Arianism and The Byzantine Army in Africa 533-546

ARIANISM AND THE BYZANTINE ARMY IN AFRICA 533-546
Author(s): WALTER EMIL KAEGI

Source: Traditio, Vol. 21 (1965), pp. 23-53
Published by: Fordham University
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ARMY
AND THE BYZANTINE

IN AFRICA 533-546*
ARIANISM
By WALTER
EMIL KAEGI
of the principal motivations

for the Emperor Justinian's reconquest
of Africa from the Vandal king Gelimer (Gelimer reigned from 15 June 530
to 15 September 533), was religious: the desire to liberate the African Catholic
One
majority of the population from their Arian Vandal

study exists, however, which assesses the extent
* In
Professor
its original
form, this paper
Lee Wolff
at Harvard
Robert
Wolff
Professor
for his
careful
extensive
references,
see A.
Fliehe
for the Byzantine

Seminar
History
I wish to acknowledge
my thanks
written
University.
I have
comments.
I am, of course,
responsible
completely
1 For an introduction
to the origin
with
was
persecutors.1 No critical
to which the Byzantine
since
revised
extensively
this study
of
to
and
for its contents.

and development
and V. Martin,
a general
in the fourth century

de Veglise (Paris 1947) III
to Germanic
of Arianism
tribes and
of Arianism
Histoire
of the introduction
description
Die Ostger
a comparative
role in various
Giesecke,
tribes, see H.-E.
study of the heresy's
are
167-199.
For Africa
manen
the
Vandals
und der Arianismus
discussed,
1939);
(Leipzig
see C. A. Julien, Histoire
de VAfrique du Nord
in general,
;
(2nd ed. revised by C. Courtois
For
69-296.
an extensive,
but not complete,
This work contains
arranged
bibliography
1951-52).
on Roman
Africa up to
to scholarship
A
recent
useful
and
addition
significant
by periods.
Storia delle province romane dell'Africa
is P. Romanelli's
the Vandal
(Rome 1959)
conquest
For more
recent bibliography
is largely limited to political
which
unfortunately
history.
Paris
see the section

of new books and reviews which
'Periode vandale
et byzantine'
on the Vandals
G.
is unquestionably
The best single work
in Libgca.
annually
to all relevant
et VAfrique
contains
references
Les Vandales
Courtois,
(Paris
1955) which
; L. Schmidt, Geschichte der Wandalen
1942) is still use
(2nd ed. Berlin
secondary material
RE
8A.1 (1955) 298-335.
The date of the Vandals'
ful. See also: F. Miltner,
'Vandalen,'
on Africa,
appears
conversion
to Arianism
are
There
several
but they had become Arians before they reached Africa.

is uncertain,
on Justinian's
A perceptive
article by
of Africa.
reconquest
Historische
still deserves
'Belisar's
consultation:
Vandalen-krieg,'
works
J. von Pflugk-Harttung
41 (1889) 69-96.
C. Diehl has written the basic work: VAfrique
byzantine (Paris
Zeitschrift
readable
is J. B. Bury, History
useful
and
Still
(2nd ed.
1896).
of the Later Roman Empire
E. Stein, Histoire
du Bas-Empire
London
1949)
1923) II124-139.
(Amsterdam-Brussels-Paris
II 311-328,
manual.
does not claim to present a
is an indispensable
C. Courtois
547-560,
narrative
chronological
353.
tions, Vandales
historical
niano,'
a few helpful details

provide
on Justinian's
and
motives
and
observa
the ultimate
of the reconquest:
P. Romanelli,
'La riconquista
africana di Giusti
significance
sur la re
romana
'Points de vue
(Milan 1935) 123-140, and C. Saumagne,
The
au vie siecle,' Cahiers
281-297.
7 (1959)
de l'Afrique
de Tunisie
byzantine
Africa
conquete
second volume
wars,
but does
of the conquest,
observations
general
For
has
not
of B. Rubin,
yet
Das
Zeitalter
Iustinians,
which
will
cover
Justinian's
western
appeared.
24
TRADITIO
expeditionary force of 533 actually treated its invasion of Africa as a Catholic

war against Arianism.
Such a study would also provide some information
on the obscure problem of the relative significance of Arianism
in North
after the Byzantine
Clarification of this question has
reconquest.
desirable, for in a recent article C. J. Speel argued that the disap
pearance of Christianity in the wake of the Islamic conquest is explained by
Africa
become
the affinity of Islam and Arianism, which he claims was the religion of the
reconquest.2 His thesis de
majority of North Africans after the Byzantine
sources: according
serves to be tested by the Byzantine
survive
the collapse
in
did
Arianism
Africa
successfully
to the sources, how

of the Vandal au
thority which had established it?

The Vandals had penetrated North Africa in 429 and, after their capture
of Carthage in 439, had firmly established themselves as rulers of Africa
and
Proconsularis, Byzacium, Tripolitania, Caesarian and Sitifian Mauretania,
had taken partial or complete pos

Islands, Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily.3 Over the years,
persecutions of the native Catholic population, who were the
Outside
Numidia.
of Africa, the Vandals
session of the Balearic

these heretics'
descendants
of the Romans
the Vandals
whom
increasingly severe. Justinian (527-565),

combatted heresy within the Byzantine
indignities to which the heretical Vandals
had
a devout
or Roman
had
conquered, had become

Catholic who vigorously
regarded the
Empire,
the
African
Catholic
subjected
had forcibly rebap

Incensed because the Vandals
Church as unendurable.
the
tortured
the
into
had
Arian church,
tized Catholics
faithful, had desecrated
sacred edifices, and considering himself as God's lowest servant and the Van
dals as 'the enemies both of souls and bodies', he felt compelled to avenge
these injuries to the Catholic Church and to free the African populace from
their yoke
of servitude.4
2 C. J.
of
in the Wake
from North Africa
of Christianity
'The Disappearance
Speel,
29 (1960) 379-397.
of Islam,' Church History
of the Vandal
characteristics
of the geographical
an excellent
discussion
kingdom:
155-214.
Vandales
'Structure
Courtois,
g^ographique,'
4 The African
One
their sufferings under the Vandals.
to publicize
clergy endeavored
the Rise
3 For
was Victor
of Vita, Historia
provin
africanae
persecutionis
Auct. Antiq.
3.1-58).
(ed. C. Halm MGH
regibus Wandalorum
For a more peace
under King Huneric
The persecution
(477-484) was the most notorious.
see G.-G. Lapeyre's
edition of La Vie de Saint Fulgence
ful picture of the Vandal
kingdom,
book written
ciae
with
sub Geiserico
this purpose
et Hunirico
de R?spe
de R?spe
id., Saint Fulgence
1929) ; this work
(Paris
1929) and
(Paris
of course, how serious the Arian-Catholic
It is questionable,
the early fifth century.
considered
is that Justinian
The
in Africa really were.
fact, however,
important
relations
On the problem of Arian-Catholic
in Afica as intolerable.
tion of Catholics
see Courtois,
287,
310-324;
'La paix vandale,'

C. Saumagne,
see Courtois,
Victor de Vita
of Vita,
cf. also
On Victor
1 (1930)
174-75.
For the piety of Justinian,
1954).
sienne N.S.
(Algiers
Vandales
see C. Diehl,
Justinien
describes
tensions
the situa
in Africa,
Revue
Tuni
et son
ceuvre
et la civilisation
byzan
ARIANISM
AND
BYZANTINE
ARMY
25
There were, of course, additional reasons for Justinian's decision to order

an invasion of Africa. He hoped to restore the former limits of the Roman
Empire.6 African landowners of Roman origin, moreover, urged the emperor

to reconquer Africa because of its great wealth;6 among its treasures were
the Roman imperial ornaments which the Vandal king Geiseric had plundered
in 455.7 Eastern merchants
who traded in the Vandal kingdom

on
to
embark
this enterprise.8 Finally, Gelimer's
JustirTian
encouraged
the
Vandal
throne
from
of
Justinian's
15
friend, King Hilderic,
usurpation
a
a
was
to
blow
the emperor's prestige and
both
June 530,
pretext for hostili
from Rome
also
could now pretend to be overthrowing Gelimer in the name

These factors, however, were
of the legitimate ruling house of Hilderic.9
overcome
to
the opposition of the em
not
convincing enough
apparently
to
even
to Procopius,
invasion
of
Africa.
any
According
peror's advisers
war
after listening to the frank pro
Justinian checked his eagerness for the
tests of the pretorian prefect, John of Cappadocia.10 Religious considerations,
ties: Justinian
however, finally overcame the emperor's reservations. An unidentified eastern

bishop, according to Procopius, persuaded Justinian to undertake the expe
dition by recounting a dream:
tine au
Das Zeitalter
II 279; Rubin,
1901) 315; Stein Hist, du Bas-Empire
I 128-29.
On the emperor's desire to unite the Church
under Catho
'
von Staat und
his persecution
of heresy: H. Geizer,
Das Verh?ltnis
and consequently
Die
kleine Schriften
in Byzanz,'
Ausgew?hlte
(Leipzig
1907) 70-76; and A. Knecht,
Iustinians
licism,
Kirche
vie siecle
(Paris
(Berlin
1960)
I (W?rzburg
Justinians
For a very exaggerated
Kaiser
1896) 24-25.
pic
Religions-politik
e legislatore catto
Giustiniano
ture of the emperor's
Primo, principe
piety, see: B. Biondo,
his views on the reconquest
of Africa
lico (Milan
, 1-10, 27-63. Justinian
expressed
1936)
1.27.1.1-5
in a law promulgated
during April 534: Codex Justinianus
(ed. P. Krueger,
Corpus
Juris Civilis 2.77).
5
30.11.2
Nov.
Schoell,
Justinian,
(ed. R.
Corpus Juris Civilis 3.234).
6 Zachariah
Chronicle
9.17
and Brooks
of Mitylene,
(tr. Hamilton
262).
7 Cod. Just.
De hello vandalico
1.5.3 (2nd ed. J. Haury
1.27.1,6
(77 Krueger);
Procopius,
and G. Wirth,
1962, 331-32).
Leipzig
8
1.20.5
bell. vand.
(397 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
9
1.9
the deposition
vand.
of Hilderic;
bell.
discusses
(351-55 Haury-Wirth)
Procop.,
and Justinian's
Gelimer's
reaction of the protest;
Justinian's
angry de
protest to Gelimer;
summons to Belisarius
to come from the eastern fron
cision to go to war and the emperor's
to split the Vandals
for an invasion
of Africa.
Justinian's
endeavor
by
prepare
'free' the Van
that he had sent Belisarius
and an army only to depose Gelimer and
claiming
in the emperor's
nation: Procop.,
bell. vand. 1.16
dals is obvious
open letter to the Vandal
tier and
13-14 (384 Haury-Wirth).

10 For
the fears of the
The
magistrates
bell. vand. 1.10.2-6

magistrates,
Procop.
(355-56 Haury-Wirth).
afraid of the emperor to speak out, but John the Cappadocian
ibid. 1.10.7-17
See also Procop.,
his misgivings,
were
too
frankly exposed
De aedificiis
6.5.6 (ed. J. Haury
180). For the office of praetorian
W. Ensslin,
RE
'Praefectus
22.2 (1954) 2426-2502.
praetorio,'
perfect
in late antiquity,
26 TRADITIO
said that God had visited him in a dream and bidden him go to the
He
and
emperor
the Christians
rebuke
him,
in Libya
after
because,
from
tyrants,
'And yet/ He had said,

afraid.
I will make him lord of Libya.ai
of protecting
the task
undertaking
reason
become
for no good
he had
'I will Myself
join him in fighting and
offers a somewhat different reli

bishop Victor of Tonnenna
for Justinian's decision to invade the Vandal
kingdom:
explanation
The
African
gious
in the 480s,
bishop Laetus, an African Catholic martyred by the Vandals
had appeared in a dream to the emperor and induced him to undertake the
enterprise.12
in command of the entire expedition,

