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Nicholas P. Constas
1
he problems in this dichotomy, which Byzantine theologians associated with the sanctuary
enclosure, will be discussed in what follows. For now, it should be noted that later Greek thought posited
a dynamic continuity between the sensible and the intelligible, locating both on either end of a single
continuum, the one being an intensiication of the other. Plotinus, for example, holds that sensations
() here [i.e., in the sensible realm] are dim intellections ( ); intellections there [i.
e., in the noetic realm] are vivid sensations ( ) (Ennead 6.7.7.3031).
Nicholas P. Constas
5
Cf. pseudo-Sophronios, Commentarius
liturgicus 4:
,
,
(PG
87.3:3984d); see below, n. 26.
164
various icons along the entablature, the theological tableau was complete, for
sacred images were the necessary corollaries of orthodox faith in the Incarnation.6
Drawn like a curtain across the architectural frontier of the sensible and the
intelligible, linked to the presence of the deity in the tabernacle of Moses, and
closely associated with icons and especially the iconography of the Incarnation,
the sanctuary enclosure and its veiled portal were symbolic expressions of the
Christian belief that the invisible God had been revealed to the world through
paradoxical concealment in a veil of lesh.
his study seeks to reconstruct a theology of the icon screen as it was
understood around the time of its crystallization in the Late Byzantine period.
he principal sources for such a reconstruction are the writings of Symeon of
hessalonike (d. 1429), a somewhat neglected igure whose use of the symbolic
theology of Dionysios the Areopagite (ca. 500) is an important key to the task
at hand. Symeon provides us with a rich and in certain respects unparalleled
theological interpretation of the icon screen, and this will serve as the basis
for a larger discussion of its meaning and signiicance. To place Symeons
interpretation of the screen within its proper context, this study begins with
an analysis of his treatment of sacred space, with particular attention to
the longitudinal organization of the church building. his is followed by a
consideration of Symeons symbolic perception of the sanctuary enclosure
as a threshold between the sensible and the intelligible, a liminal state that
he associates with the cosmological polarities described in the irst chapter
of Genesis. he frame of reference is then expanded in order to consider the
same sacred enclosure in light of Symeons understanding of the church as a
Christian tabernacle, focusing primarily on the symbolism of the veil in Jewish
and early Christian tradition. As we shall see, the veil of the tabernacle was the
supreme expression for the idea of incarnation, and became a convenient (and
contested) narrative designation for the doctrine of revelation, including the
hesychast distinction of essence and energies within the godhead. With this
last idea, we arrive at the central argument of this study, namely, that Symeons
mystagogical interpretation of the icon screen is correctly understood as an
example of how the symbolic theology of Dionysios the Areopagite, refracted
through the lens of hesychasm, was used to rethink the material and spiritual
inheritance of the Byzantine liturgy.
Symeon of hessalonike
Symeon of hessalonike was born in Constantinople (ca. 1375), where he was
later tonsured a monk in the circle of Kallistos and Ignatios Xanthopouloi.7
From these Late Byzantine mystics, Symeon was initiated into the theology and
practice of hesychasm, and maintained strong spiritual ties to their community
long ater his departure from the capital.8 here is some evidence to suggest that
he may have also studied at the Patriarchal School, under the tutelage of the
hesychast theologian Joseph Bryennios.9 Given his detailed knowledge of the
rituals and ceremonies of Hagia Sophia, it is likely that Symeon served there as
a deacon before his elevation to the see of hessalonike, sometime between June
1416 and April 1417. By all accounts, he was a man of strong will and even stronger
opinions. hroughout his episcopal tenure, he staunchly resisted the aggression
of the Muslim East and the Christian West, both of which were contending
for control of hessalonike. He fought, in the words of David Balfour, to
save his church from the Latins, and the state from the Turks.10 Standing
virtually alone in his opposition to hessalonikes surrender to the Venetians
in 1423, he was nevertheless successful in guaranteeing limited freedom for his
165
10
Ibid., 67.
church under the ensuing Latin occupation. Western rule, however, was shortlived, and Symeon died six months before the city was captured by Murad II
in March 1430. Symeon was proclaimed a saint in hessalonike on 3 May 1981,
following unanimous decisions of the church of Greece and the patriarchate of
Constantinople.
