Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
For the village in Botoani contributing to his killing, Iorga was also a prominent
gure in Carols corporatist and authoritarian party, the
National Renaissance Front. He remained an indepenNicolae Iorga (Romanian pronunciation: [nikola.e jora]; dent voice of opposition after the Guard inaugurated its
own National Legionary dictatorship, but was ultimately
sometimes Neculai Iorga, Nicolas Jorga, Nicolai Jorga
[1]
or Nicola Jorga, born Nicu N. Iorga; January 17, assassinated by a Guardist commando.
1871 November 27, 1940) was a Romanian historian, politician, literary critic, memoirist, poet and playwright. Co-founder (in 1910) of the Democratic Nation- 1
alist Party (PND), he served as a member of Parliament,
President of the Deputies Assembly and Senate, cabinet minister and briey (193132) as Prime Minister. 1.1
A child prodigy, polymath and polyglot, Iorga produced
an unusually large body of scholarly works, consecrating
his international reputation as a medievalist, Byzantinist,
Latinist, Slavist, art historian and philosopher of history.
Holding teaching positions at the University of Bucharest,
the University of Paris and several other academic institutions, Iorga was founder of the International Congress of
Byzantine Studies and the Institute of South-East European Studies (ISSEE). His activity also included the transformation of Vlenii de Munte town into a cultural and
academic center.
In parallel with his scientic contributions, Nicolae
Iorga was a prominent right-of-center activist, whose
political theory bridged conservatism, nationalism and
agrarianism. From Marxist beginnings, he switched
sides and became a maverick disciple of the Junimea
movement. Iorga later became a leadership gure
at Smntorul, the inuential literary magazine with
populist leanings, and militated within the Cultural
League for the Unity of All Romanians, founding vocally conservative publications such as Neamul Romnesc, Drum Drept, Cuget Clar and Floarea Darurilor. His
support for the cause of ethnic Romanians in AustriaHungary made him a prominent gure in the pro-Entente
camp by the time of World War I, and ensured him a special political role during the interwar existence of Greater
Romania. Initiator of large-scale campaigns to defend
Romanian culture in front of perceived threats, Iorga
sparked most controversy with his antisemitic rhetoric,
and was for long an associate of the far right ideologue A.
C. Cuza. He was an adversary of the dominant National
Liberals, later involved with the opposition Romanian
National Party.
Biography
Child prodigy and Marxist militant
Nicolae Iorga was a native of Botoani, and is generally believed to have been born on January 17, 1871 (although his birth certicate has June 6).[2] His father Nicu
Iorga (a practicing lawyer) and mother Zulnia (ne Arghiropol) belonged to the Romanian Orthodox Church.[1]
Details on the familys more distant origins remain uncertain: Iorga was widely reputed to be of partial GreekRomanian descent; the rumor, still credited by some
commentators,[3] was rejected by the historian. In his
own account: My father was from a family of Romanian
traders from Botoani, who were later received into the
boyar class, while my mother is the daughter of Romanian
writer Elena Drghici, the niece of chronicler Manolache
Drghici [...]. The [Greek] name Arghiropol notwithstanding, my maternal grandfather [was] from a family
that moved in [...] from Bessarabia".[4] Elsewhere, however, he acknowledged that the Arghiropols were possibly
Byzantine Greeks.[5] Iorga credited the ve-generationboyar status, received from his fathers side, and the
old boyar roots of his mother (the Miclescu family),
with having turned him into a political man.[6] His parallel claim of being related to noble families such as the
1 BIOGRAPHY
1.3
1.3
Studies abroad
Studies abroad
1 BIOGRAPHY
1.4
Return to Romania
1895 was also the year when Iorga began his collaboration with the Iai-based academic and political agitator A. C. Cuza, making his earliest steps in antisemitic
politics, founding with him a group known as the Romanian (or Universal) Antisemitic Alliance.[44][45] In
1897, the year when he was elected a corresponding member of the Academy, Iorga traveled back to
Italy and spent time researching more documents in
the Austro-Hungarian Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia, at
Dubrovnik.[42] He also oversaw the publication of the
10th Hurmuzachi volume, grouping diplomatic reports
authored by Kingdom of Prussia diplomats in the two
Danubian Principalities (covering the interval between
1703 and 1844).[42] After spending most of 1898 on
researching various subjects and presenting the results
as reports for the Academy, Iorga was in Transylvania,
the largely Romanian-inhabited subregion of AustriaHungary. Concentrating his eorts on the city archives of
Bistria, Braov and Sibiu, he made a major breakthrough
by establishing that Stolnic Cantacuzino, a 17th-century
man of letters and political intriguer, was the real author
of an unsigned Wallachian chronicle that had for long
been used as a historical source.[46] He published several new books in 1899: Manuscrise din biblioteci strine
(Manuscripts from Foreign Libraries, 2 vols.), Documente romneti din arhivele Bistriei (Romanian Documents from the Bistria Archives) and a French-language
book on the Crusades, titled Notes et extraits pour servir
l'histoire des croisades (Notes and Excerpts Covering
the History of the Crusades, 2 vols.).[47] Xenopol proposed his pupil for a Romanian Academy membership, to
replace the suicidal Odobescu, but his proposition could
not gather support.[48]
Also in 1899, Nicolae Iorga inaugurated his contribution to the Bucharest-based French-language newspaper
L'Indpendance Roumaine, publishing polemical articles
on the activity of his various colleagues and, as a consequence, provoking a lengthy scandal. The pieces often targeted senior scholars who, as favorites or activists
of the National Liberal Party, opposed both Junimea
and the Maiorescu-endorsed Conservative Party: his estranged friends Hasdeu and Tocilescu, as well as V. A.