Justinian placed the able Belisarius
some
and
500
18,000
ships.18 This brilliant soldier, invested
troops
comprising
with unlimited powers by the emperor, was born about 500 in Germania
(between Thrace and Illyricum) and had been serving against the Persians.14
Belisarius appears to have been a good Catholic, but mainly a good soldier,
or reli
completion of military tasks than with political
gious questions.15 Around the spring equinox of 533, the ceremony of depar
more
11
concerned with
et
Vandales
Les
1.10.18-21
Courtois,
an
as
African
for
the
Catholic
was
this
clergy.
agent
acting
bishop
VAfrique 288, believes
12 Victor
Auct. Antiq.
an. 534 (ed. T. Mommsen,
MGH
Chronica
of Tonnenna,
11.198).
of Procopius
and Victor,
the accounts
between
of this discrepancy
A possible
explanation
the word of pious African
is the role of Byzantine
in my opinion,
spreading
propaganda;
to liberate them because
had been moved
at Constantinople
that the emperor
Catholics
Procop.,
bell.
of the visit
of one
vand.
of their own martyrs
whom
the Arian
Vandals
had
killed,
would
be an
them
support.
such
access
to
officials
had
who
high
regime.
Procopius,
blessing upon
that the real pressures were being exerted by the clergy.
understand
as Belisarius,
would
less of an impression
to Justinian would make
visits
Moreover,
reports of African martyrs'
excellent
way
to win
good will
and
Such
a tale would
convince
the new
of God's
upon
the Africans'
If my supposition
themselves.
of the East
than upon Africans
population
visit to Justinian would
among
this story of Laetus'
only have been circulated
but he did not
were Arians,
was aware that the Vandals
of Mitylene
Zachariah
the Greek
is correct,
Africans.
to invade Africa, Chronicle

decision
explain how their religious beliefs affected Justinian's
and Brooks).
11.17 (263 Hamilton
13 For
bell. vand. 1.11.18
of Belisarius:
the appointment
(363 Haury-Wirth);
Procop.,
cf. Stein, Hist, du Bas-Empire
ibid. 1.11.2-16
the number of troops:
(360-63, Haury-Wirth);
bell. vand. 1.11.13
of ships: Procop.,
for the number
II 312-13;
(362 Haury-Wirth).
14 For Belisarius'
bell. vand. 1.11.18.20
unlimited
(363 Haury-Wirth);
powers:
Procop.,
life: an old work by Lord
For Belisarius'
ibid. 1.11.21
his birthplace:
(363 Haury-Wirth).
RE
209-240;
The Life of Belisarius
'Belisarios,'
5(1897)
1829); Hartmann,
(London
but includes
little
contains
L.
M.
which
Gen.
Chassin
research,
the biography
original
by
1957).
(Paris
byzantin, 504-565
generalissime
insights by a fellow soldier, Belisaire:
15 Gen.
seems
notes that Belisarius
on 'Les temps des heresies,'
in an annex
Chassin,
ibid.
in doing his military
interested
but was mainly
to have been a pious Catholic,
duty,
Mahon,
240.
Belisarius'
of these allusions,
speeches,
however,
as recorded
by Procopius,
are to Tyche or Fortune,
are filled with
rather than
references
the Christian
to God.
God
Most
in partic
ARIANISM
AND
BYZANTINE
ARMY
27
This formality had

ture for the enterprise took place at Constantinople.
a pronounced religious tone; Belisarius'
ship anchored in front of the imperial
was
The historian Pro
blessed
the
Patriarch
and
Epiphanius.16
by
palace
as
on
was
To
board
Belisarius'
assessor.17
sanctify and further em
copius
the
the
mission
sacred
Patriarch
the
of
placed on
expedition,
phasize
a
who
been
soldier
had
board the general's ship
recently
baptized and had
a Christian name.18 Officially, at least, the struggle against heresy
an important motif in the reconquest of Africa; Charles Diehl has gone
has
so far as to term this enterprise 'a sort of Crusade.'19 E. L. Woodward
called it a 'holy war against Arians.'20
assumed
was
of what official statements and ceremonies might proclaim

Regardless
to decide just how
to the world, it was principally for the general Belisarius
of
and Catholic to
the
Arian
he
doctrinal
allow
would
opposition
important
become in his actual military operations inAfrica. Four factors seem to have
of the religious differences between Byzan

In
the
first
tines and Vandals.
place, as has been pointed out, Belisarius
considerations
was exclusively a soldier and appears to have kept military
been
relevant
to his treatment
rather
in imitation
of classical
models
by Procopius
composed
speeches were
for two real instances
of Belisarius'
But
words.
of the general's
reproductions
see the general's
of the former
and adoption
baptism
campaign,
piety during the African
arcana
and G.
1.16 (2nd ed. J. Haury
Historia
Theodosius:
heretical Eunomian,
Procop.,
bell,
of Ad Decimum:
Procop.,
1963, 8); and his prayer before the battle
Wirth,
Leipzig
are
For
course
conventional
instances
of
These
of
vand. 1.19.11
piety.
Haury-Wirth).
(393
ular. These
than
as
'Beli
of other concerns: Hartmann,
interest in military
affairs to the exclusion
II 285.
du Bas-Empire
238; and Stein, Hist,
sarios,'
16 For the
bell. vand. 1.12.1 (365 Haury-Wirth);
and date of the ceremony: Procop.,
place
was enthroned as
ibid. 1.12.2
for the Patriarch's
(365 Haury-Wirth).
blessing,
Epiphanius
5
535.
and
died
June
520
25
Patriarch
February
17 The most
von
article
is the extensive
recent general
'Prokopios
study of Procopius
The classic work on Procopius
RE
23.1
Kaisaraia'
Rubin,
(1957) 273-599.
by Berthold
his narrow
von Caesarea
(Berlin
by F. Dahn, Procopius
des Vandalen-und
als
Geschichtschreiber
kop
G. Soyter's
is still useful.
'Pro
article,
Jahrb?cher
Neue
f?r Antike
Gotenkrieges,'
an evaluation
of Procopius'
is mainly
und Deutsche
utility for the
97-108,
(1939)
Bildung
on the expedition:
bell,
of Procopius
For the presence
tribal history.
student of German
1.14.3
vand. 1.12.3
(373
Haury-Wirth).]
(365 Haury-Wirth);
18 The
is
ibid. 1.12.2
renamed
and
'Christian,'
(365 Haury-Wirth),
newly-baptized
This con
and his wife Antonia.
adopted
by Belisarius
thought to be the former Eunomian
arc. 1.16 (8 Haury-Wirth).
For the iden
vert took the name of Theodosius:
Procop., Hist.
1865)
the
of the Patriarch's
For
the significance
placing
1923)
L'Eg Use byzantine de 527 ? 847 (3rd ed. Paris
'
Studies
Journal
C. Jenkins,
it a sanctification;
of Roman
Procopiana,'
24-25, who considers
omen.
it as a favorable
37 (1947)
75, regards
19
15.
Diehl,
byzantine
L'Afrique
20 E. L.
in the Later Roman
and Nationalism
(London
Empire
Woodward,
Christianity
tification:
new
1916)
410.
Rubin,
'Prokopios,'
on board:
J. Pargoire,
convert
89.
28
TRADITIO
in his policy-making.21 Secondly, the presence of 'no less than

uppermost
soldiers
of the Arian creed,' mostly foederati (barbarian troops, mainly
1,000
force tended
horse, serving in the Byzantine
army), in the expeditionary
to blur the religious distinctions between Byzantines and Vandals.22 Although
Justinian had enacted legislation against various heresies within the Byzan
tine Empire, he had found it necessary to give limited toleration to Arian
foederati in a law of 527 because, among other reasons, of these here

tics' valuable military contribution to the defense of the empire.23 Clearly,
any attempt to fan the Byzantine soldiers' hatred against the Vandals' Arian
Gothic
probably create a serious division along confessional lines within

own army. These Arian troops, to be sure, were only a small
total military forces, but as subsequent events dem
fraction of Belisarius'
these
could wield great influence over the entire army
heretics
onstrated,
ism would
Justinian's
in a critical situation.
important incentive forBelisarius to

was
Justinian's
hope of encouraging the
exciting religious feelings
Vandals to desert Gelimer. The emperor intended to try to weaken the Van
dals' will to resist, and, if possible, induce them to join the Byzantine
forces
Perhaps
the most
avoid
by his assertion that he had sent an army to free the Vandals from Gelimer's
'tyranny.'24 If this strategy were to have any chance for success, Belisarius
could not have afforded to conduct a war which aroused religious emotions.
A religious war would probably only have provoked fanatical resistance.
Against these three arguments, however, Belisarius had to weigh the potential
value of the African Catholic majority's
support; would it be measurably
a
conflict between opposing religious faiths ?25
increased ifhe made the campaign
Belisarius'
army disembarked 30 or 31 August, 533 at Caput Vada
(Ras
on
the
African coast.26 The general did not refer to the Arian-Catholic
Kapudia)
21 See
22 For
n.
15, supra.
bell. vand. 2.14.12

of Arians:
(484 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
Procopius
ibid. 1.11.3-5
Most
of
the contemporary
(361 Haury-Wirth).
meaning
foederati,
on the expe
some were Herulians.
There were 400 Herulians
of the Arians were barbarians,
the number
discusses
dition
barians
commanded
who
dwelled
by Pharas,
in Slovakia
pire II 150-51, 305-06.

23 Cod. Just.
1.5.12.17
zur Geschichte
ibid.
and
1.11.11
(362 Haury-Wirth).
later moved
southwestward:
for a discussion
(54 Krueger);
des ausgehenden
R?mertums
of this
The
Herulians
Stein, Hist,
provision:
were
bar
du Bas-Em
J. Sundwall,
252-57;
King
to make
had threatened
Italy's Catholics
reprisals against
Ostrogoths
relative tolera
For Theoderic's
Arians within the Byzantine
if Justinian persecuted
empire.
der Grosse (2nd ed., Munich
W. Ensslin,
Theoderich
tion of Catholicism:
1959) 93-106.
24
1.16.13-14
bell. vand.
(384 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
25 Belisarius
count on the refugee African
landowners who had been urging
could already
Abhandlungen
of the Arian
Theoderic
to reconquer
Justinian
26
Vandales
Courtois,
Africa:
Zachariah,
et VAfrique
Chron.
9.17
(Helsingfors
(262 Hamilton
1919)
and Brooks).
353.
ARIANISM
AND
BYZANTINE
ARMY
29
conflict in the speech which he made on board ship, debating where to land.27
Nor did he mention religious differences or affinities when he rebuked his troops
for plundering the Africans on the day after the landing. Instead of
asserting
were fellow Catholics, Belisarius merely de
that the Africans ('Libyans')
clared that he hoped for the Africans'
support because they had formerly
been
Romans.28
Although the African Catholic clergy unquestionably

rejoiced at Belisarius'
arrival, the general seems to have received little religiously motivated
support
from the non-Arian population. The only evidence (and this can be contested)
of distinctly Catholic aid to the Byzantine

army was the willing surrender
of Syllectum (Sylakta) two days after the landing by the city's bishop and
notables to a small detail of Belisarius'
to enter
troops who had managed
did receive valuable

the city.29 Belisarius
cooperation from some Africans,
to
and
Zacharias
of
according
Procopius
Mitylene, but the individuals who
funrished the support appear to have been mostly landowners who were not
it seems that
by religious considerations.30 Actually,
primarily motivated
the Catholic majority of the population was not seething with religious hatred
for his part, did not rely much on
against their heretical masters; Belisarius,
the African Catholics' religious fervor for the success of his campaign.31
27
bell. vand.
1.15.18-30
This
is, unlike many
Procop.,
speech
filled with
of the later ones composed
information
of historical
value.
For
by Procopius,
of later speeches
the diminished
historical
M. Br?ckner,
importance
by Procopius,
composed
von Caesarea
des Geschichtschreibers
Zur Beurteilung
10.
Prokopius
(Ansbach
1896)
28
vand.
bell.
1.16.2-8
Procop.,
29 The African Catholic
the Byzantine
arrival with enthusiasm.
clergy definitely welcomed
of their feelings is found in a letter written
nearly two years after the invasion
to Pope John II their joy at liberation:
Collectio
evidence
Documentary
council of the African
church
in the name
(May
535).
of a general
African
The
declared
letter 85, (ed.
Avellana,
bishops
Other evidence
O. Guenther,
of their feelings is the triumphant
CSEL
celebration
35.328).
14 Sept. 533, after the Arian priests had fled at the news
of St. Cyprian's
Day at Carthage
on 13 Sept.:
of Gelimer's
defeat at Ad Decimum
bell. vand. 1.21.17-25
(402-04
Procop.,
The only recorded
instance of their active aid to Belisarius,
however, was
of Syllectum
the
of
and
notables
the
ibid.
1.16.9-11
by
priest
city,
(383 Haury
Vandales
312 n.7, questions
whether
the priest and local leaders surren
Courtois,
Wirth).
or under duress.
dered voluntarily
30
9.17 (262-63 Hamilton
Chron.
and Brooks).
Courtois
correct
is perhaps
Zachariah,
in saying that the general reception that Belisarius
received
from the Africans was apathetic,
Haury-Wirth).
the surrender
Vandales
to consider
311-12,
but his discussion
this passage
bell. vand.
cooperation,
31
in an
Belisarius,
ibid. 1.16.2-8
dering,
and
from Zachariah
1.17.6
oration
arguments
which
are
is quite
somewhat
relevant.
weakened
Procopius
by his failure
mentions African
(386 Haury-Wirth).
to his men a day
after the landing, rebuked

them for plun
The
declared
that he was
general
relying
on the Africans'
for the success of the campaign.
He
did
completely
loyalty as Romans
not mention
As Rubin
is quite
noted,
412, the speech
religion.
'Prokopios,'
rhetorical,
30
On
TRADITIO
the
same
was
captured
The
Vandals.
letter provided
religious issue.
courier
surrendered, a royal Vandal
day that Syllectum
and was handed a letter from Justinian addressed to all the
courier was
ordered to publicize
for Belisarius'
further evidence
the note.32 The

avoidance
text of this
of the delicate
Seeking to turn the Vandals

against Gelimer's
'tyranny,'
the emperor disclaimed any desire to make war upon their nation; Justinian
asserted that he only wished to dethrone the usurper.33 The emperor proceeded
to promise peace and freedom to the Vandals
if they aided the Byzantine
forces.34 It is significant that Justinian carefully refrained from mentioning

any outstanding religious difficulties between the Catholics and the Arians.
In this way, he sought to avoid offending the Arian sensibilities of the Vandals.
At the same time, however, he gave them no religious guarantees which might
hamper his future freedom of action in sacred affairs. Justinian's vague
to provide cooperative Vandals with

