Becker, Marvin. Church and State in Florence On The Eve of The Renaissance (1343-1382)

Medieval Academy of America
Church and State in Florence on the Eve of the Renaissance (1343-1382)

Author(s): Marvin B. Becker
Source: Speculum, Vol. 37, No. 4 (Oct., 1962), pp. 509-527
Published by: Medieval Academy of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2850238
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A JOURNAL OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES

Vol.XXXVII
OCTOBER 1962
No. 4
CHURCH AND STATE IN FLORENCE ON THE EVE

OF THE RENAISSANCE (1343-1382)
BY MARVINB. BECKER
THE survivingrecordsof the meetingsof the FlorentineSignoriafromthe overthrowofthe despotismofWalterofBriennein 1343untilthe oligarchicalreaction
guildsin 1382revealthatofall the questionsfacedby
to theruleofthetwenty-one
the counselors,the one mostcertainto provokebitterand protracteddebate was
withthechurch.Andyet,exceptforthestudies
thatofthecommune'srelationship
of AntonioPanella whichtreatonlya smallportionofthe interval,thisproblem
remainsunexplored.'The presentinquirywill examinethis question for these
crucialfourdecades whencommunalpoliticswas in theprocessofbeingdemocrascaleand theauthorpubliclifeon an unprecedented
tized.Noviciveswereentering
ity of the popular government(statuspopularis)was extendedinto the farthest
recessesof the politicalcommunity.2
Ancientliberties,prerogativesand immunities,rootedin communallifetendedto erode,and we witnessthe emergenceof a
new politicalform-the territorialstate. The institutionmost affectedby this
was thechurch,and by theend oftheTrecentoit had beenshornof
transformation
manyofitsmediaevalprivileges.It was in thissecularizedmilieuthatthepolitical
oftheearlyRenaissancehumanistswas nurtured.
consciousness
I
At the beginningof the 1340's a seriesof events,both foreignand domestic,
and thechurch.The
generatedseveretensionsbetweentheFlorentinegovernment
the Signoriacould ill
fiscalplightof the communewas desperateand, therefore,
1 "Politica ecclesiasticadel comunefiorentino,"
ArchivioStoricoItaliano, ii, 4 (1918), 271-870;
"La guerradegliOtto Santi e le vicendedella leggecontroi vescovi,"ibid.,XCIX(1941), 86-49; Storia
di Firenze(Florence,1949), pp. 107-121.
2 The term"new citizens"or "novicives"is employedin thispaper to describethosemen who were
strataof
They weredrawnfromthe mostaffluent
the firstoftheirclan to hold highcommunaloffice.
Florentinesocietyand theirholdingsin the Monte (fundedcommunaldebt) averaged the considerfloriis.The tax assessmentsofthe noviciveswho held officeat thisparticular
able sum of fifty-seven
time stood in a ratio of fiveto six and a halfin comparisonto those imposedupon membersof the
urban patriciate.Cf. M. B. Becker, "The Republican City State in Florence: An Inquiry into Its
Originand Survival (1280-1484)," SPECULUM, xxxv (1960), 46-47.
509
510
Churchand Statein Florence
affordto overlookany potential source of revenue.This meant that enmity

betweenchurchand state was bound to arise over such.issuesas the rightof the
ofcommunalcourtsoverecclesiasSignoriato tax the clergyand the prerogatives
tical matters.3
Discord also mountedwhenthe republicadvisedthe papacy that it
was no longerpossibleforFlorenceto act as the financialfulcrumof the Guelf
alliancesystemagainstthe GhibellineRoman Emperor.In the past the commune
had spent"innumerabiles
pecunie"in an effort
to renderserviceto thechurch;as a
resultof this generosity,
it was now deeplyin debt.4A furthersourceof friction
arosebecauseClementVI had givenhisenthusiastic
supportto theveryunpopular
ofthismuch
despotismofWalterofBrienne(1342-43). Even afterthe overthrow
despisedtyrantby the Florentines,
the pope persistedin championingBrienne's
betweenthe
conflict
hopelesscause.6A stillmoresignificant
factorin precipitating
city's mercantilepatriciateand the Holy See was the pope's desertionof the
Florentinebankingcompaniesin theirhour of financialneed; in this way he inadvertentlyintensified
the impendingbankingcrisis.HIe then compoundedthis
injurywhenhe demandedthat the ecclesiasticalcreditorsof these companiesbe
grantedpreferential
treatment.When Avignonsoughtto use both the church
courtsand the inquisitorialtribunalsto pressthe claimsof clericaldepositors,the
patriciatedeniedthat these ecclesiasticalagencieshad any authorityin matters
such as these.But withoutthe activesupportofthe new citizens(novicives),this
disclaimercouldnothave been implemented
intocommunallaw and thepatrician
protestwouldhave beenineffectual.
Earlieractionsofthe novicivesindicatethattheywereverywillingto cooperate
in enactingprogramsdesignedto modifydrasticallytherepublic'spoliciestowards
the church.This had occurredin 1250-60 and in 1293-95,and now in the fourteenthcenturyhistorywas to repeat itself.The short-livedpopular regimeof
1328-29 was a precursorof thingsto come. On 8 December of that year, the
communalcouncilspassed legislationprohibiting
citizensfromsubmitting
to the
jurisdictionof ecclesiasticalcourts.6At the same sessionthe councilsauthorized
3 Missive,5, fols.2-5 (14 October1840); f. 20 (26 April1841). (The documentscitedin thisarticle
are to be foundin the Archiviodi Statoin Florence.)On 11 January1842 the Signoriawas compelled
to suspendrepaymenton certaingovernmentloans. Cf. Libri Fabarum,24, f. 46. (Henceforththis
was authorizedto suspendthe
sourcewillbe abbreviatedas L. F.) On 17 August1842 the government
assignmentof certainrevenuesto creditorsof the communeand the interestrate on the public debt
was substantiallyreduced.Cf. Provvisioni
Duplicati,8, f. 15. (Henceforththissourcewillbe abbreviated as P. D.)
4 Missive,5, fols.98-99 (16 October1340). In anotherletterdispatchedshortlythereafter
to the
kingofNaples, the Signoriainformed
herold friendthat ifFlorence'sGuelfallies oflongstandingdid
not cometo herdefenseand assistherin preserving
herliberta,she wouldbe compelledto seek "other
friends"in the camp ofthe Ghibellines.It was at thisjuncturethat the republicsentambassadorsto
dei Bardi
the imperialcourtofLewis the Bavarian. Cf. A. Sapori, La crisi dellecompagniemercantili
e dei Peruzzi (Florence,1926), pp. 141-142; G. Villani,Cronica,ed. F. Dragomani (Florence,1844),
xi, 137. See also King Robert'sletterto the Florentinesin whichhe reprovesthemfornot consulting
withhim on theirmilitarypolicies.Cf. C. Paoli, Della signoriadi Gualtieriduca d' Atenein Firenze
(Florence,1862), p. 63.
6 L. Leoni, "Breve di ClementeVI in favoredi Gualtieridi Brienne,duca d' Atene," Archivio
StoricoItaliano, xxii (1875), 181-182.
8 Provvisioni
Protocoli,6, fols.252-258.
511
the contheSignoriato securemoneyfromtheclergyforthepurposeoffurthering