Symeon was a proliic writer, remarkable given the demands of his oice, his
chronic ill health, and the harsh conditions of life in the city, which sufered
starvation during the eight-year blockade by the Turks (142230). His major
work, known as the Dialogue against Heresies, is a collection of more than a
dozen semi-independent treatises dealing with the faith and ritual practices
of the Orthodox Church. Ater an initial discussion of orthodoxy and heresy,
the remaining sections describe and interpret the sacraments, and treat the
symbolism of the church building. Written in somewhat popularizing Greek,
and cast in the form of questions and answers between a bishop and a
priest (or deacon), the Dialogue was apparently intended to be a catechetical
handbook for the clergy. A related work, the Interpretation (Hermeneia) of
the Christian Temple and Its Rituals, is likewise a detailed description and
symbolic interpretation of both the church building and the eucharistic liturgy
as celebrated by a hierarch. Symeon also wrote a large number of prayers for
various occasions, and hundreds of hymns to saints, including several in praise
of his predecessor, St. Gregory Palamas, who was canonized in 1368.11
In the Dialogue, Symeon provides us with an important theological
interpretation of the sanctuary enclosure, which presents several distinct
advantages for this study: it is contemporary with the icon screen in its later,
developed form; it is embedded within both a larger mystical/allegorical
account of the liturgy and a symbolic interpretation of sacred space; and it is
deeply rooted in an ancient tradition of liturgical, mystagogical, and theological
commentaries. Of these latter, Symeons engagement with the symbolic
theology of Dionysios the Areopagite is particularly signiicant, although this
has not been fully recognized by contemporary scholarship. In his study of the
Byzantine mystagogical tradition, Ren Bornert correctly aligned Symeons
work with that of Dionysios and Maximos the Confessor, although he failed
to note the particular esteem in which the Areopagitical writings were held by
the hesychasts.12 In a telling self-disclosure, however, Symeon identiies himself
as the last and least among the students of the students of Dionysios,13 which
should be taken as an oblique reference to his training under the Xanthopouloi,
and more generally to the Palamite interpretation of the corpus Dionysiacum.14
As will become clear, Symeons use of the Areopagitical writings follows the lead
of his hesychastic teachers and contributes to his understanding of the sacred
space of the church building as a symbolic manifestation of divine presence.
13
(256a; cf. 184a).
Nicholas P. Constas
166
Structures of Duality
his trinitarian interpretive category, however, is of somewhat secondary
importance within Symeons overall interpretation of liturgical space. Instead,
the Palaiologan symbolist more consistently employs a twofold formula, whose
binary elegance and systematic eiciency deeply structure his architectural
hermeneutics.17 From this perspective, the narthex and nave together correspond
to the visible earth (understood to include the visible heaven), while the
sanctuary is a type for that which exists beyond visibility, that is, the realm of
the invisible God. As we shall see, the shit to a binary formula creates a grand
division of sacred space that enhances the importance of the critical frontier
demarcated by the icon screen. Moreover, the rationale for such a bifurcation
is closely associated with central patterns of religious belief. In a key passage,
Symeon argues that the binary forms of sacred space are relections of cognate
patterns embedded within Christology, anthropology, and the doctrine of God,
all of which are interconnected.
he church is double ( ) on account of its division into the space of the
sanctuary ( ) and that which is outside () the sanctuary, and thus
it images () Christ himself, who is likewise double ( ), being at
once God and man, both invisible and visible. And the church likewise images man,
who is compounded of (visible) body and (invisible) soul. But the church supremely
images the mystery of the Trinity, which is unapproachable in its essence (), but
known through its providential activity and powers ( ,
704a).18
In this passage, the two performance areas of the church (the sanctuary
and the nave/narthex) are said to image the two natures of Christ, so that the
visibility of the nave signiies the visible human nature of Christ, whose invisible
nature is represented by the restriction of the sanctuary from public view. In the
same way, the twofold nature of man, composed of (visible) body and (invisible)
167
soul, is likewise imaged by the respective exteriority and interiority of the nave
and the sanctuary.19 Finally, the same bilateral structure is said to exemplify a
central tenet of Late Byzantine theology, namely, the Palamite doctrine that
the godhead is unknowable in its essence (and as such unrepresentable) but
nevertheless well known through its various manifestations and activities.20 In
Symeons cogent use of these categories, both the doctrine of revelation and the
symbolic architecture of the church are formally uniied, based on a distinction
opening around that which is given to visibility and that which is not, or cannot,
be given to vision or knowledge.
