archaeoecology, Geoarchaeology,
and Palaeogeography; Beyond Central Eurasia
Monograph 46 Edited by Karlene Jones-Bley D. G. Zdanovich
V. COMPLEX SOCIETIES OF CENTRAL EURASIAIRON AGE: K.A.
Akishev: Archaeological Reference Points in Prognostication of the
Structures of Ancient Societies of the Eurasian Steppe; Bryan Hanks:
Societal Complexity and Mortuary RitualityThoughts on the Nature of
Archaeological Interpretation; N.P. Matveeva: Interpretation of Models
of Sargat Culture
Settlements in Western Siberia. VI.
ARCHAEOECOLOGY,
GEOARCHAEOLOGY,
AND
PALEOGEOGRAPHY OF CENTRAL EURASIAN COMPLEX
SOCIETIES: V.A. Demkin and T.S. Demkina: Paleoecological Crises
and Optima in the Eurasian Steppes in Ancient Times and the Middle
Ages; L.L. Gayduchenko: Organic Remains from Fortified Settlements
and Necropoli of the Country of Towns; V.V. Zaykov, A.M. Yuminov,
A.Ph. Bushmakin, E.V. Zaykova, A.D. Tairov, and G.B. Zdanovich:
Ancient Copper Mines and Products from Base and Noble Metals in the
Southern Urals; A.V. Matveeev, N.Ye. Ryabogina, T.S. Syomochkina,
and S.I. Larin: Materials on the Palaeogeographic Description of the
Andronovo Age in the Trans-Urals Forest-Steppe. VII. BEYOND
533
CENTRAL EURASIA: Leif Karlenby: Communication and Interaction

with the East in Bronze Age Scandinavia; Eva Hjartner-Holdar and
Christina Risberg: Interaction between Different Regions of Europe
and Russia during the Late Bronze Age in the Light of the Introduction
of Iron Technology; E. Bnffy: A Stuck ProcessUrbanisation in the
Carpathian Late Neolithic; Marta Guzowska: The Trojan Connection or
Mycenaeans, Penteconters, and the Black Sea; Philip Kohl, Magomed
Gadzhiev, and Rabadan Magomedov: Connections between the Caucasus
rd
and the West Eurasian Steppes during the 3 Millennium BC; V.M.
Masson: Bronze Age Cultures of the Steppe and Urbanized Civilization
of the South of Middle Asia; L.T. Pyankova: South TajikistanSynthesis
of Settled and Steppe Cultures at the End of the Bronze Age; V.I.
Sarianidi: Chamber Graves of the Gonur Necropolis; Kathryn Linduff:
At the Eastern EdgeMetallurgy and Adaptation in Gansu (PRC) in the
nd
2 Millennium BC. Index to Volumes 1 & 2
ISBN 0-942694-86-0
2002, Pages xxxviii + 289,
Volume 2, with illustrations, $52.00
Pro ceedings of th e F our t ee nt h Ann u al U CLA IndoEuropean C o nf er en ce:

Los Angeles, November 89, 2002
Monograph No. 47 Edited by Karlene Jones-Bley, Martin E. Huld,
Angela Della Volpe, Miriam Robbins Dexter
Introduction; Abbreviations; I. FORM AND MEANING IN INDOEUROPEAN: Helmut Rix: Towards a Reconstruction of Proto-Italic: the
Verbal System; Joseph F. Eska: The Distribution of the Old Irish
Personal Object Affixes and Forward Reconstruction; Annamaria
Bartolotta: Towards a Reconstruction of Indo-European Culture:
Semantic Functions of IE *men- ; Nicoletta Puddu: Reflecting on *se/s(e)we-: From Typology to Indo-European and Back; Jens Elmegrd
Rasmussen: The Marker of the Animate Dual in Indo-European; Brian
D. Joseph: Evidentiality in Proto-Indo-European? Building a Case; Karl
Praust: A Missing Link of PIE Reconstruction: The Injunctive of *HIes- 'to
be'; II. STYLE, SENSE, AND SOUND: Craig Melchert: PIE "thorn" in
Cuneiform Luvian?; Martin E. Huld: An Indo-European Term for
'harvested grain'; Giovanna Rocca: Ideology and Lexis: Umbrian uhtur,
Latin auctor; Angelo O. Mercado: A New Approach to Old Latin and
Umbrian Poetic Meter; III. UNMASKING PREHISTORY: Jon Christian
Billigmeier: Crete, the Dorians, and the Sea Peoples; Gregory E.
Areshian: The Zoomorphic Code of the Proto-Indo-European Myth Cycle
of
"Birth-Death-Resurrection":
A
Linguistic-Archaeological
Reconstruction; Karlene Jones-Bley: Basal Motifs and Indo-European
Ritual; IV. MOLDING AND MODELLING THE PAST: Paul-Louis van
Berg: Arts, Languages, and Reality in the Mesopotamian and IndoEuropean Worlds; Marc Vander Linden: The Band vs. the Cord, or Can
Indo-European Reconstructed Institutions Be Tested against
Archaeological Data?; Index
ISBN 0-941694-87-9
534
Dictionary of Some Languages and Dialects of Afghanistan

