WOMEN IN PEACE BUILDING AND

RECONSTRUCTION
A Study of Niger Delta

BY

OHAKA, KELECHI UCHE

NOU134653114

A PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF ARTS

AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY
OF NIGERIA, LAGOS
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF REQUIREMENTS FOR
THE AWARD OF POST GRADUATE DIPLOMA IN PEACE
STUDIES AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

NOVEMBER, 2014
1

DECLARATION
I,

Ohaka,

Kelechi

Uche

with

matriculation

number

NOU134653114, declared that this work is as a result of my

research effort conducted in the School of Arts and Social
Sciences, National Open University of Nigeria, under the
supervision of Mr. Kia Bariledum, and that to the best of my
knowledge and belief, it contains no materials previously
written or published by another person or material that has
been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma
of any institution of higher learning, except where due
acknowledgement has been made in the text.

OHAKA, KELECHI UCHE

NOU134653114

Signature..

Date:.
3

CERTIFICATION
This is to certify that this research project was carried out
by Ohaka, Kelechi Uche, with matriculation number
NOU134653114, under my supervision.

Supervisors Signature

Programme Leaders

Signature________________

Date:_______________________

Signature__________________

Date_____________________

Deans Signature

..
5

Date

DEDICATION
I dedicate this project work to the Almighty Father in
Heaven who gave me the Courage and Strength to complete
this project research, to National Open University of Nigeria
who gave me study guides through this programme and all
my friends and family members for standing by me during
this project research.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
First and foremost, I give thanks to the Almighty God whom
in His infinite mercy has given me the knowledge and
wisdom all through my course of study.
I like to acknowledge the role of my project supervisor, Mr.
Kia Bariledum for his time, effort and encouragement,
which motivated me to do this work. Thank you.
I also acknowledge my course mates for their good working
relationship which has made it conducive for me to study. In
particular, I thank Mr. Emaa Jaka, for assisting me and
serving as a good friend.
My sincere appreciation goes to my family members for their
moral and financial assistance as well as their constant
motivation to ensure that I achieve the best. May I also
express my love and gratitude to my dear friend Dr. Ikenna

Nwasu for his company understanding and love. May the

Lord continue to bless you all.

10

ABSTRACT
This research seeks to examine the role of women in peacebuilding and reconstruction being a study of the Niger Delta
region. Peace-building and Reconstruction has become
increasing important as a means of preventing continuing
hostilities among previously warring factions. Traditional
peace-building strategies to date have included activities that
strive to address challenges related to security, governance,
relief, development, and reconciliation with the goal of
curbing potential volatile situations from once again becoming
full-fledged conflicts. However, this study reveals that peacebuilding strategies or designs have not fully recognized the
particular needs of women and have not acknowledged the
significance of womens contributions to peace-building in
war torn communities. In the Niger Delta, women responded
to this marginalization by initiating unique peace-building
mechanisms and making space for themselves during the
process of rebuilding. This study shows that women have
played an integral role in the peace-building process in the
Niger Delta, While marginalized from traditional peacebuilding processes, womens experiences and knowledge in
peace-building and reconstruction have the potential to
contribute to an improve and more inclusive reconstruction
and peace-building design that may result in increased
effectiveness for a culture of peace globally. The study also
made recommendations for greater participation of women in
peace-building and reconstruction in Africa and Niger Delta in
particular, as this will go a long way to build an all-inclusive
peace-building mechanism and a sustainable culture of
peace.