structionof the city walls.7Early in the followingyear communalsyndicswere
selectedwho wereempoweredto compelthe clergyto make loans to the treasury
of the republic.8A few monthslater the Signoria appointed anothergroup of
syndicsto beseechthe bishop of Florenceto revokecertainsectionsof the new
that challengedcommunalprerogatives.Shortlythereafter
episcopalconstitution
a provisionwas enacted to preserve"libertatemcivitatemFlorentie"fromencroachmentsof this kind.9With the displacementof many of the novicivesfrom
lostits vigorand thepatriciate,whodominatedthe
the populargovernment
office,
Signoriaduringthe 1330's,ceased to call forthepassageofmeasuresofthistype.
An analysisofthepoliticalbehaviorofthenovicivesduringtheDugento and the
firstpart of the Trecentosuggeststhat these men were,in fact,enthusiasticin
Whenthepatriciate
to curbclericalprerogatives.
theirsupportofcommunalefforts
to discoverthatthe
tookthe same standafter1343,it is not in the least surprising
noviciveswereamongtheirchiefallies. Specifically,this involvedcooperatingin
the enactmentof two provisions:the firstcancelledclericalimmunityfromlay
jurisdictionand imposedthe penaltyofbanishmentupon clericswho violatedthis
law; the second had the effectof invalidatingany verdictof an ecclesiastical
tribunalthatwas favorableto the clericalcreditorsofthegreatFlorentinebanking
Duringthe crucialyearsbetween1343 and 1346 theadherenceofthe
companies.10
novi civeswas indispensablefor the passage of this legislation,since they held
approximatelyone half of the seats in the Signoria,and by law a two-thirds
majoritywas requiredforthe enactmentof any provision.The factthat,forthe
firsttime in communal history,two pieces of legislation"pro conservatione
libertatisFlorentie"wereinitiatedby petitionsofthe captainsofthe sevenmajor
and fourteenminorguildsindicatesthat supportforthesemeasureswas pervasive
throughoutthe city'sartisanand shopkeeperclass as well as withinthe ranksof
the mercantilepatriciateand the novi cives.Giovanni Villani,an eyewitnessto
these events,states categoricallyin his chroniclethat the motiveanimatingthe
ofthelesserguildsto pressforthe enactmentoftheselaws against
representatives
the libertaof the churchstemmedfroma realizationby the lower ordersthat
Ibid., f. 252.
L. F., 13,ii, f. 101 (15 March1329).
1 Ibid., f. 16 (8 July1329). During the same monthfurtherefforts
weremade by the government
to strengthen
the jurisdictionof communalcourtsat the expenseof clericaltribunals.Cf. L. F., 14,
fols.18r-20; Provvisioni,
25, fols.51r-52 (27 July1399). (Henceforththissourcewill be abbreviated
as P.) In Augustrelationsbetweenthe bishopand the Signoriabegan to improveand whiletherewere
divisiveissues, such as the appropriationof churchpropertyby certaingreat families,neitherthe
Libri Fabaruinnorthe Promvisioni
containany recordoflegislationagainst ecclesiasticallibertiesfor
the decade of the 1330's.
10A. Panella, op. cit.,pp. 327-365. Spokesmenforthe enactmentof 1345 werePepo Frescobaldi,a
scion of the famousmagnateand bankingfamily,and Ser Francesco Vermigli,a notarynew to the
Florentinepoliticalscene. Cf. P. D., 5, f. 54; L. F., 24, f. 39r. The men who favoredthe measureof
1346 wereButo Guido, a stationerand a novushomo,and Lorenzo Sassolini,whose familyhad been
firmlyestablishedin the Florentinebusinesscommunitysincethe decade of the 1980's. Cf. Archivio
Notarile,C. 102,fols.4r,24; P. D., 6, f. 35; P., 34, fols.24r-25.Lorenzohad been active in communal
politicsforseveralyears.Cf. L. F., 15, fols.lSr-14; 17, f. 34r
7
512
"certainwickedclericsfromnobleand powerfulpopolanifamilies,underthe guise

of ecclesiasticalimmunity,
had done evil thingsto the weak laymen."" Both the
Florentinechronicler
Stefani,and the anonymousauthorof a Prioristaconcurin
thisjudgment.12
It wouldappear,then,thattwoimportantfactorsencouragedthe
lesserguildsmenand the newcomersto supportlegislationthat adverselyaffected
the juridicalprerogativesof the church.First,therewas the pervasivesuspicion
that the ecclesiasticalcourtswerebeingutilizedby the greatfamiliesto exploit
theirsocial inferiors,
and second,therewas the resentment
of the newercitizens
towardsa clericalhierarchyexclusivelystaffedby the scions of these ancient
clans. Similar anxietieshad been displayedseveral years beforeby the urban
patriciatewhentheycame to feelthattheirsuperiors,the greatfeudatoriesofthe
an inordinateinfluence
contado,wereexercising
overtheTuscan church.A law was
intothe Florentinestatutesprohibiting
the
passed at that timeand incorporated
elevationofsuchmagnatias the CountsGuidi,the Alberti,thePazzi ofValdarno,
the Ubaldini, and the Ubertinito the bishopricof eitherFlorenceor Fiesole.13
Attemptsto limitthe authorityof the great familiesover the churchwere to
become a regularfeatureof Florentinepoliticsduringeras when regimeswere
democratized
bytheadmissionofnewmenintotheSignoria.
A seriousdeclinein thecity'srevenueduring1343,theinabilityofthecommune
to meetits immediatefinancialobligationsand the incidenceofriotingamongthe
populace when new taxes were levied were additional factorsthat caused the
Signoriato contestecclesiasticalauthorityin otherareas. Now between1343 and
characterthat went
1345,the government
enactedlegislationofan unprecedented
farbeyondthe traditionalremedyof taxingthe clergy.14
Withthe almostunanimoussupportofthe Councilsofthe People and theCaptain,the Signoriafounded
the Monte by consolidatingthe public debt; communalcreditswere declared
unredeemable,
however,the creditorswereto receiveinterestand the shareswere
made negotiable.Vigorousexceptionwas taken to these enactmentsby certain
segmentsofthe clergyon thegroundsthattheseactionsconstituteda violationof
canon law on the subject of usury.1"
But this deterredthe Signorianeitherfrom
11 G.
Villani,xii, 43.
Cf. Marchionnede Coppo Stefani,Cronicafiorentina,
ed. N. Rodolico, RerumItalicarumScriptores,new ed., xxx (Citthdi Castello, 1903-55), rub. 616; and Prioristaquoted by N. Rodolico in I
Ciompi (Florence,1945), p. 42.
13 Statutidellarepubblicaflorentina,
ed. R. Caggese (Florence,1910-1921),vol. i, bk. v, p. 78. Legislation was also passed that prohibitedany personsubject to communaljurisdictionfrommarrying
intothe greatfeudalfamiliesofthe contado.Cf. ibid.,v, 98. In the late Trecentoit was necessaryfor
thosewho wishedto contractsuchmarriagesto petitionthe Signoriaforpermission.For examplesof
thistype ofrequest,see P., 77, f. 133 (27 August1388); P., 80, f. 84 (17 August1391).
14For a fulltreatmentof the laws passed duringthis period,see B. Barbadoro, Le finanzedella
(Florence,1929), pp. 629-664. Cf. also P. D., 5, f. 47 (9 March 1345); P. D., 7,
repubblicaflorentina
f. 52r (20 June1347); P., 216, f. 163 (7 August1342).
15 The vote on the foundingof the Montein the Council of the Captain was 199 in favorand 9 opposed. In the Council of the Podesth 9202voted forit while 12 were opposed. Cf. L. F., 924,f. 83
(11 October 1345); M. B. Becker, "Some Economic Implicationsof the ConflictBetween Church
and State in Trecento
Florence,"MediaevalStudies,xxi (1959), 9-10; R. de Roover, "I. trattatodi
fraSanti Rucellai sul cambio,il montecomunee il montedelle doti," ArchivioStoricoItaliano, cxi
12
513
establishingthe Montenorfromexpandingthe scope of its operations.By taking