Urechia and Dimitrie Sturdza.[49] The episode, described
by Iorga himself as a stormy but patriotic debut in public aairs, prompted his adversaries at the Academy to
demand the termination of his membership for undignied behavior.[50] Tocilescu felt insulted by the allegations,
challenged Iorga to a duel, but his friends intervened to
mediate.[51] Another scientist who encountered Iorgas
wrath was George Ionescu-Gion, against whom Iorga enlisted negative arguments that, as he later admitted, were
exaggerated.[52] Among Iorgas main defenders were academics Dimitrie Onciul, N. Petracu, and, outside Romania, Gustav Weigand.[53]
1.6
1.5
Opinions sincres and Transylvanian oration of Prince Michaels death, which ethnic Romanian students transformed into a rally against Austroechoes
The young polemicist persevered in supporting this antiestablishment cause, moving on from L'Indpendance
Roumaine to the newly established publication Romnia
Jun, interrupting himself for trips to Italy, the Netherlands and Galicia-Lodomeria.[47] In 1900, he collected
the scattered polemical articles into the French-language
books Opinions sincres. La vie intellectuelle des roumains
en 1899 (Honest Opinions. The Romanians Intellectual
Life in 1899) and Opinions prnicieuses d'un mauvais patriote (The Pernicious Opinions of a Bad Patriot).[54][55]
His scholarly activities resulted in a second trip into Transylvania, a second portion of his Bistria archives collection, the 11th Hurmuzachi volume, and two works on
early modern Romanian history: Acte din secolul al XVIlea relative la Petru chiopul (16th Century Acts Relating
to Peter the Lame) and Scurt istorie a lui Mihai Viteazul
(A Short History of Michael the Brave).[56] His controversial public attitude had nevertheless attracted an ofcial ban on his Academy reports, and also meant that
he was ruled out from the national Academy prize (for
which distinction he had submitted Documente romneti
din arhivele Bistriei).[56] The period also witnessed a chill
in the Iorgas relationship with Xenopol.[57]
In 1901, shortly after his divorce from Maria, Iorga married Ecaterina (Catinca), the sister of his friend and colleague Ioan Bogdan.[58] Her other brother was cultural
historian Gheorghe Bogdan-Duic, whose son, painter
Catul Bogdan, Iorga would help achieve recognition.[59]
Soon after their wedding, the couple were in Venice,
where Iorga received Karl Gotthard Lamprechts oer
to write a history of the Romanians to be featured as a
section in a collective treatise of world history.[60] Iorga,
who had convinced Lamprecht not to assign this task
to Xenopol,[61] also completed Istoria literaturii romne
n secolul al XVIII-lea (The History of Romanian Literature in the 18th Century). It was presented to the
Academys consideration, but rejected, prompting the
scholar to resign in protest.[56] In order to receive his imprimatur later in the year, Iorga appealed to fellow intellectuals, earning pledges and a sizable grant from the
aristocratic Callimachi family.[56]
Before the end of that year, the Iorgas were in the
Austro-Hungarian city of Budapest. While there, the
historian set up tight contacts with Romanian intellectuals who originated from Transylvania and who, in the
wake of the Transylvanian Memorandum aair, supported ethnic nationalism while objecting to the intermediary Cisleithanian (Hungarian Crown) rule and the threat
of Magyarization.[56] Interested in recovering the Romanian contributions to Transylvanian history, in particular
Michael the Braves precursory role in Romanian unionism, Iorga spent his time reviewing, copying and translating Hungarian-language historical texts with much assistance from his wife.[56] During the 300th commem-
1.6
1 BIOGRAPHY
independent until 1906, when he attached himself to the
Conservative Party, making one nal attempt to change
the course of Junimism.[76] His move was contrasted by
the group of left-nationalists from the Poporanist faction,
who were allied to the National Liberals and, soon after, in open conict with Iorga. Although from the same
cultural family as Smntorul, the Poporanist theorist
Constantin Stere was dismissed by Iorgas articles, despite
Sadoveanus attempts to settle the matter.[76]
A peak in Nicolae Iorgas own nationalist campaigning occurred that year: proting from a wave of
Francophobia among young urbanites, Iorga boycotted
the National Theater, punishing its sta for staging a
play entirely in French, and disturbing public order.[75][77]
According to one of Iorgas young disciples, the future
journalist Paml eicaru, the mood was such that Iorga
could have led a successful coup d'tat.[78] These events
had several political consequences. The Sigurana Statului intelligence agency soon opened a le on the historian, informing Romanian Premier Sturdza about nationalist agitation.[75] The perception that Iorga was a
xenophobe also drew condemnation from more moderate traditionalist circles, in particular the Viaa Literar
weekly. Its panelists, Ilarie Chendi and young Eugen
Lovinescu, ridiculed Iorgas claim of superiority; Chendi
in particular criticized the rejection of writers based on
their ethnic origin and not their ultimate merit (while
alleging, to Iorgas annoyance, that Iorga himself was a
Greek).[4]
1.7
1.8
7
lic a piece of social critique, the Neamul Romnesc pamphlet Dumnezeu s-i ierte (God Forgive Them).[70] The
text, together with his program of agrarian conferences
and his subscription lists for the benet of victims relatives again made him an adversary of the National Liberals, who referred to Iorga as an instigator.[70] The historian did however struck a chord with Stere, who had been
made prefect of Iai County, and who, going against his
partys wishes, inaugurated an informal collaboration between Iorga and the Poporanists.[76] The political class as
a whole was particularly apprehensive of Iorgas contacts
with the Cultural League for the Unity of All Romanians and their common irredentist agenda, which risked
undermining relations with the Austrians over Transylvania and Bukovina.[83] However, Iorgas popularity was
still increasing, and, carried by this sentiment, he was
rst elected to Chamber during the elections of that same
year.[70][76]
1 BIOGRAPHY
1.11
Iai refuge
the others is the study focusing on the early 18th century reign of Wallachian Prince Constantin Brncoveanu
(Viaa i domnia lui Constantin vod Brncoveanu, The
Life and Rule of Prince Constantin Brncoveanu).[105]
That same year, Iorga issued the rst series of his Drum
Drept monthly, later merged with the Smntorist magazine Ramuri.[105] Iorga managed to publish roughly as
many new titles in 1914, the year when he received a Romanian Bene Merenti distinction,[112] and inaugurated the
international Institute of South-East European Studies or
ISSEE (founded through his eorts), with a lecture on
Albanian history.[113]
9
Iorga was also introduced to the private circle of Romanias young King, Ferdinand I,[121] whom he found wellintentioned but weak-willed.[111] Iorga is sometimes credited as a tutor to Crown Prince Carol (future King Carol
II),[122] who reportedly attended the Vlenii school.[123]
10
1 BIOGRAPHY
who were creeping up all over the place.[133] The goal
was again reected in his complementary lectures (where
he discussed the national principle) and a new set of
works; these featured musings on the Allied commitment (Relations des Roumains avec les Allis, The Romanians Relations with the Allies"; Histoire des relations
entre la France et les roumains, The History of Relations between France and the Romanians), the national
character (Suetul romnesc, The Romanian Soul) or
columns against the loss of morale (Armistiiul, The
Armistice).[133] His ideal of moral regeneration through
the war eort came with an endorsement of land reform
projects. Brtianu did not object to the idea, being however concerned that landowners would rebel. Iorga purportedly gave him a sarcastic reply: just like you've
been shooting the peasants to benet the landowners,
you'll then be shooting the landowners to benet the
peasants.[134]
In May 1918, Romania yielded to German demands and
negotiated the Bucharest Treaty, an eective armistice.