'in the name of God'
'peace
pledge
to any specific religious policy in Africa
not
did
commit
him
and freedom'
after Gelimer was defeated. For the moment, the emperor wished to shun,
rather than to encourage, a war fought on religious grounds. As a matter
of fact, the letter had no imporant practical effects, for the courier never
a few friends.35
published it, but only showed it privately to
took place. Gelimer

On September 13, the critical battle of Ad Decimum
severe
defeat which cost him his capital Carthage.36 Procopius
suffered a
mentions God several times in connection with this battle, but does not assert
that the Byzantine army won because of its correct religious beliefs. The
confesses that during the conflict he had reflected that God marks
out a pattern of what will occur, while He deceives others 'to make a path
for Fortune, who bears firmly toward that which has been previously de
historian
creed.'37
who
a Christian, Procopius was a skeptical one

religious controversy and preferred to avoid discussion of it.38
Although
despised
apparently
Historische
'Belisar's
value.
but still of some historical
Vandalen-krieg,'
Pflugk-Harttung,
Vandales
311-12, both note thatBelisa
61[N. F. 25] (1889) 72-73, and Courtois,
Zeitschrift
that he did not
after landing,
forced to take careful security measures
rius was
indicating
Justinians
Kaiser
P. J?rs, Die Reichspolitik
trust the Africans.
(Giessen
1893) 16, observes
that the emperor received no material
help from the Church and its bishops.
32
vand.
1.16.12
bell.
(384 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
33 Ibid.
1.16.13
(384 Haury-Wirth).
34 Ibid.
1.16.14
(384 Haury-Wirth).
36 Ibid.
1.16.15
36 The
of Ad Decimum:
For the battle
ibid. 1.21.23-25
date:
(404 Haury-Wirth).
1.19 (391-96 Haury-Wirth).
37 Ibid.
1.18.2
18 (1949) 92-93,
Church History
copius,'
G. Downey,
'Paganism
that Procopius
believes
of Theos with the pagan

the Christian
Tyche.
concept
38 For
a clear
of Procopius'
skepticism:
expression
Procop.,
ibid.
in Pro
and Christianity
to reconcile
is attempting
De
hello gothico
1.3.6-9
ARIANISM
AND
ARMY
BYZANTINE
31
outlook has two implications. On the one hand, it is noteworthy

official participating in the campaign
that at least one important Byzantine
?
was
forces?
the adviser to the commander-in-chief of the Byzantine
not stirred to view the conflict as one of opposing religious convictions.
His mental
own religious skepticism and tendency to

the other hand, Procopius'
of
classical
thought (in preference to Christian terminology)
expressions
employ
the
at
least
in
may conceal,
speeches which he composed for the mouth of
On
and fervent conviction of many Byzantine

officers
the sincere
Belisarius,
and regular soldiers that the real issue of the war, or at least an extremely
important one, was religious.39 In general, however, it appears that Procopius
the role of religious beliefs in the African campaign very

on the campaign do not mention the Arian-Catholic
sources
other
much. The
issue as a vital one in the actual military operations. Furthermore, Procopius
course of his narrative which
provides several pieces of information in the
indicate that even ifhis speeches must be regarded as suspect and unhistorical,
has not distorted
army policy toward Arianism
Byzantine
and G. Wirth,
(ed. J. Haury
O. Veh,
beliefs:
Christian
during the reconquest was moderate.40
on Procopius'
but probably
skeptical
und Weltauffassung
des Prokop
von
341.
The
assertion
of P. Bonfante
1963, 15-16). Also

Leipzig
Zur Geschichtsschreibung
Caesarea
41
'Prokopios,'
1952) 30; Rubin,
(Bayreuth
Bullettino
di Procopio,'
della Storia Arcana
an Arian
was probably
283-87, that Procopius
Zur Geschichtsschreibung
II 716 n.l; Veh.
du Bas-Empire
of Bonfante's
character
assertion
of the unrealistic
indication
'II movente
(1933)
Stein, Hist,
further
delV
Istituto
himself,
di Diritto
is almost
. . .
Romano
certainly
false:
2.29.
Prokop.
is the fact that Pro
in Africa during
was
forced to flee for his life from an Arian-inspired
the
mutiny
2.14. 38-41 (488 Haury-Wirth).
21 (484-85 Haury-Wirth);
of
536, bell. vand. 2.14.12-15,
spring
39 See H.
imitatus sit Thucydidem
Caesariensis,
quatenus
Braun,
Procopius
(Diss. Erlan
durch Prokop
Herodots
But cf. G. Soyter:
(N?rnberg
gen 1885); Die Nachahmung
1894).
copius
des
'Glaubw?rdigkeit
schrift 44 (1951)
40 The
other
sources
Hamilton
and
Geschichtschreibers
von
Prokopios
Kaisareia,'
Byzantinische
Zeit
541-45.
offer few or no
details
on
the
Chron. 9.17
campaign.
Zachariah,
Belisarius'
toward religion,
says
Brooks),
policy
than any source with the exception
of Procopius.
he does give more details
The
although
of Africa without
the actual
the capture
others
discussing
simply announce
campaign:
MGH Auct. Antiq.
a. 534 (ed. T. Mommsen
Chronicon
does say Africa
Marcellinus,
11.103-04)
(262-63
nothing
about
Chron.
an. 534 (198 Mommsen).
of Tonnenna,
Victor
vindicata
est.';
Veh,
stresses
the
that Procopius
liberation'
in this
2.29, claims
'religious
Prokop
as examples
war and points to passages
in De bello vandalico
of this. His
two examples,
on the persecution
1.8.3 (345 Haury-Wirth)
and Procopius'
by King Huneric,
description
to the Catholics
1.21.19
of the return of a Cathaginian
(403 Haury-Wirth)
sanctuary
(which
'volente
Zur
deo
Gesch.
are not convincing.

Just because
away by violence)
Procopius
a personal
he is not necessarily
It is not
violence,
expressing
opinion.
as Veh does, that Procopius
at the return of the
to believe,
necessary
actually
'rejoiced'
While
church to the Catholics.
had heard many
tales
undoubtedly
Carthaginian
Procopius
of Arian
and this hearsay has crept into his narrative
at various points,
cruelty to Catholics,
the Arians
mentions
had
wrested
Vandal
32
TRADITIO
of Ad Decimum, Belisarius
delivered an oration to his
at
in
the
stake
the
contest.
issues
He asserted, according
troops summarizing
to Procopius,
that 'justice' was on the Byzantines'
side, but by 'justice'
he did not mean the cause of the Catholic faith against the Arian heresy,
but rather the fact that Libya was formerly Roman:
'we are here in order to
Before
the battle
our property.'41 Procopius

believes that God may have blinded
to an opportunity to destroy the Byzantine army; the historian does
not attribute this divine decision to the righteous beliefs of Belisarius' men,
recover
Gelimer
instead, to the inexplicable will of God, who had determined

Vandal monarch's
span of prosperity had run its course.42
but
that the
routed the Vandals at Ad Decimum, Belisarius

entered Carthage
Having
on 15 September 533.43 Before permitting his soldiers to march into the city,
the general reminded them again that the Africans had formerly been Romans;
that these Africans has suffered many outrages (he was not specific) at the
and that for this reason the emperor had made war
hands of the Vandals;
seems to be
As in previous orations, Belisarius
these barbarians.44
to
the
volatile
reference
direct
the
issue, although
religious
avoiding
as
of
the
mention
of
direct
Catholics
Africans'
absence
any
may
sufferings
simply be due to Procopius' dislike for confessional questions. At any rate,
from Belisarius
the Carthaginian Catholics needed no vocal encouragement
upon
to arouse
When
Arian
their religious enthusiasm for the arrival of the Byzantine

army.
the news of Gelimer's defeat at Ad Decimum
reached the city, the
priests, who had been preparing a church for the celebration of the
important local festival of St. Cyprian (14 September), fled, and the Catholics
of this religious ceremony which the Vandals had
resumed the management
cites a dream in which St. Cyprian himself
Procopius
usurped.45
previously
prophesied to the faithful that he would at some future date avenge

this Arian profanation of his festival.46 The defeat of the Vandals and the
flight of the Arian priests on the day before the festival appeared to confirm
had
that the Byzantine

army enjoyed
Cyprian's prophecy, and demonstrated
divine favor.
ever threatened or harshly
There is no definite evidence that Belisarius
treated the Arian clergy in Africa, or any Vandal, for that matter, on account
is quite restrained
it seems clear that his account
and remarkably
line expressed
in the Corp. Jar. Civ.
official propaganda
41
bell. vand. 1.19.5
Procop.,
(392 Haury-Wirth).
42 Ibid. 1.19.25
43 Ibid. 1.20.1-2
(396 Haury-Wirth).
44 Ibid. 1.20.19-20
(399 Haury-Wirth).
45 Ibid.
1.21.19-25
46 Ibid.
1.21.21
(403 Haury-Wirth).
independent
from the
ARIANISM
AND
BYZANTINE
ARMY
33
of religious convictions. The flight of these Arian priests at Carthage

probably
reflected their fear of reprisals from the vengeful local Catholic zealots (who
had suffered so grievously under the Vandal occupation) at least as much as
the hasty de
any dread of injury by the Byzantine
army. Nevertheless,
parture of these priests demonstrates their awareness of the possible religious

invasion. There is no specific information on
implications of the Byzantine
the fate of other Arian clergymen in Africa during the campaign. Subsequent
(in 536), however, revealed that an influential number of the Arian

at large in Africa after the Vandal kingdom had completely
remained
clergy
The
collapsed.
regular Byzantine army entered Carthage in good order and
did not molest the citizens.47 Calonymus of Alexandria,
admiral of the in
to plunder the city before Belisarius
vasion fleet, and his sailors managed
events
everything was in disorder.48 From the arrival of the news

that the Byzantine army had won at Ad Decimum on 13 September to Beli
sarius' entry on 15 September, there must have been a lapse of security since
arrived while
the fall of the city was

It would
anarchy.
imminent. The Arian
priests fled during this interim

be presumptuous,
in the absence of definite source
that Belisarius evicted all of the Arian clergy from Car
of
material, to assume
thage and any other cities which he occupied. The Arian clergy of the Ostro
goths was permitted to remain in Rome by the Byzantine authorities at first
after that city was captured. Rome was taken on 9 December 536, but the
Arian clergy were not expelled until the winter of 543-544 when they were
of
suspected
treason.49
offered to those Vandals who

is an important in
in
sanctuaries
sought refuge
Carthaginian religious
dication that he and his subordinates in the Byzantine army followed a policy
of moderation
in regard to the Vandals'
religious convictions. Although the
Vandals were heretics who might seem to defile sacred buildings, Belisarius
The
treatment which Belisarius
honorable
had
suppliants pledges of security and kept his word.50

definitely considered to be proof of religious toleration.51
obviously wished to end the African campaign as quickly as possible,
offered these heterodox
Such
conduct was
Belisarius
47 Ibid.
48 Ibid.
1.21.9-10
1.20.16
49
(401-02
(398-99
Haury-Wirth).
Haury-Wirth).
3.9.21
(336 Haury-Wirth).
bell. goth.
Procop.,
in Carthage
all of the Vandals
when Belisarius
entered the
remaining
Apparently
as suppliants:
bell. vand. 1.20.1
Procop.,
(396 Haury-Wirth).
city had fled to sanctuaries
cf. 2.4. 10,21,32(434,
ibid. 1.21.11
Belisarius
435,
gave them pledges:
(402 Haury-Wirth).
50
437 Haury-Wirth).
51 See the statement
of 537-538
when
he was
of two Ostrogothic
envoys to Belisarius
their king Vitigis:
Procop.,
besieging
at Rome
bell.
during the winter

goth. 2.6.18-19
(176-77
Haury-Wirth).
34
TRADITIO
and the acquisition of a reputation for kind treatment of one's enemies, what
ever their religious beliefs might be, was a sensible way to weaken the Vandals'
will to resist, as well as to avoid offense to the Vandals'
co-religionists within
the Byzantine
his
While
army.52
consolidating
position by this temperate
Solomon of
dispatched his domes ticus or general manager
policy, Belisarius
Dara, who was also a commander of foederati, to inform Justinian of the vic
and of the capture of Carthage (Solomon probably de
tory at Ad Decimum
parted in late September, 533).53

