Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Investment Environment
by Denis
Parfenov
July 2002
To my Grandmother
ii
Abstract
Companies diversify geographically and gain entry to traditionally
inaccessible regions. Direct foreign investments allow them to exploit unique
assets and to generate larger profits. Investments in any country entail political
risk. This paper aims to examine the concept of political risk as perceived by
three major oil companies (Exxon Mobile, Royal Dutch Shell, British
Petroleum) with activities diversified around the world. In order to compare
companies strategies, the chosen research sample includes the companies
with interests on Sakhalin island, Russia.
The objective of this dissertation is to analyse the current threats of the
international business environment and the strategies companies employ to
deal with them. The sample of three oil companies is taken, presuming that
the exploration business is a typical example, of where political risk is usually
involved.
When the findings of the secondary research are analysed with regard to the
literature available on the research topic many correlations are found. Most
notable is the finding that in order to achieve long term goals, oil companies
have to undertake tasks with risk and uncertainty. Second, the threat of losing
ownership rights is relatively low at present. Host countries are highly
dependent on foreign investments, technology and managerial expertise. On
the other hand, the risks imposed by forces, which are beyond governments
control, and changes in the international relationship are high. The topic of
dealing with risks caused by forces beyond governments control is under
explored in academic literature. Finally, in spite of high bureaucratic barriers,
the Russian Federation is becoming an investor attractive region. The leading
Western oil companies are actively investing in Russia. The multinationals
practices of dealing with risks in Russia do not differ from their practices in
other countries or to each other.
iii
Acknowledgments
Following a great time at the Michael Smurfit Graduate School of Business, I
would like to thank the following for their help and support throughout the
year:
Dr. John F. Cassidy, thank you for your continued guidance and
advice.
My family
My friends
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Table of Contents
Page
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 FDI
10
11
14
16
18
18
19
21
23
26
30
32
33
Conclusion
34
35
36
38
39
Section 5: Generalisation
40
40
41
42
Conclusion
42
43
46
46
47
47
48
51
52
Conclusion
54
55
55
56
58
61
63
65
66
69
Conclusion
70
vi
Chapter 6: Findings
Section 1: Political Risk and Oil Companies
71
73
74
77
Chapter 7: Conclusions
79
84
List of References
a-f
List of Websites
vii
List of Tables
Page
Table 3.1
40
Table 4.1
43
44
Table 4.2
List of Figures
Page
Figure 2.1
13
Figure 2.2
14
Figure 4.1
45
viii
ix
Algeria, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Qatar, Saudi Arabia,
the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Venezuela.
World Oil Reserves are estimated at more than one trillion barrels (OPEC,
2002). The 11 OPEC Member Countries hold about 75 per cent and produce
40 per cent of the world total output, which stands at about 75 million barrels
per day.
Chapter I:
Introduction
Chapter 1: Introduction
As global competition drives corporations into distant, unfamiliar markets,
managers are searching for ways to minimise the uncertainty they have to cope
with. In order to analyse the types of risk most common at present, how foreign
investors manage political risk and how political risk affects their work, the
author takes the case of the three largest oil companies in the world (Exxon
Mobile, Royal Dutch Shell and British Petroleum) which have diversified
interests around the world and at the same time which conduct business in
Russia. This chapter gives the reader the authors reasons for choosing this
topic and states research questions.
Why Political Risk? First, firms operating internationally often have to deal
with dramatic changes in the political, economic and business environments of
host countries. Governments can intervene in the operations of foreign-owned
firms by restricting ownership and control, regulating financial flows and the
employment of foreign management. More radical measures would be
nationalisation, expropriation, or confiscation of assets. Furthermore, civil
disorders, rebellions and revolutions can seriously offset the benefits of
internationalisation. Thus evaluation of political risk and minimising its
exposure can be an important issue for firms operating abroad (De Mortanges
& Allers, 1996). Moreover, besides being subject to political risk, it is also
quite possible that companies miss opportunities because they perceive more
political risk than actually exists.
Second, political risk exists in different forms in all countries and every
investor estimates its presence/degree. However the level is higher in
developing countries than in those which are developed.
Third, international relations more and more influence international business.
Nowadays, trade, political or military sanctions of one government against
Chapter I:
Introduction
another one can affect the investors decisions and companies growth
strategies.
There are two recent examples of how political risk and relations among
nations affect MNEs business. After September 11, 2001 the U.S. worked hard
to get Pakistan into its anti-terrorist alliance. British Petroleum (BP), which
extracts 60,000 barrels of oil a day in Pakistan, has withdrawn all its overseas
executives from this country. At the same time, Britains Premier Oil, a small
exploration company, announced it was expanding its modest presence in
Pakistan through a US$ 105 million joint venture with a Kuwaiti partner
(Tomlinson, 2001a).
Another example is French oil giant TotalFinaElf. Since 1995, Total has
pursued an aggressive strategy of expanding in the Middle East (mainly in
Libya and Iran), where almost a quarter of the company's oil and gas
production is located. Their exploration and production division accounted for
about seventy per cent of the group's operating income in the year 2000.
Considering that, Total got into an extremely sensitive position following the
attacks against America on September 11 and the vow by the U.S. and its allies
to target nations that harbour or sponsor terrorists. (Tomlinson, 2001b)
To conduct quality research on Political Risk, it is necessary to focus on the
specific sector. According to Shapiro (1981) susceptibility to political risk
depends on the industry, where companies work, size of company, composition
of ownership, level of technology and degree of vertical integration with other
affiliates. Taking into account that, the sample of private oil companies is
chosen.
Why oil? The world lives on oil. It is probably the most important commodity
in the world. Oil is the foundation for the plastics and petrochemical industries.
Oil is fundamental to the welfare of the industrialised world and it is a major
component of the farming industry.
Chapter I:
Introduction
In the last twenty years most of the discoveries of oil and gas reserves were
made in third world countries, so it has to be explored there. The majority of
these countries are unfortunately extremely uncertain places. Finally, the
exploration of oil and gas is a business which needs huge investments, so the
losses can be very high. Thus risk assertion and management must be very
thorough.
Why companies with interests in Russia? Russia is still an emerging market
and political risk is still quite high in the Russian business environment. This
fact badly impacts the level of needed FDI there.
Moreover, Russia is a unique example due to its history. Beginning in the
nineteenth century the fortunes of Russian oil had a significant impact, when
the development of an oil industry in Azerbaijan (part of Russian Empire)
around Baku broke the Rockfellers Standard Oil monopoly. Furthermore,
Russia is the place where oil companies experienced the first political
interruption caused by the revolution of 1905. Later, the Bolsheviks export
campaign in the 1920s brought about the global price war that led to the
meeting at Achnacarry Castle in Scotland in 1928 and the As-Is agreement.
In the late 1950s the Soviets drive for market share stimulated price-cutting,
and gave a birth to OPEC on September 14th, 1960 (Yergin, 1991).
The Russian Federation possesses abundant deposits of natural resources
including large stocks of fuel minerals. Historically, the country has been one
of the major producers of oil and gas, providing a significant share of the
supply to the worlds markets. The Former Soviet Union (FSU) used to be the
worlds largest oil and gas producer, with output in 1989 more than double that
of Saudi Arabia, and it was the second largest exporter after Saudi Arabia
(Yergin, 1991). Russia is about to do it again.
The Russian oil and gas industry desperately needs foreign investment,
experience and technology to develop its oil reserves, especially offshore ones.
In spite of the increases in output achieved in the last 3-5 years, without FDI,
making further progress seems to be unachievable goal.
3
Chapter I:
Introduction
The International Business channels are: (1) Export & Import; (2) tourism,
transportation, services (consulting, banking etc.); (3) licensing, franchising;
(4) turnkey operations; (5) management contracts; (6) MNE / TNC; (7)
Collaborative agreements; (8) Indirect Foreign Investments (Portfolio
Investment) and (9) Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).