thisstepthe communaltreasurywas freedfromthe obligationofrepayingovera
halfmillionforinsof principalby simplyguaranteeing
the creditorsfiveper cent
interesteach year.This government,
unlikeits predecessors,
did not eventake the
precautionofmakingspecialprovisionforthe spiritualwelfareofthoseto whomit
paid interest.Priorto 1343 the communehad appointedofficials
forthe specific
purposeof grantingremissionof the sin of usuryto those who had acceptedthe
intereston government
loans.This typeofpardonorremissionwas notuncommon
in borderlinecases thatinvolvedthe twilightzone betweenlegitimateprofitand
usury.In thepast whenthe government
had borrowedmoneyit had takencognizance of the existenceof this delicate problem.'6Now with the foundingof the
Monte- a radicalsteptakenin the face ofstrongecclesiasticalopposition- the
Signoriaignoredthe traditionalremedy.Later, when greatpressurewas exerted
upon the communeto cancela varietyofordinancesand statutesthat the church
consideredto be detrimental
to the Catholicfaith,the Signoriaagreedto comply
in all instances except that of the revocationof legislationpertainingto the
Monte.'7
Fiscal pressuresand the broadeningofthepoliticalbase oftherepublicresulted,
as theyhad inthepast,in thestrengthening
ofthepowerofthestateat theexpense
of certaintime-honored
interests.A note of impartialitywas again injectedinto
communalpoliticsthatrevealeditselfintheattemptsofthegovernment
to recover
state property.The Signoriathen proceededto punishmembersof the former
whohad committedfraudsand abusesas wellas to systematizethe
administration
collectionof taxes and to tightenthe controlsover the dispersementof public
funds.The most significant
manifestation
of this impartialtrend,as far as the
churchwas concerned,involvedthe enactmentof a law that establishedsevere
penaltiesagainst any citizenwho occupiedecclesiasticalpropertyillegally.'8By
taking this step in 1344, the popular Signoria,like its predecessors(1250-60,
of what
1293-95, and 1328-29), demonstrateda concernfor the enforcement
Nicola Ottokar,the Florentinehistorian,has termed "le normecomuni della
vita," as opposed to appeals to force,violence,and extra-legalauthorityon the
part of the "magnates" and "potentes." The fact that the Signoriasoughtto
containthe powerof the greatfamiliesover churchmatters,indicatesthat the
idealsofimpartialadministrative
practicehad someforceand thatthisregimewas
motivatedby concernstranscending
mereanticlericalism.'9
The major Florentinechroniclers
and men of letterswerebittercriticsof the
(1953), 8-23; J. T. Noonan, Jr.,The ScholasticAnalysisof Usury(Cambridge,Mass., 1957), pp. 121128.
16M. B. Becker,op. cit.,pp. 10-11.
17 Balie, 16, f. 7r (1 September1378).
18 P., 33, fols. 18r-19; L. F., 28, f. 28 (19 June1344). This measurewas counseledby a newcomer,
Naldo Nozzi, a swordmaker.
19M. B. Becker, op. cit., pp. 11-12. Cf. also N. Ottokar,Studi comunalie fiorentini(Florence,
1948), p. 86; Il comunedi Firenzeallafinedel dugento(Florence,1926), p. 278. Comparablemeasures
wereenacted by il primopopolo duringthe middleyears of the thirteenthcentury.Cf. R. Davidsohn,Storiadi Firenze(Florence,1957), II-1, 630-631.
514
popularregime.The policiesthat had been initiatedby the Signoriaon ecclesiastical questionswerejudged to be "crueland harsh"by GiovanniVillani.He contendedthat the greatbankingcompaniesand the noviciveshad been responsible
forthe passage of legislationthat clearlyviolated the ancient libertiesof the
church.20
He was also shockedby the singularlack ofregardthatthe Signoriahad
shown for other traditionallyvenerated institutionsand individuals.But he
to
reservedhis sharpestinvectiveforthoseFlorentineswho lackeda commitment
the time-honoredGuelf principlesof loyaltyto the papacy and her ally, the
kingdomofNaples.2'The actionsofthe GuelfPartyofFlorenceduringthe years
1346-47revealthat a largesegmentofthe membership
of thispowerfulorganizaA campaignof vilification
tionsharedthe opinionsof the chronicler.
was launched
against the Signoriaand chargesof Ghibellinismwere recklesslyhurledat its
tothechurchandherGuelfallieswerenowto bemembers.Accusationsofdisloyalty
featureofFlorentinepolitics.By 1347theSignoria
comea regularand unfortunate
weakenedby attacksofthistypeand manyof thenewmenwere
was considerably
Meanwhile there was a rapprochement
compelledto relinquishpublic office.22
betweenthe urban patriciateand the papacy; the Florentinebankinghouses
began to pay the claimsoftheirecclesiasticalcreditorsand the interdictthat the
churchhad laid upon the citywas lifted.Once again the papacy began to avail
itselfof the resourcesand servicesthe Florentinecompanieswere so admirably
equippedto offer.It wouldfollowthat thesebankers,wellrepresented
in the new
governmentestablishedin 1347-48, were,therefore,
not anxious to antagonize
Avignon.The Curia, bent upon the reconquestof the Patrimony,was also well
awareoftheadvantagesto be gainedfroma closerliaisonwithFlorence.The issue
of papal supportforthe claimsof Walterof Brienneagainstthe Florentineslost
its bitteredge and recededintothe background.Impetuswas givento thisnewly
establishedaccordwhenClementVI removedthe muchhated Tuscan inquisitor,
Piertrodell' Aquila, and appointeda citizenof Florence who had been highly
recommendedby the Signoria.23
20 G. Villani,xii, 48. For a considerationof the attitude of otherchroniclers
and men of letters
towardthe Signoriaat thistime,see G. A. Bruckerand M. B. Becker,"The ArtiMinoriin Florentine
Politics,1842-1878," MediaevalStudies,xviii (1956), 98-94.
21 G. Villani,xii, 116. The new regimeconcentratedits energiesupon recoveringthe territories
Florencehad lost as a resultofthe disastersof 1841-48. The Signoriaalso soughtsecurityin a series
of regionalalliances. Cf. N. Rubinstein,"Florence and the Despots: Some Aspects of Florentine
Diplomacy in the FourteenthCentury,"Transactionsof theRoyal HistoricalSociety,5th series,ii
(1952), 88-46.
22Some ofthesemenspecifically
mentionedin thedocumentswereLorenzoBonacursi,a retailcloth
merchant;Gallo di Rossi and JacopoFaloci ofPoggibonsi;Neruccio,a hosier,and FrancescoGuerii,
a consul of the carpenter'sguild. Cf. Cameradel Comune,28, fols. 17r-18 (18 October 1347); 22, f.
61r (21 July1847); 25, f. 78r (7 February1848); 25, f. 86 (15 February1348). (Henceforththissource
will be abbreviatedas Cam.) In additionto thesenew men,UbertoInfanghati,memberofa famous
bankingfamily,was condemnedas a Ghibellineand compelledto relinquishpublic office.However,
unlikethe novicives,he was reinstatedand two years later was chosen Gonfaloniere
of the republic
and shortlythereafterhe was elected consul of the banker's guild. Cf. Cam., 20, fols. 20-20r (24
April1347).
23M. B. Becker, "FlorentinePolitics and the Diffusionof Heresy in the Trecento," SPECULum,
xxxiv (1959), 69.
515
tI
The amitythat prevailedbetweenchurchand state in the years immediately
followingthe Black Death was, at best, an uneasy truce. While the patricians
who sat in the Signoriaweremorerespectfulof the traditionalprivilegesof the
as a consequence
clergy,thisattitudewas to undergocertainbasic modifications
of changes taking place in the area of foreignrelations.The effectof these
mutationswas to cause deep fissuresin the ranks of the patriciateitself.The
republic'spositionwas being seriouslythreatenedby the reassertionof papal
powerin centralItaly and the extensionof Milanese hegemonyin the north.At
the same time that Cardinal Albornozwas subduingFlorence's southernneighof
bors,the Viscontiwerepressingtheirclaimsin the Romagna. Sharp differences
opinion were expressedby the advisors to the Signoria concerningpolicies to
be pursued by the beleaguredrepublic.The pope called upon Florence to aid
him in the reconquestof the Papal States, but eminentcitizenssuch as Simone
Peruzzi and Pino Rossi stated that they were reluctantto see the Signoria
And yet if the papacy was to
jeopardize the commune'srelationswith lMIilan.24
succeed in re-establishingits primacy over the Patrimony,she required the
assistanceof her long-timeGuelf allies against the Ghibellinesignoriof Milan.
If Florencegave the requisitehelp,however,she ran the riskofbeinganiiihilated
by the Viscontiof Milan. During the decade of the 1350's, even intenselypropapal Florentinessuch as Piero degli Albizzi recognizedthis danger; in 1358 he
counseledthe Signoriato assist the papal legate on the conditionthat the peace
with Milan was not to be violated.25At this time the dominantnote in the
debateson foreignpolicyreflectedthe keen desireofthe communalcounselorsto
preservea strictneutralityin Italian affairs.These men frequentlyadmonished
the Signoriato followa courseof action that would permitthe cityto continue
"in libertate"and underno circumstanceswerethe priorsto do fealty"to any
lord, lay or ecclesiastic."26All possible steps were to be taken "pro defensione
and the counselorsenjoinedthe
libertatiscomunisFlorelitie"by the government,
Signorianot to seek an alliance with anyone.27There was a strongantipathy
to
among the membersof the Signioriaagainst makingany fiscalcommitments
the republic'sold Guelfallies - the papacy and the KingdomofNaples.28These
isolationistsentimentscontinuedinto the early years of the next decade and
even such staunchsupportersofthe Holy See as the captains ofthe GuelfParty
counseledagainstsendingaid to the papal legate on the groundsthat this might
involveFlorencein a conflictoverthe status ofherEmilian neighbor,Bologna.29
24 Consulteet Pratiche,2, f. 179 (13 March 1360). (Henceforththis source will be abbreviatedas
C. P.) For a discussionof the divisionamong the citizenryon otherforeignpolicy questions,see
M. Villani,Cronica,ed. F. Dragomani (Florence,1844), xiii, 13; C. P., 1, part 2, fols.23-24 (13 January 1354). For a generaltreatmentof Milanese foreignpolicyat this time,see A. Sorbelli,La signoria di GiovanniViscontia Bolognae le sue relazionecon la Toscana (Bologna, 1901).
25 C. P., 2, f. 11 (26 November
1358).
26 C. P.,
27 C.
P.,
28 C. P.,
29 C. P.,
1, unnumberedfolio(12-14 March 1355).
2, f.17 (3 December1358).
1, part 2, fols.23-24 (13 January1354).