Belisarius'
religious moderation was a prudent policy that soon had bene
ficial results. Gelimer, unaware of the imminent Byzantine
invasion, had
men
a
to
in Sardinia.
revolt
his
crush
brother
with
Tzazo
5,000
dispatched
the
the Byzantines
in
When
landed
Africa,
king recalled his
unexpectedly
brother. Tzazo, having suppressed the insurrection and having received Gel
imer's plea, immediately conveyed his men back to Africa and united them
with his brother's forces.54 Gelimer now bribed African farmers to kill By
soldiers, another indication of the absence of religious alignments

in the campaign; the Catholic farmers apparently had no qualms about killing
soldiers.55 Having
king now
Byzantine
regrouped his troops, the Vandal
marched on Carthage and tried a new strategy. It seems to have been Gelimer,
zantine
not the Byzantine

commander, who first attempted to turn the war into a
conflict along confessional lines. Gelimer, hoped that the Arian contingent
soldiers would
among Belisarius'
join their Vandal
co-religionists (the king
also tried to win over the 600 Huns in the Byzantine army and hoped that
turn against Belisarius).56
themselves would
the Carthaginians
52 For Belisarius'
the Vandals
and desire to prevent
haste
2.4.32
bell. vand. 2.4.10-11
him: Procop.,
(434 Haury-Wirth);
53 Ibid.
The date of Solomon's
1.24.19
(412 Haury-Wirth).
on
soon after the capture
of Carthage
occurred
it must have
This
from uniting
and
is the
attacking
(437 Haury-Wirth).
is uncertain,
departure
but
15 Sept. and perhaps

after
that he was
fairly confident that
on Solo
For more
information
the fortification to the extent

strengthened
the city: ibid. 1.23.19-20
(409 Haury-Wirth).
was Belisarius'
see Nagl,
3A (1929)
mon
RE
941-46.
Solomon
domesticus,
'Solomon,'
ibid. 1.11.6 (361 Haury
and also a eunuch,
bell. vand. 1.11.5
(361 Haury-Wirth)
Procop.,
'
RE
5 (1905) 1296-99.
For the office of domesticus,
Seeck,
Domesticus,'
Wirth).
54 The
a Goth, was a slave of Gelimer
the Vandal
to whom
rebel Godas,
Sardinian
king
had
Belisarius
hold
he could
had
previously
Wirth).
Tzazo
killed
Wirth).
After
Gelimer
his men,
55 Ibid.
56 Ibid.
the Arians
ibid.
(419
island's
the
rebel
informed
(413-16
government:
to quell
Tzazo
dispatched
1.25.10-26
1.23.1-18
2.1.1
the
entrusted
Gelimer
Haury-Wirth).
and
reestablished
him
bell.
Procop.,
the revolt,
Vandal
ibid.
rule,
of the loss of Carthage,
vand.
1.10.25-34
ibid 1.11.22-23
Tzazo
1.24.1-6
returned
(359-60
(363-64 Haury
(410 Haury
to Africa with
Haury-Wirth).
(407-09
Haury-Wirth).
When
Haury-Wirth).
in the Byzantine
army
would
Gelimer
revolt
marched
against
to Carthage
Belisarius;
Procopius
he
that
hoped
not say
does
ARIANISM
AND
BYZANTINE
ARMY
35
narrative of either side's attempting to turn

only clear instance in Procopius'
the contest into one of religious warfare; the other sources simply provide
no information at all. Belisarius,
endeavors
however, perceived Gelimer's
and was
sufficiently uncertain of the Byzantine

troops' loyalty to refuse to
the specific measure
in
the
mentions
the
Vandals
engage
open.57 Procopius
which the general took to forestall Carthaginian or Hunnic
treachery, but
he fails to note what
action, if any, beyond his general refusal to fight at first,

took to prevent his Arian soldiers from rebelling. Furthermore,
to Procopius, Belisarius did not refer to the religious differences
Belisarius
according
within the army when he made an address to the soldiers which aimed at
insuring their obedience.58
Gelimer failed to secure the adhesion of these Arians; there is no evidence
soldiers.59 His
that he even was able to unsettle these heretical Byzantine
failure is an important and useful gauge of the religious issue's importance

in Belisarius'
animosity was suffi
campaign of reconquest. Arian-Catholic
ciently tangible for a desperate monarch to attempt to exploit it in the hope of
saving his disintegrating kingdom, but the conflict of religious convictions
in itself was not apparent or meaningful enough to the Arian soldiers within
the Byzantine
army to cause a revolt in the name of religious solidarity.
Of course, itmay be that Belisarius had taken adequate precautionary measures

to prevent any Arian mutiny. Belisarius' avoidance of a distinctly anti-Arian
for the conduct of his Arian soldiers;
policy was probably responsible in part
was primarily a religious one.60
that
the
conflict
feel
not
did
they
ibid, 2.1.4 (419 Haury-Wirth).

king took to help realize his hopes,
as an aggressive
seems to have been organized
and expansionistic
226-27.
The Vandal
Vandales
tried, given this zeal, to
clergy may have
force, Courtois,
For Gelimer's
to win over
in Belisarius'
stir up their Arian
army.
coreligionists
attempts
what
measures
The Arian
the Vandal
Vandal
church
and Huns,
the Carthaginians
Haury-Wirth).
57
Being
suspicious,
The general
Wirth).
Procop.,
bell.
vand.
2.1.4
(419 Haury-Wirth);
2.1.5-6
(420
ibid. 2.1.7-8
Laurus,
(420 Haury
impaled the Carthaginian
the Hunnic
that they would
Massagetae
cavalry and promised
ibid. 2.1.9-11
be able to return home safely with all their booty,
58
further about
these Arian
them in
says nothing
troops until he mentions
Procopius
Belisarius
courted
Since he does
the events of 536, bell. vand. 2.14.12
(484 Haury-Wirth).
blockade
in 533, and since
of Carthage
any rebellion by them during Gelimer's
did not rebel. Belisarius'
in Africa,
to remain
these troops were allowed
they apparently
to the troops:
ibid. 2.1.13-25
address
59 Since Gelimer
and Catholic
lived in a kingdom where religious tensions between Arian
the effect of confessional
were always near the breaking
point, he may have overestimated
connection
with
not mention
differences
within
the Byzantine
importance.
ondary
60 Gelimer's
hopes
revolt
because
were
of religious
not
army where
so absurd,
grievances
religious
for at a
against
issues
later date
tended
(536)
normally
these Arian
to be of sec
troops
the Catholics.
did
36
TRADITIO
Nevertheless, Gelimer's endeavor to exploit the religious allegiance of these

for later events. Several possible courses
Arian soldiers was a warning-signal
of action were not followed. The Byzantine military authorities, including
could have resolved to transfer these approximately
1,000 Arians
Belisarius,
to another theater, such as the Persian, where their particular religious con
to exploitation.
If themilitary leader
course
could
made
certain that Arian
found
this
have
impractical, they
ship
Catholic differences in Africa would never become so intense and open that
the loyalty of these heretical troops would be compromised.61 Perhaps, how
victions would have been less vulnerable
and his subordinates

ever, Belisarius
interpreted Gelimer's vain religious
have concluded
commanders may
in
the
another
fashion;
Byzantine
hopes
that since these Arian contingents did not succumb to the Vandal
king's
not be affected by Arian
overtures, they would
in the
religious propaganda
future.62
secured his troops' loyalty, he engaged the Vandals

in mid-December,
533. The contest determined
orations
the end of the Vandal kingdom.63 Gelimer and his brother Tzazo's
before the battle contain references to heaven's curse and fate, but no dis
and Byzantines.64
cussion of the religious issues which divided the Vandals
had
Once Belisarius
at the battle of Tricamarum
ordered pledges of security to

routed the Vandals, Belisarius
be offered to the heretical suppliants who now filled the sanctuaries.65 Un
After he had
61 The
have
even
of transporting
cost
The
expense
great.
in Africa
caused
damage
been
great
shipped
thousands
zantine
when
Vandals
frontier would
to the Persian
troops from Africa
in comparison
been slight, however,
with the
had
in 536.
In fact, Belisarius
these troops rebelled
1,000
have
to the
eastern
frontier
from Africa.
a Byzantine
border, but also
to Justinian
and
at Constantinople,
failure to transfer
ibid. 2.19.3
these Arian
The explana
(508 Haury-Wirth).
seems to have been either
elements
or miscalculation.
oversight
62 In
saw that Gelimer's
endeavor
probably
retrospect, Procopius
the successful
and foreshadowed
within Belisarius'
army anticipated
to seduce
Vandals,
as
tion for the authorities'
The
These
were probably
sent not only to
Justiniani,
corps, Vandali
revolt in Africa
the new By
to prevent
any Vandal
against
2.4.10-12
bell. vand. 2.14.17
(434 Haury
(484 Haury-Wirth);
Procop.,
government,
in 539 did send soldiers of questionable
of Dara
Later Solomon
loyalty to Belisarius
incorporated
bolster that
Wirth).
in Italy
of Arian
would
these
conspiracy
troops in the spring

took the authorities
of 536, Procop.,
(including
bell. vand.
Procopius
the Arian
troops
efforts of Arian
priests
to win
2.14.13
himself,
(484 Haury-Wirth).
of Solomon)
the assessor
ibid. 2.14.23
(485 Haury-Wirth).
complete
surprise,
63 The battle
bell. vand. 2.2-3
is described
by Procopius,
The
ibid. 2.2.4 (424 Haury-Wirth).
marum was about 20 miles west of Carthage,
by
had taken flight; there was no

fled wildly when they heard that Gelimer
ibid.
Vandal
2.3.22-23
army,
(431 Haury-Wirth).
organized
64 Ibid. 2.2.9-22
These
2.2.24-32
(424-26 Haury-Wirth);
417.
are regarded
as sheer rhetoric by Rubin,
'Prokopios,'
66
bell. vand. 2.4.10,
21, 32 (434, 435, 437 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
simply
Trica
Vandals
longer an
speeches
ARIANISM
AND
BYZANTINE
ARMY
37
by the Vandals'
religious convictions, the general wished to prevent
his opponents from uniting against him by offering them lenient treatment.66
inNumidia,
Gelimer, who had taken refuge with the Moors on Mount Papua
a long
the
end
of
to
around
after
Belisarius
surrendered
534,
March,
finally
moved
siege.67 He had been offered the title of patrician in return for his surrender,
but due to his refusal to abandon the Arian heresy he was not permitted to
hold this rank. His tenacious adherence to Arianism may have been shared
conversion
for there is no record of any Arian Vandal's
by other Vandals,
after the Byzantine
to Catholicism
reconquest.68
The absence of references to Arian-Catholic animosity in the various orations
is no absolutely accurate gauge of the relative in

composed by Procopius
tensity or importance of religious convictions during the campaign in Africa.
distaste for religious controversy may have caused him to ignore
Procopius'
issue present in the minds of Byzantine troops and their officers parti
On the other hand there is no evi
cipating in the overthrow of the Vandals.
a vital
that Belisarius appealed particularly to the religious emotions of the

African Catholics, nor that these Catholics in turn gave him important support
seems to have
on a distinctly religious basis. The priority which Belisarius
dence
given to military considerations; the presence of 1,000 Vandals in the Byzantine

army; Justinian's and Belisarius' wish to weaken the resistance of the Vandals
'tyranny'; the moderate treat
by claiming to liberate them from Gelimer's
failure
suppliants in sanctuaries; and Gelimer's
to stir the Arians within the Byzantine army to revolt, all seem to indicate
that religious convictions played a generally passive, not an active, role in
Belisarius' military operations.
to answer charges
felt compelled to return to Constantinople
Belisarius
ment
accorded
to Vandal
against him by officers stationed in Africa.69 He departed

for the capital in the summer of 534, taking a large number of Vandal men
on the eastern frontier)
(who were to serve as soldiers in the Byzantine army
of treason made
and Gelimer with him. He left Solomon of Dara in full command

had just returned from carrying news of Carthage's capture to
and had therefore been absent fromAfrica when Gelimer attempted
the Arian Byzantine soldiers.70 Belisarius was able to clear himself,
He
66 Ibid.
67 Ibid.
in Africa.
Justinian,
to seduce
celebrated
2.4.11-12
(434 Haury-Wirth).
the siege of Gelimer's mountain
Pharas
conducted
450 (Haury-Wirth).
2.6
and
2.7
bell.
vand.
1.11.11; 2.4.28-32;
(362, 436-37, 443-51 Haury-Wirth).
fortress, Procop.,
68 Pharas
there was no
bell. vand. 2.6.22
the term Xeyovoiv,
used
(446 Haury-Wirth);
see:
a patrician.
For his refusal to abandon
to make
Gelimer
Arianism,
binding promise
2.9.14
bell.
vand.
(458 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
69 Ibid. 2.8.1-2
2.8.5
(542 Haury-Wirth).
(452 Haury-Wirth);
70 Ibid. 2.8.23
(455 Haury-Wirth).
2.7.
11-12
38
TRADITIO
public triumphs, and was chosen consul for 535.71 It is uncertain whether
he brought up the matter of the Arian troops with the emperor, or whether
he discussed the general African religious situation at all with Justinian;
the sources are silent. Perhaps the general considered religious policy outside
of his own sphere of responsibilities. He may simply have foreseen no diffi

culties with these 1,000 heretical soldiers. At any rate, from the course of
subsequent events, it appears that he did not, before he left Africa, warn
of the potential threat of these troops to the Byzantine authorities.72
At the end of June, 535, Justinian sent Belisarius with a fleet to conquer
Sicily; this was a first step toward the overthrow of the Ostrogothic kingdom
Solomon
in Italy.73 The general may have been too preoccupied with preparations
for the Sicilian and Italian campaigns to note or comment upon a petition
from a general council of the African church which had met that spring.
Two
hundred and seventeen African bishops had gathered at Carthage

under the presidency of Reparatus, bishop of the city.74 One piece of business
was the present legal status of ecclesiastical property. Charles
Saumagne
has shown that by a law issued about April, 534, Justinian had attempted
a provisional settlement of the problem of Arian ecclesiastical pos

sessions in Africa.75 Justinian wished to provide a transition period in which
the transfer of Arian-held church property to Catholic ownership might be
to make
accomplished
peacefully.
The Arian
clergy inAfrica were not at once evicted
71 Ibid. 2.9
72 No one seems to have
paid much
to the vulnerability
attention
of the Arian
soldiers'
faith to exploitation,
because
the revolt of 536 completely
the
authorities,
surprised
including
bell. vand. 2.14.23
Procopius,
(485 Haury-Wirth).
73
bell. goth. 1.5.2-7
see Stein, Hist,
For the date,
du
Procop.,
II 339 n.3.
Bas-Empire
74 The
source for this council
is a letter addressed
the session
by the bishops
attending
to Pope John II: letter 85, Collectio Avellana
Guenther
(ed. O. Guenther, CSEL
35.328-30).
the letter about May 535. C. Saumagne,
'Etude sur la propriety ecclesiastique
? Cartha
les novelles
36 et 37 de Justinien,'
22 (1913)
ge d'apres
Bgzantinische
83-85,
Zeitschrift,
dates the council early in 535. For this council,
see also: Hefele-Leclercq,
Histoire
des con
ciles (Paris 1908) 2.2.1136-39;
A. Audollent,
Geog. ?ccl.
'Afrique,' Diet. d'Hist.
(Paris 1912)
dates
I 835-36;
L.
des Papsttums
Duchesne,
(T?bingen
L'?glise
1933)
au
VI* siecle
II 211-213;
(Paris
R.
cupation
byzantine,'
Melanges
d'Archeologie
church
in general, see also: H. Leclercq,
VAfrique
en Afrique
Le Christianisme
; declin et extinction
II
'L'Eglise
57 (1940)
E. Caspar,
Geschichte
durant
l'oc
d'Afrique
143-46.
On the African
chretienne
(Paris 1904) II; J. Mesnage,