Monograph No. 48 Transliterated, Translated, and Edited by Hamid
Badhghisi
Introduction by A. Richard Diebold, Jr.
Originally compiled in Pashto by Shah Abdullah Badakhshi and
published
in Kabul in 1960
A collection of vocabulary from the Ariaii dialects of Manji, Ishkashmi,
Wakhi, Sanglichi, Shughni, Farsi, and Pashto with English equivalents.
ISBN 0-941694-88-7
ISBN 0-941694-89-5
2004, Pages 258, Hardcover: $78.00
Proceedings of the Fifteenth Annual UCLA Indo-European

Conference
MYTHOLOGY AND CULTURE: E. J. W. Barber and P. T. Barber: Why
the Flood is Universal but only Germanic Dragons have Halitosis: Using
Cognitive Studies to Help Decode Myth; Paul-Louis van Berg: Daidalos,
Theseus, and the Others: The Melding of Indo-European and
Mediterranean Traditions; Gregory E. Areshian: Herakies, the Sun-GodArcher, Tr, and Kerberos; John McDonald: The Cow and Her Calf: A
Case in Indo-European Poetics and Iconicity; INDO-EUROPEAN
EXPANSIONS: E. E. Kuzmina: The Genesis of the Indo-Aryans in the
Light of Data of Historical Tradition and Archaeology; Marc Vander
Linden: The Roots of the Indo-European Diaspora: New Perspectives on
the North Pontic Hypothesis; INTERPRETING SOUND: Hans Henrich
Hock: Fish, Push, and Greek R + y Clusters: A Return to Danielson 1903;
Michael Rieler: On the Origin of Preaspiration in North Germanic;
Martin Huld: An Albanian Reflex of Proto-Indo-European *E1kuo-s
'Horse'; MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX: Hope C. Dawson: On
Generalizations Lost and Found: -/-au Variation in Vedic i-stem
Locatives; Markus Egetmeyer: The Organization of Noun-Stems, Cases,
and Endings in Ancient Cypriote Greek; Silvia Luraghi: Null Objects in
Latin and Greek and the Relevance of Linguistic Typology for Language
Reconstruction; Olav Hackstein: From Discourse to Syntax: The Case of
Compound Interrogatives in Indo-European and Beyond.
ISBN 0-941694-90-9 Paperback
2005,Pages 298 $48.00
ISBN 0-941694-91-7 Hardback
2005, Pages 298 $78.00
Proceedings of the Sixteenth Annual UCLA Indo-European

Conference
Victor H. Mair: Recent Physical Anthropological Studies of the Tarim
Basin Mummies and Related Populations; Paul-Louis van Berg: Spit in
My Mouth, Glaukos: A Greek Indo-European Tale about Ill-gotten
535
Knowledge; Miriam Robbins Dexter and Victor H. Mair: Apotropaia and