Truitt (1974) points out the difference between indirect foreign investments and
direct foreign investment. Indirect (portfolio) foreign investment is the
purchase and ownership of foreign stock and bonds for the purpose of dividend
as interest payment on return of investment. But in reality, relations among
parent companies and host government can become more involved in business
than in just getting bonuses and thus it is less easily differentiated from direct
foreign investment.
the product life cycle and the potential for the firm to exploit a foreign market.
These ideas were summarised by Dunning (2000) (see Appendix I). In
accordance with Dunning (2000) firms invest abroad because they possess
ownership advantages, location factors and internalisation factors (O-L-I),
which may be described as follows:
(L) Location
Two companies from the same country join together in a foreign market
(e.g. Exxon and Mobile in Russia).
Czinkota et alli (2000) argue that: The key to joint venture is the sharing of a
common business objective, which makes the arrangement more than
customer-vendor relationship, but less than outright acquisition. Madura
(2000) states that most joint ventures allow business partners to apply their
respective competitive advantages in a given project. The benefits of the joint
venture as a form of FDI are (Czinkota et alii 2000):
JVs often permit a better relationship with local government and other
organisations such as labour unions.
Typical problems with JVs are as follows: (1) difficulty with selecting a partner
in a host country (Liu & Bjornson, 1998); (2) Different objectives of foreign
partners, which cause disagreements among partners about business decisions
e.g. strategy, accounting and control, marketing policies, management style,
etc. Liu & Bjornson (1998) state that in principle, MNEs seek to maximise
their firm value, consistent with economic efficiency, while local partners may
seek to maximise short-term profit, sometimes at the expense of product
quality or reputation. Other flaws of JVs are:(3) leakage of know-how from
one partner to another and (4) lack of control for investor over joint venture
The third category, political risk, may in many countries be the most
important one. A country is a political entity, with country-specific rules
and regulations applying to the investment.
The next subsection is dedicated to political risk. For perspective within the
overall context of political risk, various definitions of political risk and
summary of empirical efforts to predict political risk will be given. Ways of
managing different types of risks in terms of reducing its exposure will be
examined.
De la Torre & Nectar (1986) define political risk as the probability distribution
that a real potential loss will occur due to the exposure of foreign affiliates to a
set of contingencies that range from the total seizure of corporation assets
without compensation to the unprovoked interference of external agents, with
or without governmental sanction, with the normal operations and performance
expected from affiliates.
Gilligan (1987) maintains, political risk could be defined as the likelihood that
political forces can cause drastic changes in a countrys business environment
in turn affecting the profit and other goals of a business enterprise. It can be
seen to stem from a countrys economic, political and social environments, all
of which are capable of changing dramatically in a short time, particularly in
the traditionally volatile parts of the world.
Czinkota et alli (2000) give a shorter definition: Political risk- the risk of loss
assets, earning power or managing control as a result of political actions by the
host country. The working definition of this dissertation is The political risk
faced by foreign investors is defined as the risk or probability of occurrence of
some event(s) that will change the prospects for profitability of a given
investment in a home or host country.
Politics and the laws of a host country affect international business operations
in a variety of ways. The political risks can be distinguished between (De la
Torre & Nectar, 1986) 1) the real contingences faced by the firm operating in
the foreign country and 2) the sources of the risk.
There are two different contingencies of losses:
1) Macro risk- (the more dramatic one) the involuntarily loss of control
(generally meaning property rights) over specific assets location in
the foreign country, typically without adequate compensation (e.g.,
expropriation, domestication, civil war, terrorism).
2) Micro risk- (the more prevalent one) the loss in the expected value of
a foreign-controlled affiliate due to discriminatory actions taken
9
Direct Intervention
I--------------------------------------------I-----------------------------------------------I
Price controls
Tax controls
Import controls
Labour restrictions
Exchange controls
Market controls
Domestication
Expropriation of
assets
10
Loss contingencies:
An inventory loss of
control over specific Type A:
a s s e t s w i t h o u t Massive expropriations
adequate
compensation
Type B:
Selective
nationalisations
Value contingencies:
R e d u c t i o n i n t h e Type C:
Type D:
expected value of the
General deterioration of Restrictions targeted to
benefits to be derived
the investment climate
key sectors
from the foreign
affiliate
Macro risks:
Micro risks:
Sudden convulsive
chances that threaten most
of the population of
foreign direct investors
within the country.
Interventions generally
motivated by specific
consideration closely
related to the economic
and the social
conditions prevailing at
the time, and to
specific industry and
firm characteristic
11
Domestication is a less extreme and far more gradual strategy than outright
expropriation or nationalisation. According to Kobrin (1987), while these harsh
macro risks tend to attract considerable managerial attention; their number is
relatively limited.
13
which affect the cash flow. E.g., new pollution control standards, tax increases,
price controls, fund transfer restrictions; partial divestment of ownership, limits
on expatriate employment (Kobrin 1979, Gilligan, 1987).
14
15
The term country risk analysis describes the activity of predicting future
conditions for the investment in a host country. Robock (1971) and Haendel
(1975) identify four steps in political risk analysis:
1) An understanding of the type of government presently in power, its patterns
of political behaviour and its norms of stability.
2) An analysis of the multinational enterprises own product or operations to
identify the kind of political risk likely to be involved in particular areas.
3) A determination of source of political risk.
4) To project into the future the possibility of political risk in term of
probability and time horizons.
Robock (1971) cited one international company that forecasts political risk via
two projections. One projection is the chance that a particular political group
will be in power during a specific forecast period. The second is of the type of
government interference that each political group can be expected to generate.
16
The main flaw of using the internal sources for information is that subsidiary
and regional managers are strongly motivated and therefore tend to
underestimate the potential dangers of the country in which they work.
There are at least three external sources of information that the predictions may
be based on (1) written reports; (2) information deduced from financial
markets; and (3) summary measures like risk indices and ratings. Because it is
often difficult to quantify country risk, all three sources of information used
together are likely to provide the investment analyst with the best estimates.
Written reports usually contain descriptions of possible future developments in
a country. Such reports may be issued by private companies or international
organisations like OECD or the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund,
International Financial Statistics UN; U.S. Commerce Department.
Figures
from national accounts may be presented in these reports, but in many cases the
analysis is primarily qualitative and in textual form. Written reports are useful
in providing background information, but may often be too general and give
little guidance to the numerical evaluation. The second source of information is
analyses of prices of assets traded in financial markets.
Moreover many consulting companies and investment banks provide country
and political risk advisory services enabling international investors to identify
and evaluate broad political macro and micro risks in a chosen region from
changes in government legislation and selective discrimination to the impact of
war and terrorism. For example, Deloitte & Touche assesses the likelihood of
more than 40 risks, including:
Industrial action.
Shareholder action.
Selective discrimination.
17
Devaluation risk.
18
toward short term projections of less than a year, which make then hardly
useful for investors.
Scenarios. As Mortanges & Allers (1996) state, this approach consists of the
formulation of certain possible scenarios for a given country. E.g. the arrival in
power or maintenance in power of a leading political group, defined according
to their attitude towards foreign investment. The next step is to assess
probability of the given scenario coming into being.
Quantitative Analysis. Rather then rely on soft opinion measures (such as
the Delphi method) quantitative measures are based on hard data...
(Haendel, 1975). Quantitative methods are developed to reduce the bias of the
subjectivity of qualitative methods (Mortanges & Allers, 1996). Quantitative
analysis helps a risk analyst to identify characteristics that influence the level
of country risk after the financial and political variables have been measured
for a period of time.
Discriminate analysis is a statistical tool used for this purpose. The general idea
of this analysis is to identify the factors; to help to distinguish between
tolerable risk and intolerable risk countries by examining political and financial
factors of these countries.