We have, then, a basic binary formula, rooted in a uniied doctrinal pattern,
which Symeon employs as a systematic principle in the spatial ordering of his
liturgical universe. Within that world, the sacraments occupy a central place,
and they too are understood in light of the same, binary framework. For example,
in his comments on the administration of consecrated oil (), Symeon
explains that the person of Christ, the git of unction, and those who receive it
are all closely intertwined and ultimately identiied in light of the basic unity
in duality by which they are structured:
In this sacrament, two prayers () are said, signifying the dual-natured ()
Jesus, who is bodiless, unspeakable, and cannot be apprehended (), but
who for our sakes assumed a body, and becoming comprehensible () was
seen and conversed with men (Baruch 3:38), remaining God without change, so
that he might sanctify us in a twofold manner (), according to that which is
invisible and that which is visible, by which I mean the soul and the body. And thus
he transmitted the sacraments to us in a twofold form (), at once visible and
material, for the sake of our body, and at the same time intelligible and mystical
( ), and illed with invisible grace for the sake of our soul[and
thus when administering the consecrated oil we say that it is] for the sanctiication
of soul and body. (524d525a).21
his double, inward/outward character is distinctive of every sacrament,
having a visible and invisible aspect; a combination of things immediately
accessible to the senses and of things which are not. In the rite of anointing, this
is expressed through the use of two prayers along with the twofold utterance
of the administration formula. As Symeon makes clear, the dual nature of the
sacrament has its origin in the sacrament of the Incarnation, that is, in the dualnatured Jesus, who as God remained purely spiritual while becoming fully
material as man. Symeon therefore airms that the material and the spiritual
are not separate or opposed, but rather conjoined, for there is one and the same
church above and below, since God came and appeared among us, and was seen
in our formand the same [sacred ceremony] is celebrated both above and below
(340b; cf. 296cd). Once again, the principle of physical and metaphysical union
is a direct corollary of the Incarnation, when the invisible God visibly appeared
among us, traversing and thereby abolishing the paradigmatic opposition of
above and below. In the dual-natured person of the God-man, both the
created, visible image and its uncreated, invisible archetype are woven together
in a uniform coincidence of opposites rendered present through the sacramental
mystery of the liturgy.
Nicholas P. Constas
168
169
and unveiled access to God, whereas the lower members can only gape at veils
drawn across closed doors, passively awaiting incremental disclosures controlled
by hierarchy. Upon closer inspection, however, these remarks are concerned only
to diferentiate speciic forms or modes of contemplation (described above as
symbolic), and thus should not be taken to mean that the lower members do
not participate in the divine source of redemption. All participate in God in ways
that are proper to them. No one is by nature excluded from communion with
God, but the transcendent deity is imparted only under various symbolic forms,
or veils, that are analogous to ones capacity to receive it. Symeon has taken
this principle directly from Dionysios the Areopagite, whose doctrine of divine
revelation played a prominent role in the hesychastic controversy. he question
at the center of the storm was whether or not human beings participated directly
in the life of God, or if such experiences were inexorably mediated by various
symbols, referred to as veils.24 I shall return to this question in detail below.
Here, it should be emphasized that, among the hesychasts, the veil was a central
image for representing the symbolic nature of human religious experience, and
Symeon has mapped it directly onto the function of the sanctuary enclosure.
