Prof Chander Shekhar

Dept of Persian, Delhi University

chshekhar58@gmail.com

Amir Khusrau and His Mathnawis

Masnawi is a only genre in Persian poetics which is as free or unwired as the subjects of
Human thoughts. Every couplet of it can be bounded only in its ending rhymes but the
subject has no boundary and it is that in every period and for every subject it became a
spokesperson and scooped to it highest level always. One may select only few poets, in
fact sometime only one like Hafiz for Ghazal but one is confined to name Firdausi,
Nizami and Rumi as well as Amir Khusrau as the great masnawi writers for the subjects
they preferred masnawi.
The word, Mathnawi is derived from Masna or sana i.e. (literal translation) two. Two
indicates two halves (hemstitches) of each rhymed couplet. Its gensis may be traced from
the very early period of Persian which may have on the pattern of Rajz of Arabic poetry
which was usually for battle drummers.
In the Indo-Persian poetry in the realm of masnawi, various subjects like
mysticism, ethics and morals and the subjects associated with socio-cultural and
historical studies etc. have been largely composed as it is a form of no-ending boundary.
Historical annals of Early Delhi Sultanate mention that Lahore court, from the time of
Later Ghaznavid rulers, especially Saifud Daulah Mehmood and his brother Alaud
Daulah Masaud, was nourished and patronized as a centre of literary and cultural
activities. After them, Sultan Sherzad bin Sultan Masaud became the ruler of Lahore as
the Naibus- Saltanat in 493 AH/1099-1100 AD. works of Abul Faraj Runi and Masaud
Saad Salman provide a vivid description of the court culture in their eulogistic and
narrative poems i.e. Qasaid and mathanwi. A masnavi comprising of 389 verses the last
stated poet highlights the courtly environment and presence of men of minstrel, their
performances inside the court and their routine life too as well as the nobility and himself
too in the court of Sultan Sherzad. The whole masnawi is a picture of the court of the said
Sultan. One may find that the said genre used for various subjects.
Our great poet Amir Khusrau (1251-52AD-1325AD) who is known as pioneer of Indian
Persian school entitled as Tuti-e Hind for his exponent and versatility in various forms of
prose and poetry has left behind a good amount of masnawis dealing with different
subjects each showing his erudite knowledge on various subjects as well as his way to
present observation on newly seen objects and material. It is like an ocean with deep
waters full of variety of pearls. It leaves some time mesmerized how he had acquired
such vast knowledge of variegated subjects.
The masnawis of amir khusrau are generally divided into two major sections: Masnawis
of Historical and cultural vistas & Khamsa -e-Khusrau in imitation to Nizami's one.

All these are in independent form except Miftahul-Futuh which is originally a part of
Ghurratul Kamal but exist also independently. Apart from these, there are small masnawis
in the Diwans too. Some of these masnawis have never seen the light of the day as one is
farasnama which is an independent work lying in the ms section of sulaiymania library,
Istanbul. It was first introduced by Prob Abidi.
These masnawis though began to be composed for a certain specific subject, but content
subjects show Khusrau often tow away his main theme to the other aspects diverting the
whole attention especially to the subject of his favorite topic i.e. my India is a great land.
The amalgamation of the subjects can be seen in the both kind of masnawis.
One may find some indicators in Masaud Saad but the innovation, created by Khusrau
can be synthesized into two perspectives: highlighting Indian culture and Indianness of
Khusrau and new literary subjects as fresh subjects to highlight in his poetry which were
still virgin in those days in Delhi as it was more a Darul- Harb though declared by
Khusrau as Darul -Aman ( see Qiranus Sadain).
No man has a better eye for what was germane to or repugnant from his own
thought since he had the flashes of insight. Khusrau has always been generous in his selfappraisal of the poems to unfurl the discrepancies of anatomical structure. He elaborately
elucidated his own merits and demerits, one may find in the ending part of each masnawi.
In fact, these self analysis provides a clue to construct the chronological structure of
poetic criticism in Indo-Persian literature which further flourished during the time of
Muhgals. Though it is also a fact that poetic egoistic approach Khusrau rarely allowed
him to yield down, rather he sharply lamented his contemporaries for their criticism on
his work (except) the experienced critics who evaluated and corrected his drafts of
masnawis. He acclaimed his superiority amongst the contemporary men of letters and
called others inferior.
One should look beyond the composition to understand the same. As a courtier holding
position of Nadim, he had travelled a lot with royal forces, even acted as warrior and
during his travels visited various cities in the different parts of then India, the parts and
cities which had and still have different culture, languages and morphological styles as
per the requirement, may be historically or the weather wise. The colorful ambience
existing in his masnawis is his mastery over the subjects he acquired with the passage of
time out of his own genius and unending passion for knowing more unhinderingly. This
particular enlargement may be analyzed with other perspectives also. The poet was
criticized for his innovation of a new style in mathnawi for incorporating the united
subjects. Even the modern critics opined that Khusrau could gain more fame through his
conventional outlines. But Khusraus own narration divulges resistant acceptance of the
pointed out discrepancies of his innovation. Thereafter he employed the same anatomy in
Nuh-Sipihr after a gap of almost two decades. But this time he had fully asserted himself
and didnt allow his skill to be called promiscuous. Moreover, he also disallowed any