Another type of quantitative model was developed by Schollhammer (1978),
uses measures of certain casual factors to forecast political change. He
suggested two types of casual factors: 1) political factors (quantitative
estimates of national riots, armed attacks, death from domestic violence,
government sanctions, defence expenditures and fractionalisation among
parties). 2) The economic factors (e.g. average expenditures, and available food
supply measured in terms of calories per capita) (De Mortanges & Allers,
1996).
The main limitation of these analyses is that they are based on historical data,
which are not always an accurate indicator of the future (Haendel , 1975). The
19
time lag effect of the governmental agencies and international bodies data
can also exist while using the quantitative model for assessing political risks.
Inspection Visits ("grand tours") - involve travelling to a country and
meeting with government officials, firms executives, and/or consumers. Such
meetings help clarify any uncertain opinions the firm has about the country.
The results of this kind of investigation can be very limited, containing only
selective information which does not take into account factors possibly
disastrous for the company (De Mortanges & Allers, 1996). However, when
properly organised, a team of executives can be very useful. Moreover, some
experience with the political environment is better than none. Mortanges &
Allers (1996) suggest supplementing this method with other less subjective
ones.
Company-specific Methods. Shell Oil Company developed the ASPROSPAIR system (De Mortanges & Allers, 1996). ASPRO is short for
Assessment of Probabilities and SPAIR is short for Subjective Probabilities
Assigned to Investment Risk. This approach contains a model of the potential
impact of the political environment on a specific project. Expert analysts are
recruited from a variety of backgrounds to review a set of factors like civil
disorder, sudden expropriation, taxation restrictions, restriction on remittances,
and oil export restrictions. A major disadvantage of this method is that it is very
expensive and appropriate only for large MNEs.
Combination of Techniques. Since each technique has its own pros and
cons, its most appropriate to implement two or more of the techniques
described above (Madura, 2001). An integration of qualitative and quantitative
methods may be a more accurate way to forecast political risks.
There is no consensus as to how country risk can best be assessed. Madura
(2000) suggests dividing the risk evaluation into two steps: 1) the risk
assessment of a country as related to the MNEs type of business
20
d) Competition (De la Torre & Nectar, 1986) - the higher the level of
competition (and consequently, alternative sources of capital and
technology) the higher the probability of government intervention.
2) Corporate factors
a) Size (Shapiro, 1981) - with the smaller firm, the asset gain fails to out
weight the loss of confidence and hostile reaction amongst the worlds
financial community:
b) Nationality (De la Torre & Nectar, 1986)- the nationality of a foreign
investor is relevant to the risk factor, because it is subject to the quality
of the relations which the host country has or has had with the
investors home country.
c) Scope of Activities ( De la Torre & Nectar, 1986) and the Degree of
Vertical Integration with Other Affiliates (Shapiro, 1981) - the nature of
the companys activities and the geographic locations of its affiliates
may have a material influence on the level of risk (e.g. US firm does
business in Israel and Arabic countries)
d) Corporate Image (De la Torre & Nectar, 1986., Daniels & Radebaugh,
2001) - bribery scandals or a history of involvement in the financing of
political subversion can leave the company with a damaged reputation
for a long time.
e) Previous Losses (De la Torre & Nectar, 1986) - the relative bargaining
strength of the company can be assessed from those examples where it
avoided losses while most other firms did not.
3) Structural Factors
a) Contribution to the Local Economy (De la Torre & Nectar, 1986)- to
calculate the perceptible benefits to the local economy resulting from
the foreign firms involvement; the higher the benefits, the lower the
likelihood of government intervention.
b) Intra - corporate Transfers (De la Torre & Nectar, 1986)- the more
closely the affiliate or project is tied to the global network of the parent
company, the lower risk of an expropriation or interference.
22
25
26
context the examination of the United Nations and World Bank Data
may be useful.
b) Financial Support - this includes direct sources of economic support,
such as provision of financial aid, food and military assistance, in
addition to cases of de facto support by important economic and trade
connections.
c) Regional Ties - Border disputes, external military threats, the possibility
of the spill- over effect of nearby rebellious actions, etc. Can have a
profound impact on the domestic composure of government priorities.
d) Attitude Towards Foreign Capital and Investment - many of the rating
services (e.g., the United Nations and World Bank) maintain up-to-date
records of foreign investment flaws and decisions by local authorities,
courts and local chambers of commerce. They also conduct, on a
regular basis, polls on local attitudes toward foreign investors. This
information can be valuable in assessing trends when examining the
country.
e) General Indicators - human rights records as published by international
organisations such as Amnesty International, the existence of formal
and active opposition groups in exile, signs of diplomatic stress
between home and host country, and terrorists acts committed in third
countries etc.
For international firms, however the bottom line is not a comparison of
countries, but rather of investments; of risk and return. In pursuit of high
investment returns, MNEs assume political risk that cannot be accurately
measured but which can be managed (Liu & Bjornson, 1998).
27
28
if there is a 20 per cent probability that the host government will temporary
block funds from the subsidiary to the parent, the MNE should estimate the
projects present value under these circumstances, realising that there is 20 pre
cent chance that this will occur.
30
31
those areas in which the level of political risks are likely to be the highest
(Gilligan, 1987).
It is known that the expected returns from the emerging markets can be
impressive and these markets can be a highly risky and volatile (Harvey ,
1994a). The return axis may be measured by potential return on assets or return
on equity. The risk may be measured by potential fluctuations in the returns
generated by each project (Madura, 2000). The term efficient project refers
to a minimum risk for a given return.
MNE can achieve more desirable risk- return characteristics form their project
portfolios if they sufficiently diversify among products and markets. For
instance by combining project A with several other projects, the MNE may
decrease its expected return. On the other hand, risks could be also reduced
greatly. Project portfolios outperform the individual projects because of
diversification of risks.
Conclusion
This chapter has had an objective to introduce the reader to the Political risk
related literature. Section one has been dedicated to the Theory of
Internationalisation. Foreign Direct Investments, as one of the alternative ways of
expansion into distant markets, has been reviewed. The benefits and flaws of Joint
Ventures have been discussed. The uniqueness of FDIs in the Oil Industry has been
stated.
Section two has debated the difference in terms between uncertainty and risk.
Section three has dealt with Political Risks. The types of political risk have been
introduced. Ways of minimising political risk exposure (risk recognition /
evaluation, development pre-investment and post-investment policies) have been
analysed. The final section of the chapter has given a brief overview of trade-off
between risk and return.
32
From the analysis of International Trade theories, FDI theories and Joint
Ventures as a form of FDI, it is possible to conclude that there are many
reasons and advantages for companies in internationalisation. However, the
risks can seriously offset these benefits. International managers need to identify
and assess the risk they face on the way to internationalisation. Compared to
most types of economic or business forecasting, political forecasting remains a
very underdeveloped art; In spite of that fact there is a possibility to develop
and implement strategies, which allow the company to reduce the likelihood of
losses or at least lessen its amounts. Investors with projects positioned around
the world have to be concerned with the risk - return characteristics of the
project (Madura, 2000).
33
35
36
Moreover, what a case study can do that a survey normally cannot is study
things in detail (Denscombe, 1998). The author takes a strategic decision to
devote all his efforts to researching just three cases and there is obviously a far
superior prospect to looking into things in more detail and finding out things
that might not have become obvious through more superficial research.
Furthermore, relationships and processes within social settings tend to be
interconnected and interrelated (Denscombe, 1998). To understand one thing it
is essential to understand many others and importantly, how the various parts
are correlated. Case studies tend to be holistic rather than to deal with
isolated factors (Denscombe, 1998). The case study gives some opportunity
to the researcher of being able to find out how the many parts affect one
another.
Also, the case study approach offers the opportunity to explain why certain
outcomes might happen; not only just to discover what those outcomes are.