3, f. 15r(4 February
1362).
516
By 1365,however,thisneutralistpositionwas beingseriouslychallengedby the

powerfulAlbizzi faction,who now advocated an alliance with the churchand
the Italian Guelf cities against the German Emperor,the Visconti,and the
marauding companies of mercenarieswho were pillaging the Papal States
throughoutthis era.30For the nextsevenyearsPiero degliAlbizzi was relentless
in his advocacy of a revivifiedGuelfalliance. Donato Vellutiand Stefani,contemporarycommentatorson the Florentine political scene, and themselves
directlyinvolvedin communalaffairs,creditedPiero with bringingabout the
liaison betweenFlorenceand Urban V in 1366-67.31It was this same powerful
oligarch,in the opinionof Stefani,who won the Signoriaover to the positionof
supportingthe Holy See's projectsagainstthe Visconti,and the pope expressed
his gratitudeto Piero by makinghis nephew,thenbishopofFlorence,a cardinal.
This pro-papalcoup was supportedby the captains of the GuelfParty, certain
ofthe magnati,and suchdoctrinaireGuelfsas Lapo da Castiglionchio.32
Untilthe
early 1370's the Ricci, leaders of the contendingfaction,stood in oppositionto
thisallianceon the stillsorepointthat it was boundto involveFlorencein a war
withMilan and the maraudingcompanies.Uguccionede' Ricci, chiefspokesman
for his clan, went so far as to propose that Florence make an alliance with
Bernabo Visconti,arch enemy of Avignon and principalobstructorof papal
ambitionsin Italy.33WhenUguccionebecame priorof the republicin November
1366,he urgedthe Signoriato enact legislationdesignedto weakenthe political
influenceof the pro-papalAlbizzi factionand the GuelfParty. Specifically,this
involvedthe admissionoflesserguildsmeninto the captaincyof the party,and
sincethese new men fromthe minorguildstendedto be adherentsof the Ricci
faction,they could be expectedto oppose the policies of the Albizzi.34Judging
frompast experience,these new men of the artiminoricould be reliedupon to
reject any proposalthat favoredgivingassistanceto the papacy or advocated
Florentineparticipationin a Guelf league with the Holy See. These men, like
theirpredecessors,the novicivesof the early Trecento,had littlesympathyfor
the prerogativesof the churchor forher ambitiousItalian political projects.35
30C. P., 6, f. 45 (9 February1365); 6, f. 80 (24 May 1365).
81 D.
Velluti,La cronicadomestica,
ed. I. del Lungo and G. Volpe (Florence,1914), p. 253; Stefani,
rub. 701.
32 Stefani,rub. 7920.Lapo had consistently
admonishedthe Signoria not to permitFlorence to
withdrawherobediencefromthe church;ifthe pope wantsan alliance,thenthe cityshouldsubmitto
his will so that the cause of Guelfismnot be put in jeopardy.Cf. C. P., 9, fols.9.9?r-23
(28 December
1367). He also contendedthatthingswould go maleforthe communeifthe will ofthe pope weredisregarded.Cf. C. P., 9, f. 71 (27 March 1368). At the heightofthe OttoSanti war againstthe papacy,
Lapo maintainedthat Florencewas in "magnopericulo"because she was wagingwar "cum hosteinshe shouldhastento make peace. Cf. C. P., 15, f. 66 (26 December 1377).
vincibili"and, therefore,
33C. P., 8, f. 95 (26 July1367). Cf. also C. P., 7, f. 131; C. P., 8, fols.69r-81,89-92.
34 The reform
stated that minoriwerebeingadded to the captaincyof the Party in orderto preservethe freedomand tranquillity"maximemercatorumet artificum."Cf. P., 54, f. 133r(26 March
1367). For a considerationof the ties betweenthe Ricci and the minori,see M. B. Becker, "La
esecuzionedella legislaturacontrole pratichemonopolistiche
delle artiflorentine
alla meta del secolo
quattordicesimo,"ArchivioStoricoItaliano, cxvii (1959), 24-26.
35M. B. Becker, "FlorentinePolitics and the Diffusionof Heresy in the Trecento,"SPECULuM,
xxxiv (1959), 63-65.
517
The recordsofthe advisorycouncilsfrom1366to 1372revealthat no issue was

morecertainto dividethe membershipofthe Signoriathan that ofthe proposed
alliance with the papacy.36Therefore,when the Ricci faction abandoned its
formerpositionof opposinga papal alliance and joined the ranksof the Albizzi
in favorof a close liaisonwiththe Holy See the politicalreverberations
werefelt
thereachesofcommunalgovernment.
throughout
Accordingto the judiciousand
well-informed
Stefani,the citizenrywere extremelyfearfulof the consequences
ofthismove,sincenow thereremainedno factionin the citycapable ofresisting
the papacy "per bene di comune."37In January1372the GuelfParty,whichwas
becomingincreasinglypro-papal,was able to secure enactmentof a provision
givingthis organizationvirtualautonomyfromcommunalcontrol,and this further heightenedthe anxietiesof the Florentines.38
Counselorsto the Signoria
and Filippo di Cionetto
expressedgravemisgivingsoverthesenew developments,
Bastari,in one ofthe mostimpassionedpleas everto be recordedin the Consulte
et Pratiche,stated that the citizenswere now in "magna divisione"because of
thisturnof eventsand called upon the Signoriato restoreunityand to conserve
the "libertatemComunis Florentie." He urged the governmentto preserve
Florentineneutralityat all costs and not to become involved in any military
undertakingon behalfof the papacy that mightlead to war with Milan. The
speakerthenimploredtheSignoriato protectthe citizenryfromthemachinations
of the powerfulAlbizzi and Ricci clans, who were intentupon enslavingthe
populace,and he pleaded fora restorationof "liberta." Specifically,
he proposed
that the Signoriaelect a commissionwithauthorityto take reprisalsagainstany
Florentineseekingto involvethe republicin a foreignventurethat mightpossiblyculminatein the loss of her communalliberty.39
Two weeks afterthis memorablesession of the communalcouncil,measures
were enacted to establishjust such a commissionconsistingof ten men. This
group,the Dieci della Liberta,was to act to check the extremepartisanshipof
the Ricci and Albizzi,thus eradicatingfactionalismin the city.A provisionwas
then passed barringmembersof these two familiesfromholdingany public or
guild office.40
Stefani,who was himselfa memberof the Dieci, maintainedthat
menwho dominatedthe SignoriaafterAprilof 1372 wereresponthe non-faction
sible forthis courseof action. The Albizzi weresuspectedof conspiringagainst
the republicwith Guillaume Noellet, cardinal of San Angelo, who was papal
36See the statementof Giovanni Mozzi in whichhe contendsthat the proposedleague withthe
churchhas caused greatdiscordamongthe Florentines.C. P., 6, f. 80 (24 May 1365). Similarsentimentswerevoicedby Sandro Quaranta at thiscouncilsessionwhenhe maintainedthat the citizenry
were suspiciousof the negotiationsthat were being conductedbetweenFlorence and the papacy.
Ricco Taldi, a leadingminorguildsman,opposedthisalliance because he believedthat it threatened
advisorsexpressedthe
"unitas civium." Cf. C. P., 6, f. 45 (9 February1365). Variousgovernmental
fearthat any alliance withthe papacy mightlead to a breachof the peace withMilan, and this,in
turn,would arouse the "passiones" ofthe citizens.Cf. C. P., 9, fols.39-40 (31 January1369).
'7
38
Rub.726.
G. Capponi, Storiadella Repubblicadi Firenze(Florence,1930), I, 586.
39 C. P., 12, f. 10 (16 March 1372).
40 Stefani,rub. 733. This ban was to last forfiveyears. On 8 January1373 the termwas increased
to ten years"pro conservandaet agenda libertate"ofthe city.Cf. P., 60, f. 148.
518
legate in Bologna, and with Geraud du Puy, abbot of Marmoutier,who was