The conditions were judged humiliating by Iorga (Our
ancestors would have preferred death);[127] he refused
to regain his University of Bucharest chair.[135] The German authorities in Bucharest reacted by blacklisting the
historian.[127]
his parliamentary speeches, printed as a pamphlet and circulated among the military: May the dogs of this world
feast on us sooner than to nd our happiness, tranquility and prosperity granted by the hostile foreigner.[128]
He did however allow some of his notebooks to be stored
in Moscow, along with the Romanian Treasure,[129] and
sheltered his own family in Odessa.[38]
Iorga, who reissued Neamul Romnesc in Iai, resumed
his activity at Iai University and began working on the
war propaganda daily Romnia,[130] while contributing
to R.W. Seton-Watsons international sheet The New Europe.[131] His contribution for that year included a number
of brochures dedicated to maintaining morale among soldiers and civilians: Rzboiul actual i urmrile lui n viaa
moral a omenirii (The Current War and Its Eects on
the Moral Life of Mankind), Rolul iniiativei private n
viaa public (The Role of Private Initiative in Public
Life), Sfaturi i nvturi pentru ostaii Romniei (Advices and Teachings for Romanias Soldiers) etc.[118]
He also translated from English and printed My Country, a patriotic essay by Ferdinands wife Marie of Edinburgh.[132]
The heightened sense of crisis prompted Iorga to issue
appeals against defeatism and reissue Neamul Romnesc
from Iai, explaining: I realized at once what moral
use could come out of this for the thousands of discouraged and disillusioned people and against the traitors
1.13
11
gotiatior for Romania, and cemented his friendship with respondence with intellectuals of all backgrounds, and,
her.[138]
reportedly, the Romanian who was addressed the most
[137]
Touring the larger conferShortly after the creation of Greater Romania, Iorga was letters in postal history.
ence
circuit,
he
also
wrote
some
30 new books, among
focusing his public activity on exposing collaborators of
them:
Histoire
des
roumains
de
la Peninsule des Balthe wartime occupiers. The subject was central to a
cans
(The
History
of
Romanians
from the Balkan
1919 speech he held in front of the Academy, where
Peninsula":
Aromanians,
Istro-Romanians
and Meglenohe obtained the public condemnation of actively GerIstoria
poporului
francez
(The
History of
Romanians),
manophile academicians, having earlier vetoed the memthe French People"), Pentru suetele celor ce muncesc
[139]
bership of Poporanist Constantin Stere.
He failed at
Mienlisting support for the purge of Germanophile profes- (For The Souls of Working Men), and Istoria lui [152]
hai Viteazul (The History of Michael the Brave).
sors from University, but the attempt rekindled the feud
of doctor honoris causa by the
between him and Alexandru Tzigara-Samurca, who had Iorga was awarded the title
University of Strasbourg,[153] while his lectures on Alba[140]
The
served in the German-appointed administration.
two scholars later took their battle to court[141] and, until nia, collected by poet Lasgush Poradeci, became Brve
(Concise History of Albania).[116]
Iorgas death, presented mutually exclusive takes on re- histoire de l'Albanie
cent political history.[142] Although very much opposed to In Bucharest, Iorga received as a gift from his admirers
on Bonaparte Highway (Iancu de
the imprisoned Germanophile poet Tudor Arghezi, Iorga a new Bucharest home [38][153]
Hunedoara
Boulevard).
[143]
intervened on his behalf with Ferdinand.
Following 1919 elections, Iorga became a member of
the Senate, representing the Democratic Nationalists.
Although he resented the universal male surage and
viewed the adoption of electoral symbols as promoting
political illiteracy, his PND came to use a logo representing two hands grasping (later replaced with a blackag-and-sickle).[144] The elections seemed to do away
with the old political system: Iorgas party was third,
trailing behind two newcomers, the Transylvanian PNR
and the Poporanist Peasants Party (P), with whom it
formed a parliamentary bloc supporting an Alexandru
Vaida-Voevod cabinet.[145] This union of former rivals
also showed Iorgas growing suspicion of Brtianu, whom
he feared intended to absorb the PND into the National
Liberal Party, and accused of creating a political machine.[111] He and his disciples were circulating the term
politicianism (politicking), expressing their disappointment for the new political context.[111][129]
12
His publishing activity continued at a steady pace during that year, when he rst presided over the Romanian
School of Fontenay-aux-Roses;[163] he issued the two volumes of Histoire des roumains et de leur civilisation (The
History of the Romanians and Their Civilization) and
the three tomes of Istoria romnilor prin cltorii (The
History of the Romanians in Travels), alongside Ideea
Daciei romneti (The Idea of a Romanian Dacia"), Istoria Evului Mediu (The History of the Middle Ages) and
some other scholarly works.[153] His biographical studies were mainly focused on his nationalist predecessor
Mihail Koglniceanu.[164] Iorga also resumed his writing
for the stage, with two new drama plays: one centered
on the Moldavian ruler Constantin Cantemir (Cantemir
btrnul, Cantemir the Elder), the other dedicated to,
and named after, Brncoveanu.[165] Centering his activity
as a public speaker in Transylvanian cities, Iorga was also
involved in projects to organize folk theaters throughout
the country, through which he intended to spread a unied
cultural message.[166] The year also brought his presence
at the funeral of A. D. Xenopol.[166]
In 1921 and 1922, the Romanian scholar began lecturing
abroad, most notably at the University of Paris, while setting up a Romanian School in the French capital[166] and
the Accademia di Romania of Rome.[167] In 1921, when
his 50th birthday was celebrated at a national level, Iorga
published a large number of volumes, including a bibliographic study on the Wallachian uprising of 1821 and
its leader Tudor Vladimirescu, an essay on political history (Dezvoltarea aezmintelor politice, The Development of Political Institutions), Secretul culturii franceze
(The Secret of French Culture"), Rzboiul nostru n note
zilnice (Our War as Depicted in Daily Records) and
the French-language Les Latins de l'Orient (The Oriental
Latins").[166] His interest in Vladimirescu and his historical role was also apparent in an eponymous play, published with a volume of Iorgas selected lyric poetry.[168]
In politics, Iorga began objecting to the National Liberals hold on power, denouncing the 1922 election as
a fraud.[169] He resumed his close cooperation with the
PNR, briey joining the party ranks in an attempt to
counter this monopoly.[111][154][156][170] In 1923, he donated his Bonaparte Highway residence and its collection
to the Ministry of Education, to be used by a cultural
foundation and benet university students.[171] Receiving another honoris causa doctorate, from the University
of Lyon, Iorga went through an episode of reconciliation with Tudor Arghezi, who addressed him public
praise.[172] The two worked together on Cuget Romnesc
newspaper, but were again at odds when Iorga began
criticizing modernist literature and the worlds spiritual
crisis.[173]
Among his published works for that year were Formes
byzantines et ralits balcaniques (Byzantine Forms and
Balkan Realities), Istoria presei romneti (The History
of the Romanian Press), L'Art populaire en Roumanie
(Folk Art in Romania), Istoria artei medievale (The
1 BIOGRAPHY
History of Medieval Art") and Neamul romnesc din
Ardeal (The Romanian Nation in Transylvania).[174]
Iorga had by then nished several new theatrical plays:
Moartea lui Dante (The Death of Dante"), Molire se
rzbun ("Molire Gets His Revenge), Omul care ni trebuie (The Man We Need) and Srmal, amicul poporului (Srmal, Friend of the People).[175]
1.15
Prime Minister
13
(Romania and the Romanians of America) and Priveliti elveiene (Swiss Landscapes), alongside the plays
Sfntul Francisc ("Saint Francis") and Fiul cel pierdut
(The Lost Son).[187] In 19311932, he was made a honoris causa doctor by four other universities (the University of Paris, La Sapienza, Stefan Batory, Comenius),
was admitted into both Accademia dei Lincei and the
Accademia degli Arcadi, and published over 40 new titles per year.[188]
14
1 BIOGRAPHY
founder and Iuliu Maniu,[111] but Iorga had on his side and its former allies in Transylvania: Iorga arrived to
Manius own brother, lawyer Cassiu Maniu, who rejected power after rumors of a PN Transylvanian conspirthe PNRs regionalistic stance.[151]
acy, and his cabinet included no Romanian Transylva[207]
It was however open to members of
Once conrmed on the throne, Carol experimented with nian politicians.
