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Graffiti, Converts and Vigilantes:
Islam Outside the Mainstream in Maritime Southeast Asia
edited by Tomáš Petrů

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Contents
contributors
editor’s preface

Introduction · Graffiti, Converts and Vigilantes: Islam Outside
the Mainstream in Maritime Southeast Asia

V
VII
1

tomáš petrů

Islamic Social Movement in Post-Soeharto Indonesia: Life Politics,
Religious Authority and the Salafi Manhaj

31

Chris Chaplin

The Front Pembela Islam: Well-Connected Indonesian Radicals –
a Threat or a Spent Force?

53

tomáš petrů

When ‘PAS is HAMAS’ and ‘UMNO acts like Israel’ –
Localized Appropriations of the Palestine Conflict in Malaysia

77

Dominik m. müller

The Modern Soundscape of Indonesian Islam

107

lori goshert

Reflections of Islamic Culture in Malaysian Graffiti

121

David Novak

Becoming Saudara Baru: Chinese Malaysian Converts to
Islam in West Malaysia

161

Frauke-Katrin Kandale

Understanding Religious Conversion of the Dusun Muslim
Converts in Brunei Darussalam: Critical Engagement of
the Rambo Model

181

Asiyah az-Zahra Ahmad Kumpoh

Moro-Moro No More: Prospects of Reaching a Peace Deal
between the Muslim Insurgents and the Government of
the Philippines

213

Pavel Vondra
Glossary

227

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Contributors

Chris Chaplin is currently finalizing his PhD thesis concerning the social dynamics of the

Salafist movement in post-Soeharto Indonesia at the Department of Sociology, University
of Cambridge, UK. His research interests include a broad curiosity concerning global religious movements and their impact on social/national identity as well as a regional interest
in Indonesian political/social reform, human rights, local identity, and West Papua.
Lori Goshert is an ethnomusicologist based in Prague, Czechia. She graduated from Indiana

University, Bloomington. In addition to her interest for Indonesia, she is dedicated in her
research to studying Sufi music of Bosnia and Tajikistan and the music of North American
Muslims.
Frauke-Katrin Kandale is a postdoctoral researcher in the transdisciplinary research project

AFRASO (Africa’s Asian Option) and a lecturer in the department of Southeast Asian
Studies at Goethe-University Frankfurt. Her current research investigates the migration of
African students to West-Malaysia. She received her PhD in Southeast Asian at HumboldtUniversity Berlin and was a member of the Berlin Graduate School Muslim Cultures and
Societies. Her PhD thesis looks at the conversion to Islam by Chinese Malaysians.
Asiyah Kumpoh received a PhD in Sociology from University of Leicester in 2012, and now

holds a position as Lecturer in Historical and International Studies Programme, Faculty
of Arts and Social Sciences, Universiti Brunei Darussalam. She teaches Brunei diplomatic
and political history (1578–1906), post-war transition to social and economic urbanization in Southeast Asia and the evolution of philosophies and theories in historical studies.
Asiyah Kumpoh’s current research interests focus on the intersecting historical evolutions
of religion, ethnicity, identity and culture in Brunei Darussalam and Southeast Asia.
Dominik M. Müller obtained his PhD in Cultural Anthropology from Frankfurt in 2012, where

he works as a post-doctoral researcher. He held visiting positions at Stanford University
2013), Universiti Brunei Darussalam (2014), and the University of Oxford (2015). His
articles have been published by South East Asia Research (2010), Paideuma (2013), Asian
Survey (forthcoming), and Indonesia and the Malay World (forthcoming). Müller’s PhD
thesis, entitled Islam, Politics and Youth in Malaysia: The Pop-Islamist Reinvention of PAS,
received the Frobenius Society’s research prize for Germany’s best anthropological dissertation of 2012 and was published by Routledge in 2014.