check on his freedom of thought. His description of the court activities includes the
meetings of literati groups held in the presence of the king himself. In Nuh sipihrs
preamble he states that at noon the Sultan presided over an assembly of the men of
letters in his private chamber. The description of Khusrau reveals that the Sultan used to
attend the literary meetings and participated actively. Apart from the critical synthesis of
the merits of contemporary poetical works, they also emphasized on the requisite
harmony and symmetry between the metre employed and the subject. The poet also
elaborates the increasing trend of ghazal-writing in compare to other genres of Persian
poetry. Among the appreciated poets, the ghazals of Sadi and the poetry of Senai were
also guiding source for Khusrau as one may found in some cases and his own acceptance
quoted by many in such comparative studies. It may also be noticed through such literary
inspiration and discussions on the merits of poetics and poets that there was a continuous
inflow of Persian works from other countries specially from Iran. Khusrau also speaks of
such transactions in his work, Ijaz-e-Khusravi. According to him, it was being done by
certain merchants. It is the same trend which continues in the centuries to follow. One
may see the same kind of transaction in the case of Naziri Nishapuri. However, during the
court literati discussion, it is pointed out that there is no man of letters who would bring
out a worthwhile work. It was resolved that one of them should be entrusted with this
task. The Sultan too lauds the suggestion and offered a handsome remuneration to
compose the events of his reign. He emphasised on the quality of work and demanded
that it should be at par with the work of Khaqani, Unsari and even Firdausi. To encourage
the poets, he declares that the amount of the reward will be the highest ever given till that
time. Interestingly, the masnawi Nuh Sipihr is always quoted as a source of for
indological studies or the characteristics of Hindostan enumerated by Khusrau. Apart
from the important passionate information focusing style in the said chapter, widely
quoted by various Khusrau-shenasan or khusrau lovers in the various monographs or
books, the other chapters of Nuh Sipihr has some vital theoretical information on
statecraft of politics too which khusrau hinted briefly in other works. His increasing
experience with the royal polity and regular observation on the state policies of different
monarchs had strengthen his perception about monarchy. If in Qiranus Sadain, he is
repeating the words of Qaiqubad that monarchy is obtained and preserved on the mighty
sword not on the bases of inheritance claim. This was the rebuttal of the said sultan to his
father Bughra khan. But in this masnawi he spoke at length entitling the story of chogan
stick and Ball. He advices the sultan to lay sustainable state policy. One may compare
the same with the counsels of Sadi to the kings.
For his many other innovations in the anatomical structure or the desired reforms
in the society and religion, he should not be called a rebel but a reformer. He was well
aware of his limitation knowing when his own Pir could be prosecuted in the Alai court
how he could escape especially when he himself is a courtier. He was very cautious. And
he was very cautious that is he did not become wrath of the succeeding sultans from
Balban to Muhammad Tughlaq.
Astrological science and the Jahandari in medieval period, or perhaps even today, has a
great bearing in Persian poetry. Amir khusrau had mastery on this subject. One may find
that his patrons, the kings, enthroned only after getting a right time as per the
astrologically fit and suitability of the stationed stars as per their horoscope. One may

find the Muharat or an auspicious time table composed on various occasions like
enthronement of almost every king, marriage ceremonies like marriage of Khizr Khan
with the daughter of Alp Khan in his masnawi Duwal Rani wa Khizr Khan or in Nuh
Sipihr for Sultan Qutbuddin Mubark Shah and for Muhammad Tughalq in Tughalq
nama. Though, it is quite difficult to trifle out the exact location on the chart but not
imposible rather knowledge enhancing. When Hardy or Habib cast aspersions on the
factual statements in Khusraus works, one may also ask how many texts of historical
annals provides this kind of astrological tables which can also be a testimony to the
accurate timing of many historical data.
Historically masnawi Qiranus Sdain was the beginning as an independent work
related to slave dynasty and for the succeeding house i.e. Khaljis , Miftah-ul-Futuh
figures as the imponderable source material to weave the checkered history of the
mentioned period. These works, along with the others, reveal the Socio-Politico and
economic aspects prevailed in the society of the Delhi Sultanate. In his narration, the poet
keeps aloof the palatable information of socio-historic significance from the
amalgamation into the poetic riddles and descriptions. But on some instance, he may be
noticed avoiding discretely the mention of some events like the assassination of Sultan
Jalalud-din Tughlaq. Sometimes he presented the events in the poetic riddles too as the
fate of Duwal Rani. Since these description could hamper his interests in that period of
topsy-turvy. But he registered his deep concern on the instability even on the defeat of
Khusrau Khan whom he exorted bitterly in Tughlaq Namah. He says in sympathy;

73
His mathnawis are the ample profiles to unfurl the statecraft and the political
thoughts of Delhi Sultanate. These works reveal the concept of kingship in its realistic
form. Sultan Kaiqubad and Sultan Mubarak Shah Khaljis utterance implicated their
decent to yield before the right of inheritance;
74
75
The poet is usually found apprising the kings of their eminent and prime duties
towards the state and subjects. In his opinion the raison de tre for kingship was
maintenance of peace and dispensation of justice76. The racial discrimination has been
the universal phenomenon. This aspect may be gleaned into the upsurges of Malik Chajju
and Ghazi Malik (Sultan Ghiyathud-din Tughlaq) as described by the poet. A profile of
the different segments may also be completed through shifting the details provided by the
poet. The analysis of the mentioned aspect reveals he pattern of obedience and affiliation
of the governing class changed from dynasty to dynasty depending on political situation
and the personal preference of a ruler and rarely the fear of central authority can be
gauged77.
Hardy criticized Khusrau on several bases and described him a sign of Muslim
phraseology and melodrama, who never looked beyond the Islamic revelation for an
explanation of the meaning of life(Historians of Medieval India). But these comments
should not be perceived in the background of present circumstances. Moreover, Khusrau
was the only matchless poet of his time who highlighted the virtues of the rituals and
traditions of Hindus. It is quite obvious that the poet cut across the stream under the sway
of religion, an imponderable element of human nature, and lamented the same religion