11

12

TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGES
Title Page

Declaration

ii

Certification

iii

Dedication

iv

Acknowledgement

Abstract

vi

Table of Content

vii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1

Background of Study

1.2

Statement of Problem

1.3

Significance of Study

1.4

Limitation and Problems of the Study

1.5

Methodology

1.6

Operational Definition of Terms

10

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

13

2.1

History of Peace-Building

16

2.2

Women and Gender Equality in Peace-Building 16

2.3 Women Participation in Conflict

21

2.4

Women and Post-Conflict Peace-Building

24

2.5

Obstacles to the Involvement of Women in

Peace-Building

27

2.5.1 Lack of Sustainability in Political Participation 27

2.5.2 Lack of Resources (Materials and Financial)

28

2.5.3 Lack of Experience, Exposure and Skills in

Negotiation

28

2.5.4 Lack of Political Strength and Vision

28

2.5.5 Cultural Restrictions

30

2.5.6 Wrong Perception of Women Activities

31

2.5.7 Educational Disempowerment

31

2.5.8 Gender Stereotype

32

2.5.9 Source of Negotiation Team

32

2.6

2.7

Women and Peace-Building in Pre-colonial

African Societies

33

Women Initiatives in Conflict Resolution and

14

2.8

Peace-Building in the Niger Delta

39

Gender Dynamics in Conflict Situation

48

CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1

Introduction

61

3.2

Data Collection Techniques

61

3.3

Sampling and Stratification

62

3.4

Area of Study

63

CHAPTER

FOUR:

THE

ROLE

OF

WOMEN

IN

THE

INTERVENTION OF VARIOUS CASES OF CONFLICT IN THE

NIGER DELTA

4.1

Ekunuga Womens Association Abua/Odual 66

4.2

Ogbakiri Womens Peace-Building/Prayer Group 36

4.3

Umuechem Oilfield and the Umuechem

Community

75

Escravos Oilfields and the Ugborode

Community in Delta State

78

4.4

CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1

Conclusion

80

15

5.2

Recommendations

81

Bibliography

47

Appendix

49

16

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
In a world marred by conflict and violence, peace-building
and reconstruction are becoming increasingly important as
a means of preventing continuing hostilities. Peace-building
missions and efforts have focused on emphasizing such
factors as security and governance to prevent these
potentially volatile situations from erupting into full-fledged
conflicts.

This

approach,

however,

has

neglected

the

gendered dimensions of peace-building and reconstruction.

That is, it does not recognize the particular needs of women
during the peace-building phase, nor does it acknowledge
their role in contributing to effective peace-building and
reconstruction. It is this vacuum that this research
addresses. The objective of this study is to demonstrate that
despite the absence of women in the architecture of peace17

building design, they still play an integral role in the peacebuilding process.
The Niger Delta region is made up of states of the Nigerian
federation namely Abia, Akwa Iborn, Beyelsa, Cross River,
Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers states, and has diverse
ethnic group speaking about 250 dialects spreading in
about 5,000 communities (Olorede 2000, Rajietal, 2000).
The Niger Delta region of Nigeria has been embroiled in
crisis between the government forces and some militant
that has the root of the problem is a crisis of under
development.
The belief that woman should be at the center of peacebuilding and resolution process, is not based on essentialist
definition of gender (Lisa & Manjinka 2005). Women play
important roles in the process of peace building first as
activist, and advocates for peace.

18

The role of women in reconstruction and peace-building is

multidimensional. First, women's participation is conceived
as an issue of equitable representation, for legitimate
reconstruction requires an inclusive and participatory
process, and thus is part of a reform process in which
decision-making power is transferred to every citizen on the
basis of equality. Second, it is frequently argued that women
bring gender perspectives to the substance of negotiations.
"Women's representation at the negotiating table is the sine
qua non of gender equality and inclusion," says Graca
Machel in the secretary-general's report on children in
armed conflict.

According to Swanee Hunt of the Women

Waging Peace program at Harvard University, "Common

sense

dictates

that

women

should

be

central

to

peacemaking, where they can bring their experience in

reconstruction to bear."

As such, women are expected to

articulate and negotiate favorable terms for women and

19

gender equality based on their experiences as single heads

of households, community leaders, humanitarian and social
workers, and peace activists.
Some claim an even more substantial role for women.
Noeleen Heyzer, executive director of UNIFEM, states,
"Women's commitment to peace also remains critical to
ensuring the sustainability of peace agreements signed by
political and military factions." It is thus no accident that
Resolution 1325 places a strong emphasis on the increased
representation of women in peace-related functions. Onethird of the eighteen-article resolution is devoted to
measures