Nicholas P. Constas
the tribunal ( ),
a curtain is placed before the door (
) (Berthold ed.,
70, lines 2526); Gregory of Nyssa, Contra
Eunomium 1.1.141: Again the lieutenant
governor, again the tragic pomp of trial;
againthe criers and lictors and the
curtained bar ( ),
things that readily daunt even those who are
thoroughly prepared (Jaeger ed., 1:141,
lines 16); and Chrysostom, De incomprehensibili Dei natura 4.4: When a judge
170
use of incense is to signify that the tabernacle was built by Moses and Bezaleel in the
Holy Spirit. Symeons association of incense
with the presence of the Spirit is underlined
in his admonition to deacons not to cense
a heretic, should one chance to be present
out of curiosity, for incense is the impartation () of divine grace, ed.
Darrouzs, Sainte-Sophie (above, n. 25),
49.6061; cf. 561d:
[i.e., ]
.
171
Symeon also sees in the tabernacle a type of the body of Christ, a connection
authorized by the New Testament and richly developed by exegetes of the
patristic period. Working within this tradition, the Palaiologan mystagogue
asserts that the holy tabernacle was an image of that all-holy and living temple,
by which I mean the Lordly body, which the True and Living Wisdom built
for herself (Prov. 9:1), God the Word incarnate (325c).33 Here Symeon is
particularly interested in the veil of the tabernacle, a covering that he identiies
with the lesh that concealed the incarnate Logos. h is connection is particularly
pronounced in his comments on the main portal of the sanctuary, which is
arguably the visual and symbolic focal point of the entire screen. Symeon sees
the sanctuary portal, presumably veiled, as a symbol of Christ, the self-described
door () of the sheep (John 10:7)because Christ is the one who gave us
entrance () into the Holy of Holies through the veil of his lesh (cf.
Heb. 10:1920) (293a).34 he seemingly peculiar association of Christs lesh
with the veil of the tabernacle was canonized by the author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews, and we shall return to it in a moment.
hrough a kind of symbolic displacement, Symeon similarly interpets the
veil that covers the altar table: the holy veil () on the divine
altar [symbolizes] the immaterial tabernacle around God, which is the glory
and grace of God, by which he himself is concealed (), clothing
himself with light as with a garment (Ps. 103:2) (348cd). Here the deity is said
to be hidden, not by invisibility or darkness, but paradoxically by light itself, that
is, by the very medium that makes vision possible. Contrary to expectation, it is
light (or vision itself) that simultaneously reveals and conceals the presence of
God, like a garment covering the body. Signiicantly, in the hesychast tradition
exempliied by Gregory Palamas, the idea of concealment in a sacred veil was
identiied with the ascent of Moses on Sinai, where he entered into the cloud
(Exod. 24:18), beheld the pattern () of the heavenly tabernacle
(Exod. 25:9), and was instructed to make a veil of blue and purple and scarlet
woven, and ine linen spun (Exod. 26:31), a central biblical narrative to which
we may now turn.
34 Cf. 645a: Christ renewed and
prepared for us a way through the veil of
his lesh, by which we have entrance to
the sanctuary (Heb. 10:20); and 704cd:
the veil of the sanctuary is a type of the
heavenly tabernacle () which is
around God. See also Severianos of Gabala,
De velo: he temple was one structure,
but nonetheless divided into two parts, that
is, the Holy Place, and the Holy of Holies,
being a type of the Lordly body. For just
as the former was visible () to all, but
the latter only to the high priest, so too was
the Saviors divinity hidden (
) in the Incarnation, but nevertheless
exercised itself in plan view (
); and the veil, too, was a type
of the Lords body, for just as the veil stood
in the middle () of the Temple,
separating that which was outwardly
() visible from the inner ()
mystery, so too the body of the Lord veiled
Nicholas P. Constas
172
173
Nicholas P. Constas
174
175
Revelation as Concealment
See above, n. 8.
52 See M. Aubineau, Georges Hiromnemon ou Georges Pachymrs, commentateur du Pseudo-Dionysios? JTS 22 (1971):
54144, cited in A. Rigo, Il corpus pseudoDionisiano negli scritti di Gregorio Palamas
(e di Barlaam) del 13361341, in Denys
Nicholas P. Constas
176
God, but rather a created, transitory phenomenon. For the hesychasts, however,
this was not only a radically incomplete reading of the Areopagitical corpus
but a denial of the experience of divinizing grace, and they took up the gauntlet
precisely where it had been thrown down.