papal vicar in Perugia. At the same time the Ricci stood accused of accepting
ecclesiasticalbeneficesin returnfortheirsupportof a Florentinepapal alliance.
Chargeswerealso leveledagainstotherpowerfulfamiliesthoughtto be exerting
undue influenceupon the Signoriafortheirown personalaggrandizement.4'
The years immediatelyprecedingthe outbreakof war betweenFlorenceand
the Holy See (1372-75) weremarkedby a resurgenceof impartialgovernment
at the expenseofsuch clans as the Ricci and Albizzi.The new leadershipappearMany of these
ing at thistimecan best be characterizedas beingnon-factional.
men were novi civesfromthe greaterand lesser guilds who had traditionally
opposeda Florentinealliancewiththe papacy; othersweremembersofpatrician
familieswho had broken with their own kinsmenover a variety of political
ofthe novicivesfromthe artiminori- suchas Giovanni
issues.The mostaffluent
Goggio, a used clothingdealer, Ricco Taldi, a coppersmith,Niccolo Delli, a
Maso di Neri, a sellerof
grocer(one of the Dieci), Tellino Dini, an ironmonger,
whom
had
againstan alliance
all
of
spoken
Tommaso,
a
Master
rope,and certain
withthe churchduringmeetingsof the communalcouncil- joined forceswith
Salvestrode' Medici, guidingspiritof
somedissidentmembersofthe patriciate.42
this coalition,had consistentlyespoused politicalopinionsbound to attractthe
adherenceof the novicives.In 1363 he boldly proposedthat the revenuesfrom
certainecclesiasticalpropertiesshould be assignedto the republicand that the
clericsshouldbe compelledto lendmoneyto the CameradelComune.43At another
sessionofthe communalcouncil,in the followingyear,he attackedthe pro-papal
Guelf Party for its attemptto drive Piero Ferrantinifrompublic life for his
alleged Ghibellinesympathies,and went on to suggest that the government
should conductan inquiryinto this type of nefariouspractice.Two years later,
in a bitterspeechagainstthe captainsof the GuelfParty,Salvestrocalled upon
the priorsto resistthe machinationsofthe evil capitaniseeking"to gain control
of the cityof Florence." He then pleaded forunitybetweenthe merchantsand
artisansin orderthat theymight"avoid beingseveredby those who desiredto
In Novemberof 1372thisoutspokenmemberofthe Medici family
seize power."44
opposed givingaid to the papal legate or becominginvolvedin any way in the
war that then raged betweenthe Holy See and Milan.45In 1374 he advised the
Signorianot to permitthe forcesof the papacy to subvertthe governmentof
the cityof Lucca and to take action to preventthis catastrophe.He also urged
that Florentineambassadorsbe sent to Milan to discuss the possibilityof an
alliance.46As a spokesmanforthe college of the Dodici, he favoredcommunal
taxation of the clergy.When war broke out betweenFlorence and the papacy,
41C. P., 12, f. 14 (31 March 1372); Stefani,rub. 730.
42 C. P., 2, f. 18 (4 December 1359); C. P., 4, f. 103r (24 September1363); C. P., 5, f. 131r (10 September1364); C. P., 6, f.39 (14 June1365); C. P., 7, f. 87 (11 February1366); C. P., 8, fols.24r,38r,
50r, 84 (1367).
43 C. P., 4, f. 73 (6 July1363).
44G. A. Brucker,"The Medici in the FourteenthCentury,"SPEcuLum,xxxii (1957), 17-18.
5 Ibid., p. 19.
46C. P., 12, f. 172r (12 November1374); f. 160r (31 October1374).
519
Salvestromade an ingenioussuggestioncalculatedto compelthepope to conclude

hostilitieson termsfavorableto the republic.He advocated that "the bishops
ofFlorenceand Fiesole and all theprelatesofthe cityofFlorenceshouldbe sent
to the pope in orderto procurefromhim an end to the war and to lead him to
peace."'47 If this expedientfailed,thenthe Signoriawas to confiscateall ecclesiastical property,sell it, and use the revenuesto wage war against the pope.
The conclusionof the OttoSanti war betweenFlorence and the papacy (1378),
saw Salvestro in the vanguard of those who were leading the assault against
the GuelfParty and the greatGuelfmagnati.48
The novicivessupportedthose membersof the patriciatewho had separated
themselvespoliticallyfromtheir own familiesand who had challenged the
hegemonyof the oligarchicalfactions.With the adherenceof these new men,
politicalindependentssuch as Salvestro de' Medici, Tommaso Strozzi,Giorgio
Scali, BenedettoAlberti,and Filippo di CionettoBastari werein a betterpositionto buttresscommunalprerogativesat the expenseofecclesiasticalprivileges
and immunities.They could now weaken the authorityof the great magnati
clans over public affairsand underminethe prestige of traditional Guelfic
principles.Finally,they wereto minimizepapal influenceover the formulation
of Florentineforeignpolicy. This tendencyto extol the power of the state to
and ideologiesgained momentum
the detrimentof time-honoredcommitments
whenboth artifices
and popolaresdemandedthat the oligarchsrestorecommunal
rightsand propertiesand be compelledto assume theirfair share of the tax
oftheformergovernburden.Similarly,therewererequeststhatthemembership
A varietyof
ing elite be punishedfortheirrepeatedviolationsof public trust.49
proposalsdesignedto correctspecificabuses weremade: appointmentof special
authorityover communal finances;election of
rationeriiwith extra-ordinary
foreignjudgeswhowereto decidecases involvingtheclaimsofthe Cameraagainst
the greatfamilies;preparationof a registerin whichthe names of debtorsofthe
ofnew proceduresforthe protection
communewereto be inscribed;introduction
in
ofthe authorityofthe republic'sofficials
of state property,and reinforcement
the contado.50
This mountingtrendtowardsimpartialgovernmentwas to come into sharp
conflictwith the inordinatepower wielded by the great familiesover church
affairs.Traditionallythe episcopal see had been occupied by scions of the
dominantclans; in recentyears Angelo Acciaiuoli,Filippo dell' Antella,Pietro
Corsini,and AngeloRicasoli had filledthis office.In 1374 the bishop of Fiesole
was Neri Corsini who, like his kinsman,Pietro, was related to the pro-papal
leader of the Albizzi faction.In the followingyear the communalcounciltook
47 C. P., 14,f.85 (24 September
1876).
48 Cf. G. Scaramella,"La petizionedi Salvestrodei Medici e
R. Liceo Michelangiolodi Firenze(1927-28), i, 79-86.

49 C. P.,
i tumultidi Firenze," Annuariodel
12,fols.13,19r,55-57(1375)
see C. P., 12, f. 56 (22 September1372); cf. ibid.,

60For the suggestionconcerningthe rationerii,
forthe proposal concerningthe electionof a foreignjudge and the registerlistingthe debtors.On

the protectionof communalproperty,see ibid.,f. 175 (11 December 1374).
520
measuresto severthe ties betweenthe patriciateand theecclesiasticalhierarchy

whenit decreedthat if any citzenof the republicaccepted eitherthe bishopric
ofFlorenceor that of Fiesole, his familywereto be declared.magnatiand, therefore,denied admissioninto public office.If, however,the bishop's familywere
already of magnatistatus,they werethen to be classifiedas supramagnatiand
proclaimedrebels in perpetuity.The Florentinecounselorsjustifiedthis most
grievousviolationof ecclesiasticallibertyon the groundsthat the relativesof
the occupants of these episoepal sees were using theirpower and influenceto
ofthe cityand contado;theyeven wentso
oppressthe popolaresand the artifices
faras to make manyextortions"sub colorejustiti(a)e.'"
Concomitantwith this frontalassault upon those local dynasts who were
theirown private
takingadvantage of theirclose ties withthe churchto further
interests,was the sweepingextensionof communalauthorityintoareas that had
been underthe purviewof the church.In 1363, at the heightof the
formerly
Pisan war, whenthe republicwas sorelyin need offunds,a law was passed that
all bequestsmade to the numerousFlorentinereligiousbrotherhoodssince 1345
to the communaltreasuryand the propertyof these
were to be transferred
pious foundationswas to be sold to satisfythe claims of the city's creditors.It
is interestingto note that the Signoria expresslyexemptedbequests made to
to the needs of paucharitablefoundationsexclusivelydevoted to ministering
pers.52The communereservedthe rightto examine the accounts of religious
even whenthey wereunderthe directjurisdictionof the bishop
confraternities
and wereostensiblyusingtheirwealthto aid the poor.53One can readilyunderstand the oppositionof the churchto this and othermeasuresenacted by the
republicduringthis interval.
Withthe terminationof the Pisan war,however,Florencefoundthat she was
in desperateneed of papal supportas a counterto the threatthat the Holy
drew
Roman Emperorposed to the city's sovereignty.The Signoria,therefore,
up a provisiondesignedto correctthose ordinancesthat violated ecclesiastical
liberty.The council,moreresponsiveto popular anti-papalsentimentthan the
In 1367, whenthe governmentreceivedword
Signoria,rejectedthis proposal.54
that the pope was preparedto abandon Avignonand restorethe papal seat to
Rome, one of the principalcauses forthis antipathywas removedand the communal counselorsfoundthisto be an opportunemomentto suggestthat a committee be appointed to revise those laws that were said to be "against the
libertiesofthe churchso that the pope willbe pleased."55The Signoriaapproved
ofthisproposaland such a revisionwas immediatelyundertaken.What emerged
was a compromise,withthe churchgaininga theoreticalvictory,while certain
practicaladvantageswentto the state. All ordinances"contrafidemCatholicam
61P., 63, f. 70r (7 July1375).
62 P.,
51, fols.7-7r (21 August1363).