the
Saxon
community,
and Iorga himself created a new
technocracy, borrowing professionals from various politgovernment
position
for
ethnic minority aairs.[208]
ical groups, and closely linking Iorga with Internal Affairs Minister Constantin Argetoianu.[111][192] Iorga survived the election of June, in which he led a National
Union coalition, with support from his rivals, the National
Liberals.[193] During his short term, he traveled throughout the country, visiting around 40 cities and towns,[188]
and was notably on a state visit to France, being received
by Prime Minister Aristide Briand and by Briands ally
Andr Tardieu.[194] In recognition of his merits as an
Albanologist, the Albanian Kingdom granted Iorga property in Sarand town, on which the scholar created a Romanian Archeological Institute.[116][195]
1.17
15
Iorga again toured Europe in 1935, and, upon his return to Romania, gave a new set of conferences under
the auspices of the Cultural League,[227] inviting scholar
Franz Babinger to lecture at the ISSEE.[228] Again in
Iai, the historian participated in a special celebration
of 18th century Moldavian Prince and Enlightenment
thinker Dimitrie Cantemir, whose remains had been retrieved from the Soviet Union to be reburied in the Romanian city.[227] Among the books Iorga published in
16
1 BIOGRAPHY
a special Romanian Academy report on the modernists (For the Defense of the Western Frontier), Cugetare i
"pornography".[240]
fapt german (German Thought and Action), Hotare i
spaii naionale (National Borders and Spaces); in 1939
Istoria Bucuretilor ("History of Bucharest"), Discursuri
parlamentare (Parliamentary Addresses), Istoria universal vzut prin literatur (World History as Seen
through Literature), Naionaliti i frontiere (Nationalists and Frontiers), Stri sueteti i rzboaie (Spiritual
States and Wars), Toate poeziile lui N. Iorga (N. Iorgas
Complete Poetry) and two new volumes of Memorii.[250]
Also in 1938, Iorga inaugurated the open-air theater of
Vlenii de Munte with one of his own dramatic texts,
Rzbunarea pmntului (The Earths Revenge).[238]
The total number of titles he presented for publishing
in 1939 is 45, including a play about Christina of Sweden (Regele Cristina, King C[h]ristina)[252] and an antiCrown Councillor Iorga and Prime Minister Armand Clinescu
war cycle of poems.[10] Some of his Anglophile essays
in National Renaissance Front uniforms (May 10, 1939)
were printed by Mihail Frcanu in Rumanian Quarterly, which sought to preserve AngloRomanian coopThe early months of 1938 saw Nicolae Iorga joining the eration.[253]
national unity government of Miron Cristea, formed by
Commissioner of the Venice
Carol IIs right-wing power base.[241] A Crown Coun- Iorga was again Romanian
[248]
Biennale
in
1940.
The
accelerated
political developcillor, he then threw his reluctant support behind the
ments
led
him
to
focus
on
his
activities
as a militant and
National Renaissance Front, created by Carol II as the
journalist.
His
output
for
1940
included
a large numdriving force of a pro-fascist but anti-Guard single-party
[242]
ber
of
conferences
and
articles
dedicated
to
the preservastate (see 1938 Constitution of Romania).
Iorga was
tion
of
Greater
Romanias
borders
and
the
anti-Guardist
upset by the imposition of uniforms on all public ocials, calling it tyrannical, and privately ridiculed the cause: Semnul lui Cain (The Mark of Cain"), Ignonew constitutional regimes architects, but he eventually rana stpna lumii (Ignorance, Mistress of the World),
n calea lupilor (A Wayfarer Facing Wolves)
complied to the changes.[243] In April, Iorga was also Drume
[252]
etc.
Iorga was troubled by the outbreak of World
at the center of a scandal which resulted in Codreanus
War
II
and
saddened by the fall of France, events which
arrest and eventual extrajudicial killing. By then, the
formed
the
basis
of his essay Amintiri din locurile tragedihistorian had attacked the Guards policy of setting up
ilor
actuale
(Recollections
from the Current Scenes of
small commercial enterprises and charity ventures. This
[252]
a
Tragedy).
He
was
also
working on a version of
prompted Codreanu to address him an open letter, which
[244]
Prometheus
Bound,
a
tragedy
which
probably reected his
accused Iorga of being dishonest.
Premier Armand
concern
about
Romania,
her
allies,
and
the uncertain poClinescu, who had already ordered a clampdown on
[10]
litical
future.
Guardist activities, seized Iorgas demand for satisfaction
as an opportunity, ordering Carols rival to be tried for
libelthe preamble to an extended trial on grounds of
conspiracy.[245] An unexpected consequence of this move 1.18 Iorgas murder
was the protest resignation of General Ion Antonescu
The year 1940 saw the collapse of Carol IIs regime. The
from the oce of Defense Minister.[246]
unexpected cession of Bessarabia to the Soviets shocked
Iorga himself refused to attend the trial; in letters he ad- Romanian society and greatly angered Iorga.[157][254] At
dressed to the judges, he asked the count of libel to be the two sessions of the Crown Council held on June 27, he
withdrawn, and advised that Codreanu should follow the was one of six (out of 21) members to reject the Soviet ulinsanity defense on the other accusations.[247] Iorgas at- timatum demanding Bessarabias handover, instead calltention then moved to other activities: he was Romanian ing vehemently for armed resistance.[157] Later, the NaziCommissioner for the 1938 Venice Biennale,[248] and mediated Second Vienna Award made Northern Transupportive of the eort to establish a Romanian school sylvania a part of Hungary. This loss sparked a politiof genealogists.[249]
cal and moral crisis, eventually leading to the establishIn 1939, as the Guards campaign of retribution had de- ment of a National Legionary State with Ion Antonescu
generated into terrorism, Iorga used the Senate tribune as Conductor and the Iron Guard as a governing politito address the issue and demand measures to curb the cal force. In the wake of this reshuing, Iorga decided
violence.[250] He was absent for part of the year, again to close down his Neamul Romnesc, explaining: When
lecturing in Paris.[251] Steadily publishing new volumes a defeat is registered, the ag is not surrendered, but its
of Istoria romnilor, he also completed work on several fabric is wrapped around the heart. The heart of our
other books: in 1938, ntru aprarea graniei de Apus struggle was the national cultural idea.[252] Perceived as
2.1
Political outlook
17
18
the modern reverence toward Athenian democracy or
the Protestant Reformation, giving more positive appraisals to other community models: Sparta, Macedonia,
the Italian city-states.[280] As argued by political scientist Mihaela Czobor-Lupp, his was an alternative to the
rationalist perspective, and a counterweight to Max Weber's study on The Protestant Ethic.[281] His theories identied the people as a natural entity [with] its own organic
life, and sometimes justied the right of conquest when
new civilizations toppled decadent onesthe conict, he
argued, was between Heracles and Trimalchio.[282] In his
private and public life, Iorgas conservatism also came
with sexist remarks: like Maiorescu, Iorga believed that
women only had a talent for nurturing and assisting male
protagonists in public aairs.[283]
POLITICAL OUTLOOK
tional unity under a powerful ruler.[251] The realignment came with contradictory statements on Iorgas part,
such as when, in 1939, he publicly described Carols
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen house as having usurped the
throne of Domnitor Alexander John I, statements which
enraged monarchist writer Gala Galaction.[293]