whom he eulogized through his expression of deep personal convictions in the former
works. Secondly, for some reasons it may be wrong to apply a parameter of
historiography on the works of Amir Khusrau since his avowed mtier in life was poetry.
He wished to arouse the sense of verbal subtlety titillated and elicit the appreciation for
his literary skills and artifices.
But the most important fact is that poet never claimed to be a historian. Regarding
the relation of description of detail pertaining to historical matter or the then current
events in masnawis, there have been various opinions about the relativity and the
authenticity. First, it is not correct to say that Amir Khusrau was the innovator poet who
used the recent events of historical importance and the court activities in the genre of
masnawis (Sunil Sharma says: One of the literary innovations credited to the IndoPersian poet, Amir Khusraw Dihlavi (d. 1325), is his use of recent historical events and
his own contemporaries, instead of stories and legendary characters from the past, as the
subjects of epic and romantic masnavis. Amir Khusraw and the Genre of Historical
Narratives in Verse). Everone is well aware that even much before amir Khusrau poets
have highlighted the current events in their poetic works, including masnawis and qasidas.

Secondly, as a courtier, not as a court poet, as this kind of title was never showered upon
him. Had he facilitated like that he would not have advised his son to opt this profession.
Moreover, he accumulated the significant information at the instances of different royal
personages, and composed the masnawis to attain popularity amongst the men of letters
only. It is writers and poets of later period who highlighted his works as piece of history.
But it is also true that on number of occasion he emphatically stated that his own eye
witness are these accounts not on the basis of hearsay. This proves to the authenticated
vivid description by him. With in the structure of almost every masnawi, especially the
masnawis entitled by the scholars of repute as the historical masnawis, on number of
occasion one may find the sprinkling of ghazals or short stories and these indicate that
poet always penned these as pieces of literature only. He even admitted that he always
loved to compose ghazal79. The poet mentioned that ghazal is the popular form of
Persian poetry in his period. As per his own statement in Nuh sipihr (p. 286) his ghazals
had become popular in his own time and singers used to sing his ghazals. But, the
epilogue of Nuh Sipihr, like the epilogue of other masnawis, where he criticized the other
poets whose number had grown like self-growth of mashroom in post rainy season or
like the wild grass and their literary outputs are also of no value. khusrau also tells the
swelling number of singers, the naghma sera. He did not highlight the eminent poets of
mathnawi and other genres but of the famous ghazal writers of his time. Though, along
with this description, he described also his own accomplishments in other genres as well
as in the ghazal. Perhaps, on the basis of these inner evidences along with the study of his
ghazals, Prof. Ansari suggested;


81
Khusrau, probably, incorporated the ghazals in his masnawis to pacify his throbbing heart
for his passion for ghazal apart from the aim of innovation.
Amir Khusrau and Indian Languages: His assimilation of Hindvi words and phrases
led linguists to augur his works to crave the evaluation, development and the history of

the said language. But analysis requires some cautions as he some time uses
nomenclature for different purposes.
It is interested to mention that following the Persian poets, Hindwi poets also coined a
Hindwi term to create same kind of spectrum in their poetry naming Sabha Vinod. There
are number of poetical collections under this heading in the poetry of the said language.
In the city palace museum, Jaipur, I came across many such sources which are ensembled
with this genre. Even, the catalogue of the mss of Persian and rajasthani mixed language
has poetry in this genre from Shahjahans period rarely mentioned by our scholars
working especially in the Hindi Departments. It may also be reported, though may be out
of context, that there were Persian speaking poets (means whose mother tongue was
Persian and arrived from Persian speaking areas) they learnt various vernacular languages
and composed poetry in the same or bilingually. For instance ( quote from the
cataglogue). According to him Hindwi was the language of common folk:


According to Abul Fazl, till that time, there were two types of Bituckchi at the tax office
at the local level. One was writing the records in Hindwi and other was in Persian. This
reflect, how Hindwi was strong to be used for administrative purpose. Some
administrative lexicons of 16th c like Ajay Chand nama, edited by prof Nazir Ahmed, and
Miftahul Fuzla which is not yet edited published provide the equivalents of both. It was
perhaps the same system which was in vogue in Iran till 11 th -12th c where twin language
system of Pahlavi & Dari Farsi was in currency.
But one should be care full in reading Amir Khusraus employing the term Hindwi. He
has used it for Sanskrit too. Comparison between Arabic & Sanskrit:


In NS for Arabic also says:

But again in DK says:


Interestingly, he also says that even every Brahman is also not erudite scholar of this
language. Amongst the languages he enumerates, Mabari is for Tamil as the Mabar is
on the Tamil speaking area not malyalam as stated by some scholars. Gauri is a dialect of
Lakhnauti area, North Bengal, closer to Present day Malda boardering with Bangladesh.
Amir Khusraus masnawis, alongwith other works, can be used as a data base for
linguistic map of 12th -13th c India.
Court culture: Every masnawi provides various shades of Razmiya, Bazmiya and Sufiya
aspects and in the first one of court etiquettes, tradition and customs followed in the
various courts of different monarchs and even varying too. Balbans court had the
following of Sasanids. According to Tarikh-e-Firoz Shahi, he was vary selective in
appointing to people in various departments. He did his best to appoint people having
blood relationship with pure Iranian blood. From Qiranus Saadain to Tughlaq Nama, we
find colorful description from the seating arrangements to various ways of activities of
men of minstrels in the court. The courts of Princes and elite nobles had also culture

similar to the central court and even a comptetion between these late too exist. We know
that Prince Qaan, the martyred crown prince of Balban, had eloped away Khusrau from
Malik Chajju, the first patron of our poet. The description of the court of the said prince
reveals the literary and musical assesmblies which used to be held and the duo amir
Khusrau and Hasaj sijzi, according to prof Iqtedar Hussain siddiqui had close family
relation ship too had impeccable role in literary discussions and even Sadi, if it is to be
believed, advised the said prince to nurture the talent of Khusrau rather inviting him to
the said court, and in the musical assemblies, the dominant role of Turmati Khatun and
Muhammad Murghak, the Chang nawaz, even made the musician of Nihawand and
Khurasan to tremble on listening the mesmerizing mode of musical tone on just the touch
of the string, as picturised by the poet in Aijaz-e-Khusravi. Khusraus description of
court culture is like the different musical modes which begins with the slow space and
then getting momentum in the open sky with quite soothing but effective style.
In Nuh Sipihr, he begins this aspects in a very embellishing words in the fourth sipihr
calling it an abode of Sun. The said section is dedicated to the birth of Prince
Muhammad, son of the Sultan, and details of the prediction about his future and the other
royal customs which took place on a birth of royal prince. The poet discloses that he also
incorporated these verses or subjects which he composed prior to this masnawi. In fact,
he composed chapters of compliments on the birth of his daughters and son in the
masnawis of Khamsa and Ashiqa. The same themes have been restructured in this sipihr.
On the birth of the prince on 2nd Rabiul-Awwal 718 A.H. (1319)280 various royal
customs were followed as per the convention. Huge amounts of wealth was distributed
amongst poor and the prisoners were released to mark the royal feast. The musical
instruments rocked the city. The poet also gives a detail account of the position of the
pious stars on this happy occasion. The nobles and other high ranking personages
presented their tributes and the cheerful compliments. In their compliments, they called
the newly born prince Imam Mehdi, soul of God the crown of the kings etc. They also
enumerate his victorious future expeditions and conquests of far stretched boundaries.
The Sipihr concludes with a lengthy Saqi Namah of conviviality and inexporable gaiety
of the court.
On this occasion, the season of spring was marked by the festival of Nau-rauz.
The vivacious description of the gardens at the eve of Nau-rauz is worth beholden. The
poet has employed a conventional description of the colourful flowers in his
kaleidoscopic view presents the floras of central Asian cities famous for these. The poet
also mentions the mellifluous sounds of the different birds after the description of the
floras. Both Indian and Iranian birds appear in this description. The poet again illustrates
the dialogue among the birds acclaiming the superiority on the different grounds. But
every other one points some discrepancies in the self admiring bird. When the peacock
laid down his claim for superiority, the partridge objects on the ugly looking legs as
mentioned hereunder; (383p)



It was the self assessment too.

Music and the royal courts: In the next part, the royal feast takes place in the royal
palace, while the castle was decorated with erecting of various domes. The masons
displayed their artistic skill to build these domes. The Sultan was generous in getting
these domes built beautifully. After the construction work, the painters performed their
duty in an exquisite manner. In the renovated castle, a convivial party was arranged. The
beautiful damsels, wearing attractive dresses, were bewitching people with their
captivating coquettishness. The connoisseurs and their accompanists, both from
Hindustan and Iran, were performing their modulations and arouse a dormant feeling
among the listeners. The poet also highlights the fact that Indian dancing girls were
reciting the songs in Hindwi. This reflect again that despite emerging Persinate culture
and shift in court language, the languages masses to which these dancing girls belong
were Hindwi speakers and they were continuing the same in their performance at the
royal courts. Credit also goes to the imperial establishment who were patronizing the
language of Darul Harb without any hesitation. The same aspect one can gleam into the
music as the two different and variating schools of music were getting converged into one
later on known as Hindustani music and credit also goes for rich innovations by our great
poet. The emanating sound of the harp and drum had made the people listless with
ecstasy while the dancing girls had mesmerized people with their swaying actions elicit
the applause;




282
He specifically mentions dancing girls from Devgir whom he calls loliyan-e
Devgir wrapped in kattane devgiri- presents charming dance presentation. It is obvious
that these men and women of minstrels would have been brought recently after the
revived victory over the said areas as we donot find reference to Loliyan-e Devgir prior to
the masnawi Duwal Rani wa Khizr Khan thought the place was raided first time in 1291.
One may found that he states that the dancers, decked in dresses of beautiful designs
made of exclusive clothes wearing a variety of jewellary, reciting the songs in their
language, not in persian.
According to some dance musicologist, these were the situations when the assimilation
of PersoTurkik-Arabo- and classical music took place not only in the realm of vocal or
instrumental but dance too. It can be also observed from the third section of Ghunniyatul
Munnia which is an adaptation of Sangit Ratnakar of Sarang Dev who was a master
musician of Devgiri Yadavas period migrated from Kashmir. Khusrau was a master
musician beyond doubt.
Music in the court assemblies is always highlighted by Khusrau. If his Ghazals or Ghazal
like verses are the source for his passionate divulgence of his thoughts and observations,
music is wide path for him to move on in the mesmerism world of his own creations. The
creativity gets embolden when his own ghazals are taken up for singing by the men of
ministrels both on the instruments and vocalization. The festivities continued in the third
Sipihr to mark the happy birth of the prince. Since the sipihr represents convivial parties
of music and festivity. The poet also highlighted his acquaintance with the music of