At issue was Dionysioss understanding of the vision of God as an experience
mediated by symbols, which, as we have seen, were frequently designated
as veils (). John VI Kantakouzenos (emp. 134754, d. 1383),
for example, writing in defense of the hesychastic view, reviews a number of
contemporary opinions concerning the disputed divine and blessed light of
habor. He notes that some of you call it a created phenomenon (), and
a veil (), or an apparition () that appears and then vanishes
away, but you54 call it a creature () that abides (); still others say
that it is neither created nor uncreated, deeming it a kind of wonder ().55
In a letter addressed to a Latin bishop, Kantakouzenos airms the necessary
role of created symbols in the elevation of the mind to God. Because the context
for discussion is the narrative of the Transiguration, the symbol in question
is the body of Christ, the created medium of divine light, and thus the symbolic
veil of Dionysios is here directly identiied with the veil of lesh from the
Epistle to the Hebrews:
According to Dionysios the Areopagite, it is impossible for the divine ray to
otherwise illumine us except by being anagogically concealed in a variety of
sacred veils ( ),56 and I say that this is
absolutely true, for it is not possible for the human intellect to be illumined by
the thearchic ray, if it is not i rst elevated anagogically by creatures to the idea of
God. For neither were the apostles at that time [i.e., the Transiguration] able to
see the light as it is in its own nature, as Chrysostom says,57 but rather by means
of the veil, that is, the lesh of Christ (Heb. 10:20), but even then not according
to nature, as Dionysios demonstrates, but rather in a manner beyond human
nature and beyond human reason.58
he same ideas are advanced in Kantakouzenoss Tomos of 1351, from where
they were directly cited by Philotheos Kokkinos (ca. 130078), who additionally
asserts that the glory of the divinity becomes the glory of the body, but the
mystery beyond nature cannot be contained () by human eyes, thus
the unendurable and unapproachable light concealed itself by means of the lesh,
as if under a kind of veil ( ).59
Similar views are shared by Kokkinoss student, heophanes of Nicaea, both
of whom are praised by Symeon in his Dialogue (chap. 31). In his treatise On
the Light of habor (ca. 1370), heophanes deals extensively with the nature
of divine revelation through symbols and seeks to distinguish the uncreated
nature of the divine light ( ) from the symbolic forms
it assumes relative to subjective perceptions (
). Here, the image of the veil is ready to hand: he light
of habor, even though it naturally inheres within the substance of the divine
nature, was projected like a veil ( )being a
symbol and type of Gods incomprehensibility, for such [symbols] are called
coverings () of the truth.60
he importance of the veil as a theological symbol owes much to the authority
of Dionysios the Areopagite. Its centrality among the hesychasts, however, was
assured by Palamas himself, who had irst introduced it into the debate. In
an important passage from the Triads, Palamas grapples directly with a locus
177
Nicholas P. Constas
178
are symbols of God himself as imparted and revealed.68 Creation then, is a form
of incarnation, because it is a true theophany of the divine, the paradoxical
visibility of the invisible, the sensuous apprehension of that which cannot
otherwise be known.
hese Dionysian principles were developed by Palamas and his disciples,
who unequivocally airm that human beings know God by sense perception
no less than by intellection.69 hus the distinction between mediated and
unmediated communion is ultimately a false dichotomy. Direct ontological
communion with God is not distinct from some other form of communion, but
rather takes place in, through, and because of the various symbolic mediations.70
Dionysios states that the same knowledge of God that angels receive noetically
is received by human beings symbolically, that is, the same knowledge is
imparted in the manner proper to each,71 and thus to reify the distinction
between mediated and unmediated participation would be to inscribe
a faulty kind of structuralism. Balthasar has therefore rightly suggested that
unmediated should be taken to mean only that the irst hierarchy has no need
of a further intermediary between itself and God, which need not, however,
imply that because of this it possesses an essential vision of God. In the end,
one is let with the paradox of a mediated immediacy.72
Such a paradox means that, in the very moment of its unveiling, the divine
conceals itself. he self-revelation of God, precisely because it is the revelation
of an inexpressible plenitude, is necessarily a veiled unveiling. his is no less
true for the Incarnation: for he is hidden even ater his manifestation, or to
speak more divinely, precisely in his manifestation.73 In the paradoxical
manifestation of the unmanifest, what is incomprehensible is given in what
is really comprehensible, for it is in every case the incomprehensible God in his
totality who makes himself comprehensible in his communications.74 hus one
cannot, in a gnostic ascent from sense perception to pure intellection, strip
away the symbols, or remove the veils, because when these are removed, there is
nothing there, nothing, that is, which can be given to human comprehension.