52, f. 151 (30 May 1365).
54 L. F., 37, f. 166r (18 August1365).
55C. P., 9, f. 19r (12 December 1367).
53 P.,
521
et ecclesiasticamlibertatem"weresuspended.However,the government
received
authorityto intrudein preciselythat area whichthe churchconsideredto be
her most cherished"liberty"- clerical immunityfromcommunaltaxation.56
In the followingyear certainmonasterieswere compelledto pay tributeto the
state forall goods that theyimportedfortheirown use.57Imposts of this type
were now to become a regularfeatureof state policy towardsthe church,and
additionallevieswereplaced upon the real propertyofthe clergyresidingwithin
the city.58When proposals were later made to enact legislationmitigatingthe
incidenceof these revenuemeasures,the communalcouncil blocked theirpassage.59In the years immediatelyprecedingthe outbreakof the OttoSanti war,
special commissions,such as the Dieci, buttressedthe jurisdictionof the state
tribunalsby denyingthe traditional"liberty"of sanctuary.60
During this interval, governmentaladvisorsurgedthe Signoriato tax the clergymoreheavily-"'
Assaultsupon the prerogativesand immunitiesof the churchwereintensified
and extendedintonew realmswhenwar brokeout betweenthe republicand the
Holy See in the summerof 1375. The Florentineshad been visitedby a terrible
faminein 1374 and had asked the papal legateto permitthemto purchasegrain
in the Patrimony.When he refusedto allow the preciouscommodityto be exportedfromthe Papal States,whichwerein direneed themselves,theFlorentine
citizenswere quick to blame his decisionon policies formulatedby the pope.
In the springof 1375 Tuscany was ravaged by JohnHawkwood's armyof freebootersand, despitethe assurancesof GregoryXI that he was in no way responsible forthis onslaught,manyFlorentinescontinuedto believethat the English
Company was in the pay of the papacy. By June the citywas at war and the
Signoria,composed,forthe most part, of politicalindependents,novicivesand
lesserguildsmen,pushedtheauthorityofthestateintorecessesthathad formerly
been the exclusivepreserveof the clergy:legislationwas enacted authorizing
oftheFlorentineMonteto act as executorsof the willsof all "manitheofficials
festusurers."These officialswere also given the power to reviewthe accounts
of all usurersforthe purposeof seeingthat restitutionwas made to the victims
ofusuriouscontracts.The Monteofficials
werenotto be syndicatedor condemned
fortakingtheseactionsby eitherthemagistratesofthe communeor thetribunals
of the church.The government
justifiedthe displacementof the clergywho had
previouslyservedin thiscapacityon the groundsthat it was necessaryto protect
the citizenryfrominjustice.62The officialsof the Monte were also appointed
P
p., 55, f. 108; L. F., 39, f. 34 (23 December 1367).
92, fols.204r-205r(12 December 1403).
67
P.,
58
P., 61,
f.68 (13 June1373).
59L. F., 40, f. 121 (13 October1374).
60 P., 60, f. 148; L. F., 40, f. 52 (21 January1374).

61C. P., 12, f. 38 (5 July1372).
62 The generaleffectof these enactmentswas to make interestreadilyrecoverableat law. There
was, therfore,
no need to resortto the subterfuges
that had been designedduringan earliererato permitthe lenderto escape the rigorsofcanonlaw. Cf. P., 63, f. 85 (8 August1375). For a descriptionof
theseearlierpractices,see R. de Roover, The Medici Bank (New York, 1948), p. 57. On the appoint-
522
executorsof legaciesto minorsand empoweredto act as guardianswithinstructionsto investthe capital oftheirwardsin the Monte"pro utilitatepupillorum."
This step was favoredby governmental
advisorsbecause it wouldput additional
monies"in the hands of the commune."63
Special rectorswerechosenwho were
given jurisdictionover bequests to clergyand religiousestablishments;their
duties included appropriatingthese giftsin the name of the republic.84The
Signoria also seized this opportunityto press for legislationremovingcertain
communalsanctionsagainst usurious practicesinitiatedat the behest of the
The regimethen succeeded in passing a provisiondesignedto curtail
church.65
ecclesiasticaljurisdictionovercases involvinga chargeofusury.These measures,
as well as others,were inauguratedby the governmentin directoppositionto
the articlesof the Bishop's Constitution.66
At the same time that the regimedefiedcustomaryreligiousprecept with
inordinatezeal, it also attacked the patrimonialbase of the Tuscan church.
From the veryoutsetofthe OttoSanti war,therewas a highdegreeofunanimity
amongthe citizenryon the desirabilityofimposingforcedloans upon the clergy.
A letterwrittenby Gherardinodi Niccolo GherardiniGiani, a man well-informed
on the subject of communalfinance,to his friend,Tommaso di Piero di messer
Ridolfode' Bardi, states that ifprestanzehad not been exactedfromthe clerics,
it wouldhave been necessaryto raisethetaxesofthecitizenry.67
Anotherunpopular alternativewould have been to impose the dreaded estimoupon the real
propertyof the city's inhaitants.During March and Aprilof 1375 this formof
taxation was twice proposedbut failedto obtain the necessarytwo-thirdsmajority.68
By Februaryof the followingyear the need forcommunalrevenueencouragedthe advisorsto the Signoriato suggestthat the prestanzeagainst the
clergybe tripled."9Four months later Iacopo di Piero Sacchetti, a leading
advocated that the
political independentand spokesmanfor the Gonfalonieri,
communesell or temporarilyalienate ecclesiasticalpropertyin order to raise
mentofthe Monteofficials
and theiractionsat thistime,see M. B. Becker,"Three Cases Concerning
the Restitutionof Usury in Florence," Journalof EconomicHistory,xvii (September1957), 445450. The authorityof these officialswas increasedappreciablyduringthe late fourteenth
and early
fifteenth
centuryat the expenseof traditionalecclesiasticalprerogativesover chargesof usury.Cf.
Statui Populi CommunisFlorentiae(Freiburg,1778), iII, 325-327, 345-347; CorpusJuris Canonici,
Decretales:c. Quamquamusurarii,in VI, v, 5, 2.
63C. P., 15, f. 54r (13 November1377); P., 65, f. 119 (19 August1377); f. 280 (23 February1378).
64 C. P.,
15,f.25 (20 July1377).
63, f. 73; L. F., 40, f. 150 (12 July1375).

0 The licensingofJewishpawnbrokersin Florentineterritories
was a particularcase in point.This
importantviolationoftheBishop's Constitutionoccurredin 1375 and not at the end ofthe centuryas
modernscholarshave contended.Cam., 168, unnumberedfolio (31 October 1375); U. Cassuto, Gli
Ebrei a Firenzenell' eta del Rinascimento(Florence,1918), 15; 1 Capitolidel Comunedi Firenze,ed.
C. Guasti (Florence,1893), ii, 39 ff.
67 G. A. Brucker,"Un documentofiorentino
sulla guerra,sulla finanzaa sulla amministrazione,"
ArchivioStoricoItaliano, cxv (1957), 165-176.
68 L. F., 40, f. 139 (28 March
1375); f. 141 (17 April1375).
69 C. P., 14, f. 18 (25 February1376).
66 P.,
523
deilivellari
Shortly
thereafter
theSignoriaelectedUfficiali
revenue.70
additional
ofthechurchwereplacedon
The holdings
thisfunction.
e deipretito perform
records
thefirst
of1377theCameradelComune
theopenmarketandinJanuary
tookadvantage
Membersofthelowerorders,as wellas patricians,
payments.7'
at the expenseof the church.
to increasetheirpatrimony
of thisopportunity
Pazzi,Peruzzi,
Cambi,Medici,Morelli,
Albizzi,Bardi,Bondelmonti,
TheAlberti,
Strozzi,andTolosiniclanscouldbecountedamongthemorenotablebeneficiaries.
to takeplace untilJuneofthe
whichcontinued
transactions,
Thesenumerous
recordsand revealthe
treasury
of
the
following
year,filleightlargevolumes
ofthe
after
theconclusion
Long
property.72
ofecclesiastical
extentand diversity
and
unresolved
remained
ofthisproperty
OttoSantiwar,theissueofrestitution
state.
church
and
between
continued
to plaguerelations
thejuridical
challenged
thestatealso seriously
interval
Duringthisturbulent
an
ofthe churchwhenit decreedthatany citizenwhohad suffered
authority
courtmightappealto theSignoriafora redressof
injusticein an ecclesiastical
thathousedtheCourtoftheInquisithebuilding
thereafter
Shortly
grievances.73
ineffectual
wasrendered
oftheHolyOffice
andtheauthority
tionwasdestroyed
was the commune'sassumptionof
withinFlorence.Even moresignificant
statutes
The mostancientFlorentine
overcrimesagainstreligion.
jurisdiction
a chargeofblasto tryonlycasesinvolving
authority
gavethestatetribunals
and
phemy;othercrimesagainstreligion(such as black magic,witchcraft,
cameunderthepurviewoftheBishop'sCuriaand theTribunalofthe
sorcery)
However,after1375,chargesofthistypebecamea matterof comInquisitor.
munal concern.74
ITI
tensions
betweenchurchand state(1375-78),precipitated
The bitterconflict
suchas Simonedi
politicalfigures,
Prominent
in the livesof the Florentines.
Rinieridi Peruzzi,who ten yearsearlierhad been in the vanguardof those
advocatingreturnofthepapacyto Romeas thebestremedyforthemanyills
thatthe churchwas, at
thatbesetItaly,werenow comingto the conclusion
a citilifeofthepeninsulaand,therefore,
best,a negativeforcein thetemporal
This view was not conzen's primarypoliticalobligationwas to his native city.75
finedto the Florentinelaity: Giovannidelle Celle,famousasceticofVallombrosa
and scion of a noble Tuscan family,in a letterto Guido di Neri del Palagio, a
leadingpatrician,contendedthat citizensof the republicshould not hesitateto
P., 14, f. 57r (26 June1376); Stefani,rub. 731.
folio(20 January).
Cam., 176, unnlumbered
72 Ibid., pp. 176-183.
70 C.
71
73 P., 63,
f.73; L. F., 40,f. 150(12 July1375).
U. Dorini, I dirittopenalee la delinquenzain Firenzenel sec. XIV (Lucca, 1916), p. 67.