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VI

Contributors

David Novak received in 2006 his BA degree in Territorial studies (Middle-Eastern studies)

at University of West Bohemia in Pilsen, Czechia. In 2011, he received his MA (in Visual
Arts) at University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia and has been pursuing his PhD
there since 2011. He published several research articles relating mainly to the study of
Malaysian graffiti art and presented papers at conferences. He is a member of the INOPINATUM Study Center on Urban Creativity.
Tomáš Petrů is affiliated as Research Fellow with the Oriental Institute of the Czech Academy

of Sciences. Previously, he founded and worked as Head of the Department of Asian Studies at Metropolitan University Prague (2009–2014). He is also an external assistant professor at MUP and Charles University in Prague where he lectures on the history and politics
of Insular Southeast Asia. He was awarded his PhD by Charles University in Prague in
2008 for his study The Jago and the Preman – Controversial Figures of Indonesian History.
He is a co-author of the first full-fledged monograph on the history of Indonesia in the
Czech language, Dějiny Indonésie (NLN, 2005). In his research, he focuses on the interaction of politics, society and religion in Indonesia and the Malay world.
Pavel Vondra is a journalist from Prague, Czechia with twenty years of experience in the

Czech media, as of 2015 working as senior editor in the Czech Radio, public service broadcaster. In the past he had also worked as Moscow correspondent for Czech Television or
London correspondent for the Czech language service of BBC World Service among others. He earned his BA in Journalism and MA in mass media/area studies at the Faculty
of Social Sciences of Charles University in Prague. Since his first visit to the Philippines
in 2000 he has been cultivating a deep interest in the country, covering the developments
there as a journalist and publishing numerous articles, reports and commentaries. He has
also authored the first concise history of the Philippines written in the Czech language
after the renewal of democracy in both countries in the late 1980s which is now awaiting
its publication.

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Editor's Preface

Tomáš Petrů

This publication is the result of the joint efforts of a small academic circle of friends
and colleagues – largely area specialists – prevalently from Europe, namely Czechia,
Germany, the United Kingdom, but also from Brunei. We warmly welcome the involvement of our fellow author, Dr. Asiyah Kumpoh, who operates out of the Universiti Brunei Darussalam, and thus represents Southeast Asian scholarship from the
very heart of the studied region, i.e. Muslim maritime Southeast Asia. In addition,
our Czech colleague, David Novák, has long been based at the University of Malaya
in pursuit of his PhD, and he therefore brings to the table his regional perspective
and scholarship. We are also pleased to acknowledge a partial American presence
on the team in the person of Ms. Lori Goshert, who, while hailing from the USA,
currently lives in Prague.
The chapters of this edited volume are partially based on papers originally delivered at a conference held at the Metropolitan University Prague, in March 20111, and
also a conference panel Islam outside the Mainstream in Southeast Asia, held during
the 3rd Annual Symposium on Southeast Asian Studies in Oxford, organized by the
Oxford-based Project Southeast Asia platform in March 2014.
The editor would like to cordially thank Professor Edwin Wieringa of Universität
zu Köln for both helping to narrow down the focus of this book in the first place
and secondly, for his great insights and corrections. A heart-felt thank-you goes to
Dr. Kevin W. Fogg of the Oxford Centre of Islamic Studies for his invaluable comments and suggestions on the introduction to this book. I am equally thankful to
my co-author, Dr.  Dominik M. Müller, for sharing his knowledge of the latest developments in Malaysia and, specifically, Brunei Darussalam. I am also indebted to
Dr.  Ondřej Beránek, Director of the Oriental Institute of the Czech Academy of
Sciences, for his and the Institute’s sustained support and motivation, all of which
contributed to the materialization of this book, the finalization of which was held up
temporarily due to the administrative and teaching workload commitments associated with my previous position. I owe a considerable debt of gratitude to my fellow
authors for delaying their texts, which prevented them from seeing their earlier pub1  The 3rd Prague Conference on Southeast Asian Studies - Islam in Southeast Asia: Religion, Society and
Politics, held on March 11th, 2011, organized by the Department of Asian Studies of the Metropolitan
University Prague.