Iorga found himself in Koglniceanus conservative statement, civilization stops when revolutions begin,[294] being especially critical of communist revolution. He described the Soviet experiment as a caricature of the Jacobin age[276] and communist leader Joseph Stalin as a
dangerous usurper.[295] Iorga found the small Romanian
Communist Party an amusement and, even though he expressed alarm for its terrorist tendencies and its foreign
nature, disliked the states use of brutal methods against
Despite the various similarities, Iorga and the Ju- its members.[296]
nimist loyalists became political enemies. Early on,
Maiorescu would respond to his letters with disdain,
while novelist Ioan Slavici called his irredentist projects 2.2 Antisemitism
nonsense.[284] Writing in 1920, Convorbiri Critice editor Mihail Dragomirescu accused those Junimists who
followed Iorgas "chauvinist nationalism of having forgotten that Maiorescus art for arts sake principles substituted the political criterion of patriotism for the criterion of truth.[285] The conict between Iorga and
Dragomirescu was also personal, and, as reported by
Iorgas disciple Alexandru Lapedatu, even caused the two
to physically assault each other.[286]
Iorgas brand of national conservatism was more successful than its more conventional predecessor: while the
Conservative Party disappeared from the public eye after 1918, Iorgas more nationalistic interpretation was still
considered relevant in the 1930s. One of the last Conservative leaders, Nicolae Filipescu, even pondered forging
an alliance with the historian, in an attempt to save the
group for dissolution.[287] According to Ioan Stanomir,
Iorga and fellow historian Ioan C. Filitti were together responsible for the most memorable pages in Romanian
conservative theory for the 19281938 decade.[288] In
Stanomirs assessment, this last period of Iorgas activity also implied a move toward the main sources of traditional conservatism, bringing Iorga closer to the line
of thought represented by Edmund Burke, Thomas Jefferson or Mihail Koglniceanu, and away from that of
Eminescu.[289]
A major and controversial component of Iorgas political vision, present throughout most of his career, was his
antisemitism. Cultural historian William O. Oldson notes
that Iorgas amazing list of accomplishments in other
elds helped give antisemitism an irresistible panache
in Romania, particularly since Iorga shared in the belief
that all good nationalists were antisemites.[297] His ideas
on the "Jewish Question" were frequently supported by
violent language, which left traces on his journalist activity (even though, Oldson notes, he did not resort to
racial slurs).[298] In 1901, when he helped prevent Jewish linguist Lazr ineanu from obtaining an academic
position, Iorga wrote that Jews had a passion for high
praise and multiple earnings";[299] three years later, in
Smntorul, he argued that Iai was polluted by a
business-minded, pagan and hostile community.[73]
Similar accusations were stated, in his travel accounts,
where he even justied pogroms against Bukovinan and
Bessarabian Jews.[73]
2.3
Geopolitics
19
movement,[300] proclaimed that local Jews were suocat- Romania by colonizing Romanian Jews elsewhere.[73]
ing the Romanian middle class and needed to be expelled,
using slogans such as Evreii la Palestina (The Jews to
Palestine").[301] The program was criticized from early on 2.3 Geopolitics
by Constantin Rdulescu-Motru, Iorgas fellow nationalist and post-Junimist, who noted that the economic rationale behind it was unsound.[302] According to Oldson,
the claim that Jews were economic vampires was enChecoslovaquia
tirely unsubstantiated, even hypocritical: "[Iorga was] a
Moldavian and fully aware of the complex causes of that
Hungra
Rumana
provinces poverty.[298]
Iorgas personal conservative outlook, passed into the
party doctrines, also implied a claim that the Jews
were agents of rebellion against political and cultural
authority.[303] He had nevertheless opted for religiouscultural over racial antisemitism, believing that, at
the core of civilization, there was a conict between
Christian values and Judaism.[304] He also suggested
that Romanian antisemitism was conjectural and defensive, segregationist rather than destructive, and repeatedly argued that xenophobia was not in the national
characterideas paraphrased by Oldson as a humane
antisemitism.[305] Oldson also refers to a paradox in the
attitude of Iorga (and Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu before
him): A self-consciously proclaimed esteem for a minuscule [Jewish] elite, then, went hand in hand with the
utmost contempt and condescension for the bulk of Romanian Jewry.[306]
Yugoslavia
Greater Romania and the Little Entente (in light green), with their
nominal enemy, Regency Hungary
20
Hitler, Nazi Germany and Nazism in general, taking in
view their contempt for the Versailles system, but also
their repressive politics. He summarized this in Sfaturi
pe ntuneric: Beware my people for great dangers are
stalking you... Borders are attacked, gutted, destroyed,
gulped up. [...] There reemerges, in its cruelest form,
the old theory that small states have no right to independence, that they fall within living spaces [...]. I cannot forget the past and I cannot reach an agreement with
Hitlers dictatorship, being a man who cherishes freedom
of thought.[236] He later called Germanys Bohemia Protectorate a "Behemoth", referring to its annexation as a
prehistoric act.[253] His anti-war texts of 1939 replied
to claims that a new armed conict would usher in national vitality, and, during the September Campaign,
expressed solidarity with PolandIorgas Polonophila
was even noted by the Nazis, causing more frictions between Berlin and Bucharest.[10] The conservative Iorga
was however inclined to sympathize with other forms
of totalitarianism or corporatism, and, since the 1920s,
viewed Italian Fascism with some respect.[324] Italian
agents of inuence hesitated between Iorga and the Iron
Guard, but the Fascist International sought to include
Iorga among its Romanian patrons;[325] Iorga himself expressed regret that the Italian regime was primarily an
ally of revanchist Hungary, but applauded the 1935 invasion of Ethiopia, and, to the alarm of France, repeatedly
argued that an Italian alliance was more secure than the
Little Entente.[326]
Nicolae Iorgas bitterness about Romanian geopolitical
disadvantages was encoded in his oft-quoted remark
about the country only having two peaceful borders:
one with Serbia, the other with the Black Sea.[327] Despite these views, he endorsed the idea of minority
rights in Greater Romania, attempting to nd common
ground with the Hungarian-Romanian community.[328]
In addition to promoting inclusive action in government, Iorga declared himself against turning Hungarians
and Transylvanian Saxons into pharisaic Romanians
by coercing them to adopt the Romanian tradition.[208]
In 1936, he even spoke in favor of Armenian Hungarian archeologist Mrton Roska, prosecuted in Romania for challenging ocial theses about Transylvania, arguing that Transylvania cannot be defended with
prison sentences.[329] Iorga was also noted for fostering
the academic career of Eufrosina Dvoichenko-Markov,
one of the few Russian-Romanian researchers of the interwar period.[330] He was however skeptical about the
Ukrainian identity and rejected the idea of an independent Ukraine on Romanias border, debating the issues
with ethnographer Zamr Arbore.[331]
Various of Iorgas tracts speak in favor of a common
background uniting the diverse nations of the Balkans.