Hindustan and Asia and presented an outline structure of vocal and instrumental music of
his time with their anatomical details and other characteristics.
In fact, Music and Amir Khusrau is a aspect which needs a separate paper. Just to
mention, the masnawis are the sources for the study of the forms and structural detail of
musical instruments, the styles of playing upon, the ways to repair the same as explained
in masnawi Qiranus Sadain, the renowned musicians of Khusraus time, both vocal and
instrumental. He also vividly depicts the style of dancers of various regions.. The poet
also enumerates vivaciously the different items of cosmetics. These were also highlighted
in the study of Hasht-Bihisht and Duwal Rani wa Khizr Khan where the poet used the
word solah shringar. Along with the above mentioned details, the poet also portrays the
royal court where the Sultan was accepting the salutations and tributes of the nobles and
commanders. They were standing in a circle at their appropriate places while the king
was on his throne, guarded by elite soldiers. On this occasion some nobles were honored
with royal insignias and other fabulous gifts.
Buildings & Architecture and Khusraus Masnawis:In the masnawis of Amir Khusrau,
the detail on building structures, including the new constructions of various kinds of
building, especially forts, palaces, mosques and gardens may be noted. The minute detail
of these building creates a panoramic view acting as a guide for a Delhi Darshan from
Qutub complex to Kilo Kheri and back to Siri Fort area The description begins from
Qiranus Sadain where he highlights the glory of the Old Delhi. In fact the splandour of
the Mughal empires creation Shahnjahanaabd has diminished the dignity of Old Delhi of
Sultanate period. Historical sources calls the Delhi of Khusrau as old Delhi. Khusraus
masnawis are the sources to illustrate the lost dignity of Delhi, existing since pre-Islamic
period of Hindustan and the Muslim kings continued their citadel at the same place which
is known as Delhi of Rai Pithora. The Turkish Sultans renovated the city from time to
time. The poet calls it the paradise of Eden and prays for its survival. He hopes that it will
be saved from the cruel hands of upsurges used to happen in world.
Regarding Masjid-e-Jama of Qutub compex, popularly known as Masjid-e-Qubbat ulIslam, the description provided by the poet divulges that the recitation of Khutba and
the tickling of Tasbih echoes in the dome of the mosque and engulfs the environment of
piety. He speaks high of its architecture which reflects the touches of newly introduced
styles of architecture. The inner side of the mosque and its exterior own attraction. There
is a guard post on the main entrance. Because of the shortage of water in the hilly area
of the city looks like partially covered i.e. due to the bushes like trees. According to the
poet, this hauz which has wide plinth area enduring tall columns, studded with precious
stones provide a sense of freedom in the edifice. The adjacent Minaret (Qutb Minar),
built by Sultan Aibek and completed in the time of Sultan Iltutmish is the token of
Victory and the Mazinah eke out the praise. The golden canopy of the minaret shines on
the appearance of Sunrays.
Qiranus Sadain informs that among the buildings of Qutb complex, Hauz-e-Shamsi
represented multifacet of the then society. But he on the other occasion also states that the
bottom of the hill provides sweet water to the residents and for the them in Old Delhi, this

hauz was built by Sultan Iltutmishs. On its concrete bottom, the sand particles can be
gleaned. It reveals that the drinking water of this hauz was not contaminated with any
filth.17 The source of water for the hauz was the river Yamuna and its small canals which
poured water in this hauz. The precincts of this hauz were also used as a place of
recreation and a shelter of respite from the scorching heat. The architecture and culture of
the Delhi during the early Sultanate period can be gleamed into the description of
different building in this work. The work reveals the expansion of citadel, from its
confined Mehrauli area towards North-West Delhi gradually. Khusrau divulged not only
the architecture but also the material used in these buildings. For example, he tells that
though bricks and lime plaster was used in the construction of newly constructed palace
of Sultan Kaiqubad, but the arduous rubbing on the lime plaster brought out the
implausible shining and gave a better look than the white marble. The dexterous
illustration also evulgates that the mentioned buildings were the centre of social and
convivial gatherings.
Hauz Khass area erected in the later period. One can also trace the historicity of
the mentioned buildings or the structures of the buildings perished away with the passage
of time but the remaining authentic works of Amir Khusrau throws light as the light and
sound program regaling the characteristics of once the mighty and majestic grandeur of
these. From Delhi to Devgir and from Warangal to Chittor, the description is available in
these narrative poems. In the masnawi Nuh Sipihr, he speaks about the consecration of
large congregational mosque at the Dar-ul-Khilafat i.e. Delhi. Since the Sultan had to
leave for Devgir, this mosque was consecrated in a very short time. The Sultan offered his
Friday prayer in this nearly constructed congregational mosque and the Khutba was also
read in his presence. He was delighted to see its completion before his departure and
proves the famous proverb too: padshah-e-nau mi aiyed masjid-e-nau mi sazad, one
who becomes the king, he too makes a new mosque, when the same king reached
Devgir, there too consecrated a mosque and a fort during his stay237. Sultan Qutbud-din
Mubarak Shah also named Devgir as Qutbabad as described in a Qasida available in
Nihayatul Kamal.
Khusrau as a poet of masses: In the afore said voyage, on his way back to the capital, he
rested for a month at Ellora (Maharashtra). Sometimes the poet divulges the feelings of
the army.