(Paris and Algiers
1915); E. Buonaiuti,
The African
church seems
to have almost
romana
nelVAfrica
(Bari 1928).
recovered
from the Vandal
persecutions
cristianesimo
completely
640-42;
1925)
Devreesse,
et d'Histoire
du Bas-Empire
640-41;
Stein, Hist,
L'?glise
75
81; his arguments
Saumagne,
T?tude,'
II 321.
Bas-Empire
by the time of this council: Duchesne,

II 322; Devreesse,
145.
d'Afrique,'
'L'figlise
are presumably
du
by Stein, Hist,
accepted
AND
ARIANISM
BYZANTINE
ARMY
39
holdings by the Byzantine army.76 Some Arian

as
was
pointed out, did flee and their churches were repossessed
clergymen,
their
former
clerics.77 To avoid stirring religious passions, Jus
Catholic
by
from all of their ecclesiastical
to restore Arian
to employ conciliation and legal methods
occupied church possessions to the Catholic hierarchy.78 To accomplish this
aim, the emperor decreed that all sacred vessels which had formerly belonged
tinian wished
to Catholics must be immediately returned to them. Justinian's law of 534

and immovable property
also ordered the restitution of all other movable
not
the
edict
did
of the Catholic clergy, but
permit the Catholic Church to
seize this property immediately.79 Saumagne has shown that Justinian per
the Arian clergy to retain their ecclesiastical positions for a certain
mitted
time span, at the end of which, if they were converted to Catholicism, they
not suffer deposition from office. It is certain that Justinian desired
to permit the entry of Arian clergymen into the Catholic hierarchy, for we
would
I, dated 15 October 535, informing Jus

possess a letter from Pope Agapetus
tinian that former Arians, including Arian clergymen, cannot be accepted
into the Catholic clergy, despite the emperor's wish to do this.80 The emperor
expected these converted clerics to bring their ecclesiastical possessions with

them to their new faith.81 Justinian believed that in this way, Arian church
property, both that which had formerly been Catholic and that which the
Arians had acquired or developed on their own initiative, would be peace
fully incorporated into the Catholic Church.82 The African Catholic clergy,
to
however, naturally resented the lenient treatment being administered
the emperor to reconsider his ac
their recent oppressors and petitioned
tion.83
76
in Rome
had allowed Arian
Belisarius
81-82.
'fitude,'
priests to remain
Saumagne,
were expelled:
bell. goth. 3.9.21
The Arian
after the Ostrogoths
(336 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
of treason.
later when
suspected
priests were driven out much
77 The Arian
church (where the St. Cyprian
festival was about
clergy of the Carthaginian
debacle
bell,
at Ad Decimum,
fled when they heard of Gelimer's
to be celebrated)
Procop.,
vand.
78
1.21.25
(404 Haury-Wirth).
of Justinian's
For
two short discussions
81-82.
'Iitude,'
Saumagne,
Die
and firmness in his overall policy toward heretics: A. Knecht,
ciliation
Kaiser
79
80
81
Justinians
I (W?rzburg
82.
'Etude,'
Saumagne,
Ibid.; letter 88, Collectio
Saumagne,
82 Ibid.
82, 86.
83 The evidence
addressed
'Etude,'
Avellana
council
of the African
church
to present
Stein, Hist,
(ed. Guenther),
Religionspolitik
II 278-80.
du Bas-Empire
CSEL
of con
35.333-38.
82.
for the petition
to Solomon,
147;
1896)
mixture
of the African
the Praetorian
church
the bishops'
had
Prefect
dispatched
bishops
is found
of Africa.
The
the deacon
Theodorus
in Nov.
emperor
37 of Justinian
declares
that
the
of the Carthaginian
demands.
40
TRADITIO
Justinian
answered
the bishops' demands affirmatively in a Novel dated

confirmed the African Catholic Church in the possession
1 August 535.84 He
of their former property which the Vandals had granted to Arians.85 Further
more, any possessions, houses, or ornaments still in the hands of pagans,
or other heretics were
immediately to be assigned to the Catholic

clergy.86 All Arians and other non-Catholics (such as the heretical Donatists
and non-Christians like the Jews) were now forbidden to worship and their
Arians,
religious leaders could not perform religious ceremonies.87 No heretic could

hold public office.88 The African clergy did not permit any exceptions in
favor of the heretics: no exception, therefore, was made for Arian foederati
serving in Africa this time.89
of Carthage faced another problem: the eligibility of Arian
had been converted to Catholicism, to retain their sacred
who
clergymen,
offices and advance within the Catholic hierarchy. The council also faced
the question of the eligibility of any baptized Arian to enter, after conversion,
The
council
clergy.90 The Catholic bishops at Carthage agreed

could enter the Catholic clergy, but before taking any
definite action, they wished to gain papal assent; accordingly, they wrote
to Rome.91 Pope John II had died on 8 May 535, before the Africans' letter
reached Rome; John's successor, Agapetus
I, answered their inquiry on Sep
the ranks of the Catholic
that no former Arian
tember 9 of the same year.
agreed with the African bishops that

Agapetus
or
clergyman
layman, no matter how young he had been
when baptized, could ever enter the ranks of the Catholic clergy. He approved
the Africans'
suggestion, however, that the Catholic Church should provide
lose their offices (and
economic support for those Arian clerics who would
no former Arian
were converted to Catholicism.92

consequently their livelihood) when they
In conformity with this decision, Agapetus wrote to Justinian. Apparently
the African clergy had informed the Pope by other means than their formal
letter of inquiry which
84 Nov.
85 Ibid.
86 Nov.
87 Nov.
37, De
37.3
37.5
88 Nov.
37.6
89 For
the
africana
(244
(245
survives,
ecclesia
(ed.
that the emperor himself wished
Schoell
to allow
244-45).
Schoell).
Schoell).
(245 Schoell).
limited toleration
to Arian Gothic
accorded
foederati,
by Justinian
previously
1.5.12.17
Cod. Just.
(54 Krueger).
90 The
is letter 85, Col
of this question
discussion
church's
only record of the African
CSEL
lectio Avellana
35.328-30).
(ed. Guenther,
91 The
and Peter, and a Car
carried to Rome
letter was
bishops, Gaius
by two African
For the council's
letter 86, Coll. Avell.
Liberate:
(330-31 Guenther).
deacon,
thaginian
letter 85 (329 Guenther).
decision:
of its desire to follow the pope's
statement
92 Letter
86, Coll. Avell.
(330-32 Guenther).
AND
ARIANISM
BYZANTINE
ARMY
41
to retain their offices upon conversion to Catholicism.93

15 October 535, the Pope, after uttering many kind words
for the emperor's religious zeal, informed Justinian that this policy of per
mitting Arian clergymen to enter the Catholic hierarchy was unacceptable
to the Church, being contrary to tradition.94
The emperor had been attempting to follow a policy of religious modera
Arian
clergyman
In a letter dated
tion in Africa,
similar to that practised by Belisarius

during the campaign
The vigorous opposition of the clerics reversed the im
the Vandals.
against
perial treatment of Arianism in Africa;
stringent measures marked the change.
the Novella
of 1 August 535 with its

explanation for this policy shift
unquestionably
pious and no friend
The
is complex. The emperor himself was

course because of his sincere desire
of the Arians; he followed a moderate
for political and religious unity with a minimum of friction.95 Furthermore,
Justinian wished to begin his relations with the clergy of newly won Africa
on a friendly basis; through the local church, he might secure the Africans'
loyalty to himself.96 Finally, the council of Carthage had presented its de
at the very moment when it could extract maximum
concessions.
mands
just beginning his ambitious war against the Ostrogoths in

and
Italy. Africa was an essential protective flank and possible rear
Sicily
It was, therefore, exceedingly important to secure
base for these operations.
the tranquility of Africa, for discontent or a violent upheaval there could
Justinian was
irrevocably ruin military
disrupt and perhaps

93 In the
knows
that
letter which
Pope
wishes
the emperor
affairs to the north.97 Since
wrote to Justinian,
Agapetus
to permit the converted Arian
the Pontiff
clergy
indicates
to enter
that he
the Catholic
eligible for future promotion:

retaining their present offices and remaining
and Liberatus
had orally
Avell.
Gaius,
Peter,
Perhaps
(335 Guenther).
to be converted
the emperor's
to Agapetus
policy toward the Arians who wished
hierarchy while
Letter
88, Coll.
explained
to Catholicism;
that it is Justinian
does not contain
letter 85, Coll. Avell.
any indication
to
enter
the
the Arian
Catholic
who
is encouraging
hierarchy.
clergy
94 Letter
88, Coll. Avell.
(335 Guenther).
95
81.
'Iitude,'
Saumagne,
96 Nov.
de
et metropolitan!
'Primat
de Carthage
Cf. R. Massigli,
37.1
(244 Schoell).
(Paris 1912) 431.
Melanges
Cagnat
Byzacene,'
97 For the
bell. goth. 1.5.2-7 (25-26 Haury-Wirth);
to Sicily, Procop.,
of Belisarius
dispatch
in Africa
effect of disturbances
II 339. The disrupting
the date, Stein, Hist, da Bas-Empire
in 536. Belisarius,
and
in Sicily
affairs
Italy was manifest
military
upon Byzantine
his army for the invasion
all of Sicily by the end of 535, was preparing
having
conquered
bell. goth.
in 536, Procop.,
the general received word of the revolt in Africa
of Italy when
bell. vand. 2.14.41-42
1.6.26-27
Also,
(488 Haury-Wirth).
1.5.18,
(27, 32 Haury-Wirth).
Belisarius
Sicily
was
allowed
forced
rumors
ibid. 2.15.9
to go to Africa,
to arise
that
troops
on
that
(490 Haury-Wirth).
island had also
to return
The general was
compelled
(495 HauryAVirth).
the rebels,
ibid. 2.15.49
subdued
(495 Haury-Wirth).
pletely
ardized
Sicily's
security
and
perhaps
interrupted
His
from
departure
ibid. 2.15.48
revolted,
to Sicily without
having
The revolt in Africa had
preparations
for the
Italian
com
jeop
campaign.
42
TRADITIO
most of the Vandal men had been removed by Belisarius, or had died in battle
little violent resistance could be expected from the
against the Byzantines,
remaining Arian Vandals.98
The new severe policy of the emperor and the Church toward the Arians
in Africa had unexpected repercussions.
Conditions in Africa were already
All of the soldiers stationed in Africa, both Arians and Catholics,

had become very irritated at the government: their pay was long overdue.99
The foederati resented the domineering conduct of their Byzantine superiors.100
Each of these women
Moreover, many soldiers had married Vandal women.
unsettled.
urged her husband to claim the lands which she had formerly owned under
the Vandal monarchy.101 Justinian, however, on 1 January 535, had decreed
that any person who had been deprived of property during the Vandal oc
?
or his legitimate heirs ? might lay claim to it within
cupation of Africa
this measure was
the next five years and regain full ownership.102 Doubtless
intended in part to satisfy those African landowners who had encouraged
the emperor to overthrow the Vandal kingdom and who had betrayed certain
cities to Belisarius
during the campaign of conquest.103 This law, together
lands in the
with Solomon's attempts to confiscate and register all Vandal
of the government, aroused the opposition of those soldiers who had
landed property.104
expected to retain their wives'
No less a cause of unrest was the emperor's harsh new policy toward Arianism.
The 1,000 Arian soldiers who had participated in the conquest of Africa had
name
there. They were angered by the end of official toleration of their

heretical religious practices, resenting exclusion from the right to worship
and especially the denial of the right to baptize their children.105 Arian Vandal
remained
from the confiscations decreed by Justinian and the