76 S.' Morpurgo,"La guerradegli Otto Santi e il tumultodei Ciompi nelle ricordanzedi Simone
di storiae erudizione,ii (1894), 10-13. For Simone'searlier
di RinieriPeruzzi," Miscellaneaftorentina
statements,see C. P. 6, f. 37 (13 January1365).
74
524
serve in the governmentor to pay taxes in supportof the war effort.He also
launchedagainst the Florentinesby the pope
stated that the excommunication
This same Guido was the recipientof a
not binding.76
was unjust and, therefore,
letterfromthe Florentinehumanistpriest,Luigi Marsili, who feltthat, while
did not have the rightto harmthoseclergywho performed
thegovernment
their
sacred offices,it certainlywas not obliged to sufferthe few who meddled in
communalpolitics.Marsili,an Augustinian,was bitterlyhostiletowardsAvignon,
and duringthe OttoSanti war he transcribedPetrarch's anti-papal sonnets.
His teachingswereto have a profoundeffectupon such earlyFlorentinehumanists as Salutati and Bruni.Priorto the outbreakof the OttoSanti war, Coluccio
Salutati was elevated to the post of chancellorof the republic; it was in this
capacity that he heartilychampionedthe nominationof Luigi Marsili forthe
episcopalbench.In so doing,he castigatedthe corruptionofthe churchby pointing out that the Augustinianhad earned his doctoratein theologyat the UniversityofParis by virtueofintellectualmerit,and not because ofhis connections
withthe ecclesiasticalhierarchy.77
Coluccio's writingsnot onlyreflectthe teachingsof the pious priest,Marsili,
who, as the intellectualheir of Petrarch,scourgedthose modernsophistswho
were neglectingthe studia humanitatisin orderto pursue the hollow study of
dialectic,but theyalso bringto mindthe attacks of Marsiglioof Padua against
the unwontedpreponderanceof the churchin civic life.It is of interestto note
that in 1363,whenthe governmentaladvisorswerebecomingparticularlyvocal
in their criticismof the church's "liberties," Marsiglio's DefensorPacis was
translatedintothevernacularin Florence.78In thisprovocativework,we witness
an integralhumanizationof the state, anchored,as a moderncommentatorhas
indicated,not upon religiouspresuppositions,but upon the specificsof man's
ofhumanvalues.79In Coluccio'swritings
experienceand theconcreteness
a strong
emphasis is also placed upon the "terrestrialnature of the human vocation"
and man's sacred obligation to his earthly city.80In his correspondenceas
chancellor,he depictsthe men of Florence as the heirsof the Romans and he
draws analogiesbetweenthe sacred duty of the Romans to defendtheirlibertas
and that oftheirlater-daycounterpartswho wereobligatedto defendFlorentina
Tocco, "I Fraticelli,"ArchivioStoricoItaliano,xxv (1905), 349-351.
E. Gartin,"I cancellieriumanistidella RepubblicaFiorentinada ColuccioSalutati a Bartolomeo
Scala," RivistaStoricaItaliana, LxXI (1959), 190-191; U. Mariani,I1 Petrarcae gli agostiniani(Rome,
1946), pp. 66 ff.
78 E. Garin,op. cit.,191. This date coincideswiththe outbreakof the Florentine-Pisan
war and all
potentialsourcesof revenuehad to be tapped. The advisorsto the Signoriaproposedthat a forced
loan be imposedupon the clergyand that theybe subjectedto extensivecommunallevies. Cf. C. P.,
4, fols.43, 64r,69, 72. Cf. also footnotes98 and 99. It shouldbe notedthat Salvestrode' Medici made
his radical proposalson ecclesiasticalquestionsduringthat same year. Cf. footnote89.
79 E. Garin,La filosofia
dal medioevoall' umanesimo(Milan, 1947), i, 78.
80 E. Garin,L'umanesimoitaliano (Bari, 1952), p. 38. This same point of view is manifested
in his
earlierwritings.See especiallyhis letterto his friend,Ser Andreadi ser Conte,in Epistolariodi Coluccio Salutati,ed. F. Novati (Rome, 1891), i, 26-29 (8 June1366).
76 F.
77
525
libertasagainstthe hostsof "avariciousBabylon."'8'In hisopiniontheFlorentines

werenot onlydutybound to defendtheirpatria,but theywerealso chargedwith
the divinemissionof destroying"la chiesa carnale" and erectingin its place "la
terza chiesa spirituale."82
Specifically,he sees the artisansand merchantsas the
championsofFlorentinelibertyand he speaks of themas "benignissimihomines
quos michivideturdivine potentiedigituseligesse." Ile goes on to eulogize the
socio-economicbase of Florentinesociety- the guilds, "per quas sumus quod
sumus," and on whichthe grandeurand majestyof the cityis predicated.Very
in the lettersof Coluccio, looms the fact that Florence is a freecity
significant
and artiin which il popolo are sovereign.It is this popolo- the mercatores
fices- who are the anchorof the state, forwithoutthem,"we can not live."83
The years followingthe OttoSanti war were troubledones forthe republic.
A violentrevolution(the Ciompi) catapultedil popolominutointo powerin the
and
summerof 1378, thenthereensued a turbulentera of popular government,
finally,in 13802,a severe oligarchicalreaction set in, displacingmany of the
novicivesfromcommunaloffice.With the resumptionof the undisputedrule of
the oligarchs,the churchrecoveredcertainof her ancientprerogatives.But, for
the most part, these concessionswere peripheralin character.The Signoria
remainiedadamant on such fundamentalissues as makingrestitutionof ecclesiastical property,cancellinglegislationthat called forthe impositionof forced
abandoningcommunal
loans upon clerics,revokinggabelleon churchfoundations,
jurisdictionoverthe last willsand testamentsofusurers,and recognizingclerical
immunitiesfromthe decisionsof secular courts.Gradually,these mattershad
come underthe purviewof the state and the oligarchsdid littleto reversethis
trend.84Moreover,by the end of the fourteenthcentury,the scope of secular
81For a considerationof the millenarianmilieu in Florence at this time, see M. B. Becker, "A
Commentoni'Savonarola, Florence,and the MillenarianTradition,'" ChurchHistory,XXVII (1958),
806-307.
82 H. Grundmann,"Die Papst-prophetiendes Mittelalters,"Archivfiir Kulturgeschichte,
xix
d'ltalia: il Trecento(Milan, 1934), pp. 528-540; N. Valeri,
(1928), 122; N. Sapegno, Storia letteraria
L'Italia nell' eta dei principatidal 1343 al 1516 (Milan, 1949), p. 206; E. Garin,op. cit.,pp. 38 ff.;
M. Meiss, Paintingin Florenceand Siena AftertheBlack Death (Princeton,1947), pp. 80-93.
83 E. Garin, "I cancellieriumanistidella Repubblica Fiorentinada Coluccio Salutati a Bartolomeo Scala," op. cit., p. 195. The term popolo used here refersto some 2,500 non-magnatiguild
masters.
84 For the suspensionof legislationrequiringthe communeto restorechurchproperty,see P.,
73, f. 121r; L. F., 42, f. 26r (12 October 1384); P., 76, f. 39 (17 May 1387); L. F., 43, f. 4 (22 May
1387); P., 77, f.202; L. F., 43, f.77 (26 November1388); P., 78, f.283; L. F., 43, f. 137 (10 December
1389); L. F., 43, f. 180 (16 November1390); P., 80, fols.171-173r(20 November1391). The outbreak
the republic'sneed foradditional revenue"pro defensione
of the war withthe Viscontiintensified
libertatis"and, as in the past, the Signoriaimposed prestanzeand other imposts upon the clergy.
For a discussionof this questioniby governmentaladvisors,see C. P., 24, fols.4-30r (November,
1384-February,1385). On the assessmentof gabellesupon ecclesiasticalestablishments,see Statuta
Populi CommunisFlorentiae,iII, 402-405. On the questionofcommunaljurisdictionand the weakeningofthe authorityofthe churchcourts,see ibid.,i, 123-129; iII, 370. For an evaluationofthe landed
patrimonyofthe clergy,made by the communeforthe purposeoftax assessment,see G. Canestrilni,
La scienza e l'artedi statodagli attiufjicialidella repubblicafiorentinae dei Medici (Florence,1862),
p. 152.
526
politicalpowerhad evolved to the point wherethe governmentcould actively