238
Such revelations of sentiments of the common men drew the poet close to the
society. Moreover, these couplets confirm the presence of the poet in the Sultans
paraphernalia as well. The same kind of description is available the royal army began its
retreat for Delhi with all the revelry and merrymaking activities highlighted by the poet in
the said masnawi. The conviviality continued upto Tilpet, same place of royal
encampment. It will be interested to note that this is place which is later on in the period
of Aurangzeb became the part of the jagir of Bakhatwar Khan, the renowned Khawja sera
noble who built Serai Khawja as the part of the grand buildings which scattered over till
Surjkund. But today these are fell apart and have become two habitats. Serai Khawja

Bakhtawar Khan is known only as Serai Khawja (adjacent to the present day toll tax
barier on Delhi Faridabad road and Bakhtawar pur has become Bakhtawar Nagar near
Suraj Kund.
However, on arrival of the Sultan in the capital, it was decorated with all grandeur
to welcome and felicitate him. The walls of the city were adorned, according to Khusrau,
with shining golden clothes. A huge crowd of the subjects turned upto have darshan of
their king on his entry.


The elegant presentation of different descriptionse is the salient fature of Masnawi
writing. Khusrau always depicts the descriptions of various events in its most eloquent
and lively style. The Sultan arrived in the capital, surrounded by the paraphernalia of
nobles, the sound of different musical instruments even surprised Venus, the goddess of
music. The soldiers mounted on the horses bearing swords, are moving ahead of the
Sultan:



And he goes on regailing the grand event.241
The poet again provides detail on the construction work carried out on the
mosque referred earlier. The detail, provided in the masnawi, reveals that the work was
not completed and on the retreat of the sultan it was taken up again. He states that after
few days, the Sultan consecrated a minaret of the newly constructed mosque, situated
between the fort and castle. This minaret was built of Sang-e-Khara the flint stone used
in majority of the Sultanate period buildings. 242. The stone was polished and it glittered
more than the black stone of the holy Kaba. Since it was given such gloaming shine, the
pearls, gems, gold and silver were not studded in it for more adornment. Moreover, had
these inlayed, then it would have become the paradise of shaded and a heaven for
thieves. The stones, mud and bricks were laid down so neatly that the patch work was not
visible in the construction of the minaret. Apart from the detail on the construction of
Mosque, Khusrau also speaks about Hazar Sutun palace. The royal palace, Qaser-eHazar-Sutun was also renovated after the retreat. The extended beauty elicited the
appreciation for Delhi form other cities. Simultaneously it also became a matter of envy
for the other cities specially Baghdad, Egypt, Khita, Khurasan, Tirmiz and Khurasan.
Amongst the mentioned cities, first two mentioned would have laid down their claim
being the seat of Caliphs of Abbasid Dynasty. Remaining were known for their beauty
and culture. But Khusrau repudiated every claim and maintained that Delhi is the only
suitable place for the august cathedral seat.245 one may notice that Samarqand is not
referred as it had not gain the popularity for its majestic building till the time of Amir
Khusrau.
Continuing the same kind of detail, the poet briefly indicates about the completion of
Hisn-e-Nau (the new fort). The construction work of this fort was begun by Sultan
Alaud-din. When Sultan Qutbud-din Mubarak Shah ascended the throne, the incomplete
work of the fort was concluded. Interestingly, Khusrau also provides information on the
various products available in the market. In regard of cosmatics, which he referes as the
items of Solah Shringar, in the course of his counsels to his own daughter, Afifa, though
he cautions her to desist from visiting market and to apply cosmetics but he names all

those items of cosmetics which are even today remains the same. On one hand one can
assume the quality of the products available in Khusraus time and second the rich
markets of Delhi in that period too.
It is not only forts or palaces, during the royal encampments, temporary structures
were erected of lofty and imperial designs. Though in the later period, Abul Fazal
provides a beautiful description of the department of tent makers and also provides
distinctive features of the tents belonging to the royal house and nobles. In a recently
edited work of mine, Miratul-Istelah of Anand Ram Mukhlis, the detail on the colorful
tents is also described. Amir Khusrau provides a vivid description of the tents erected
during the royal encampments. Sultan Qutubud-din Mubarak Shah Khalji, in whose time
Nuh Sipihr was composed, moves on the military expedition for Warangal and Devgir.
The masnawis may not be equated with preponderance of the works of Firdausi and
Nizami, but stand for its immaculate significance. They not only elicit the appreciation
and reverence, but crave the indulgence of the scholars. Hence, their importance cannot
be denied82. These are the repositories of the literary and cultural assets. Number of
critics called the Khamsa of Khusrau as the best imitation of Nizamis quintet. But the
end does not descend at this conclusion.
Khmasa: Many salient features also ensue from the Khamsa of Khusrau. The
poets initiation to continue to emulate the ways of masnawi writing accomplished by
Nizami. Nizami completed his quintet in 597 A.H. (1197 A.D.) while for a good long gap
of hundred years none could dare to compose a remarkable masnawi on the lines of
Nizami. Khusrau wrote after his model and his efforts encouraged at least seventy poets
to show their skills in this task including the noted poets like Jami, Hatifi, Maktabi
Shirazi, Faizi, Hakim Ateshi and many others etc. In other words, Khusrau who exposed
his mastery through lyrical poems also revived the convention of masnawi writing after
Nizami.
Khusraus Khamsa should not be merely studied as an initiated work. It bears the
significant information about the multifacets of the poets own life57, the customs and
environment of Indian life and social formations. Dr. Tahir observed the Khamsa from a
different and unconventional approach in his brief article58. His study provides aspects of
communist ideology in the contents of Khamsas.
Poetical works or any written document can provide the inner and outer vision of
its writer and his observations about the society he is living in. The period of Alaud-din
Khalji, in spite of its political stability, was a time of upheaval. The eulogies, addressed to
the Sultan, reveal the oppression of the subjects. Though the poet lived in the royal
palace, his soul was always with the people. He urged the Sultan to share sorrow of the
people and take care of them and did not approve exclusive attention of the Sultan
towards the elites. The increasing lust wealth and power many innovations of Amir
Khusrau worth praise52. In fact, Khusrau had realized his shortcomings in the previous
masnawis. The lack of source material was not a hindrance in this poem. Thus, he
displayed his full creative genius in it.
The conventional evils of feudal society and the detrimental consequences of social
inequality are also well visible in this work54.
Though the deaths of the mother and bother bereaved Khusrau during the
composition of Majnun-wa-Laila55. But he did not allow pause due to the sad
happenings. He endeavoured to create many innovations through the creation of various