Fecundity in Eurasian Myth and Iconography: Erotic Female Display
Figures; Stephanie W. Jamison: Linguistic Aspects of the Persona of the
Gth Poet; Jared Klein: Notes on Categories and Subtypes of
Phonological Repetition in the Rig Veda; Hans Henrich Hock: The
Insular Celtic Absolute: Conjunct Distinction Once Again A Prosodic
Proposal; George E. Dunkel: Latin -pte, -pe, -per, -pse; IE Limiting *-p-te, *pe-r, and *pti- master; Yaroslav Gorbachov: The Origin of the Phrygian
Aorist of the Type edaes; Valentina Cambi: The Hittite Adverb kar
formerly, earlier; already; Olga Thomason: Location, Direction, and
Source in Biblical Greek, Gothic, Old Church Slavonic, and Classical
Armenian; Hyejoon Yoon: The Substantive Present Participles in nd- in
Gothic: With the Survey of Other Old Germanic Languages; Joshua T.
Katz: To Turn a Blind Eel.
2005,Pages 302 $48.00
2005, Pages 302 $78.00
UKKO: The God of Thunder of the Ancient Finns and

His Indo-European Family
Monograph 51 Unto Salo
The mythology of the ancient Finns and its sources; Iron Age society and
its gods; Ukko and other euphemisms for the God of Thunder; Rauni;
Ukko behind his euphemism; Ilmari, the God of the Winds; Ilmarinen,
forger god and heroic smith; Ukko and shooting the fire; By Hieros
gamos; The testimony of the elliptical fire stones; Ukkos cloak;
Thunderbolts; Ukkos wedge, nail, fingernail, arrow, and chisel; Foreign
thunderbolts; Ukkos sword; Ukkos hammer, ax, and club; The Thunder
God and Mother Goddess; The Battle Axe Culture and the God of
Thunder; Tapering-headed battle axes and the God of Thunder; Ukko in
the skies of the lake region?; The evidence of the Late Neolithic shafthole axes; The Bronze Age shaft-hole axes; Historical-linguistic
viewpoints; The Bird God; Ukkos long history: Conclusions, arguments,
assumptions; Abbreviations; plus Eighty Illustrations
ISBN 0-941694-95-X Paperback
2006, Pages 146 $46.00
2006, Pages 146 $68.00
Proceedings of the Seventeenth Annual UCLA IndoEuropean Conference, October 27-28, 2005
Michael Janda: The Religion of the Indo-Europeans; Gregory E.
Areshian: Cyclopes from the Land of the Eagle: The Anatolian
Background of Odyssey 9 and the Greek Myths Concerning the Cyclopes;
Hannes A. Fellner: On the Developments of Labiovelars in Tocharian;
Jens Elmegrd Rasmussen: Some Further Laryngeals Revealed by the
Rigvedic Metrics; Ilya Yakubovich: Prehistoric Contacts between Hittite
and Luvian: The Case of Reflexive Pronouns; Ranko Matasovic:
Collective in Proto-Indo-European; Birgit Olsen: Some Formal
536
Peculiarities of Germanic n-Stem Abstracts; Chiara Gianollo: Tracing the

Value of Syntactic Parameters in Ancient Languages: The Latin Nominal
Phrase; Martin E. Huld: Indo-European hawthorns; Jay Fisher: Speaking
in Tongues: Collocations of Word and Deed in Proto-Indo-European; Lisi
Oliver: Lex Talionis in Barbarian Law; Katheryn Linduff and Mandy Juiman Wu: The Construction of Identity: Remaining Sogdian in Eastern
Asia in the 6th Century; Index.
2006, Pages 250 $78.00
2006, Pages 250 $48.00
Proceedings of the Eighteenth Annual Indo-European

Conference, Los Angeles, November 3-4, 2006
(selected papers)
Charles de Lamberterie: Comparison and Reconstruction; Melissa
Frazier: Accent in Athematic Nouns in Vedic Sanskrit and Its
Development from PIE; Ronald I. Kim: Proto-Indo-European *-(V)y e/oPresents in Tocharian; Hans Henrich Hock: Morphology and i-apocope in
Slavic and Baltic; Miles Beckwith: The Old Italic o-Perfect and the
Tortora Inscription; Martin J. Kmmel: The Third Person Endings of the
Old Latin Perfect and the Fate of the Final d in Latin; Birgit Anette
Olsen: Three Latin Phonological Details; H. Craig Melchert: New Light
on Hittite Verse and Meter?; Kazuhiko Yoshida: Some Irregular
Mediopassives in Hittite; Angelo O. Mercado: A Lydian Poem (Gusmani
11) Re-Examined; Jens Elmegrd Rasmussen: A Reflex of *H 1 in
Hieroglyphic Luvian?; Mary R. Bachvarova: Suffixaufnahme and
Genitival Adjective as an Anatolian Areal Feature in Hurrian,
Tyrrhenian, and Anatolian Languages; Johanna Nichols: A Typological
Geography for Proto-Indo-European; Index, Illustrations.
2007, Pages 216 $78.00
2007, Pages 216 $48.00
Proceedings of the Nineteenth Annual Indo-European

