The CCP is in Transition.

Discuss
After Deng Xiao Ping's opening up of China in 1978, CCP has transformed itself from a dogmatic
and closed party to an organization that is pragmatic and responsive to popular needs to retain its
relevance in China's new socio-economic realities. While measures have been taken to democratize
and improve the image of the party, CCP today still governs through the authoritarian Leninist partystate system that does not allow for political opposition or popular participation. Hence, this essay
seeks to argue that no doubt the CCP is indeed in transition but it is only doing so to continue
monopolizing political power and the underlying principle for change still remains the same.
Governance of the CCP has remained authoritarian and intolerant of political opposition despite the
new socio-economic realities. The Internet has given the once blinkered citizens alternative sources of
information to the censored state media and the more vocal and critical populace is now demanding
more democracy. Yet political power is still very centralized and concentrated and the communist party
relies on political repression and the exclusion of potential challengers to maintain is power. The
communist party has scant regard for human rights and runs the country like a surveillance state.
Detention without trial and arbitrary stripping of citizen's rights like property entitlement are some of
the common complains.
Party's dominance over the state and military has been perpetuated by its subsequent leaders. Post
Deng leaders like Jiang Zemin, Hu Jin Tao and Xi Jing Ping, unlike Mao and Deng, do not hold any
military appointments. They have significantly lesser sway over the army. It is therefore in the interest of
these leaders that the PLA's politicized roles be diminished to ensure the stability of the regime. In 1982,
the Central Military Commission was formed to place the PLA under the control of the state rather than
the party. However, because membership between the two CMC overlaps, the Party is still in full control
over the military. In addition, to gain further control of the PLA, post-Deng leaders also grant key PLA
positions to people under their patronage. To undercut PLA's political influence which may be a
challenge to the dominance of CCP, CCP is staking its political legitimacy based on economic growth,
social and political stability, reducing the need to PLA to interfere in politics. A large part of what is
meant by Chinese nationalism, formerly represented by the PLA, has been replaced by the promotion of
a civil government. In managing civil strife, PAP is set up to replace PLA. In managing corruption, military
budget has been increased so PLA has less excuse to engage in business. All of these ensure that CCP
continues to be domineering organ, over the PLA.
The CCP continues to rely on propaganda and censorship as means to perpetuate its governance. Where
the government sees fit, CCP can inhibit and distort information as long as they perceive it as a threat to
social and political stability. As such, social media which the Chinese government has no control over
such as Facebook, is banned in China. Instead, the Chinese government has produced their own version
of such social media that are heavily doctrinal, such as Sina Weibo and Renren. The people-friendly
image as staged by the fan page of Hu Jin Tao and Wen Jia Bao is not in sync with their practices in real
life. Just recently, it was revealed that the person whom the country has affectionately been calling Wen
Ye Ye has amassed a fortune of as much as 60million in his time in office. Even though Hu Jin Tao and
Wen Jia Bao did arrive at the aftermath of major natural disasters like the 2008 Sichuan Earthquake to
help the people, it is for the sake of portraying their people-caring image for fear that the people might
view it as a sign that the heaven is withdrawing its mandate. More importantly, it is because some PLA
officers disobeyed the command of the local mayor and Hu Jin Tao had to go down to Sichuan
personally before the PLA could be mobilized. Therefore, evidently, propaganda and censorship are still

Heavily used to help CCP perpetuate its regime, contrary to its effort of democratization and
decentralization.
CCP's legitimacy to govern is still predicated upon the justification by its Marxist ideology. Communism
with its emphasis on socialist dictatorship explains why there will only be one party as the governing
authority in China. This confers CCP with the rights to outlaw the existence of other political parties and
validates the omission of elections or democratic practices. Mao Ze Dong, who liberalized the country
and its people through the revolution of a civil war, as well as CCP's allegiance to the Marxism-Leninism
Maoism ideology, then justify why CCP is that one party that will have unchallenged and unquestioned
authority. Anyone that wishes to join the politics of China would have to join the cadre school since
young where they would be taught Maoist ideas. In this way, CCP's legitimacy is crutched onto the
Marxist ideology and because CCP's fundamental principle is to remain as the sole governing authority
in China, in this aspect, CCP is not in transition.
On the other hand, the CCP's communist ideology has been modified to suit China's new socio-economic
realities. The adoption of new party Statutes and State Constitution with modification to the state
ideology such as Deng's socialism with Chinese characteristics, Hu's harmonious society, the scientific
concept of development and the revival of Confucianism has placed a greater emphasis on the task of
economic development while downplaying the role of "international class struggle" as the latter
becomes increasingly out of touch with the socio-economic needs of the country. State-directed
economic development and high-growth rate which is formed on the basis of political stability thus
safeguard CCP's rule as a centralized and strong party.
Measures are also taken to democratize the party's membership and its functional processes. The
concept of "Three Represents" reorients and repositions CCP as not just the vanguard of the
workers and peasants, but the defender of the fundamental interests of the large majority of the
Chinese people. This justifies the reduction in the peasants and workers share of the party
membership, the heavy representation of technocrats in key party and state positions and the
inclusion of entrepreneurs in the party make-up. Whereas the ability to switch between changing
political lines and personal loyalty to the top leader is imperative for career advancement during
Mao's era, with Deng Xiao Ping's four-way transformation which advocates for younger, more
educated, more technically specialized and revolutionary party members, the new criterion of
meritocracy determines that only the most competent and relevant candidates are given important
positions. Promotional criteria are based on the administrative skill, technical knowledge, educational
background, and party loyalty. The change in the composition of CCP membership makes the
construct of the party more representative of its people and functional reforms make administration
more professional.
The CCP has become more tolerant of differing views from the society, relying on persuasion rather than
coercion to push forth its policies. Open debate on national policies and meet-the-people sessions by
local officials are also organized to hear the differing views from the society. Village elections are held at
local level and more autonomy have been granted in setting policies. The introduction of village
committees and village assemblies enforces greater responsibility on local CCP bosses to develop the
rural areas. Village CCP party secretaries have to share power with the village committees. The impact of
diversification of political power in the rural areas remains to be seen as the local CCP leaders still hold
onto leadership, thus showing that CCP has indeed adapted to the new context of the 21st century and
has becoming more tolerant of opposing views.

Institutionalization has been initiated to bring about greater efficiency, accountability and
transparency in the workings of the party. Every CCP leader is limited to a fixed leadership term of
ten years and after that, the entre generation of leaders would have to step down to be taken over by
a new generation of leaders. Retired elders are not to interfere in subsequent succession
decisions. CCP has also professionalized that PlA by increasing the military budget to make it
more technically competent and less politicized so as to curb corruption. The PlA is separated from
the party and the party is separated from the state. In this way, the National People's Congress
has been allowed progressively more autonomy and is taking a more proactive role in opining their
views on government policies.
In conclusion, CCP has remained the same more than it has changed. While CCP has become more
responsive to popular demand, democratic and whatnot, it is still determined to perpetuate its
authoritarian regime, thereby drawing a base line to how far these reforms will go and for what motive
they are ultimately after. In the long run, it is likely that these reforms would be drawn to a halt and CCP
will revert back to its age old policy of centralizing power as demands of the people clash with the
agenda of CCP as where monopoly of power is concerned, CCP will never back down.