perceptions, and illustrated his qualitative inborn gifts of imagery in the episodes
unattended by Nizami. But the repetition of ethical themes, on the guidelines of epistles
of Plato and Ghizali could not equate him with originality and naturalness of Nizami.
Shibli too opined about its pitfalls56.
Hasht Bihisht, the fifth and the last mathnawi of the Khamsa was produced with
much labour in a span of two years time. It was perhaps the longest period, Khusrau
devoted to a mathnawi. He did not want, it seemed, to leave the last work as an
impression of dejection. He originated his own plot on the source material of Indian soil,
and Haft Paiker provided him such liberty. He moved ahead from the plot of his model
and extended it according to his choice.
It is quite obvious that the poems of Khusrau could not supercede Nizamis work
for one reason or the other. A comparative evaluation of his and Nizamis work, and
khusrau admitted himself that he could not be at par with him since the latter was skilled
devoted his whole life in the art of masnawi. Unlike him, Nizami remained tension-free.
Even then, one would hardly be able to make any distinction between both the works.
47
Dr. Wahid Mirza found this mathnawi as the finest poem of the Khamsa and
Khusrau has proved himself to be as great a student of the psychology of love and
emotion as any eight episodes instead of seven. His skill, ability and talent in various
spheres, particularly music and magic are evinced in this work. Moreover, it was
scrutinized by his friend and critic Ali and later on by Maulana Shihab apart from other
poems of the Khamsa. The poet himself remarked about his pains and efforts to bring out
the best work;

48
Amongst the modern critics, Dr. Muhammad Habib says: The Hasht Bihisth, in
which Khusrau allowed himself to incorporate a number of Indian stories, is the best of
his romances49. Shibli described that Khusrau attained his maturity in poetic skill
through this poem and the episodes were narrated with all its objects and parts50.
According to Syed Sulaiman Ashraf no mathnawi can be equated with this poem in
Persian poetry51. Dr. Mahjoob, in his comparative study of Haft Paiker and Hasht Bihisht
found among the plebeians, when the fornicators and imposters were in dominance
Khusrau illustrates such deterioration of the society in the following couplets:


59
The inner evidences of the masnawis reveal that he could not keep himself aloof
of lasciviousness. He also did not appreciate that art of poetry which was adopted as a
means of earning the money. He asked his sons to avoid this profession, and called poetic
task a work of idles. He admonished himself for such task:
Persian60
In spite of his firm belief in Sufic life, a life he wished to live, the attraction and
charm of materialistic world trapped him. The family life forced him to continue to
compose the couplets to provide his wards a livelihood:

 61
Though he denounced a poetry written for lascivious purposes and needs, but at
the same time he never suggested to denounce the world and adopt a life of seclusion and
solitude bereft of domestic responsibilities62. Moreover, he wanted a man to act
according to the need of the time and environment, as has been mentioned in Aina-eSikandari:


63
A number of such couplets show that the poet always insisted to act according to
the time, and this aspect of his life made him a man of success. Even if his inner
conscience did not allow him for certain actions, he acted due to the circumstances. In
other words, he was a great diplomat of his time. He was well aware of his hypocritical
way of life, and exposed himself in the couplets mentioned hereunder:

64
There is ample scope of further study about the life of the poet as reflected in
these mathnawis.
Apart from it, there are illustrations of social formations of the society, where
evils were narrated in ethical narrations. A beautiful description of the womans status in
the time of Khusrau is portrayed in the twentieth maqala of Matlaul-Anwar. Though at
present voices of anguish may be heard against the custom of Sati but Khusrau, though
being a Muslim, appreciated such a custom65. He chalked out a plan for girls in his
mathnawi Matla-ul-Anwar and Hasht Bihisht addressing his daughters. Though his
suggested precautionary steps may create a hue and cry among the women of modern
period, particularly those inclined towards western way of life. But His mathnawis are the
dramatized poetical descriptions and the poets own hypothesis can be gleamed into this
kaleidoscopic description. He monitors on each these would have been adopted in the
then society. He always supported females and lamented those who disliked the birth of a
female. A detailed description has been already elucidated in the study of Hasht Bihisht.
Interestingly with the influence of the peer group, he also appreciates idol worship and
fire worship of Hindus:
66
The fame and popularity of Khusraus Khamsa may be observed and evaluated
from a number of commentaries, written on them. Amongst these, Sharah-e-MatlaulAnwar67, Qissa-e-Behram Gaur68 are worth mention.
In short, the Khamsa is not a mere imitation. Its stories depict the cultural
heritage of India. The presentation of the poet is surcharged with new influences flowing
from Central Asia. Khusrau incorporated the indigenous cultural trend to the taste of
people with whom he lived. The mathnawis were a means to express his feelings and
emotions along with creative skill. For him the Khamsa of Nizami was a source of
inspiration in the true meaning of imitation, which may be put very well in the words of
Dryden. Those great men whom we propose to ourselves as patterns of our imitation,
serve as a torch, which is lifted up before us, to illumine our passage and often elevate
our thoughts as high as the conception we have of our authors genius.