Conference, Los Angeles, November 3-4, 2007
(selected papers)
Angela Della Volpe and Miriam Robbins Dexter
Introduction; Language Abbreviations; List of Illustrations; Asko Parpola:
Proto-Indo-European Speakers of the Late Tripolye Culture as the
Inventors of Wheeled Vehicles - Linguistic and archaeological
considerations of the PIE homeland problem; Sherrylyn Branchaw: Pwyll
and Purusamedha - Human Sacrifice in the Mabinogi; Edwin D. Floyd An
Indo-European Component of Literary Analysis in Odyssey, 69 Books 19
and 23: Carlotta Viti: The Verb-Initial Word Order in the Early Poetry of
Vedic and Ancient Greek; Todd Clary: Restrictions on the Use of the
Figura Etymologica in Ancient Greek Epic: Ana Galjanic: Greek Priamel
and Enumerative Sets; Hans Henrich Hock: Early Germanic Agreement
537
with Mixed-Gender Antecedents with Focus on the History of German;

Jared S. Klein: Numeral Repetition in the Rig Veda; llya Yakubovich:
The Origin of Luwian Possessive Adjectives; Vyacleslav Ivanov: Archaic
Indo-European Anatolian Names and Words in Old Assyrian Documents
from Asia Minor (20th- l8th Centuries BC); Elisabeth Rieken: The
Origin of the -l- Genitive and the History of the Stems in -l- and -l- in
Hittite; Index
ISBN 978-0-941694-06-3 Hardback
2008 Pages xi 260 $78.00
ISBN 978-0-941694-19-3 Paperback
2008 Pages xi 260 $48.00
The Indo-European Language Family: Questions about

its Status
Monograph 55 Edited by Angela Marcantonio
Angela Marcantonio: Introduction; Henning Andersen: The satem
languages of the Indo-European Northwest: First contacts?; E. Annamalai
and S. B. Steever: Ideology, the Indian homeland hypothesis and the
comparative method; Edwin Bryant: The Indo-Aryan migration debate;
Onofrio Carruba: Indo-European vowel alternations: (Ablaut/
apophony); Paolo Di Giovine: Verbal inflection from Proto-IndoEuropean to the Indo-European languages: A matter of coherence?;
Bridget Drinka: Stratified reconstruction and a new view of the family
tree model; Alexander Husler: The origin and spread of the IndoGermanic people; Nicholas Kazanas: Indo-European linguistics and IndoAryan indigenism; Angela Marcantonio: Evidence that most IndoEuropean lexical reconstruc-tions are artifacts of the linguistic method
of analysis; Yaron Matras: Defining the limits of grammatical borrowing;
Rdiger Schmitt: Iranian archaisms vs. Vedic innovations and the IndoIranian unity.
2009 Pages 476 $56.00
ISBN 978-0-941694-02-5 Hardback
2009 Pages 476 $86.00
Departure from the Homeland: Indo-Europeans and

Archaeology Selected Papers from the 12th European
Association of Archaeologists Annual Meeting, Krakow,
Poland, 19th to 24th September 2006
Monograph No. 56 Edited by Marc Vander Linden and Karlene
Jones-Bley
Karlene Jones-Bley: Indo-European Archaeology what it is, and why it
is important; John Collis: Celts and Indo-Europeans: linguistic
determinism?; Raimund Karl: The dutch Group IE *teuteH2: The
evolution of ethnic groups in north-western Europe; Adolfo Zavaroni:
Word and figure: a lucky combination on the Valcamonica rocks for the
study of Pre-Christian symbolism and religion; sa Fredell and Marco V.
Garca Quintela: Bodily attributes and semantic expressions: knees in
rock art and Indo-European symbolism; Kristian Kristiansen: Proto-IndoEuropean Languages and Institutions: An Archaeological Approach; Marc
Vander Linden: Drinking from the Horn of Plenty: On the use of
historical data for prehistoric analogical reasoning; Sergey Yatsenko:
538
The Costume of Iranian Peoples of Classical Antiquity and the Homeland

of Indo-Iranians.
ISBN 978-0-941694-80-3 Hardback
2009, Pages 185 $78.00
2009, Pages 185 $48.00
Sacred Topology of Early Ireland and Ancient India:

Religious Paradigm Shift
Monograph 57 Edited by Maxim Fomin, Samus Mac Mathna,
Victoria Vertogradova
Samus Mac Mathna: Sacred Landscape and Water Mythology in Early
Ireland and Ancient India; Victoria Vertogradova: Man-Made Sacer Locus
throughout the Religious Paradigm Shift: On the Track of the Snake Cult
in Ancient Mathur; Nataliya Alexandrova: Legends of Chthonic Deities
and Buddhist Historical Narrative of Ancient India; Grigory Bondarenko:
Significance of Pentads in Early Irish and Indian Sources - Case of Five
Directions; Yevgenyi Vyrschikov: Social Classifications and Sacred Space in
the Pli Canon; Dar Zhutayev: Sacred Topology of the Buddhist Universe The Buddhaketra Concept in the Mahsghika-Lokottaravdin
Tradition; Maxim Fomin: And His Cloak Covered the Whole Island Stories of Religious Conversion in Pli and Medieval Irish Narrative
Traditions.
ISBN 978-0-9845353-0-9 Hardback
Pages 232 $ 76.00
ISBN 978-0-9845353-1-6 Softback
Pages 232 $ 52.00
Indo-European Smith and his Divine Colleagues

Monograph No. 58 by Vclav Blaek
The purpose of the present study is to map the terms designating the
craft of smith in Indo-European languages, analyzing their
etymologies, classifying them according to semantic typology, and
identifying divine smiths. The designations of smith in various nonIndo-European language families and isolated languages are also
analyzed.
Indo-European Traditions: Indo-Aryan: 3 ( 1-9). Nuristani: 12 (10).
Iranian: 12 ( 11-18). Armenian: 22 ( 19). Anatolian: 23 ( 20-23).
Greek: 27 ( 24-26). Albanian: 36 ( 27). Italic: 37 ( 28-29). Celtic:
45 ( 30-38). Germanic: 57 ( 39-42). Baltic: 65 ( 43-46). Slavic: 73
( 47-50). Non-Indo-European Traditions: Basque: 80 ( 51-53).
Kartvelian: 81 ( 54-55). West Caucasian: 81 ( 56-58). East Caucasian:
82 ( 59-62). Hattic: 82 ( 63-64 (& 20, 22). Hurrian: 82 ( 65 (&
19.3). Elamite: 82 ( 66). Sumerian: 83 ( 67 (& 21a-f). Semitic: 83 (
68-84). Egyptian: 89 ( 85-90). Cushitic: 90 ( 91-103). Berber: 92 (
104-108). Fenno-Ugric: 93 ( 109 (& 12). Samoyedic: 94 ( 111-112).
Turkic: 95 ( 113). Mongolic: 95 ( 114). Tungusic: 95 ( 115). Korean:
95 ( 116). Japanese: 96 ( 117). Dravidian: 96 ( 118-119).
ISBN 978-0-9845353-2-3 Hardback 2010
Pages 120 $ 56.00
ISBN 978-0-9845353-3-0 Softback 2010
Pages 120 $ 38.00
Journal of Indo-European Studies

Instructions for Contributors
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REFERENCES:
References should follow the following formats:
Books
Puhvel, Jaan
1987
Comparative Mythology. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins
Press.
Edited Books
Birnbaum, Henrik and Jaan Puhvel (eds.)
1966
Ancient Indo-European Dialects. Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University of California.
Article in edited book