Another strength of the case study approach is that it allows the researcher to
use a variety of sources. A variety of data and a variety of research methods as
part of the investigation observations of events within this case study will be
combined with scanning industry specific and financial periodicals. Where
possible, documents from official meetings will be used. These will provide
relevant insights into the different views of the subjects under research.
The advantage of the case study approach is that the author will be ideally
placed to obtain as wide body information as possible: the three cases of oil
majors form the basis of the investigation. It is what already exists. As Yin
(1994) states, the case(s) is a naturally occurring phenomenon. It is not like
experiments where the research design is dedicated to imposing controls on can
variables so that the impact of a specific ingredient can be measured
(Denscombe, 1998).
37
Secondary data has certain limitations, which are worth considering. The
author found it difficult and time consuming to examine vast quantities of data,
37
On the other hand, the author does not have a great deal of choice of
38
Section 5: Generalisation
Denscombe (1998) states that the value of a case study approach is that it has
the potential to deal with subtleties and intricacies of complex social situations.
Although each of the three cases is in some respects unique, it is also a single
example of a broader class of things.
The extent to which findings from the case study can be generalised to other
examples in the class depends on how far the case study example is similar to
other types. Table 3.1 gives an example of the point in which case studies can
be compared to each other.
Table 3.1 Comparing a case with others of its type
Physical location
Historical location
Social location
Institutional location
39
fairly distinct boundaries is an important factor in stating what the cases are
and what is outside the case is (excluded from the case studies).
The physical boundaries of the case studies included in this dissertation are
as follows:
1) The type of organisation.
a) Country of the origin. All three companies were set up and operate
from developed countries (The USA, the UK, the Netherlands).
b) Listed/ unlisted on the stock market. The companies are listed in the
stock markets.
c) Annual turnover. The companies are in the Fortunes top 10 world
companies by revenues.
d) Number of employees is significant (around a hundred thousand in
each company).
e) Span of operations. The companies are specialising in oil and gas
exploration and extraction.
2) The widespread interests around the globe.
a) All three companies are truly multinationals. E.g. Exxon Mobile
conducts businesses in 200 countries, BP in 29 countries.
b) All three companies have interests in Russia
The time/ historical boundaries:
1) Being in business for more than a hundred years
2) Conducting business in the exploration sector in Russia in the last 4 years
3) The period of past 20 years will be examined.
Section 7: Limitations of the Case Studies Approach
Case study approach like any other research method has its own pros and cons.
One of the weak points of the case study approach that it is open to criticism is
in relation to the credibility to generalisation made from its findings. The
approach gets accused of lacking the degree of rigor expected from social
science and is therefore a perceived as producing soft data. The boundaries
40
Conclusion
This chapter has brought the reader through the rationale for the study. The
importance of the research methodology has been emphasised. It has been
established that the case study approach has got both advantages and
disadvantages, but the researcher finds it the most appropriate for his research.
Sources of data for this study and their limitations have been discussed. The
boundaries to the case studies have been established. The reasons for choosing
the cases of Exxon, Shell and BP and potential for generalisation have been
pointed out. The limitations of the case study approach have been given. The
research objectives have been stated.
41
43
also rise to 90.6 million barrels per day in 2010 and 103.2 million barrels per
day by 2020.
44
reported a high reserve renewal rate most of which are in offshore zone (Figure
4.1).
Figure 4.1 Rate of oil reserve renewal, 1990-1999 by country
45
It can take 3-10 years from the decision to explore, through discovery and
testing, development and the delivery of oil from a new field. The time required
depends on where the oil is and thus how hard it is to discover, test and develop.
An offshore oil field in deep water can take much longer to discover and test,
due to the challenging conditions such as bad weather. Drilling in deep water is
also difficult, and it can be very expensive.
OPEC (1999) believes that oil demand will continue to grow strongly and oil
will remain the world's single most important source of energy for the
foreseeable future. OPECs forecast is that the oil share of the world fuel mix is
falling slightly, from over 41 per cent today to just over 39 per cent in 2020.
However, oil will still be the world's single largest source of energy. The
reduction in the oil market share is largely due to the stronger growth enjoyed
by other forms of energy, particularly natural gas (see Appendix III).
Section 1.1 Uses of crude oil
Most of the crude oil goes to plants for refining. The best known product
derived from oil is gasoline, or petrol. However, there are many other products
that can be obtained when a barrel of crude oil is refined. Other fuels include
liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), naphtha, kerosene, gasoil and fuel oil.
Lubricants and asphalt (used in paving roads) are also manufactured from
refining crude oil. A range of sub-items like perfumes and insecticides are
ultimately derived from crude oil (OPEC, 2002). Furthermore, several of the
products listed above which are derived from crude oil, such as naphtha, gasoil,
LPG and ethane, can themselves be used as inputs or feedstocks in the
production of petrochemicals. There are also more than 4,000 different
petrochemical products (Yergin, 2001).
Section 2: Exxon Mobiles Profile
According to the Time & Fortune Group's 2002 Fortune Global 500 list of the
largest companies by revenue, Exxon Mobil Corporation is the second biggest
company in the world (after Wall-Mart Stories) and the worlds number one
46
vertically integrated non-state owned oil and gas company (ahead of BP). In
2001 its revenues were US$ 191,581 million (per cent change from 2000 is
minus 8.9). Some consider Exxon the most powerful corporation in the world to
day (Fortune, 2002a). Worldwide it employs over 100,000 people (Business
Week, 2001).
Exxon Mobil engages in oil and gas exploration, production, supply,
transportation, and marketing around the world. It has proven reserves of just
less than 21 billion barrels of oil equivalent ( Business Week, 2001). Exxon
Mobil's refineries can handle more than 6 million barrels per day. Petroleum is
mostly sold through Exxons 45,000 Esso and Mobil service stations in 118
countries (including more than 16,000 in the US). Aviation fuel is sold at more
than 700 airports in 80 countries. Exxon Mobil Marine Fuels serves more than
300 ports in 70 countries. Exxon Mobile conducts business in almost 200
countries worldwide. It also produces and sells petrochemicals, and it has
interests in coal mining, minerals, and electric power generation.
Section 3: Royal Dutch Shells Profile
Royal Dutch Shell Group is the world's number three in its industry and number
eight in the world. It made US$ 135,211 million in 2001 ( per cent change from
2000 is minus 9.3) (Fortune, 2002). It has proven reserves of 9.5 billion barrels
of oil and 55.8 trillion cubic feet of gas. The Group is a joint venture between
Royal Dutch Petroleum (60 per cent) and "Shell" Transport and Trading (40 per
cent). It generates sales mainly from oil products, but it also makes chemicals,
transports natural gas, trades gas and electricity, and develops renewable energy
sources. It operates more than 46,000 gas stations world-wide (Business Week,
2002). Shell employs 101,000 people worldwide (Mortished, 1997).
Section 4: British Petroleums Profile
British Petroleum (BP), formerly BP Amoco, is the world's number 2 integrated
oil company, behind Exxon Mobil. It is ranked by Fortune (2002) as the fourthlargest company in the world with its 2001 revenue equal to US$ 174,218
47
million (per cent change from 2000 is plus 17.7). The company, which was
formed in 1998 from the merger of British Petroleum and Amoco, has grown
further by buying Atlantic Richfield Company (ARCO). BP has proven reserves
of 15.2 billion barrels of oil equivalent, including large holdings in Alaska and
the North Sea. It is the largest US oil and gas producer. Also a top refiner (3.2
million barrels of oil per day capacity) and petrochemicals and specialty
chemicals manufacturer, it has expanded by buying motor-oil maker Burmah
Castrol. BP operates 29,000 gas stations world-wide (Business Week, 2002) and
conducts operations in 29 countries around the world, from Algeria to
Zimbabwe (Cairncross, 2002).