X It is believed that the poets are by no means the best equipped to appreciate the poetry
of others since they cannot realize the problem of others, but Khusraus self-appreciation
leapt into the exaggeration to some extent. However, the poet explicated the narration and
description simultaneously in his masnawis with the varied aims of entertainment,
preaching and palatable reporting of the events, happened in his time, at the instance of
his patrons. But he kept visible the identity of each element of anatomical structure along
with the ontology of the subjects mentioned. His masnawis Qiranus-Sadain, Duwal
Rani-wa-Khizr Khan and Nuh-Sipihr undoubtedly may be synthesized in this parameter.
However, the identical subjects can always be pointed out in these narrations but will be
found in blissful elucidation. The subjects, especially his love for Indian culture,
portrayed in Qiranus Sadain, apart from the theme subject i.e. meeting and happy
reconciliation of duo father and son , has the beginning of the same, and again it
reemerges in Duwal Rani wa Khizr Khan beginning with the Hindostani language i.e.
Hindwi and Sanskrit, textiles, fruits, people and when he reaches to the third chapter of
Nuh-Sipihr, he turns the subject in a full fledged awesome glittering visual portrait and
pronouncing proudly himself to be a turke hindustani. It was not only masnawis but his
other works like Dibachae Ghurratul kamal or certain small masnawis and qataat of this
diwan ( I have copy of Diwan e Ghurratul Kamal edited by late prof Dastgir which is
unfortunately Nihayatul Kamals qasaid or prose work like Khazainul Futuh too depict
then Hindostan.
It is also interesting to mention that amongst the works of this great poet, masnawis
remained always source of attraction for the men of letters and well as the governance as
we can observe it from the number of manuscripts made of these. Not only in India or the
south asia but away in West and Ottoman empires royal house libraries, the manuscripts
of the masnawis were sent as the gifts. The catalogue prepared by Filtz Cagman and
Zeren Tanindi of the illustrated manuscripts of Topakapi Palace Museum Library,
Istanbul provide the travel of the manuscripts of Amir Khusrau to the said library. Some
of these manuscripts were introduced in 1975 by Zoe Ansari too but not all and all with
all detail. Prof. Khaliq Ahamd Nizami also mentioned a few especially of Duwal Rani wa
Khizr khan in his edition (though he has just appended the introduction and the
previously published text has been reproduced in the facsimile form). Even the libraries
of many European countries are decorated with the mss of Amir Khusraus works
especially masnawis as the contents became the source of illustrations.
In 1917, the project undertaken by Aligarh to produce Amir Khusraus works and after
that a very miniscule no of works are produced especially the texts. Many secondary
sources may have come up or Khusrau may have been discussed in different forms
pertaining to its own contents but the need is to reproduce what khusrau had said himself.
It is suggested when Agha Khan foundation has taken this initiative to revive Amir
Khusrua both his lasting earthly abode area, his music and his sayings in the form of his
works, it is humbly suggested in the name of this great poet an institute be set up not
any more society or Anujman as it may be usurped by the so called Khusrau experts as
has been in the past and the same should take up multi disciplinary approach to the
works of Khusrau and the priority should be to publish the well research authentic works
of this great poet. Thanks

"A Muslim Pilgrim Learns a Lesson in Piety from a

Brahman", Folio from a Khamsa (Quintet) of Amir
Khusrau Dihlavi
Amir Khusrau Dihlavi (12531325)
Calligrapher:
Muhammad Husain Kashmiri (active ca. 15601611)
Artist:
Painting by Basawan (Indian, active ca. 15561600)
Object Name:
Folio from an illustrated manuscript
Reign:
Akbar (15561605)
Date:
159798
Geography:
India
Medium:
Image: Ink, opaque watercolor, and gold on paper Margins: Gold on dyed paper
Dimensions:
H. 9 7/8 in. (25.1 cm) W. 6 1/4 in. (15.9 cm)
Classification:
Codices
Credit Line:
Gift of Alexander Smith Cochran, 1913
Accession Number:
13.228.29
This artwork is not on display

The Khamsa (Quintet) of the Indian poet Amir Khusrau Dihlavi localizes its model, the Khamsa of
Nizami, by rooting several of the stories in an Indian idiom. Likewise, the illustrations made for
Akbars (r. 15561605) copy are set in typically Indian landscapes. Here, a Muslim pilgrim to Mecca
meets a Brahman who travels to a Hindu temple by inching his way in a series of prostrations.
Impressed by this religious zeal, the Muslim removes his own shoes and continues on his way
barefoot
Inscription: Inscribed in Persian in nastaliq script:[ He] said
his heart is lost to his idol, my heart took a step on his path Signature in Persian in nastaliq script at
bottom left-hand corner of frame: Work of Basawan