priests, who suffered
disabilities proclaimed by the Catholic hierarchy, fanned the religious passions
98
bell.
Procop.,
several
tens
vand.
2.14.17-18
Haury-Wirth);
had
casualties
been
of
2.5.1
(439 Haury-Wirth);
(484-85
Haury-Wirth).
light in the actual
relatively
of Vandal
thousands
men
must
2.8.4
Courtois,
(452 Haury-Wirth);
Vandales
354,
2.9.1
believes
(455
that
he concluded
that
Therefore
fighting.
have
survived
the immediate
Byzantine
reconquest.
99
Hist.
bell. vand. 2.15.55-56
(496 Haury-Wirth);
Procop.,
100 The resentment
in a speech of the rebel leader Stotzas
at
of the foederati is manifest
in 536: Procop.,
bell. vand. 2.15.30-36
the battle of Membresa
(493 Haury-Wirth).
101 Ibid. 2.14.8-9
were captured
of Tri
at the battle
(483 Haury-WTirth).
Many women
ibid. 2.3.24;
2.4.3
camarum,
102 Nov.
36 (243-44
Schoell).
103
Chron.
9.17
and Brooks).
Zachariah,
(262-63 Hamilton
104 The
lands in the
to register former Vandal
to Solomon's
soldiers objected
attempts
name of the emperor, Procop.,
bell. vand. 2.14.10
105
bell. vand. 2.14.11-15
(484 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
AND
ARIANISM
BYZANTINE
ARMY
43
of these soldiers.106 It is likely that those Vandal women who were married
to Arian soldiers also strengthened their husbands'
religious convictions.107
The combination of these disturbing elements, plus the successful escape
of 400 Vandals whom the emperor had intended to send to

created a volatile situation.108 The Arian soldiers' religious
to Africa
back
fight the Persians,
grievances finally touched off a mutiny. A tight group of conspirators had

been plotting an army uprising; oaths were taken. Because
they were denied
the right to celebrate Easter with religious services and baptismal rites for
their children, the Arian members of the conspiratorial group decided to

Solomon of Dara, master of the soldiers and praetorian prefect in
Africa.109 They tried to gain enough courage to kill him while he attended
services on Easter Day (23 March 536) and the following day at Carthage,
Too uneasy to remain in the city
but they lacked sufficient resolution.110
murder
any longer, most of the conspirators took to the countryside and began to
assault the African population.111 On 27 May, most of Carthage's garrison
sacked the city, and forced Solomon, Martinus
mutinied,
(a commander of
men to flee; Solomon
foederati), the historian Procopius, and five unidentified
at Syracuse (Syracuse had sur
and Procopius made their way to Belisarius
rendered to Belisarius without a struggle; he had occupied all of Sicily by the
end of 535).112
106 Ibid.
that
it was
who
Justinian
emphasizes
Procopius
(484 Haury-Wirth).
but
he
of Arians
from religious rites, ibid. 2.14.14
exclusion
(484 Haury-Wirth)
the pressure which the African Catholic
failed to mention
clergy and the pope exerted upon
attacked Justinian on this matter, Hist. arc. 18.10 (113 Haury-Wirth).
the emperor.
Procopius
107
an important
women
in inciting
that the Vandal
mentions
part
played
Procopius
had previously
to claim
the women
lands which
the rebellion
by urging their husbands
decreed
2.14.13
the
bell. vand. 2.14.8-9;
held,
all Arians,
had
always
These Vandal
2.15.47
women,
presumably
in Africa and were
of Arianism
lived under the religious supremacy
and Catholicism.
Arianism
of positions
between
by the reversal
outraged
undoubtedly
It is likely that these women
shared
the denial
of Arian
rites to their children,
Wirth).
108 Ibid.
109 Ibid.
2.14.20
the
soldiers
revolt,
baptismal
2.14.17-19
who
(484-85
and
stimulated
the resentment
Procop.,
Haury-Wirth).
It is significant
economic
issues)
(485 Haury-Wirth).
were
concerned with
of their husbands
bell. vand.
that
who
it was
2.14-15
the Arians
finally
decided
over
(484 Haury
(rather than
to start the
The religious
conflict, together with the likely ex
(485Haury-Wirth).
service
the selection
of Easter
dictated
while at church, probably
Day
ibid. 2.14.22
time and place for the assassination
(485 Haury-Wirth).
attempt:
ibid. 2.14.21
of Solomon
posure
as the original
The only study
ses: K.
F.
of this rebellion
cau
the economic
interpretation
emphasizing
?
K
Istorie Revolutsionnikh
gg. n.a.)
(536-546
Drevnei
Istorii 3-4/12-13
115-130.
(1940)
is a Marxist
Stotsi
'Vosstaniya
Schtepa,
v Rimskoi
Vestnik
Dvizhenii
Afrike,'
110
bell. vand. 2.14.22-28
Procop.,
111 Ibid. 2.14.29
(486 Haury-Wirth).
112 The
of the garrison revolted on the fifth day
majority
of the Easter
celebration
(Easter
44
TRADITIO
The extraordinary feature of the military revolt at Carthage was the poli
tical and military authorities' failure to anticipate the plot. Procopius ex
plains that no one had disclosed the conspiracy because even most of Solo
bodyguards and servants, in the expectation of acquiring lands, had

associated themselves with the rebels.113 It appears that the local authorities
had not foreseen the violent reaction of the Arian troops to the tough new
of the government; otherwise, the revolt would not
anti-Arian measures
a
such
have been
surprise. Those officers, however, who had observed Geli
mon's
attempts to woo these African soldiers, could have informed Solomon

that these heretical elements ought to be watched.
Solomon, of course, had
been on a mission to Justinian when Gelimer attempted to exploit the reli
mer's
army; the Byzantine commander, therefore,

gious divisions within Belisarius'
not
was probably
very conscious of the vulnerability of some of his forces
to Arian religious propaganda.114 The choice of Easter as the date for the
beginning of the uprising demonstrates the importance of religious convictions
for the rebellion.
as an initial motivation
This mutiny need not have occurred. The stringent anti-Arian measures
of Justinian may seem reprehensible for their intolerance, but they would
smoothly in Africa if the roughly 1,000
probably have been accomplished
Arian troops had been transferred to another theater before the new religious
were no other groups of Arians within Africa

policy was implemented; there
that could have offered serious armed resistance.115 The revolt of the Arian
soldiers marked the end of two incompatible policies: official promotion of
Catholic unity and purity of the faith on the one hand, and de facto limited
toleration of Arianism on the other. The policy of toleration had kept the
two sources of Arianism in Africa from uniting hitherto: the remaining Vandal
the Byzantine army. Until 535/536,

populace and the 1,000 heretics within
the
not
did
within
soldiers
the Arian
army
apparently identify their interests
with those of the Vandals. Here is another gauge of the role ofArianism in sway
fell on 23 March
2.14.36
(487
2.14.37-41
113 Ibid.
536),
ibid. 2.14.31
Haury-With)
(487-88
2.14.23
and
The rebels plundered

(487 Haury-Wirth).
others
and
forced
Solomon,
Procopius
the city,
ibid.
to
ibid.
flee,
Haury-Wirth).
(485 Haury-Wirth).
after the capture of Carthage
at Constantinople
to Justinian
of Solomon
dispatch
his return in 534 after the
bell. vand. 1.24.19
on 15 Sept. 533: Procop.,
(412 Haury-Wirth);
of Belisarius:
his
were
ibid.
2.8.4
Vandals
replacement
(452 Haury-Wirth);
conquered:
114 The
ibid. 2.8.23
115 J. B.
'utmost
(455 Haury-Wirth).
Empire
Bury, Later Roman
'intolerance'
and
intolerance'
'trouble
and
he notes
that
also
economic
II 139, 143, refers to the

1923)
(2nd ed., London
of Justinian;
48, sees
Diehl,
byzantine
L'Afrique
But
intolerance.
as a result of Justinian's
religious
in Africa
disorganization'
in itself was not the whole
intolerance
factors,
cause
of the rebellion
in 536;
there were
ibid. 77-78.
ARIANISM
ARMY
BYZANTINE
AND
45
ing the actions of the troops. The purely doctrinal differences of Arianism
and Catholicism were not a strong enough issue to incite rebellion among Arian
the predominantly Catholic Byzantine

army; Gelimer had
learned in 535 that abstract questions of confession could not provoke these
men to revolt.
It was only in 536, when these Arian soldiers experienced
elements within
real disabilities because of their faith (exclusion from worship and the sacra
ments), and were incited by important non-religious issues (the land question
and the domineering attitude of high Byzantine officers), that Arianism could
serve as a powerful
their anger
force crystallizing
and provoking
them to
revolt.
open
soldiers, moreover, was not so much the inevitable

result of any of Justinian's actions, as of the lack of coordination between
the government's military and religious policies on the one hand, and of the
absence of close contact between Carthage and Constantinople on the other.116
revolt of the Arian
The
clearly served as the catalyst for the

and Catholic troops, there might have been
of Arians who
this nucleus
Without
general rebellion of both Arian

no mutiny at all.117
Despite the critical importance of the Arians'
religious grievances in starting

did not, apparently, assume a distinctly
the revolt, the ensuing rebel movement

116 A.
Diet.
d'Hist. Geog. ?ccl.
that the
Audollent,
(Paris 1912) I 836, believes
'Afrique,'
of the need
in Africa must have
informed Justinian
authorities
and military
political
to conciliate
the Arians
there, and that for this reason the emperor permitted Arian
clergy
Audollent
fails to explain how, if this were so, Justi
men to enter the Catholic
hierarchy.
local
clergy's
these local
him
and why he did not receive local reports warning
new demands.
And
if the emperor did decide to change
so carefully with
officials, who had been corresponding
of these Vandal
he immediately
order the transfer of these
did the local authorities
not write to the emperor
Arian
soldiers,
clergymen who were
inciting the Arian
his mind,
nian
changed
subsequently
not to enforce the Catholic
his mind, why did not

recommend
him on the Arian
question,
theater ? Why
to another military
Arians
the activities
about
and why
narrative
did
the
that
local
authorities
came
the rebellion
not
that
arrest
It seems
these priests?
as a complete
the anti-Arian
surprise.
of the critical
conditions
clear
from Procopius'
one was
the local
expecting
therefore no reports of this
No
and
measures,
against
troops to react violently
There may
earlier recommendations
to Constantinople.
have been
kind had been made
the Arians,
toward
but in 535-36
the local authorities
to Constantinople
to be moderate
bell. vand. 2.14.23
E. Buonaiuti,
77
were
taken unawares:
Procop.,
(485 Haury-Wirth).
romana
that in general Constantinople
Cristianesimo
(Bari 1928) 419, believes
neU'Africa
had
not taken
sarius.
two
and
Poor
sufficient
one-half
but
account
communications
months
it seems
that
must
have
for Belisarius'
the failure
contributed
invasion
of both
in Africa,
to the
lack
and
had
recalled
of coordination
from Constantinople
to per
local Byzantine
authorities
cause
the basic
religious policies was
fleet to sail
central
Beli
(it took
to Car
and
thage),
of new
and military
ceive the political
implications
for the mutiny.
117 The
in starting the revolt
of the Arians
importance
2.14.21
(485 Haury-Wirth).
is clear
from Procopius,
bell.
vand.
46
TRADITIO
in fact, is the only source who mentions Arian

religious character. Procopius,
ism as a cause for the rebellion; even the firm Catholic African bishop Victor
does not refer in his chronicle to the religious origins of the muti
Victor
may simply not have known all of the factors which contributed
ny.118
to the revolt; Procopius, having been personally involved, and possibly as
the result of a subsequent military investigation of the mutiny
(it seems
of Tonnenna
likely that there would have been an official inquiry) had a far better op
since Victor
portunity to understand what had really occurred. Moreover,
was writing his chronicle some thirty years after the uprising, he may have
his failure to mention
considered the revolt as unimportant. Nevertheless,
any connection of the rebellion with Arianism is an indication that even some
very pious African Catholics did not regard the mutiny as primarily heretical
in
character.119
reason for the lack of significant religious coloring in the general rebel
lion that followed the sack of Carthage is clear: the Arians who began the
mutiny were only a small fraction of the total number of troops who even
The
There were at least 1,000 Arians within the Byzantine

tually participated.
In
addition to these, there were 1,000 Vandals
in
Africa.
(deserters
army
from the Vandal military units which Justinian had organized to fight in the
East, and men who had never been captured by the Byzantine armed forces)
who were presumably Arians.120 Therefore the Arians totaled about 2,000
men. The entire number of soldiers (excluding the numerous local slaves
religious faith who had joined the rebels) in rebellion amounted