Section 5: Russian Oil and Gas Sector
Although commercial production only began in the second half of the
nineteenth century, for centuries before, oil was gathered by peoples who lived
in the parts of the world where it seeped to the surface. In Russia, the first
written mention of the gathering of oil goes back to the sixteenth century.
Travellers described how tribes living along the banks of the river Ukhta in the
far northern Timan Pechora region gathered oil from the surface of the river and
used it as a medicine and lubricant. Oil gathered from the Ukhta river was
delivered to Moscow for the first time in 1597 (Yergin, 1991). The first oil well
in the world was sunk in Baku by the Caspian Sea in 1846, about a decade
before the first oil wells were drilled in the US. By the end of the nineteenth
century Russia accounted for over 30 per cent of the worlds oil production
(Yergin, 1991).
At present, Russia is a significant oil and gas exporter. Russia pumps on the
world markets 4.5 million barrels daily (OPEC, 2001). It is the world's largest
exporter of natural gas (and has the largest known natural gas reserves). It is
also the world's second largest energy consumer. Even though production of
both has declined in recent years, consumption within Russia has declined even
further so net energy exports have increased.
48
The oil industry is a key natural resource sector and one that is extremely
important to the Russian economy, due to the large contribution to government
budget revenues and Russian exports. It plays a critical role in the Russian
economy: while its employees accounts for only 1 per cent of the Russian
workforce, the oil sector represented 6 per cent of GDP, 16 per cent of exports
and 22 per cent of budget revenues in 1998, as pointed out by Mc Keansey
survey (2001).
According to the OPEC (2001) sources, Russia has an estimated 49-55 billion
barrels of oil proven reserves, but ageing equipment and poorly developed fields
are making it difficult to develop these reserves. The development of existing
oilfields could have made better progress, but the deterioration in transport
infrastructure, and the shortage in investment- aggravated by the countrys
August 1998 financial crisis- speeded down the development. Large amount of
capital, mostly from foreign investors, is needed to develop new fields and to
extend the life of existing oilfields.
Oil production in Russia has fallen by almost half over the last 10 years, from a
peak of 12 million barrels per day in 1988 (19 per cent of world production) to a
low of 6.1 million barrels per day in 1998 (9 per cent of world production). The
decrease in production reflects the lack of new field development, the 30 per
cent fall in domestic demand since 1990, as well as the export drop to former
USSR republics and East European countries (Kharkukov, 2002).
As maintained by the Economist Intelligence Unit (2001), although the
countrys natural gas production has decreased only slightly (8 per cent from
1992 to 1999) during the transition to democracy, low investment has raised
concerns about future production levels: production in the established West
Siberian fields that account for 76 per cent of Russian gas output is declining,
while the planned development of new fields continues to be delayed as a result
of lack of investment resources.
Gasprom, which is a 38 per cent government-owned company, dominates
Russias gas sector. Gasprom controls more than 90 per cent of Russias gas
49
production, runs the countrys 90,000-mile gas pipeline grid and 43 compressor
stations. It operates trading houses and marketing joint ventures in many
European countries, and holds one-fifth of the worlds natural gas reserves. In
addition, Gasprom is Russias largest earner of hard currency, and its tax
payments account for around 25 per cent of federal tax revenues.
The oil & gas industry was privatised in 1993-1994, but government retains
stakes in several large companies. Privatisation involved very little foreign
investment. The group of private majors includes the six largest oil companies
with zero or only symbolic state participation and countrywide operations: OAO
Lukoil, OAO Yukos, Surgutneftegaz (OAO SNG), Tyumen Oil Co. (TNK), and
Siberian Oil Co. (Sibneft). Until recently, this grouping of privatised and
independent companies included Sidanco Oil Co., whose oil production shrank
dramatically in 2001 and which is now controlled by Russian TNK (69.3 per
cent) and British Petroleum (25 per cent) (Khartukov, 2002). The majors
accounted for about 72 per cent of Russias oil production in 1997. There were
approximately 90 smaller production companies at this stage.
From the beginning of privatisation, foreign oil companies expressed interest in
making investments in the Russian energy sector and in particular the oil
industry. However, foreign involvement has so far been fairly scarce in this
field. One of the obstacles which foreign investors face is the infrastructure.
The export oil infrastructure has been operating at full capacity and has not been
enlarged since 1991. The Russian government controls crude oil exports
through the state owned pipeline monopoly Transneft. Many of these pipelines
are in a state of despair, with Fuel and Energy Ministry figures indicating that
almost 5 per cent of crude oil produced in Russia is lost through pipeline leaks
(The Economist Intelligence Unit, 2001). The government also use Transneft to
create barriers to crude oil exports in order to force oil companies to supply
insolvent domestic sectors in exchange for tax offsets.
The McKeansey survey shows that assurances such as workable taxes as well as
a fully liberalised domestic oil market with open access to an enlarged export
infrastructure could double Russian oil production in the next ten years by
50
including the Energy Ministry, the Economic Development and Trade Ministry
(Gorst, 2000).
Section 7: Sakhalin Projects
Sakhalin is the largest island in Russia. The population of the island is about
670,000, of whom 180,000 live in the capital, Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk. Sakhalin is
situated in the Russian Far East, just north of Hokkaido, Japan (see map in the
Appendix IV). The island is 948 km long from north to south and 27-160 km
wide from east to west. The Sea of Okhotsk on the east and the Tatar Straits, an
arm of the Sea of Japan on the west, surround the island. At about 520 north
latitude, arctic conditions prevail with winter temperatures as low as minus 40
deg C. Sea ice occurs for 6-7 months per year, from December to June,
essentially restricting ocean access to the island to the summer months
(Sumrow, 2002).
Sakhalin Island is in a very seismically active location. Russia's worst ever
earthquake, measuring 7.5 on the Richter scale, occurred on Sakhalin Island's
north end in May 1995, killing 1,989 people in the town of Neftegorsk
(Sumrow, 2002).
The first onshore oil was discovered and produced on Sakhalin in 1928, and
though offshore oil was indicated, the Soviet Union lacked money and
technology to explore these reserves.
discovered the first offshore fields in the 1970s, though declining oil prices and
increasing international tensions stopped the project by the early 1980s
(Sabirova & Allen, 2001). Onshore Sakhalin oil and gas reserves have been
produced for decades, but are now largely at a low level. In 1998, 46.8 per cent
of Sakhalins trade was related to oil and gas (Sabirova & Allen, 2000). The
offshore fields lie within the 12-mile territorial limit.
Oil and gas deposits in the Russian Far East and offshore Sakhalin could
significantly contribute to meeting Southeast and Northeast Asias needs and
enhance energy security by supplementing imports from outside the region with
52
53
legislation in Russia and an overview of Sakhalin island and its projects have
been introduced.
54
increases at 2 per cent a year and natural gas in excess of 3 per cent. The
company's goal is to grow at about the same rate, raising its daily capacity from
4.3 million oil-equivalent barrels (this includes natural gas) to 5 million by 2005.
(Business Week, 2001)
In many industries, an annual growth of 3 per cent would be considered poor, but
not for an oil company of Exxon Mobil's size. Just maintaining existing
production capacity requires intensive development because the output of mature
fields tends to diminish by 7 per cent to 8 per cent a year (Business Week, 2001).
To compensate for the decline in production and add 3 per cent on top requires
Exxon to carry out many costly and risky development projects. In 2001 alone,
the company planned to invest about US$10 billion in exploration and production.
More and more oil and gas must come from wells sunk into the ocean floor at
depths of up to 5,000 feet in the territorial waters of Third World countries
(Business Week, 2001). In these countries only poverty and political turmoil are
constants.
At the same time, Exxon also must look for new reserves in many of these same
problematic locales. To remain in business long term, an oil company must
replace the reserves it extracts for sale with an equal volume of new discoveries.