Bulgarian historian Maria Todorova suggests that, unlike many of his predecessors, Iorga was not alarmed
Romania being perceived as a Balkan country, and
did not attach a negative connotation to this alia-
SCIENTIFIC WORK
3 Scientic work
3.1 Iorgas reputation for genius
3.2
21
22
SCIENTIFIC WORK
this function with his activity in the media and in the documented Dark Age history, between the Roman deeld of popular history, at which he was, according to parture (271 AD) and the 14th century emergence of
historian Lucian Nastas, masterful but vulgarizing.[358] two Danubian Principalities: Moldavia and Wallachia.
Despite the separate histories and conicting allegiances
these regions had during the High Middle Ages, he tended
3.3 Iorga and Romanian ethnogenesis
to group the two Principalities and medieval Transylvania
together, into a vague non-stately entity he named the
Romanian Land.[364] Iorga cautioned about the emergence of states from a stateless society such as the protoRomanian one: The state is a late, very elevated, very
delicate form that, under certain conditions, may be
reached by a people. [...] There was therefore no state,
but a Romanian mass living in the midst of forests, in
those villages harbored by protective forests, where it is
just as true that a certain way of life could emerge, sometimes on a rather elevated level.[365]
Echoing his political conservatism, Iorgas theory proposed that the Romanized Dacians, or all their VlachRomanian successors, had created peasant republics to
defend themselves against the invading nomads. It
spoke of the rapid ruralization of Latin urban dwellers
suggested to him by etymologies such as the derivation
of pmnt (soil) from pavimentum,[366] and the creation of genealogical villages around common ancestors (moi)[367] or the ancient communal sharing of village lands, in the manner imagined by writer Nicolae Blcescu.[98] Iorga also supposed that, during the 12th century, there was an additional symbiosis between settled
Vlachs and their conquerors, the nomadic Cumans.[368]
Iorgas ideas on the origin of the Romanians, and his explanation for the more mysterious parts of that lengthy
ethnogenesis process, were shaped by his both his scientic and ideological preoccupations. Some of Iorgas
studies focused specically on the original events in the
process: ancient Dacia's conquest by the Roman Empire
(Trajans Dacian Wars), and the subsequent foundation
of Roman Dacia. His account is decidedly in support
of Romanias Roman (Latin) roots, and even suggests
that Romanization preceded the actual conquest.[359]
However, he viewed the autochthonous element in this
acculturation, the Dacians (collocated by him with the
Getae),[360] as historically signicant, and he even considered them the source for Romanias later links with
the Balkan "Thracian" space.[361] Through the Thracians
and the Illyrians, Iorga believed to have found a common
root for all Balkan peoples, and an ethnic layer which he
believed was still observable after later conquests.[362] He
was nevertheless explicit in distancing himself from the
speculative texts of Dacianist Nicolae Densuianu, where
Dacia was described as the source of all European civilization.[363]
23
and boyars as one between national interest and disruptive centrifugal tendencies, suggesting that prosperous
boyardom had undermined the balance of the peasant
state.[377] His theory about the peasant nature of Romanian statehood was hotly debated in his lifetime, particularly after a 1920 discovery showed that Radu I of Wallachia had been buried in the full regalia of medieval
lords.[378] Another one of his inuential (but disputed)
claims attributed the appearance of pre-modern slavery,
mainly aecting the Romani (Gypsy) minority, exclusively on alien customs borrowed from the Mongol Empire.[379] Iorgas verdicts as a medievalist also produced a
long-standing controversy about the real location of the
1330 Battle of Posadaso-named by him after an obscure reference in the Chronicon Pictumwhereby the
Wallachian Princes secured their throne.[380]
A major point of contention between Panaitescu and
Iorga referred to Michael the Brave's historical achievements: sacrilegious in the eyes of Iorga, Panaitescu
placed in doubt Michaels claim to princely descent, and
described him as mainly the political agent of boyar
interests.[381] Contradicting the Romantic nationalist tradition, Iorga also agreed with younger historians that, for
most of their history, Romanians in Moldavia, Wallachia
and Transylvania were more justiably attached to their
polities than to national awakening ideals.[382] Panaitescu
was however more categorical than Iorga in arming that
Michael the Braves expeditions were motivated by political opportunism rather than by a pan-Romanian national
awareness.[382]
The post-Byzantine thesis was taken by various commentators as further proof that the Romanian historian,
unlike many of his contemporaries, accepted a level of
multiculturalism or acculturation in dening modern Romanian identity. Semiotician Monica Spiridon writes:
Iorga highly valued the idea of cultural conuence and
hybridity.[388] Similarly, Maria Todorova notes that, although it minimized the Ottoman contribution and displayed emotional or evaluative overtones, such a perspective ran against the divisive interpretations of the
Balkans, oering a working paradigm for a global history of the region: Although Iorgas theory may be today
[ca. 2009] no more than an exotic episode in the development of Balkan historiography, his formulation Byzance
aprs Byzance is alive not only because it was a fortunate phrase but because it reects more than its creator
would intimate. It is a good descriptive term, particularly
for representing the commonalities of the Orthodox peoples in the Ottoman Empire [...], but also in emphasizing
the continuity of two imperial traditions.[389] With his
research, Iorga also rehabilitated the Phanariotes, Greek
or Hellenized aristocrats who controlled Wallachia and
Moldavia in Ottoman times, and whom Romanian historiography before him presented as wreckers of the
country.[390]
4 Cultural critic
4.1 Beginnings
3.4
24
on Romanian art and folklore, admired in their time by
art historian Gheorghe Oprescu,[108] were later rated by
ethologist Romulus Vulcnescu a sample of microhistory,
rather than a groundbreaking new research.[394]
Initially, with Opinions sincres, Iorga oered a historians manifesto against the whole cultural establishment,
likened by historian Ovidiu Pecican with Allan Bloom's
1980s critique of American culture.[55] Before 1914,
Iorga focused his critical attention on Romanian Symbolists, whom he denounced for their erotic style (called
"lupanarium literature by Iorga)[240] and aestheticism
in one instance, he even scolded Smntorul contributor Dimitrie Anghel for his oral-themed Symbolist
poems.[395] His own theses were ridiculed early in the
20th century by Symbolists such as Emil Isac, Ovid
Densusianu or Ion Minulescu,[396] and toned down by
Smntorul poet tefan Octavian Iosif.[397]
4 CULTURAL CRITIC
The ensuing polemics were often bitter, and Iorgas vehemence was met with ridicule by his modernist adversaries.
