The expected outcomes after the

General Election?

If we accept the general feeling that the needs and wants of the Sinhalese and Tamils,
particularly in rural areas have not seen much improvement in their lifestyle over the past
years, it is hoped that a new influx of people representing the poor and the needy will not only
be a refreshing and long awaited change in the new parliament, rather than the rich and the
mighty who have enriched themselves.

by Victor Cherubim
( July 22, 2015, London, Sri Lanka Guardian) More than 60 political parties and over
100 independents, a total of 6151 candidates will be contesting 196 seats in the 225
member parliament of Sri Lanka. The remaining 25 seats will be filled on a
proportional representation (PR) basis from the total number national votes won by
each party.
Thirty six Buddhist monks will be contesting the General Election on 17 August 2015,
including the first Buddhist monk to enter Parliament, Ven.Baddegama Samittha Thera
all from UPFA, while Ven. Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thera will be contesting from
the Bodu Jana Peramuna, with 15 other months. Ven Athureliya Rathana Thera and

Ven.Omalpe Sobitha Thera are on the National List.

The Mahanayake Malwatte Chapter Most Ven.Thibbatuwave Sri Sumangala Thera
recently addressed that, no proper development had trickled down to the villages.
If we accept the general feeling that the needs and wants of the Sinhalese and Tamils,
particularly in rural areas have not seen much improvement in their lifestyle over the
past years, it is hoped that a new influx of people representing the poor and the needy
will not only be a refreshing and long awaited change in the new parliament, rather
than the rich and the mighty who have enriched themselves.
The outcome of the General Election?
We can examine the outcome based approach in crafting strategies for the
parliamentary election, under three broad categories:
1. In Sri Lanka

2. External environment
3.Expected Outcomes
We can also project the expectations of the people and the expected outcomes after
the general election, under a further three categories:

1. The needs and wants of the rural population 2. The role of women and
2. National unity.
The identification of issues
Sri Lanka, like many other nations, small and large, is today in a melting pot. It is a
scene of revolving conflict and also attempting to resolve this conflict. If this conflict, or
the war which caused this unease, seems over or finished, the conflict goes on and
the landscape both economic and security for ordinary Sri Lankans, remains extremely
uncertain. The forthcoming parliamentary election in August and the new configuration
it is likely to create are fraught with further dangers and possibly new obstacles. The
public expectation is the hope that at the very least the lifestyle conflict can be
contained from escalating, allowing for the vagaries of development.
The first scenario pre-supposes a government voted into office which is dependent on
international aid both for the reconstruction and for the stabilisation of an economy,
which is in tatters. as assessed by some observers.
If candidates and international actors are to make use of the window of opportunity,
provided by this election, lessons learned from the past should be borne in mind, first
thatnational solutions over national issues, are given precedence over international
agendas.
The second scenario underlies, in order for the situation to change, underwriters
mainly of Sri Lankan origin, diaspora and others will have to come to the fore with real
money power and influence, as the international community is overcommitted with its
own concerns and unwilling to provide the financial backing for capacity building. In
the foreseeable future, with uncertain economic climate even diaspora assistance is
possibly unlikely to happen, if either through the electoral process or alternative routes

to change, no transformation is envisaged, or if the uncertainty of safeguarding their

investment is not guaranteed.
Another key conflict issue is the understanding and perhaps recognition that the Tamils
and Muslims of the North and East and elsewhere in Sri Lanka as both multi-ethnic but
more so national Sri Lanka communities and their access to state resources and
territory are recognised and accommodated.
Social Change and Development outcomes
Research using analytical models, is the reduction of the complex reality and have to
be viewed only as tools and not the reality. Conflict analysis presupposes conflict ideas
with respect to the positions, interests, values and needs of all the parties to the
conflict.
Social change, in the vast majority of cases whether it affects Sinhalese or Tamil is
gender based, with women as bread winners in their households. Gender based
violence and gender sensitisation translates in gender inequality of access and
opportunity to work. This is lacking in both communities. Until skills and capacity
building for women are encouraged, and the promotion of greater womens
participation in politics and in local government activities take precedence, social
change will remain stagnant.
Development outcomes will involve promoting private enterprise policy reform.
Decentralisation of development decisions at Pradeshiya sabha level will go a long
way for promoting private initiatives.
The fragility of the processes after the election
Conflict resolution has been confronted with a series of setbacks and resistances.
Corruption which has been rampant over time perhaps has been due to excessive red
tape. Red Tape has been tackled by cutting it lengthwise, instead of cutting it in pieces,
up and down the administrative chain of command. Lateral thinking in drug abuse has
not been explored. The hope is that the change which the election will usher in, though
fragile, will empower the diverse segments of its citizens for a united Sri Lanka.
Posted by Thavam