that

peacemaking,

increase

peace

women's

negotiations,

participation
and

in

peacekeeping

operations, and as special representatives and envoys of the

secretary-general.
Yet the premise of women's participation as an introduction
to gender equality and sustainable peace agreements has
20

not been tested; it is not backed by empirical evidence. In

fact, the short- to medium-term results of many peace
processes point to the contrary: women continue to be
discriminated against and marginalized in postwar society.
In Kosovo, despite the introduction of 30 percent electoral
quotas for women, only 8.2 percent of those elected to the
Municipal Assemblies in the October 2000 elections were
women. In Burundi, despite the historic convention of the
All-Party Women's Conference in July 2000 in which two
women from each of nineteen political parties participating
in

peace

negotiations,

formulated

women's

recommendations, and managed to incorporate twentythree of them into the final peace agreement, conferencegoers could not agree on which one delegate would
represent them at the accord signing. To date, the role of
women in the implementation of the accord has been
minimal.

In

Guatemala,

Cambodia,

and

Bosnia-

21

Herzegovina, women's representation in parliament has

decreased from prewar levels. With international financial
institutions advocating the downsizing of the civil service,
women are often the last and the least favored in obtaining
public sector employment.
Even upon quick inspection, these shortcomings may not be
accountable to women and their role at the peace table.
Patriarchic

traditions,

gender-discriminatory

state

structures, the lack of incentives on the part of fighting

parties to commit to peace processes, or the unavailability
of national and international resources to implement
agreements may be beyond the scope of what women can
bring to the peace process. What is, then, the exact nature
and impact of "contributions" that women bring to the
peace process? Is it the creation of a reconciliatory
environment for negotiated settlements, or has it influenced
the political processes in which peace agreements are
22

implemented? And if evidence does support that women's

participation
transformation,

in

peace
which

processes
entails

promotes

gender

equality

social
and

sustainable peace, what would be the mechanism of such

change?
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Woman have been victims of gender based discriminatory
practices and economic crisis. It is a fact that woman are
regarded as inferior to men in the society. They have the
responsibility not only for food production, but also for
providing, water, health, child care and the likes that the
country needs.
Womens involvement in peace building and reconstruction
is not just an issue for women, but also for men. The point
is to improve life for all people. Towards that end, men have

23

to see the direct benefit of engaging women in peace talks,

something male leaders are critical in helping to explain.
Moving forward globally in an effective and efficient manner,
women will need to play a pivotal role in the security and
peace-building in this new century.
Furthermore, The United Nation resolution 1325 calls for
action to reverse the egregious and inhumane treatment of
women and girls during conflicts, the denial of their human
rights

and

their

exclusion

from

decision-making

in

situations of armed conflict, in peacemaking and peacebuilding and reconstruction. It is upon this clarion call that
this research seeks to evaluate the role of women in peacebuilding and reconstruction: A case study of the Niger
Delta.

1.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

24

This research is intended to be of use to peace keepers and

peace builders all over the world. This is so because it will
discuss the techniques that the Niger Delta woman
employed in their effort to bring peace to their communities.
These techniques could be of use to other parts of the
world. Also this research can also be of great use to
students of peace and reconstruction studies.
This research work is also important because it brings
together

information

about

womens

efforts

and

contributions to peace building and reconstruction in Niger

Delta and provides a holistic view of traditional peace
building in terms of their neglect of the role of women in the
process. Furthermore, it suggests that a more inclusive
approach to peace building could prove more successful
than the practices currently utilized.
It is also expected that this research will potentially be
beneficial to diplomats because diplomacy is mostly about
25

negotiation. This study will seek to explore ways women can

contribute to peace building in the country. By analyzing
them in conference, workshops, and drafting program of
action to alleviate them
1.4 LIMITATION AND PROBLEMS OF THE STUDY
No research work of the magnitude of this study is complete
without certain problems. As a result the researcher
encountered certain problem in carrying out this study.
1.

Time constraint: The shortness of the time allowed

2.

for completion of this research posed a great problem.

Attitude of respondent: The uncompromising
attitude of some of the respondents had a negative
effect on this work. Inspite of this problem, the
researcher tried to generate useful, relevant and
sufficient data for the purpose of this study.