Sburtorul literary chronicler Felix Aderca saw in Iorga
the driver of the boorish carts of Smntorism",[404]
and Blaga called him the collective name for a multitude
of monsters.[217] Iorgas stance on pornography only
attracted provocation from the younger avant-garde writers. In the early 1930s, the avant-garde youth put out the
licentious art magazine Alge sent him a copy for review;
prosecuted on Iorgas orders, they all later became noted
as left-wing authors and artists: Aurel Baranga, Gherasim
Luca, Paul Pun, Jules Perahim.[240][405]
A lengthy polemic consumed Iorgas relationship with
Lovinescu, having at its core the irreconcilable dierences between their visions of cultural history. Initially
an Iorga acionado and an admirer of his attack on foreign inuences,[406] the Sburtorul leader left sarcastic
comments on Iorgas rejection of Symbolism, and, according to Crohmlniceanu, entire pages of ironies targeting Iorgas advice to writers that they should focus of
the suerings of their 'brother' in the village.[407] Lovinescu also ridiculed Iorgas traditionalist mentoring, calling him a ponti of indecency and insult,[408] an enemy of democratic freedom,[73] and the patron of forgettable literature about hajduks".[409]
5.2
Memoirs
organic development of Romanian civilization were welcomed by both the Gndirists and some representatives of
more conventional modernism.[417] One such gure, afliated with Contimporanul, was essayist Benjamin Fondane. His views on the bridging of tradition with modernism quoted profusely from Iorgas arguments against
cultural imitation, but parted with Iorgas various other
beliefs.[418] According to Clinescu, the philosophermyths (Iorga and Prvan) also shaped the anti-Junimist
outlook of the 1930s Trirists, who returned to ethnic
nationalism and looked favorably on the Dacian layer
of Romanian identity.[419] Iorgas formative inuence on
Trirists such as Eliade and Emil Cioran was also highlighted by some other researchers.[420] In 1930s Bessarabia, Iorgas ideology helped inuence poet Nicolai Costenco, who created Viaa Basarabiei as a local answer to
Cuget Clar.[421]
25
Nicolae Mare has described them as without parallel
in any other literature, citing Iorgas lyrics about the
slumber of Polish kings at Wawel Cathedral.[10] Overall,
however, Iorga as poet has enlisted negative characterizations, being described by Simu as uninteresting and
obsolete.[74]
26
LEGACY
the Romanian ego-history vogue, between Xenopols and age was also preserved in the literary work of both his
Prvans.[434]
colleagues and adversaries. One early example is a bitwhere Iorga is deBoth the diaries and the memoirs are noted for their ing epigram by Ion Luca Caragiale,
[442]
scribed
as
the
dazed
savant.
In
addition
to the many
caustic and succinct portraits of Iorgas main rivals:
autobiographies
which
discuss
him,
he
is
a
hero
in variMaiorescu as inexible and unemotional, Dimitrie Sturous
works
of
ction.
As
geographer
Cristophor
Arghir,
dza as avaricious, Nae Ionescu as an awful temper,
he
is
the
subject
of
a
thinly
disguised
portrayal
in the
Hungarian politician Istvn Tisza as a "Turanian" tyrant;
Bildungsroman
n
preajma
revoluei
(Around
the
Time
Iorga contributed particularly emotional, and critically
of the Revolution), written by his rival Constantin Stere
acclaimed, tributes for his political friends, from Vasile
[443]
Celebrated Romanian satirist and Viaa
Bogrea to Yugoslavias Nikola Pai.[212] Supt trei regi in the 1930s.
Romneasc aliate Pstorel Teodoreanu was engaged
abunds in positive and negative portrayals, but, Clinescu
notes, it fails to show Iorga as politically astute: he gives in a lengthy polemic with Iorga, enshrining Iorga in
Romanian humor as a person with little literary skill and
the impression that he knows no more [of the events] than
an oversized ego,[444] and making him the subject of an
[435]
the man of the street.
entire collection of poems and articles, Strofe cu pelin de
At times, Iorga sheds a nostalgic light on his one-time op- mai pentru Iorga Neculai (Stanzas in May Wormwood
ponents (similar, in Clinescus view, to inscriptions on for Iorga Neculai).[445] One of Teodoreanus own epitheir graves).[412] Notably in this context, Iorga reserved grams in Contimporanul ridiculed Moartea lui Dante,
praise for some who had supported the Central Powers showing the resurrected Dante Aligheri pleading with
(Carol I,[111] Virgil Arion, George Cobuc, Dimitrie On- Iorga to be left in peace.[446] Iorga was also identied as
ciul),[436] but also stated that actual collaboration with the the subject of ctional portrayals in a modernist novel by
enemy was unforgivable.[435] His obituary piece of social- N. D. Cocea[447] and (against the authors disclaimer) in
ist activist I. C. Frimu, part of Oameni cari au fost, was George Ciprian's play The Drakes Head.[448]
so sympathetic that the authorities had to censor it.[437]
Iorga became the subject of numerous visual portrayals. Some of the earliest were satires, such as an 1899
portrait of him as a Don Quixote (the work of Nicolae
6 Legacy
Petrescu Gin)[449] and images of him as a ridiculously
oversized character, in Ary Murnu's drawings for Furnica
6.1 Scholarly impact, portrayals and land- review.[450] Later, Iorgas appearance inspired the works
of some other visual artists, including his own daughmarks
ter Magdalina (Magda) Iorga,[451] painter Constantin Piliu[452] and sculptor Ion Irimescu, who was personally
acquainted with the scholar.[453] Irimescus busts of Iorga
are located in places of cultural importance: the ISSEE
building in Bucharest and a public square in Chiinu,
Moldova (ex-Soviet Bessarabia).[454] The city has another
Iorga bust, the work of Mihail Ecobici, in the Aleea Clasicilor complex.[455] Since 1990, Iorgas face is featured
on a highly circulated Romanian leu bill: the 10,000 lei
banknote, which became the 1 leu bill following a 2005
monetary reform.[456]
Nicolae Iorgas portrait on a Romanian bill, 2005
The elds of scientic inquiry opened by Iorga, in particular his study into the origin of the Romanians, were
taken up after his death by other researchers: Gheorghe
Brtianu, Constantin C. Giurescu, P. P. Panaitescu,
erban Papacostea, Henri H. Stahl.[438] As cultural historian, Iorga found a follower in N. Cartojan,[439] while
his thoughts on the characteristics of Romanianness inspired the social psychology of Dimitrie Drghicescu.[440]
In the postmodern age, Iorgas pronouncements on the