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VIII

Tomáš Petrů

lication. Therefore, I am thankful to all of them for their patience, trust, wonderful
cooperation, and, last but not least, their collegiality and friendship.
I am especially happy to thank our publisher, Dr. Thomas Gimesi, along with his
outstanding and flexible publishing house, Caesarpress, who has not only made the
production of this book possible but, above all, has devoted so much of his time and
energy to every detail of the text and lay-out, something which has resulted in a high
degree of added value to the final version of this book.
Lastly, a big personal thank-you and a loving hug to my wife Hana, for always
standing by my side.
Tomáš Petrů
Prague, June 30th, 2015

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introduction

Graffiti, Converts and Vigilantes:
Islam Outside the Mainstream in Maritime Southeast Asia
Tomáš Petrů

Introduction
As a Southeast Asianist focusing on the Malay-Indonesian world, I have been regularly visiting this region, mainly Indonesia, for the past twenty years. The purpose
was not always in the interests of research, but during each out of my thirteen stays in
the country I was easily able to discern a visible shift within the society. The country
has been rapidly modernizing – on every visit the skyline of Jakarta seems to be more
crowded, boasting dozens of new skyscrapers. In addition, it is growing wealthier
and, putting it mildly, it is increasingly a money- and consumption-oriented society.
Furthermore, stating it bluntly, it is increasingly Islamized. Indonesia still remains
a multi-ethnic, multi-religious country with a pluralist society, but subjectively the
atmosphere, especially when it comes to religion and inter-faith interaction, has become rather tense of late, particularly when compared with two decades ago when I
started discovering this fascinating country (and region), let alone when we contrast
it with the situation half a century ago. The last forty years of dakwah campaigns,
summoning the population to the ‘correct’ path of Islam, co-funded by Saudi petroldollars, the rapid urbanization and the trend for general modernity, accompanied by
state-instilled educational policies on Islam of Soeharto, as well as the increasingly
dominant role of Islam in the Indonesian public arena in the post-1998 era, and along
with numerous other factors such as the quest for deeper personal piety in an uncertain world, have all significantly contributed to changes in the face and the nature of
the (once) pluralistic and syncretic Indonesian response to Islam. Although the Islamization process of Malayo-Indonesian Southeast Asia is often ‘deemed unfinished’1,
this deep transformation has brought about a myriad of consequences. In my view,
the most notable ones would be the stripping of local Islam of its ‘local foliage’2 to a
great degree resulting from the intensive purification campaigns; and secondly, the
raising up of Islam to the position of ‘superior’ religion, whether official (Malaysia
1  Ali, in Kenney & Moosa, 2014, p 406.
2  Dhume, 2009, p 4.

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Tomáš Petrů

and Brunei Darussalam) or not (Indonesia). The latter change has determined the
cultural, moral and social patterns of the whole nation, including non-Muslims, and
has been propped up by the increasingly influential official and quasi-official bodies
such as the JAKIM (Malaysia) or the MUI (Indonesia). The official and societal pressures, as well as other aforementioned factors, have thus pushed the mainstream
Islamic discourse in both of these Muslim-majority countries of Southeast Asia from
moderation towards unprecedented orthodoxy.
Arguably, this intense and complex shift towards a more pronounced role for
Islam in the public sphere has also increased the capacity that a religion may have to
act as a barrier between various communities. Such a situation was not only considerably less pronounced in both countries in the past but it may also have a negative
impact on the frequently ‘advertized’ pluralism and harmony associated with these
multi-cultural countries.
There is a multitude of angles from which we can view and describe the nature
and position of Islam in Southeast Asia. There is a myriad of questions connected
with its recent and current development, which is the result of a centuries-long and
complex process of Islamization. Such developments have been influenced by a number of factors: the adaptation and acculturation of the new creed through its interaction with the autochthonous cultural, social and mental fabric; the strong presence
of Europeans and their religion during high colonial times; modernization, including the modernization of Islam; and, last but not least, as a result of local, national
and regional political interests. Therefore, to talk about ‘Southeast Asian Islam’,
‘Malay(sian) Islam’ or ‘Indonesian Islam’ is, in many ways, an oversimplification, for
the region presents a highly diverse and heterogeneous religious mosaic3.
Nonetheless, it is both interesting and essential to look more closely at some of
the set phrases which are sometimes stereotypically associated with Islam in Southeast Asia, whatever their relevance. In the first place, the Muslim religion in this part
of the world has for centuries had the reputation of being less fundamentalist, less orthodox and (therefore?) more pluralistic, inclusive and tolerant towards non-Muslims
and less orthodox Muslims alike. This perception was validated by a great number of
foreign observers who visited or settled in the Malay-Indonesian world and, perhaps
with the exception of Aceh – the ‘Veranda of Mecca’ – noticed and recorded that the
character of Islam is Southeast Asia visibly differed from its inspirational source in
the Arabic-speaking Middle East. It was often characterized as having an intensely
syncretic nature, which lacked the legalistic normativity of the Arab heartland’s faith.
However, as has been alluded to above, do such stereotypes still retain their validity?
Given the heterogeneous nature of Islam in the region of maritime Southeast
Asia, how can we objectively define the faith that is held by the bulk of populations in
Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei, the three Southeast Asian countries where Islam is
the dominant religion? Is this feasible at all in the space of a few paragraphs? Can this
form of Islam still be perceived as being prevalently tolerant and pluralistic, eclectic
3  von der Mehden, 2008, p 11.