What is required is a movement into the signs, an understanding of the veils
of creation as ontological symbols. One does not encounter God by discarding
created symbols, but by experiencing them as symbols, as visible mirrors of the
invisible. God is present only in the created symbols, accessible only in the veils
that conceal him, because the nature of the symbolic is to conceal and reveal
simultaneously, or, to speak more divinely, to reveal by concealing.
179
extremes of an anti-institutional mysticism, on the one hand, and an anticharismatic institutionalism, on the other.76 Hence the ease with which the
corpus Dionysiacum was taken up and championed by the liturgically minded
hesychasts, not least among them Symeon of hessalonike, who was the leading
liturgiologist of the Byzantine Church in its late period.77 We may therefore
characterize Symeons entire project as an attempt to correlate a Dionysian
discourse of liturgy (including its rites and material culture) with the theology
of his revered predecessor, St. Gregory Palamas. For Symeon, the language of
light and illumination, which pervades the liturgy and the sacraments, is
identiied with the timeless, uncreated light of the Transiguration. he living
archetype and source of every sacrament, moreover, is the dual-natured person
of the incarnate Christ, through whom the divine energies are given to the
world, mediated through a veil of lesh (Heb. 10:20).
As we have seen, the status of creation within this tradition is complex. In
the ecstasis of its providential love, the transcendent deity has come to exist
outside of itself, relected within the variety of sacred veils that constitute
the diferentiated forms of the cosmos.78 Symeon airms that the result of this
manifestation of the unmanifest is neither a binary opposition between God
and creation, nor a disjunction of the sensible and the intelligible, as noted
at the outset of this study. Rather, the logic of revelation is conceptualized
through a twofold reduction: to the imparticipable, unknowable God on the
one side and to the symbolic forms or determinations of creatures on the other.
he world is thus the manifestation of the hidden and transcendent beauty of
God, the perfect iguration of that which cannot be igured.
Symeon applies this twofold principle, not simply to the elements of the
cosmos, but to the material culture of the liturgy, including its nonsacramental
elements (if such there be). For the Palaiologan mystagogue, the church is not
simply a building or conglomeration of things, neither is it an institution or
department of state, but an extension of the Incarnation, a manifestation of the
deity outside of itself, symbolically igured on the plane of material being, an
icon of the divine energies as structures of divinizing grace. Consistent with this
belief, the twofold distinction of sacred space, organized around the visibility of
the nave and the invisibility of the sanctuary, is nothing less than a igure of the
godhead, unknowable in its essence (and therefore unrepresentable), but well
known in and through its various manifestations and activities. As noted above,
this is the Palamite doctrine of God as both concealed and revealed, a distinction
that Symeon has mapped directly onto the twofold organization of sacred space,
largely through a rethinking of the symbolic ontology of Dionysios.79
At the same time, the Byzantine mystagogue envisions the same sacred space
as an icon of both man (body and soul) and Christ (humanity and divinity),
based, once again, on a distinction between that which is given to visibility
and that which is not, or cannot, be given to vision or knowledge. Here it
is worth noting that in the microcosmic temple of the human person it is psyche,
with its procession of forms and images, that serves as the boundary and link
between visible lesh and invisible mind.80 Such an intermediary, iconoplasmic
role suggests an intriguing analogy to the nature and function of the icon
screen, and it is to be regretted that Symeon does not explore it in any detail.
Instead, his eforts are more directly focused on the church as a symbol of the
body of Christ.