In Exxon's case, it must find 1.6 billion barrels a year just to stay even. What is
more, it must add these volumes cost effectively to have any hope of turning a
profit. This is one area where Exxon's technical expertise has really worked to its
advantage. Exxon does have a remarkable record of technical innovation in oil
and gas. The company's finding costs in 2000 averaged just 65 cents a barrel,
compared with US$ 4 in the 1980s (Business Week, 2001).
oil fields of Chad, in the geographic heart of Africa, to the coast of Cameroon.
From landlocked by land Chad to the Gulf of Guinea, Exxon's pipeline will cut
through forests and farmland as it makes its way to the sea. The project is worth
56
US$ 3.5 billion. Other participants are Chevron Texaco and Petronas. The partners
are going to earn as much as US$ 5.7 billion over the project's 25-year life
(Ussem, 2002).
From the start, the Chad project was acclaimed by critics as the most controversial
one in history, due the environmental concerns and involvement of Chads
President Idriss Derby, whose regime is far from democratic. Derby is a former
warlord and has a long track record of human right abuses. Others say the project
is a good chance for Chad and its people to recover from a forty-year war for
independence.
Chad is the fifth poorest country in the world. It is heavily dependent on
agriculture. Annual per capita income is US$ 230. Life expectancy is 47. Threequarters of the population lacks access to health care, sanitation, or safe water. By
carrying some 225,000 barrels of oil a day to a marine terminal for export, the
pipeline could bring the non-coastal nation more than US$ 2 billion over 25 years,
increasing the government's annual budget revenues by half. "The critics forget
that this is the opportunity of the century," says Nassour G. Ouaidou, a former
prime minister of Chad and now the government's coordinator for the project
(Ussem, 2002).
The solution for avoiding further controversy around the project is a complex,
four-way agreement between Exxon, the host governments, activists, and the
World Bank. Exxon has donated US$ 1.5 million for building schools, funding
health clinics, advising local entrepreneurs, handling an AIDS-education van, and
distributing 32,000 anti-malarial mosquito nets. It has also paid for prostitute
focus groups, gorilla habitat studies, even ritual chicken sacrifices (Ussem, 2002).
In the meantime, Exxon has gathered a database of every mango tree, bean plant,
and cotton field in the pipeline's path. Their cultivators are entitled to
reimbursement based on a plant's life expectancy, annual yield, local fruit prices,
and so forth. Exxon says it has paid out US$ 7 million to 7,000 people so far.
(Recipients can either take cash or select goods from a glossy catalogue of plows,
carts, sewing machines, bicycles, water pumps, and other items) (Ussem, 2002).
57
Chad is not the only place where Exxon is dealing with repressive regimes. Two
years ago it declined to join other major oil companies in signing a pact to prevent
human-rights abuses near their facilities (Ussem, 2002). The issue reappeared on
March 13, 2001, when Exxon decided to suspend production at Indonesian Arun
province and evacuate its employees from there because of attacks by armed Aceh
rebels (Landler, 2001). Military forces providing security for the company were
accused of torturing and killing civilians. A labor-rights group is suing Exxon in a
Washington, D.C., court; the company denies the charges and has moved for
dismissal (Ussem, 2002).
The shutdown of Arun operations has added tension to the company's relations
with the Indonesian government, which is heavily dependent on gas revenues and
is loosing US$100 million a month (Landler, 2001). It is not clear whether Exxon
Mobil will return to Arun, which, by the company's estimate, has about 10 years
of reserves remaining.
Section 1.3 Exxon and Sakhalin 1
Exxon reached Russia in 1995, when it negotiated with several partners a
preliminary agreement with the Russian government to develop a big oil and gas
find off Sakhalin Island. (This is the second Exxon appearance in Russia, the first
goes back to the beginning of the twentieth century (see Company History in
the Appendix I) The Sakhalin region for about a decade drew the attention of
multinational companies and experienced contractors because of oil and potential
gas projects, carried out on Production Sharing Agreement (PSA) basis. The PSA
mechanism allows Russians to work with western oilfield development
knowledge and technology in difficult conditions of northern seas, obtaining
royalties, oil and gaining know how as a part of such agreements (Sabirova,
2001).
To one extent or another, all the Sakhalin projects by terms of their PSAs are
required to contract with Russian companies whenever possible. Article 7 of the
PSA law calls for 70 per cent of the contracts for equipment and 80 per cent of
58
personnel to be Russian. However, the PSAs establish that a joint venture with 50
per cent or more Russian participation is considered a Russian company for PSA
Russian- content counting purposes. In order to develop the Sakhalin 1 project,
Exxon established the Join Venture- Exxon Neftegas (Sabirova, 2001).
Exxon Neftegass stakeholders are Rosneft (Russia-23 per cent),
Sakhalinmorneftegaz (SMNG) (Russia-17 per cent), Sodeco (consortium of
Japanese companies, including JAPEX, Itochu, Marubeni, JNOC-30 per cent) and
Exxon (US-30 per cent) (The Russia Journal, 1999b). In 2001 a company from
India purchased shares in Sakhalin 1 and joined the project. Exxon says that the
Sakhalin 1 consortium has already invested US$ 500 million in a 5 year
evaluation-drilling program, with overall Sakhalin 1 capital investment to be US$
12 billion over 30-40 years (Sumrow, 2002.,The White House Press, 2001).
The Sakhalin 1 project PSA was signed in 1996. The consortium was granted a
license to explore the Arkutun-Dagi, Chayvo, and Odoptu fields on the Sakhalin
shelf. The first phase of Sakhalin 1 is focusing on the Chayvo and Odoptu fields
with first oil expected from Chayvo at the end of 2005 and from Odoptu in early
2008. The consortium plans a Phase I oil production plateau of 250,000 barrels
per day along with gas production to meet the island's domestic demand (Sumrow,
2002). The Chayvo field has larger gas potential than the other fields. Gas
production for export from the Sakhalin 1 area will begin around 2010 with the
completion of a pipeline from the southern tip of Sakhalin Island to the northern
Japanese island of Hokkaido (Gorst, 2001).
Sakhalin 1 lost its 1999 drilling season when exploratory work at Chayvo was
denied approval by the Russian Federation State Ecological Expertise Review
(SEER). The SEER panel objected to Exxon Neftegas plans to dispose of waterbased muds and cuttings into the Sea of Okhotsk. While permitted by
international conventions and standard practice in the industry, it was considered
illegal according to one Russian federal law (Russian federal laws covering oil
and gas exploration were developed to deal with onshore activities. Applied to
offshore activities, the laws and regulations are among the world strictest in the
world in terms of environmental provision.). The Prime Ministers Office
59
60
62
Shell spent US$ 52 million on hospitals, roads and schools in the region in
1999. However, even when Shell is giving money away, it has a hard time
finding partners for community development, since many worry about
associating with Shell (Lenzner, 2000).
In 1999, a year after the new Nigerian government was elected, Royal Dutch
Shell proposed an US$ 8.5 billion integrated oil and gas investment there over
a five-year period, which would be the largest industrial investment in Africa.
The participants in the project are private companies, mainly Shell, and the
Nigerian government, 70 and 30 per cent respectively. The main reason for
Shells participation in the projects is that Nigeria offers low cost petroleum
extraction. Shell realises that political risk in Nigeria is still extremely high,
but the company feels that an additional investment in the country could win
friends and lower risk. Shell estimates that the proposal will bring an
additional US$ 20 billion to the government of Nigeria over a twenty-five
year period (Daniels & Radebauch, 2001).