to 9,000 men.121 The Arians, therefore, comprised less than one-fourth of the
of uncertain
118 Victor
Stotzas'
had
MGH
Marcellinus,
begun by the
Auct. Antiq.
chariah
3.3.34
of the motives
for
says nothing
(200 Mommsen),
that a revolt
535 (104 Mommsen),
only mentions
369 (ed. T. Mommsen,
Romana
their leader; Jordanes,
an.
Chron.
soldiers
541
an.
against
also merely
says that
does not mention
Chron.,
a tyranny; Za
to establish
Auct. Antiq.
Corippus
(MGH
arose save
rebellion
the
not
how
does
Johannidos
3.305-306,
explain
Stotzas'
in Joh. 4. 208-17
of the Africans;
dying
(p. 43 Partsch),
5.48),
of Mitylene,
ed. R. Partsch)
from Stotzas'
words,
Chron.
of Tonnenna,
revolt;
hatred
after some nine years
to the emperor.
119 Rubin
comments
of revolt,
on the excellent
422-23.
ny,
'Prokopios,'
120 Yov the number
of Arians:
Stotzas
the
of his own
are a confession
presentation
Procop.,
bell.
wished
revolt;
by Procopius
vand.
2.14.12
ingratitude
and
of the causes
disloyalty
of the muti
(484 Haury-Wirth);
number
ibid. 2.15.4
of Vandals:
(489 Haury-Wirth).
121 For the
the parti
Doubtless
ibid. 2.15.4
of slaves:
(489 Haury-Wirth).
great number
leader
the
rebel
called
movement
in
slaves
Stotzas'
these
of
explains why Corippus
cipation
soldiers who
There were 8,000 regular
a companion
of Catiline:
Joh. 4.212
(43 Partsch).
bell. vand. 2.15.2
rebelled: Procop,
1,000 Vandals
joined these mutineers:
(489 Haury-Wirth);
?
Cf. ibid. 2.16.3
slaves.
in
all
rebels
2.15.3-4
excluding
9,000
making
(489 Haury-Wirth);
of the army has rebelled.
that
two-thirds
discovers
Germanus
where
(497 Haury-Wirth),
ARIANISM
AND
BYZANTINE
ARMY
47
full rebel strength. The majority of the rebels had joined for non-religious
reasons, probably desire for land.
took to the countryside after plundering Carthage, and
The mutineers
elected one ofMartinus' bodyguards, Stotzas, as leader or 'tyrant.'122 Stotzas,
as a foederatus,may well have been an Arian; the sources, however, say nothing
about his religious allegiance.123 Stotzas seems to have sought to establish
an independent kingdom in Africa.124 The rebels committed numerous acts
of violence, but there is no record of their harming Catholic clergymen, or

in fact had any religious
It is uncertain whether the mutineers
churches.
sources say nothing.
rebels had pursued a distinctly anti
If
the
the
policy;
? which is
Catholic course of action
unlikely since the Arians were a minority
?
it is likely that contemporary writers would have men
among the insurgents
tioned it.125 There is no further reference at all to the Arian clerics who had
helped incite the rebellion.126

Stotzas expected, after his election, to return to Carthage and capture
a general sent to Africa with
the Cappadocian,
the city easily. Theodorus
reinforcements shortly after Solomon himself had returned from Constanti
a personal grudge against
nople (534), held the city for the emperor, despite
summer
in
of 536.127 Belisarius,
the
could
arrive
until
Belisarius
Solomon,
122 Election
heaven
may
of Stotzas:
have
placed
ibid. 1.11.30
peror:
123 Stotzas
bell.
Procop.,
a curse
upon
2.15.1
vand.
Stotzas
Procopius
(489 Haury-Wirth);
him to revolt against
caused
4A (1932) 74-75.
RE
'Stotzas/
and
believes
the
em
cf. Nagl,
(365 Haury-Wirth);
a commander
a bodyguard
of Martinus,
bell. vand.
of foederati: Procop.,
was
belief that heaven
Rom.
Procopius'
Jordanes,
(48 Mommsen).
(361 Haury-Wirth);
not because
of the rebel's religious
bell. vand. 1.11.30
had cursed Stotzas,
(365 Haury-Wirth),
same reasoning
The
the emperor.
he had rebelled
but because
applies
against
confession,
1.11.6
Joh. 4. 213-18
soul to Hell:
of Stotzas'
to Corippus'
(43 Partsch).
consignment
124
2.15.1
vand.
1.11.30
bell.
Jordanes,
(489 Haury-Wirth);
(365 Haury-Wirth);
Procop.,
Chron. an.541
of Tonnenna,
Victor
Rom. 369 (48 Mommsen);
(200 Mommsen).
125 The mutineers
bell. vand. 2.14.
of the guards and plundered:
killed a number
Procop.,
destruction
resulted
Great
Joh.
3.308-09
35-36 (487 Haury-Wirth);
(34 Partsch).
Coripp.,
Hist.
and those that followed:
from this rebellion
Procop.,
126
their way to the Arian Ostrogothic
some Arian priests from Africa made
Presumably,
from Justinian's
some Hunnic
deserters
of Italy, as, for example,
army: Procop.,
kingdom
figures for the size of the Arian Van

at
that there were several hundred
1, estimates
bolstered
the
in
rebels
the
Arian
with
remained
who
Those Arian
most.
probably
priests
'
If any Arian priests were present at the battle of Cellas Vatari,
they may
surgents morale.
bell. goth. 1.3.15 (17 Haury-Wirth).
Vandales
clergy, but Courtois,
well
have
been
killed
04 Haury-Wirth).
127 Theodorus
had
in-law
of Antonina,
286
elected
Theodorus
(487
Haury-Wirth).
in the general
been
wife
n.
slaughter
sent with
a new
of Belisarius,
their general
Theodorus
are no exact
There
dal
because
helped
of the rebels:
army,
ibid. 2.8.24
sharing
Procop.,
its command
(455 Haury-WTirth).
a grudge against
and Procopius
Solomon
he had
bell. vand.
2.17.22
with
The
Solomon,
escape
Ildiger,
mutineers
(503
son
first
ibid. 2.14.33-34
from
Carthage,
48
TRADITIO
bringing some 100 men with him from Sicily, landed at Carthage and was
able to rally about 2,000 troops to the emperor's cause.128 In a speech to
these men immediately before the battle of Membresa, Belisarius
pointed
out Stotzas' disloyalty and tyrannical ambitions, but omitted any reference
to Arianism as a factor in the present revolt.129 The conflict at Membresa
resulted in a defeat for the insurgents, but rumor of a mutiny of Byzantine
to return to that island before completely
troops in Sicily forced Belisarius
Justinian
then sent his nephew Germanus
in
the
rebels
Africa.130
subduing
and a few men to attempt to save the African situation.131 Germanus was
able
to win
over many of the mutineers gradually, and decisively routed

Ve
the still numerous insurgent forces at the battle of Cellas Vatari/Scalae
teres in 537.132 Only Stotzas and a few other rebels escaped; many mutineers
had
fallen.
revolt was
This
extinguished.133
that religious grievances caused the army revolts
which subsequently took place in Africa. One of general Theodorus'
body
guards, Maximinus, plotted an abortive coup in 538, but Germanus surprised
the conspirators, routed them, and executed Maximinus.134 The ostensible
There
reason
is no evidence
for this
ibid. 2.14.38-39
2.14.41
insurrection was
short-lived
Solomon
(488 Haury-Wirth).
Theodorus
was
(488 Haury-Wirth).
(489 Haury-Wirth).
128
bell.
Procop.,
vand.
2.15.9-11
Joh.
3.310-13
Mommsen);
Coripp.,
129
bell. vand. 2.15.16-29
Procop.,
RE
23.423.
rhetoric:
'Prokopios,'
able
overdue
him with
charged
to hold
not Arianism.
pay,
of the
defense
the city for the emperor,
city, ibid.
ibid. 2.15.6
an. 535 (104

Chron.
Marcellinus,
370
Rom.
Jordanes,
(48 Mommsen).
(34 Partsch);
is pure
Rubin
notes that speech
(490 Haury-Wirth);
bell. vand. 2.15.30-39

Stotzas'
(493-94 Haury
speech,
423.
is also considered
pure rhetoric by Rubin:
'Prokopios,'
Wirth)
130 por tne
on the river Bagradas/Majarda):
al-Bab,
Procop.,
victory at Membresa
(Majaz
For the return
Joh. 3.310-14
bell. vand. 2.15.44
(34 Partsch).
Coripp.,
(494 Haury-Wirth);
an.
Chron.
bell. vand. 2.15.46-49
of Belisarius:
Marcellinus,
(495 Haury-Wirth);
Procop.,
535 (104 Mommsen).
131
bell.
procop.,
Solomon
back
vand.
2.16.1
Germanus
(497 Haury-Wirth):
to Constantinople:
also
for Africa
and
was appointed
Master
of the Soldiers
132 Scalae Veteres
is the name given by Procopius,
For
the battle
ion on Coripp.,
For the date
133
Procop.,
sen). Rubin
ibid., 2.17.4-33
Joh. 3.318
(501-505
Haury-Wirth)
(35 Partsch),
the correct
of the battle:
Marcellinus,
bell. vand. 2.17.35

notes
that
Procopius
hatred:
without
'Prokopios,'
134 For the abortive
revolt
Wirth);
(507-08
surprised
an.
Chron.
Marcellinus,
Chron.
(505 Haury-Wirth):
describes
the
536
had
bell.
special
vand.
537
sent
Germanus
powers.
2.17.
3(501
to Rubin,
According
name
is Cellas Vatari:
an.
He
to Libya.
goes
(104 Mommsen).
Haury-Wirth).
bases
who
his opin
'Prokopios,'
424.
(105 Mommsen).
Marcellinus,
flight and
Chron.
an. 537
(105 Momm
fortunes
subsequent
of Stotzas
424.
of Maximinus:
by Germanus:
Procop.,
ibid. 2.17.13-14
bell.
vand.
(507 Haury-Wirth)
2.18.1-11
Haury
(505-07
ibid. 2.18.18
impaled:
Haury-Wirth).
ARIANISM
himself
Maximinus
seems
AND
ARMY
BYZANTINE
to have
been
49
for political
ambitious
simply
power.135
Solomon once again returned, in 539, to replace Germanus. As praetorian

prefect and master of the soldiers in Africa, Solomon removed any further
in Africa by deporting all remaining Vandals
political threat of Arianism
most
of
the men in 534 to serve in the East), especially
removed
had
(Belisarius
women.136 Many of the rebels had died in the inces
sant fighting of the past three years, but Solomon also dispatched all remaining
suspicious elements within the army to either Belisarius in Italy or Justinian
the troublesome Vandal
at Constantinople.137 These actions eliminated the population base necessary

for any survival of Arianism in Africa. This expedient of deportation could
have been applied immediately after Gelimer had attempted to woo certain
elements in the army; had the soldiers of questionable
loyalty been removed
it is unlikely that the rebellion of 536 would have taken place.

the leader of the first army mutiny in Africa, remained at large
in Mauretania,
having married the daughter of a Moorish chief.138 The only
soldiers who accompanied him at firstwere a few Vandals.139 In 544, however,
chief of the Moorish tribe of Frexes; together these
Stotzas joined Antalas
in 534,
Stotzas,
two leaders plundered the African countryside after the death of Solomon
Solomon was replaced by his unpopular cousin, Sergius.140
(spring of 544).
now commanded a few Byzantine deserters besides some
Stotzas
Apparently
Vandals.141
135 Ibid.
Through
2.18.9
in Africa.
136 The
For
a ruse, this rebel leader managed,
Maximinus'
ambitions:
Overdue
ibid.
pay
was
with
no new
the cooperation
grievance
for soldiers
2.18.2
(505 Haury-Wirth).
bell. vand. 2.19.1
return of Solomon:
Procop.,
(508 Haury-Wirth);
Marcellinus,
For the removal
of Vandals
and suspicious
Chron. an. 539 (106 Mommsen).
army elements:
bell. vand. 2.19.3
Gf. Belisarius'
of the Vandals
to
(508 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
herding
ibid. 2.4.10-12
(434 Haury-Wirth);
Carthage,
guarding them, ibid. 2.7.17 (451 Haury-Wirth);
to Constantinople,
ibid. 2.8.4, 2.8.20,
that one cannot
354, while admitting
in Africa
remained
of Vandals
of thousands
loading
themtobesent
Courtois,
Vandales
several
tens
of the population:
conquest.
They were a minority
137
vand.
bell.
2.19.3
(508 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
138 The name of the Moorish
chief whose
daughter
2.9.1
(452, 454, 455Haury-WTirth).