In bringing together the structures of Christology and those of sacred space,
Symeon enacts an architectural exegesis of the scriptural notion of the church as
the body of Christ (cf. 1 Cor. 3:16, 6:19; 2 Cor. 6:16; Eph. 2:1922; 1 Pet. 2:4
Nicholas P. Constas
180
10). Christ himself, moreover, associated his physical body with the Jerusalem
Temple (John 2:21; cf. Mark 14:58),81 the same body whose lesh the Epistle to
the Hebrews identiied with the veil of the tabernacle (Heb. 10:20). Neither
passage escaped the notice of patristic and Byzantine exegetes. And because they
also understood the veil of the lesh (Heb. 10:20) to be a type of the primordial
irmament (Gen. 1:6), the result was an exegetical tour de force in which body,
tabernacle, temple, and cosmos formed a single ediice, the keystone of which
was the archetypical igure of the incarnate Logos. he most important example
of such a reading undoubtedly belongs to the twelth-century writer Michael
Glykas, whose discussion I shall briely outline, both for its direct relevance to
Symeons symbolic perception of the sanctuary enclosure, and because it has, to
my knowledge, completely escaped scholarly notice.
Glykas takes as his point of departure the patristic equation of the veil of
the lesh with the irmament, an association he subsequently modiies in the
course of his exegesis. A close reader of Scripture, Glykas observes that Moses
speaks of a irst heaven, followed by a second, subcelestial heaven, called the
irmament, which separates the waters above from those below (cf. Gen.
1:68). What, he asks, are we to make of this peculiar passage? Working with
the exegetical principle that all things are types of Christ, he suggests that
the irst heaven is a type of Christs invisible, incomprehensible divinity
( ),82 whereas the irmament is a type of
Christs assumed humanity. he water, moreover, which lows on the frontier
between them, is an image of Christs human soul, which functioned as
a mediator between his divinity and the density of his lesh (
).83 Given that both Genesis and the Gospel of
John begin with the phrase, In the beginning ( ), Glykas avers that
the irst heaven is by nature heaven, and is called so from the beginning (Gen.
1:1), in the same way that Christ is the Logos from the beginning (John 1:1).84
hese transcendent natures are then contrasted with the material irmament,
which was not from the beginning and was only called heaven ater its union
with the heaven above, because the holy body of Christ is called God not in
virtue of its own nature, but in virtue of divinization and union, and this is
why Paul calls the veil of the tabernacle the holy lesh of Christ (cf. Heb.
10:20), for it was formed from blood, just as the irmament was made from the
lower moistures.85
Consistent with the tendencies of Symeons own exegesis, we have an
alignment of Christs transcendent divinity with the invisible heaven, both
of which are respectively united to, and distinguished from, Christs created
humanity and the lower irmament. Anticipating Symeons (Dionysian)
sacramental theology, Glykas describes the interweaving of the created and the
uncreated in the symbolic veil of Christs body. he resulting communication
of properties is such that, in the words of Philotheos Kokkinos, the glory of the
divinity becomes the glory of the body.86 Most interestingly, the intermediary
role, which is typically ascribed to the veil/irmament as a type of Christs lesh,
is here given to his created human soul, that is, to the liminal realm of psyche,
mentioned above. his is because the mediation described here is not between
Christ and those who, through the sacramental veil of his lesh, participate
in the divine energies, but rather between Christs human lesh and his own
divinity, which are joined through the medium of his human soul. In both cases,
however, it is Christ who forms the bond of love (cf. Eph. 4:3; 345c) between
the two worlds; it is he himself who is clothed in the cosmic veil that joins the
visible and invisible worlds.
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hese two worlds, the immanent and the transcendent, the visible and the
invisible, are intimately connected by a boundary that simultaneously separates
them and unites them. his boundary is of course symbolized architecturally
by the sanctuary enclosure, which brings to light the distinction between the
sensible and the intelligible, and is thus like a irmament (Gen. 1:6), marking
the frontier between intelligible forms from material objects (345c). Consistent
with these overarching symbolic functions, the icon screen is an imposing, even
formidable object. Its power, moreover, resides precisely in its liminality, in its
compelling dual structure of the mind and its relection, referring each observer
in turn to an alternate vision of the world and himself. As a symbol, the icon
screen is always between two things, two universes, two temporalities, two
modes of signiication; between sensible form and intelligible ideal, between
forms and formlessness, vacillating endlessly between a present dissemblance
and a future semblance. As the symbol of the cosmic boundary between the
sensible and the intelligible, the icon screen is saturated with the meanings of
the invisible world, yet nevertheless is visibly manifest and vividly material.