Watkins, C.
1966
Italo-Celtic revisited. In: Birnbaum, Henrik and Jaan Puhvel
(eds.) Ancient Indo-European Dialects, 29-50. Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California.
Article
Sarianidi, Viktor
1999
Near Eastern Aryans in Central Asia. Journal of Indo-European
Studies 27: 295-326.
INDEX TO VOLUME 39
van Beek, Lucien
The Saussure effect in Greek: a reinterpretation
of the evidence .................................................................129
Dahm, Murray K.
Roman Frontier Signalling and the
Order of the fupark..........................................................1
Dokalov, Lenka & Vclav Blazek
On Indo-European Roads ...............................................299
The Indo-European Year .................................................414
Harkness, John
The Novilara Stele Revisited..............................................13
Holm, Hans J.
Swadesh lists of Albanian Revisited and
Consequences for Its Position in the
Indo-European Languages ...........................................45
Hraste, Daniel Neas and Kreimir Vukovic
Rudra-Shiva and Silvanus-Faunus:
Savage and Propitious .................................................100
Huld, Martin E.
Was there an Indo-European word for pear? ...............380
In Memoriam C. Scott Littleton ....................................230
In Memoriam Dmytro (Dmitry) Ya. Telegin.................232
In Memoriam Werner Winter........................................235
In Memoriam Wolfgang P. Schmid ...............................255
In Memoriam Johann Knobloch ...................................278
JIES Reviews
Archaeology......................................................................499
Linguistics.................................................................292, 503
Malzahn, Melanie
Back Into the Fields and Into the Woods: Old Irish
ath land, field and fad wild; deer;
uncultivated land revisited ........................................116
Miller, Dean
C. Scott Littleton, A Remembrance ................................496
542
Index to Volume 38
Pagliarulo, Giuseppe
Notes on the Function of Gothic -U................................395
Petrosyan, Armen
Armenian Traditional Black Youths:
the Earliest Sources..........................................................342
Poruciuc, Adrian
Two Old Germanisms of East Romance (Romanian ateia
to dress up and brnduU crocus) confirmed by West
Romance cognates ...........................................................355
Pronk, Tijmen
The Saussure effect in Indo-European Languages
Other Than Greek ...........................................................176
Sowa, Wojciech
A Note on Lesbian mbhriw ................................................33
Vassilkov, Yaroslav
Indian hero-stones and the Earliest
Anthropomorphic Stelae of the Bronze Age..................194

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On Indo-European Roads

Lenka Dokalov & Vclav Blazek

In this article the Indo-European terms designating road

Perhaps no other word in any language, living or

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

One can also regard most bridge as a specific path getting

come abruptly, to go before, Geez badara to hurry, to be

RChSl dorga, Brus. darha, Ukr. dorha way, route

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

osiers, USorb. m. hat, LSorb. m. gat pond, Pol. gac,

lov bench; footpath through marshes, Pol. lawa, lawka,

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

keliuti (cp. also kelita path), Latv. ceuot to travel : Gr.

OEng. bretan, OHG. briozzan to break < *breutanan

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

The Journal of Indo-European Studies

OEng. stg footpath, pathway, Dutch steeg lane from

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

where *guelH- means to spring, to drop etc.

The Journal of Indo-European Studies

Welsh carrynt path, course < carr carriage & hynt

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

*ritu- > OIr. NL Humar-rith (LEIA R34), OWelsh rit,

The Journal of Indo-European Studies

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

smita footpath, pathway, side path < *s(d) sideway

The Journal of Indo-European Studies

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

va ford < Lat. vadum ford (Orel 1998, 491).

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

66869 this etymology is not convincing).

Hilmarsson 1986, 26; Olsen 1999, 89, note 181).

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

*msto place, town, Av. maeyana- dwelling etc. (cp. ESJS

bridge; Pashto hl- in a name of the river Hlmand = Av.

nom. sg. *pnt-H1), Zor. MPers. pnd path, footpath; advice

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

253), also MParth. (Tumsuq) rh, MPers. rh ~ lh

to move, to go, to ride, YAv. -araiti comes here <

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

a difficult inflection (Schindler apud Mayrhofer 1986, 136:

The word has rich continuants in the later IA.

paol- town gate, Hindi paul gate etc. (Turner 1966,

Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

for bathing, access, entrance, street, Pkt. tittha- & tha-,

*seH1ntu-. He explains the absence of quantity in Celt.

Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

Kloekhorst 2008, 422).

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

go, to ride, *mei- to change, to pass, *neiH- to lead,

Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

Old Church Slavonic; OHG. Old High Germanic; OI. Old

The Journal of Indo-European Studies

Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011

Lenka Dokalov and Vclav Blazek

EWAI = Mayrhofer, Mannfred 1986n. Etymologisches Wrterbuch des

The Journal of Indo-European Studies

Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011

go, to ride, mei- to change, to pass, neiH- to lead,