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Graffiti, Converts and Vigilantes

3

and mystical, syncretistic and popular? How close is it to the medieval ‘mystical synthesis’, as Merle Ricklefs4 and Gordon Means5 have defined it? Does the notion of a
‘thin veneer’ of Islam, valid for centuries, still have any relevance at all in these countries? And, globally, does Islam in Southeast Asia still represent the ‘Islamic fringe’,
perceived as being peripheral and not orthodox enough, even marginal, with no or
very little say in the Islamic world at large, and with large segments of the population being secular or nominal Muslims who shun the fundamentalist dakwah-pushed
trend? Or is this actually an outdated debate since the conservatives, fundamentalists
and radical Islamists are in the process of taking over or have already succeeded?
Worse still, is it the case that Southeast Asian Muslim societies and the nation-states
in this cultural-geographic sphere actually represent a contemporary ‘crucible of terror’, providing the soil which nourishes deadly terrorist networks and their cells, as
Zachary Abuza depicts in his much-quoted monograph6? And, most fascinatingly,
how is it that this crucible of terror receives so little attention from the Arab world as
well as from other Muslim regions around the globe, which consider it to be peripheral, improper and simply not orthodox enough?
So, what do we make of all these contradicting simplifications? For several reasons, this publication by no means seeks to provide comprehensive answers to such
rather complex questions. Firstly, despite the ‘peripheral’ position of Islam in Southeast Asia within the Islamic world at large, this field has been exceedingly well studied
and has been the subject of thorough and focused attention in recent decades. Therefore, there exists a great variety of both general and highly specialized monographs
on this topic, which actually answer some of the questions raised above. Nevertheless, the ambition of the current edited monograph is to cast some light on the issue
of what lies outside mainstream Islam in Maritime Southeast Asia, a wide array of
Islamic forms which may be deemed as peripheral, marginal and marginalized, radical
and ultraorthodox, or simply understudied.
Of course, this goal inevitably and immediately raises another line of inquiry –
what actually epitomizes the Islamic mainstream in Islam in Southeast Asia and what
actually lies outside it? In the first place, this is naturally very difficult to define, but
we will offer a modest explanation in order to provide some sense of what we are
trying to convey in the following pages.
Islam in Southeast Asia – some topical hard data and some historical context
Before embarking on the actual task of defining the Islamic non-mainstream in
Southeast Asia, let us try to position this territory within the Islamic world at large.
A simple review of the primary hard data is downright fascinating; size and numbers
matter and the numbers that will follow are high. Southeast Asia as a region boasts
the second-largest Muslim population in the world, with approximately 260 million
4  Ricklefs, 2006, p 162.
5  Means, 2009, pp 18–19.
6  Abuza, 2003.

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