As a symbolic veil of lesh, the icon screen is pure meaning wrapped in the
thinnest membrane of materiality; the common limit of the sequence of
earthly states and the sequence of heavenly states, the boundary where the inal
determinations of earth meet the increasing densiications of heaven. It is thus
the sign of a movement, a relexivity, between the two realms, in which both
domains of existence are given to consciousness and vision.87
As the thinnest membrane of materiality, the icon screen corresponds to
the enigma of the virginal body depicted on its central portal: a threshold both
radically sealed and yet radically open to the informing presence of the divine.
Locating the Virgin and her angelic interlocutor around a cultic gate allowed
Byzantine artists to play with the distance and the spacing that their colloquy
presupposes, as well as with the idea of crossing a threshold, an originary rite
of passage, namely, that of the Logos into Marys sealed lesh, which in turn
enabled the passage of all humanity into a new time and a new place.
A matrix of igurability par excellence, the icon screen is a symbol of symbols,
a super-icon, or meta-icon, the icon of all icons, for it expands to include the
entire world of all things visible and invisible. It is a boundary, a sign of
diference that both divides and unites, bifurcating the perceived world and
reintegrating it through a series of relective, interconnected correspondences, a
range of relations mediated by gestures, language, and imagery. It puts into play,
displays for all to see, a fecund universe of igures from where, and in which, the
Spirit will progressively come forth. Every sign, every symbol, every meaning
acquires depth by dividing, by splitting in two: the letter kills but the spirit
gives life (2 Cor. 3:6). he icon screen is thus the mysterious book, written on
both sides, to be fully unsealed only at the end of time (cf. Rev. 5:1).
Before concluding our study, let us consider a inal line of questioning. Our
choice of descriptive language can be unwittingly prescriptive. Is the icon screen
necessarily a screen or barrier in any meaningful sense of those terms? Is it
not made to disappear from view? Do we see it as a wall that arrests and turns
back our vision or as a permeable membrane that both conceals and reveals? Is
the icon screen the suppression of vision or its intensiication? Is it a barrier or an
enticement: a foothold for ascent, the strategy of grace? According to Florensky,
the iconostasis is itself vision, inasmuch as it is the manifestation of Christ and
his saints, an appearance of heavenly witnesses, who proclaim to us that which
is from the other side of mortal lesh. If the church were i lled with mystics and
visionaries, he argues, there would be no need for an icon screen, but because our
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sight is weak and our prayers feeble, the screen provides us with visual strength
for our spiritual brokenness. Florensky stresses that this spiritual support does
not conceal from the believer an otherwise lucid object of sight; on the contrary,
it points out to the half-blind the mysteries of the altar, and opens for them an
entrance into a world closed to them by their own entrapment. Destroy the
material icon screen, he asserts, and the altar itself will wholly vanish from our
consciousness as if covered over by an essentially impenetrable wall. A temple
without a material iconostasis, he maintains, constructs a solid wall between the
altar and the faithful; but the iconostasis opens windows in that wall, through
whose glass we see what is permanently occurring beyond. To destroy it thus
means to block up the windows. It means smearing the glass and diminishing
the spiritual light for those of us who cannot otherwise see it.88
We expect, and perhaps demand, that every revelation be an unveiling,
a drawing aside of the curtain, a liting of the veil. But when the object of
revelation is not an object at all, but that which is invisible and beyond
predication, then it can give itself to us only through an event/appearance that
is also a concealing. Divine transcendence, divine hiddenness, remains absolute,
and yet providentially reveals itself by concealing itself in a sacred veil, which is
at once the revelation of, and means of participation in, the very life of God.
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88 Ibid., 6263.