intervenein the area ofrelationsbetweenthe papacy and the clergyofFlorence.
The governmentassumed the role of defenderof the Florentineclergyagainst
the fiscalexactionsof Rome; it justifiedthis course of action on the grounds
that it was necessaryto conservethe wealthofthe local clergy"in abundance."85
The government
ofwhatby thistimewas obviouslya prototypeoftheterritorial
state expressed,in no uncertainterms,its desire to have a territorialclergy.
Opposition in the governmentwas mountingagainst the traditional papal
practiceofgivingcertainecclesiasticalbeneficesto foreigners.86
For the firsttime
in communalhistory,provisionswere enacted givingthe Signoriaauthorityto
take over the incomefromecclesiasticalbeneficesheld by non-Florentines,
since
thesemen had frequenitly
neglectedthe propertyof the churchand permittedit
to fall into decay.87Rectorsof the republicwereto act as protectorsof ecclesiastical propertiesand vacant churches;no individual was to be permittedto
accept any ecclesiasticaltitle forbeneficewithoutthe consentof the Signoria.
Finally,communalofficials
wereempoweredto removeany interdictthat might
be laid upon the cityas wellas to revokeany excommunication
launchedagainst
a citizen.88
By the beginningofthe fifteenth
centurythe bitterantithesisbetweenchurch
and state had lost mostof its sharpedge. The republichad appropriatedto itself
many of the functionsthat had formerlybelonged to the mediaeval church.
The Great Schism and the Conciliar Movement were certainlyfactorsthat
weakenedthe abilityof the papacy to checktheseintrusions.The Tuscan clergy
had themselvesbecome more reconciledto a subordinaterole. Fra Giovanni
Dominiciand his renowneddisciple,San Antonino,respondedto thesehistorical
mutationsby encouragingthefaithfulto be moremindfuloftheirresponsibilities
towardsecular society;whileSan Bernardinoof Siena extolledthe active civic
lifeas opposed to that of contemplation.89
This trendwas also encouragedby
Coluccio's successorsin the Florentinechancellory,Bruni and Poggio, who proclaimed man's sacred obligationto civil societyand polemicizedagainst sterile
asceticismand the monasticideal of withdrawal.90
The years that separated the decade of the 1340's fromthe advent of the
Medici (1434), not onlywitnessedthe emergenceofa territorial
state and church
fromthe matrixof a citizencommune,but they were also the settingforthe
developmentof a Weltanschauung
that caused men to see politicsas an activity
divorcedfromtraditionalmoralconsiderations.One ofthe mosteminentFloren85C. P., f. 165 (20 January1388).
C. P., 31, f. 45r (5 June1396).
87 P., 83, fols. 212r-215
(10 December 1394). The Signoriawas empoweredto elect six officials
who were to oversee the enforcement
of this provision.Cf. StatutaPopuli CommunisFlorentiae,
86
iii, 347.
88
89
90
Ibid., i, 125-127.
E. Garin,L'umanesimoitaliano,pp. 51-53.
Hans Baron, "Franciscan Poverty and Civic Wealth as Factors in the Rise of Humanistic
Thought," SPECULuM, xIIi (1938), 1-37.
527
tine statesmenof the earlyfifteenth

century,Gino di Neri Capponi, hero of the
republic'sgreatvictoryover Pisa, drawingupon his long experiencewith communal affairs,composeda set of politicalinaximsforhis son in whichhe urged
himto avoid entanglements
withpriestsand "not to botherwithchurchesunless
forthe purpose of sacramentsand divine offices."He furtheradmonishedthe
young man to do his best to see that the churchremainsinterestedin purely
matters.The memoriesof Gino's childhoodwerevivid whenhe recalled
spiri-tual
how the Albizzi liaison with the churchhad underminedthe unityof Florence
and made hercitzensthe preyofcontentiousfactions.Finally,he advised his son
to vote always forthat candidate forhigh communalofficewho possessed the
most importantof all qualifications- a deeper concernforthe welfareof the
communethan forthe salvationof his own soul. This remarkwas to lead Francesco Guicciardinito tell Gino's great-grandson
that his forebearsknew that it
was notpossible"to ruledomainsand statesaccordingto thepreceptsofChristian
law."9'
WESTERN
RESERVE
UNIVERSITY
91R. Sereno,"The Ricordiof Gino di Neri Capponi," AmericanPoliticalScienceReriew,LII (1958),

1118-1122.

Becker, Marvin. Church and State in Florence On The Eve of The Renaissance (1343-1382)

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Medieval Academy of America

Church and State in Florence on the Eve of the Renaissance (1343-1382)

A JOURNAL OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES

CHURCH AND STATE IN FLORENCE ON THE EVE

Churchand Statein Florence

affordto overlookany potential source of revenue.This meant that enmity

Churchand Statein Florence

the contheSignoriato securemoneyfromtheclergyforthepurposeoffurthering

Churchand Statein Florence

"certainwickedclericsfromnobleand powerfulpopolanifamilies,underthe guise

Churchand Statein Florence

establishingthe Montenorfromexpandingthe scope of its operations.By taking

Churchand Statein Florence

Churchand Statein Florence

1, unnumberedfolio(12-14 March 1355).

1, part 2, fols.23-24 (13 January1354).

Churchand Statein Florence

By 1365,however,thisneutralistpositionwas beingseriouslychallengedby the

Churchand Statein Florence

The recordsofthe advisorycouncilsfrom1366to 1372revealthat no issue was

G. Capponi, Storiadella Repubblicadi Firenze(Florence,1930), I, 586.

39 C. P., 12, f. 10 (16 March 1372).

Churchand Statein Florence

legate in Bologna, and with Geraud du Puy, abbot of Marmoutier,who was

Churchand Statein Florence

Salvestromade an ingenioussuggestioncalculatedto compelthepope to conclude

R. Liceo Michelangiolodi Firenze(1927-28), i, 79-86.

i tumultidi Firenze," Annuariodel

see C. P., 12, f. 56 (22 September1372); cf. ibid.,

forthe proposal concerningthe electionof a foreignjudge and the registerlistingthe debtors.On

Churchand Statein Florence

measuresto severthe ties betweenthe patriciateand theecclesiasticalhierarchy

51, fols.7-7r (21 August1363).

Churchand Statein Florence

f.68 (13 June1373).

59L. F., 40, f. 121 (13 October1374).

60 P., 60, f. 148; L. F., 40, f. 52 (21 January1374).

Churchand Statein Florence

15,f.25 (20 July1377).

63, f. 73; L. F., 40, f. 150 (12 July1375).

Churchand Statein Florence

f.73; L. F., 40,f. 150(12 July1375).

U. Dorini, I dirittopenalee la delinquenzain Firenzenel sec. XIV (Lucca, 1916), p. 67.

Churchand Statein Florence

Churchand Statein Florence

libertasagainstthe hostsof "avariciousBabylon."'8'In hisopiniontheFlorentines

Churchand Statein Florence

politicalpowerhad evolved to the point wherethe governmentcould actively

Thought," SPECULuM, xIIi (1938), 1-37.

Churchand Statein Florence

tine statesmenof the earlyfifteenth

91R. Sereno,"The Ricordiof Gino di Neri Capponi," AmericanPoliticalScienceReriew,LII (1958),

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