Section 2.2 Shell and Sakhalin 2
The Sakhalin Energy Investment Company Ltd. was established in April 1994
to develop the Sakhalin 2 offshore oil and gas project. Shareholders (until
recently) were Marathon Sakhalin Limited (parent company U.S., 37.5 per
cent), Mitsui Sakhalin Holdings B.V., (parent company Japanese, 25 per cent),
Shell Sakhalin Holdings B.V. (parent company British-Dutch, 25 per cent) and
Diamond Gas Sakhalin B.V, (parent company Mitsubishi, Japan, 12.5 per
cent) (Saburova, 2001). Sakhalin 2 is the only Sakhalin offshore project with
no Russian partner. Sakhalin 2, based on a production sharing agreement,
involves the development of the Piltun-Astokhskoye and Lunskoye offshore
fields, which contain a total of 140 million tonnes of oil and 408 billion cubic
meters of gas (Interfax, 2002a).
Sakhalin 2 first produced oil in July 1999, the first from any of the Sakhalin
offshore oil and gas development projects. It was the first consortium, which
63
65
66
ethical and financial considerations about how a company should best protect
its personnel (Wade, 2000).
The high revenues from criminal activities make it difficult to keep guerrillas
out of their business. A Colombian army report estimated that the 15,000strong Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and smaller
National Liberation Army (ELN) earned at least US$ 5.3 billion in 1991-1998
- drug-trafficking (US$ 2.3 billion), extortion (US$ 1.8 billion), and
kidnapping (US$ 1.2 billion) (Wade, 2000).
Oil companies remain prime targets of rebel rage because of their high-profile
presence in remote rural areas and the size of their investments. In 1998, the
over land Canio Limon-Covefias oil pipelines were bombed 77 times, in a 10
month period in 1999 the ELN attacked pipeline 64 times. The attacks caused
frequent stoppages of pumping operations from oil fields and considerable
environmental damage from oil spills (Wade, 2000)
There is little indication that the guerrillas will let foreign oil companies
disappear from their sights. Both ELN and FARC have made peace talks
conditional on a revision of current oil policy. The Oil companies negotiated
for peace with the rebel forces in 2000. The negotiations made little progress.
Both groups even refused to call a ceasefire during the negotiations.
The controversial security issue has already created serious reputational
problems for BP. Both international human rights groups and the guerrillas
have drawn international attention to alleged human rights abuses by armed
forces organized to protect BP's property. Other allegations point to army
collaboration with local right-wing paramilitary activity.
The oil companies' de facto involvement in the conflict between government
forces and gorillas is unquestionable, because of alleged links between the
Colombian military that protect oil installations and the paramilitaries. FARC
and ELM use this for justification of their attacks against the oil sector (Wade,
2000).
67
BP is a major shareholder in the Ocensa consortium, which controls the 520mile pipeline from BP's oilfield in the eastern foothills of the Andes to tankers
off the Caribbean coast. The other stakeholders in the pipeline are the
Canadian firms Trans Canada and IPL Enterprises and the French oil company
Total. The pipeline, which is a military target for the guerrillas, has two lines
of defence (Gillard et alii, 1998). First is an internal security department
created and run by a secretive Anglo-American company, Defence Systems
Limited (DSL), which is based in London. DSL and its former SAS soldiers
were initially brought to Colombia by BP to protect its 25 billion oilfields.
Second is a secret agreement with the Colombian defence ministry to provide
protection by counter-guerrilla brigades based near the pipeline. Ocensa's
defence needs are worth millions to the private security industry and the
Colombian military.
In 1996-1998 BP was accused of involvement in the murders of local activists
opposed to its operations and that the company's security contractors
employed members of paramilitary gangs. Early in 1998 a yearlong inquiry by
the Colombian prosecutor cleared BP of involvement but the episode has
generated bad publicity (Lapper, 1999). Gillard et alii (1998) state that: Many
of the tortured and decapitated bodies - community leaders, trade unionists,
church workers, peasant farmers and human rights defenders - are buried in
the land around the pipeline.
It is extremely difficult for oil companies to operate successfully in Colombia.
Most of the oil companies working in Colombia have, to a greater or lesser
degree, experienced security problems. Many continue working profitably
despite these problems and attempt to minimize the risks. There is a typical
attitude of the regional managers of oil companies. Although they warn that
the security situation in Casanare and Bogot has deteriorated sharply in
1998-2000, they would only consider withdrawing from the country for
economic reasons such as a collapse in demand for the company's services. BP
remains firmly committed to its Columbian projects because of their high
profitability (Wade, 2000).
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69
Conclusion
In the above chapter examples have given of business environments in which
oil majors have to work in different countries on a daily basis. Exxon Mobiles
case has contained the section dedicated to company business strategies. It has
also introduced Exxons involvement in the Chad project and the example of
the situation where the company had to shout down its operations in a foreign
country (Indonesia) because of political-risk-related events there. Exxons
participation in the Sakhalin 1 project has been discussed.
The second case has been dedicated to Royal Dutch Shell. Shells business
practices in Nigeria have been presented. Company participation in the
Sakhalin 2 project has been analysed.
The third case examined British Petroleums operations in Colombia. It has
given a good instance of problematic environments in which oil companies
have to work. BP, involvement in the Sakhalin 4 and Sakhalin 5 has been
introduced.
The overviews of each company participation in the Sakhalin projects has
been given in order to compare the implementation of the strategies of three
oil companies in the same region from the point of business, cultural,
economic and political environment. The benefits of FDI to host country
economies have been reviewed. The examples of environmental issues related
to oil and gas projects faced by both host nations and foreign investors have
been pointed out.
70
Chapter 6: Findings
Chapter 6: Findings
This chapter deals with political risk issues outlined throughout the thesis. The
first part presents and discusses findings from the secondary research
undertaken. Throughout the chapter the findings shall be compared with other
studies. The researcher will highlight differences or similarities between the
findings of this study and other data sources.
71
Chapter 6: Findings
Chapter 6: Findings
company, so they are not subject to the quality relations, which the host
country has with the investors home country (De la Torre & Nectar, 1986)
either. For some companies it can be a problem to operate in both Arabic
countries and Israel, but for companies with BPs degree of
internationalisation (26 countries) or Exxons (200 countries plus two
trademarks - Esso and Mobile used in different countries), it should not be a
problem.
In many instances oil giants can blame themselves for their difficulties in
conducting business. It is not a secret that the oil companies were/ are
involved in bribery scandals. If BP bribed the corrupted governments in
Angola or Shell did in Nigeria, it is very likely that they will be forced to do
so in other third world countries. Once damaged, a reputation can cause
problems for a long time in the future (De la Torre & Nectar, 1986).
Oil companies affiliates are closely tied to the global networks of parent
companies. This fact lowers the risk of expropriation or interference (De la
Torre & Nectar, 1986).
The actual location of affiliate (De la Torre & Nectar, 1986) has been
proven to have influence on the risk factor. The oil companies exploration
sites are mostly located in remote areas. On the one hand, it helps local
governments to develop these areas (roads, communications etc.) and increase
investors contributions in the local economies (lowers risk). On the other, it
makes it easier for guerrillas (rebels, etc.) to attack oil companies.
73
Chapter 6: Findings
Chapter 6: Findings
Yes, the degree of risk, which oil companies face, is higher than that which
businesses in other industries face. Political risk is an unavoidable part of the
oil business, so risk avoidance proves to be an inappropriate strategy,
especially for oil business.
The strategy of Negotiating the Environment (Shapiro, 1981) as case studies
prove is the practical one. The oil companies do negotiate the environment. In
most cases the oil companies are the biggest investors in host countries (BP is
the biggest investor in Colombia, Shell in Russia and Nigeria). The host
(developing) country revenues are highly dependent on sources coming from
oil and gas exploration. The oil companies have huge bargaining power over
the host government and they actively use it.
Structuring the Investment is another policy suggested by Shapiro (1981).
There is no information that oil companies locate R&D facilities in
the countries with high risk. Yes, they often own/control the
transportation systems in the host countries (pipelines, shipping).
However, this control can be limited. Controlling the pipeline at
night in the middle of Colombian jungles or in rural areas of
Nigeria is a very challenging task.