be precise, believes
that at least
after the Byzantine
immediately
Courtois
Vandales
354.
Stotzas
is not given by Pro
married
bell. vand. 2.17.35
Joh. 4.429-32
(505 Haury-Wirth);
(48 Partsch).
copius:
Coripp.,
139
bell. vand. 2.17.35
(505 Haury-Wirth).
Procop.,
140
bell. vand. 2.22.5
Solomon was killed by the Moors
Procop.,
near the city of Tebesta:
ibid. 2.21.26-28
His
replacement
by Ser
ibid.2.22.1
Chron. an. 541 (106 Mommsen).
Marcellinus,
gius:
(522 Haury-Wirth);
Sergius*
ibid. 2.22.2
unpopularity:
(522 Haury-Wirth).
141
bell. vand. 2.23.1
Procop.,
(525
Haury-Wirth).
remnants
of the rebels who escaped
from the carnage
or they may have been new deserters
Haury-Wirth)
These
at Cellas
soldiers
Vatari:
from the Byzantine
have
may
ibid. 2.17.21:28
army.
been
(504
50
TRADITIO
to capture the city of Hadrumetum

and was
under Antalas,
able to recruit many of its garrison for his own band.142 A priest within the
city, named Paul, after secret consultation with the city's notables, succeeded
of the Moors
a daring escape, and returned with sufficient forces to recapture

from the rebels temporarily. The sources do not provide any
Hadrumetum
indication as to whether Stotzas' previous association with the Arian-inspired
in making
revolt of 536 was responsible for Paul's determination to risk death in order
to defeat the rebel leader.143 There is no record of any other African Catholic
clergyman's active resistance to Stotzas.
then dispatched Areobindus, who was married to the emperor's

as master of the soldiers to share authority with Sergius.144
niece, Praejecta,
reached Carthage in the spring of 545. Stotzas was finally killed
Areobindus
Justinian
at the battle of Thacia (at the end of 545), but his rebels managed to rout the
as
loyal troops.145 The insurgents proceeded to elect a certain John, known
*
and
Stotzas junior,' to succeed Stotzas.146 John's religious beliefs
policies,
if he had any, are unknown. He joined his forces, about 1,000 in number
and master
now, to those of a new mutineer, Guntharic, duke of Numidia
of the soldiers. Guntharic had treacherously captured and executed Areo
bindus at about the end of 545.147 Sergius, Solomon's cousin, had been re
142 Stotzas
bell. uand.
was now cooperating
the Moorish
leader: Procop.,
with Antalas,
and cap
detachment
The Moors,
having
surprised a Byzantine
(525 Haury-Wirth).
of Byza-.
commander
of the troops of the province
its members
including Himerius,
a cavalry
ibid. 2.23
and also captured
ibid. 2.23.3-5
group,
(525-26 Haury-Wirth),
2.23.1
tured
cium,
and having
turned
(526 Haury-Wirth),
the garrison
to decoy
these prisoners
6.-10
used
over the Stotzas,

the prisoners
of Hadrumetum
into opening
the rebel
the
leader
gates,
ibid.
2.23.11-16
143
all the Afri
Paul and virtually
bell. vand. 2.23.18-25
Procop.,
to new and more
can notables
were
to flee to Constantinople
forced subsequently
owing
and Antalas:
serious depredations
ibid., 2.23 (525-29 Haury-Wirth).
by Stotzas
144 Ibid.
2.24.4
530 Haury-Wirth).
2.24.1,
(529,
145 Arrival
battle and defeat of Byzantine
ibid. 2.24.6.
of Areobindus:
(530 Haury-Wirth);
: ibid. 2.24. 8-13 (530-31 Haury-Wirth);
is killed
troops under John, son of Sisiniolus, who
and
death of Stotzas,
Sicca Veneria
the location was between
Procop.,
(el Kef)
Carthage;
of
Job. 4.208-19
Victor
bell. vand. 2.24.13-14
(531 Haury-Wirth);
(43 Partsch));
Coripp.,
Chron.
Tonnenna,
Rom.
Jordanes,
146 Succession
an.
545
(201 Mommsen);
Marcellinus,
Chron.
an.
(51 Mommsen).
bell. vand.
of John: Procop.,
2.25.3
(532 Haury-Wirth);
Rom.
384 (51 Mommsen).
Jordanes,
(107 Mommsen);
and Jordanes.
is given only by Marcellinus
Junior'
147
bell. vand. 2.25.
of Guntharic:
1.2.28.34
Procop.,
Tyranny
Chron.
For
the
an.
545
death
of Areobindus:
an.
547
John
Procop.,
joined Guntharic:
547 (108 Mommsen).
an.
545
(107 Mommsen);
384
(108 Mommsen);
Victor
ibid.
2.26.23-33
Marcellinus,
The name
(532-50
'Stotzas
Haury-Wirth).
Chron.
Marcellinus,
The rebel
Chron. an. 546 (201 Mommsen)..
of Tonnenna,
bell. vand. 2.27.7
(531 Haury-Wirth);
Marcellinus,
Chron.
AND
ARIANISM
BYZANTINE
ARMY
51
in the fall of 545.148 Artabanes,

however, the Armenian commander
of his fellow countrymen, contrived to murder Guntharic
called
of a detachment
and his main accomplices during the winter of 545-546.149 Guntharic had
been primarily interested in seizing political power; he had held it for thirty
slew many other mutineers, but
six days. Loyal to Justinian, Artabanes
was able to capture and send the rebel chief John and a few of his Vandals
back to Constantinople.150 At the capital, after his hands were cut off, John
placed in a gibbet for the public's gaze.151

In this way the last traces of the Arian-inspired mutiny of Easter, 536
were erased. The original religious motivations
of the Arian conspirators
who had touched off the revolt in 536 had probably been largely forgotten
was
over the course of ten years, and at any rate rendered meaningless by Solo
in an
deportation of virtually all Arians in Africa in 539. Audollent
mon's
statement says that in the seditions after the mutiny of 536

unannotated
'
. . . the hand of the Arians is visible: one has reasons to believe that they
encouraged the undertakings of the great native leaders.'152 There is

no evidence for either of these assertions (unless one considers that Stotzas,
who remained at large and later joined the Moorish chief Antalas, and Stot
zas' successor John, who also united with Antalas and the rebel Guntharic,
also
no positive proof that Stotzas and John

primarily 'Arians'). There is
have
been heretics, or they may not have
were Arians at all ?
they may
these leaders' religious beliefs may have been, the sources
been. Whatever
did not consider it important enough to mention. There is no contemporary
were
reference, even by the African Catholic Victor of Tonnenna, to any specifically

anti-Catholic action by either Stotzas or John. We may presume that these
two leaders were not primarily motivated
by any religious convictions, nor
seem
to have become basically bandits
to
in
did they pretend
fact, they
be;
148
Procop.,
149 Artabanes
bell.
vand.
2.24.16
(532 Haury-Wirth).
bell. vand. 2.28.28-34
at a banquet:
to slay Guntharic
Procop.,
384
Rom.
Chron. an. 547 (108 Mommsen);
Jordanes,
Marcellinus,
an.
Victor
of Tonnenna,
Chron.
the length of Guntharic's
'tyranny':
managed
(549-50
Haury-Wirth);
For
(51 Mommsen).
546 (201 Mommsen).
150
of Guntharic,
other accomplices
including Vandals,
Many
bell. vand. 2.28.35-38
or
with
fear:
Procop.,
eating,
paralyzed
rebel
leader
Vandals:
John
ibid. 2.28.40
nople:
the capital
he was
Wandalen
'Stotzas
ibid., 2.28.39
Junior'
was
(550 Haury-Wirth).
(550 Haury-Wirth);
in a sanctuary
captured
John and the Vandals
Chron.
Marcellinus,
an.
were
Haury-Wirth).
some
along with
were
547
Rom.
384 (51 Mommsen).
Jordanes,
punished:
this seems to be the
that
notes
Berlin
147,
1942)
(2nd ed.,
Bonn
but cf. Genesius,
1834) 33.
(ed. C. Lachmann,
Regna
Vandals,
151
Rom. 385 (51 Mommsen).
Jordanes,
152 A.
Diet.
d'Hist.
Audollent,
'Afrique,'
Giog.
Eccl.
slain while
(550
sent
asleep,
The
of his
to Constanti
(108 Mommsen).
Gesch.
Schmidt,
last
reference
I 837.
At
der
to the
52
traditio
As for Audollent's
belief that unindentified
'Arians'
nothing more.
incited the Moors, this is a sheer supposition which seems, on balance, to be
summoned
quite unlikely. The Moorish leader of the Frexes tribe, Antalas,
was
Stotzas to join the Moorish
raiders; Stotzas
encouraged by Antalas,
not Antalas by Stotzas.153 The Moors, moreover, never had much respect
and
few of them had allied with Gelimer against Belisarius,

for the Arian Vandals;
it is unlikely that Vandal Arian priests, or other Arian Vandals, would
have had very much influence on the decisions of these Moorish (i.e., Berber)
and
pagans.154 The last known traces of any Arian political and military activity,
and Arianism itself in Africa disappear with the final deportation of Arians
and the crushing of the rebellions of Stotzas and John. There is no subsequent
in the sources of Arianism in Africa.

final problem must be examined: how can the above conclusions be
reconciled with the recent argument of Speel that Arianism remained impor
'
. . . the
He asserts that
tant in Africa after the Byzantine
reconquest?
mention
A
of Christianity from North Africa finds its primary and most

disappearance
?
decisive cause in a unique form of theological dissent
namely, Vandal
its inroads into Africa
'When Islam made
Arianism.'155 He
also affirms:
it offered a faith which was
of the Vandals
closer, in some respects, to the Teutonic Arianism

than Teutonic Arianism was to the Catholic Christianity of
'
'156Furthermore he
maintains that conversion from Teutonic
the Byzantines.
from ca. 470
Arianism, the faith of the bulk of North Africa's population
a.d. to ca. 670 a.D., to Islam was an easy step.'157 Finally, he claims that
the Christians who were converted to Islam were Berbers, descendants of
soldiers and Vandal women and Romans
and
between Roman
marriages
of Roman Arian soldiers and Vandals.158 There
Berbers, and descendants
is no evidence to prove that the Berbers were Arians; they seem, according
to Corippus, to have been mostly pagans.159 Speel passes over Justinian's
deprived the Arian church and its members of their pos

sessions and prohibited Arian worship. He
ignores the deportation of all
suspicious elements in the Roman army as well as the removal of the Vandal
Novel
men
of 535 which
and women.
What
happened to their children is uncertain, but they
have been deported with their parents.
If not, without parental
likely would
153
bell. vand. 2.22.5

Job. 3.458-59
Coripp.,
(38 Partsch).
bell. vand. 1.25.2-9
and
On the relations of Vandals
Procop.,
Vandales
340-352.
Berbers:
Courtois,
155 C. J.
of
'The Disappearance
of Christianity
in the Wake
from North Africa
Speel,
of Islam/
29 (1960) 379.
the Rise
Church History
156 Ibid. 392.
154
Procop.,
157 Ibid.
168 Ibid.
160
393.
391.
Coripp.,
Joh.
4.666-83
(53 Partsch);
8.304-17
(101-02
Partsch);
6.104-41
(67 Partsch).
ARIANISM
AND
BYZANTINE
ARMY
53
influence, the few offspring born before their parents were deported would
not have been reared under Arian influence. Most important, Speel does not
base his statements upon the primary sources. He refers his readers to two
secondary sources, the Cambridge Medieval History and to E. L. Woodward's
in the Later Roman Empire, but no statement
Christianity and Nationalism
did survive the Byzantine
reconquest is found in either work
on the pages cited.160 One must conclude that his arguments are unfounded
and that they do not alter the above conclusion that sources at present available
indication that Arianism remained a religious, military
provide no positive
that Arianism
and political force in Africa more than a few years after the Byzantine re
This is explained both by Justinian's anti-Arian legislation and
conquest.
annihilation and deportation of the Arian elements of the
by the Byzantine
Some
Arians, of course, may have continued to live in Africa;
population.
there simply is no positive evidence to prove it. It seems very improbable
in the face of the silence of known sources that any African Arianism, to the
extent that it existed at all, was sufficiently significant on the eve of the
Arab
conquest
The
160
to affect markedly
University
Speel,
Christianity
397 n. 43,
the rate of Christian conversions to Islam.
of Chicago
Cambr. Med.
citing G. H. Becker,
in the Later Roman Empire
and Nationalism
Hist.
II 370
and E.
L. Woodward,
67 ff.

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ARIANISM AND THE BYZANTINE ARMY IN AFRICA 533-546

Author(s): WALTER EMIL KAEGI

AND THE BYZANTINE

of the principal motivations

majority of the population from their Arian Vandal

for the Byzantine

for its contents.

in the fourth century

see the section

but they had become Arians before they reached Africa.

a few helpful details

expeditionary force of 533 actually treated its invasion of Africa as a Catholic

to the sources, how

thority which had established it?

had taken partial or complete pos

of Africa, the Vandals

session of the Balearic

increasingly severe. Justinian (527-565),

conquered, had become

had forcibly rebap

'La paix vandale,'

There were, of course, additional reasons for Justinian's decision to order

Empire.6 African landowners of Roman origin, moreover, urged the emperor

who traded in the Vandal kingdom

could now pretend to be overthrowing Gelimer in the name

however, finally overcame the emperor's reservations. An unidentified eastern

13-14 (384 Haury-Wirth).

bell. vand. 1.10.2-6

'And yet/ He had said,

'I will Myself

join him in fighting and

offers a somewhat different reli

in command of the entire expedition,

of their own martyrs

to invade Africa, Chronicle

are filled with

This formality had

of what official statements and ceremonies might proclaim

of the religious differences between Byzan

in his policy-making.21 Secondly, the presence of 'no less than

foederati in a law of 527 because, among other reasons, of these here

probably create a serious division along confessional lines within

important incentive forBelisarius to

bell. vand. 2.14.12

pire II 150-51, 305-06.

Although the African Catholic clergy unquestionably

of distinctly Catholic aid to the Byzantine

did receive valuable

but his discussion

after the landing, rebuked

the note.32 The

Seeking to turn the Vandals

forces.34 It is significant that Justinian carefully refrained from mentioning

to provide cooperative Vandals with

took place. Gelimer

a Christian, Procopius was a skeptical one

of Theos with the pagan

outlook has two implications. On the one hand, it is noteworthy

own religious skepticism and tendency to

and fervent conviction of many Byzantine

the role of religious beliefs in the African campaign very

army policy toward Arianism

during the reconquest was moderate.40