subject arguably contributed to the birth of Romanian imagological, post-colonial and cross-cultural studies.[441] The idea of Romanii populare has endured as a
popular working hypothesis in Romanian archeology.[369]
6.3
Descendants
27
functioned regularly, having Iorga exegete Valeriu Rpeanu as a regular guest.[458] In later years, the critical
interpretation of Iorgas work, rst proposed by Lucian
Boia around 1995, was continued by a new school of
historians, who distinguished between the nationalistdidactic and informative contents.[354]
6.3 Descendants
Nicolae Iorga had over ten children from his marriages,
but many of them died in infancy.[477] In addition to Florica Chirescu and Magdalina, his progeny includes daughters Liliana and Alina. Magdalina, who enjoyed success
as a painter, later started a family in Italy.[478][479] The
only one of his children to train in history, known for her
work in reediting her fathers books[480] and her contribution as a sculptor, Liliana Iorga married fellow historian Dionisie Pippidi in 1943.[477] Alina became the wife
of an Argentine jurist, Francisco P. Laplaza.[477] One of
Iorgas sons, Mircea, was married into the aristocratic
tirbey family,[481] and then to Mihaela Bohiel, a Transylvanian noblewoman who was reputedly a descendant
of the Lemeni clan and of the medieval magnate Johannes
Benkner.[482] An engineer by trade, Mircea Iorga was
headmaster of the Bucharest Electrotechnical College in
the late 1930s.[251] Another son, tefan N. Iorga, was a
writer active with the Cuget Clar movement,[412] and later
a physician.[483] Iorgas niece Micaella Filitti, who worked
as a civil servant in the 1930s, defected from Communist
Romania and settled in France.[479]
42/2009
[5] Rdulescu, p. 344
[6] Rdulescu, pp. 344, 351
[7] Nastas (2003), p. 62
[8] Iova, p. xxviixxviii. See also Nastas (2003), pp. 6162,
66, 7475
28
7 NOTES
[21] Iova, p. xxxii. See also Nastas (2003), pp. 6263, 174
175; (2007), pp. 238239
[22] Iova, p. xxxii. See also Nastas (2007), pp. 521, 528;
Ornea (1998), p. 129
[23] Iova, p. xxxii. See also Nastas (2003), p. 65
[24] Iova, p. xxxii. See also Clinescu, p. 988
[25] Constantin Kiriescu, "O via, o lume, o epoc: Ani
de ucenicie n micarea socialist", in Magazin Istoric,
September 1977, pp. 14, 17
[26] Iova, pp. xxxii, xxxvii; Nastas (2003), pp. 61, 6471,
74, 105, 175
29
[73] (Romanian) Ovidiu Morar, Intelectualii romni i 'ches- [99] Oldson, pp. 134135
tia evreiasc' ", in Contemporanul, Nr. 6/2005 (repub[100] Cernat, p. 32; Ornea (1995), pp. 395396; Veiga, pp.
lished by Romnia Cultural)
5556, 69, 166167
[74] (Romanian) Ion Simu, Pitorescul prozei de cltorie, in
[101] Radu, p. 583
Romnia Literar, Nr. 27/2006
[75] (Romanian) Ctlin Petru Fudulu, Dosare declasicate. [102] Veiga, p. 69. See also Butaru, pp. 9597; Crampton, p.
109; Oldson, pp. 133135
Nicolae Iorga a fost urmrit de Siguran", in Ziarul Financiar, September 10, 2009
[103] Nastas (2007), pp. 3638, 321323. See also Nastas
(2003), pp. 39, 71
[76] (Romanian) Ion Hadrc, Constantin Stere i Nicolae
Iorga: antinomiile idealului convergent (I)", in Convorbiri
[104]
Literare, June 2006
[105]
[77] Boia (2000), pp. 9293, 247; (2010), p. 353; Nastas
(2007), pp. 95, 428, 479; Stanomir, Spiritul, pp. 114 [106]
118; Veiga, p. 165, 180
[107]
[78] Veiga, p. 180
[108]
[79] Clinescu, p. 634
[80] Oldson, p. 156
[81] Clinescu, p. 977; Iova, pp. xxxixxl
[82] Nastas (2007), pp. 306308, 517521
[85] (Romanian) Ctlin Petru Fudulu, Dosare declasicate. [113] Iova, p. xli. See also Guida, p. 238; Nastas (2007), pp.
Nicolae Iorga sub lupa Siguranei (III)", in Ziarul Finan49, 50; Olaru & Herbstritt, p. 65
ciar, September 16, 2009
[114] (Romanian) Smaranda Bratu-Elian, Goldoni i noi, in
[86] Nastas (2007), pp. 126, 492, 526; Iova, p. xxxix
Observator Cultural, Nr. 397, November 2007
[87] Clinescu, p. 676
[88] Iova, p. xl. See also Setton, p. 49
[89] Clinescu, p. 996
[90] Iova, p. xl
[91] Vianu, Vol. II, p. 149
[92] Nastas (2003), p. 183
[93] Nastas (2007), p. 526
[123] Butaru, p. 93
30
7 NOTES
[129] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Corespondena personal a lui N. Iorga (II), in Convorbiri Literare, June [155] Butaru, p. 307
2003
[156] (Romanian) Ionu Ciobanu, Structura organizatoric a
[130] Vianu, Vol. III, pp. 9293
Partidului ranesc i a Partidului Naional ", in Sfera
Politicii, Nr. 129130
[131] H. Seton-Watson & C. Seton-Watson, p. 190
[157]
[132] (French) Romania Constantinescu, Investissements
imaginaires roumains en Quadrilatre: La ville de
Balchik, in Caietele Echinox, Vol. 18, Babe-Bolyai
University Center for Imagination Studies, Cluj-Napoca, [158]
2010, pp. 6882. OCLC 166882762
[159]
[133] Iova, p. xliii
[161] Veiga, p. 47
[137] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Corespondena personal a lui N. Iorga (I), in Convorbiri Literare, May 2003
[138] (Romanian) Gheorghe I. Florescu, Regina Maria i Conferina de pace din 1919 (III), in Convorbiri Literare,
November 2008
[139] Boia (2010), pp. 111, 346347. See also Iova, p. xliv
[140] Boia (2010), pp. 111, 353354, 356
[149] (Romanian) Mircea Regneal, Colapsul bibliotecilor [175] Iova, p. xlvi. See also Clinescu, p. 1010
romneti, in Revista 22, Nr. 745, June 2004
[176] Santoro, pp. 114115
[150] Iova, p. xlv. See also Nastas (2007), pp. 91, 273278,
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Romanians - Before Decebalus, Language as an
Element of the Romanian Soul, Museums: What
They Are and What They Must Be. The Example
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History of the Romanians", The Cultural and Intellectual Life of Bucharest, The Nationalist Doctrine (excerpts), The Place of the Romanian People in Universal History, Towards Sulina, What
I Understand by a Capital
(Romanian) The Nicolae Iorga Institute
(Romanian) Revista Istoric, Editura Academiei entry
40
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Nicolae Iorga Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolae_Iorga?oldid=668758447 Contributors: Leandrod, Ahoerstemeier, Bogdangiusca, Gutza, Secretlondon, Jmabel, MihaiC, TOO, Petrovici~enwiki, Klemen Kocjancic, D6, Ex caelo, Kwamikagami, Mentatus, SidP,
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WW2_Holocaust_Europe_map-fr.svg Original artist:
Dna-Dennis
WW2_Holocaust_Europe_map-fr.svg:
*WW2-Holocaust-Europe.png:
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10.3
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