Planned Divestiture (Shapiro 1981) seems to be irrelevant to the oil business.
The development of the oil fields is a business which requires huge
investments and an unknown period of time to become profitable due to the
volatility of oil prices and drilling conditions. So, to establish a time when
foreign stake can be sold to the local stakeholders is an unlikely possibility.
Short Term Profit Maximisation (Root, 1968., Robock., 1971., Shapiro, 1981)
also seems to be an inappropriate strategy for risk reduction in the oil business
due to the industry specific factors mentioned in the above paragraph. The
companies use comparatively the same technologies in the development of
Norwegian offshore oil fields and Algerian ones with correction to climate
factors. The geographical location of the oil field, the cost of labour etc. do not
lower expenses. Profit mainly depends on world oil prices.
75
Chapter 6: Findings
Change the Benefit/ Cast Ratio (Shapiro, 1981), strategy that suggests
increasing the benefits to government from of the non-nationalising of MNEs
properties. Host governments benefits count on billions of dollars as a result
of the oil exploration in their countries. In many cases they are the main
source of budget revenues.
Even if a host government decides to implement the worst possible scenario
for oil companies, that of expropriation/ nationalisation, in many cases the
host countries will not be able to develop their oil fields without the help of
foreign expertise. Thus, adaptation (Shapiro, 1981) (entering contractual
agreements under commission arrangements providing technical and
managerial support) can be a relevant alternative plan for oil companies.
The case studies show that one of the most popular crisis management
strategies to reduce political risk exposure among oil companies is to set up a
joint venture with a host government or a local company and to use local
management where possible. The joint venture, with a host partner, creates a
local stakeholder with an incentive to use its influence to shield the FDI from
political risk. A partner can reduce risk for MNE by contributing assets that
are complementary to MNEs assets and by assisting with gaining access to
people responsible for making decisions which can affect a change in the
prospects for the profitability of a given investment in a host country (JVs
between Shell and Nigerian Government, BP- Russian State owned oil
company Rosneft).
Another common way of risk reduction is geographical diversification.
Companies like Exxon, which conduct business in more than 200 countries,
are probably the most diversified around the globe. The share of their
operations concentrated in a single country is insignificant. So even if
negative events occur in one place, the companies are in a pretty secure
position. On the other hand, changes in international environments or an
attitude of one group of countries to another (the US and affiliates versus
Afghanistan and countries neighbouring to it), can badly affect a companys
76
Chapter 6: Findings
77
Chapter 6: Findings
The delays in the enforcement of the PSA legislation do not enhance foreign
investments, but there are signs of positive changes. It is too early to draw
conclusions, but it is obvious that Russia is becoming an investor attractive
place and it needs western money, experience and technologies for developing
such difficult fields as those on Sakhalin island.
Oil companies are the biggest private investors in Russia at the moment.
Their expected benefits to the Russian budget account for billions of dollars.
The vital decisions regarding their investments are made at the highest level
(president, Duma, ministers). As long as Russia is politically stable, the oil
companies are secure.
78
Chapter 7: Conclusions
The objective of this dissertation was to examine political risk in the
international business environment and ways of dealing with it. The reference
to business in Russia has been made. The dissertation is based on three case
studies. The author finds these cases typical and sufficient for achieving the
goal of the dissertation, answering research questions. According to Yin
(1991), the case study approach places emphasis on a full contextual analysis
of fewer events or conditions and their interrelations.
Chapter one has given the authors reason for choosing this topic and has
introduced the structure of the dissertation. The research questions have been
stated. The outline of the dissertation has been pointed out.
Chapter two examined academic literature, which deals with Political Risk.
Subsection one has given an overview of the Theory of Internationalisation
with reference to Foreign Direct Investments, Joint Ventures and Foreign
Direct Investment in the Oil Industry.
The second section of the chapter two has emphasised the difference in terms
between uncertainty and risk. Different types of risks have been introduced.
The third section of the chapter two has dealt with political risk. The
definitions of political risk have been reviewed and the types of political risk
have been described. This section has been divided on three subsections.
Subsection one has discussed the situations which are linked to events
influencing the owners / investors ability to control and manage the
investment (macro-political risk). The differences between expropriation,
nationalisation, confiscation and domestication have been pointed out. The
subsection two has dealt with risk that manifested more frequently and in a
less obvious way, changes in the governments policies (micro-political risk).
79
80
82
To assess and predict moves of these groups seems impossible. Historical data
of the troubles with such groups does not provide an accurate indicator of the
future. However, the oil giants can blame themselves for many tensions
because of some questionable methods of operations.
In spite of the fact that companies use state of the art political risk assessment
systems, trouble often come out of blue. It is more important to anticipate risk
than predict it. Companies should attempt to anticipate changes in business
environments and integrate into the decision-making process elements
relevant for the companies' operations abroad.
Oil companies are not in a position to push for social change in countries
where they operate as licensees of the existing regime. However,
businesses need to concentrate upon developing good channels of
communication with the host government, as well as a willingness to respect
to the demands that are than placed upon them (Gilligan, 1987).
Developing local stakeholder is the most practical way of minimising political
risk exposure. The strategy increases investors bargaining power over local
governments. It also helps to structure the investment in the way that in the
case of occurring political risk related events, losses will be less than in a
wholly owned foreign enterprise.
It is not possible to predict the next turn in international relations and its
consequences (Israel versus Palestine, the US and the UK versus Iraq). The oil
companies cannot and will not be able to manage future risks by themselves,
and it is up to home governments and international bodies to take on that role.
It is in the interest of home governments to protect their countries from the
disruption of the oil and gas supply system and the confusion over ownership
of oil. Energy security is the subject to the national priorities of the nations.
Today, oil is only one commodity whose doings and controversies are to be
found regularly on the front page of business press. It is still a massive
generator of wealth - for individuals, companies, and whole nations (Yergin,
83
84
Appendix I
OLI variables according to Dunning
A. Ownership-specific advantages (O-advantages)
(represent assets vis--vis major competitors)
II
Appendix II
Histories of Companies
III
BPs History
BP's origins go back to May 1901, when a wealthy Englishman, William
Knox D'Arcy, obtained a concession from the Shah of Persia to explore for
the oil resources of the country. D'Arcy employed an engineer, George
Reynolds, to undertake the task. Severe weather, difficult terrain, the
absence of a developed infrastructure, the shortage of skilled local labour
IV
Appendix III
World Energy Fuel Shares 1998 2020 (per cent)
1998
2000
2010
2020
Oil
41.3
41.3
40.3
39.2
Gas
22.2
22.4
24.1
26.6
Solids
26.2
26.1
26.3
25.8
Hydro/Nuclear
10.4
10.3
9.3
8.5
Total
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
VI
Appendix IV
Map of Sakhalin Island
VII
Appendix V
Sakhalin Projects
Oil and Gas Projects on Sakhalin Shelf
Sakhalin-1
Estimated
HydroCarbon
reserves
(mmt
equivalent
fuel)
1000
Sakhalin-2
850
Project
Sakhalin-3
Kirin
Block
Sakhalin-3
Ayyash
and
Eastern
Odoptu
Blocks
1500
600
Participants in project
Est. Total
Investment
US$12
billion
US$10
billion
US$15
billion
US$ 13.5
billion
Sakhalin-4
700
Sakhalin-5
600
Not
defined
VIII
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List of Websites
http://english.pravda.ru
www.bp.com
www.businessweek.com
www.cia.org
www.commersant.ru
www.deloittetouche.com
www.deloittetouche.ru
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www.gostomstat.ru
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www.imf.org
www.mckeansey.com
www.metaltorg.ru
www.reuters.com
www.russiajournal.com
www.shell.com
www.sibneft.ru
www.times.com
www.whitehouse.gov
www.worldenergy.org