1.5 METHODOLOGY

26

This research examined the role of women in peace building

and reconstruction, using the Niger Delta as a case study.It
uses a qualitative approach, examining data collected from
both primary and secondary sources. The study employed
the key informant and focus group discussion approaches
to the collection of data. Through personal contact in
known conflict areas, it was possible to interview some
groups who had participated in peace building. An interview
schedule was prepared to guide the discussion. Individuals,
groups and government organizations were contacted.
Within the limits of time, data for the study was drawn from
four basic studies listed below.

To increase the scope

covered, the study also utilized data from previous studies.

i)
ii)
iii)
iv)
1.5

Ekunuga Womens Association

Ogbakiri Womens Peace Forum/ Prayer Group.
Women in Umuechem Community.
Women in Ugborode Community.
OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS:

27

Reconstruction: This helps the post conflict society to

have on opportunity through rebuilding of social
infrastructures that were destroyed as a result of the
bloody

conflict

if

there

are

no

essential

social

amenities, it can regenerate a conflict situation, a let

should be done to stop conflict in the society.

Peace building: peace building is the process of
creating self-supporting structures that remove causes
of wars. It is also the process and activities involved in
resolving

violent

conflict

and

establishing

sustainable peace.
The concept of gender: Gender refers to the socially
constructed roles and responsibilities of woman and
men. Which include the characteristics, aptitudes and
likely behavior of both men and women.

28

CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 HISTORY OF PEACE-BUILDING
Few global efforts possess such significant promise for
improving the quality of life in post-conflict areas as peacebuilding. It has its roots in peacekeeping, the process
whereby the international community, namely the United
Nations, sought to keep warring parties at bay. While
peacekeeping initially involved only maintaining the peace
between warring states, it evolved to also include civil
conflicts. (Tom Keating and Francis K. Abiew, International
Journal, Vol. 55, Iss.1 (Winter 1999/2000), 3.)However, as
the complexities and social repercussions of civil conflicts
became apparent, peacekeeping took on a wider range of
tasks. These more comprehensive missions to install peace
and forestall a return to violence became commonly referred

29

to as peace-building.(Ibid. )In the post-cold war period of

the 1990s peace-building missions gained prevalence as
numerous civil wars raged around the globe accounting for
94 per cent of all armed conflicts during this period.( Robert
Paris, (2004), 1.) Regarding the civilian loss of life during
this period, Roland Paris notes an estimated 90 percent
of those killed in armed conflicts were civilians. During this
period fourteen peace-building missions were deployed by
the United Nations to a variety of war-shattered countries,
including three in Latin America: Nicaragua in 1989, El
Salvador in 1991, and Guatemala in 1997. The peacebuilding

field

experienced

extensive

growth

and

development with these early trial missions with the

establishment

of

implementation

frameworks,

peace-

building centers, and the involvement of non-governmental

organizations (NGOs). Despite the fact that it has been
almost two decades since peace-building missions were first

30

inaugurated

current

missions

are

still

considered

experimental because they are prone to breakdowns and

seldom proceed as planned.
Paris offers a discussion of the origins of peace-building in
At Wars End: Building Peace After Civil Conflict. He states
that prior to the end of the Cold War the United Nations had
opted for a lesser role in the domestic politics of countries.
However, as conditions changed with the end of the Cold
War, the United Nations became more inclined to respond to
the demand for new multilateral peace operations. While
some operations still resembled traditional peacekeeping
missions (with tasks that included verifying cease-fires and
troop movements), other missions were more complex and
comprised of less familiar tasks. For example, the United
Nations

first

post-conflict

peace-building

mission

in

Namibia (1989) consisted of monitoring the conduct of local

police, disarming former fighters, and preparing the country
31

for its first democratic election tasks not traditionally

performed by the United Nations. New to the United Nations
included supervising democratic elections, assisting in the
preparation of new national constitutions, providing human
rights training and in one case (Cambodia)temporarily
taking over the administration of an entire country.( Paris,
At

Wars

End,

16-17.)Paris

further

notes

that

the

complexities of these peace-building missions required that

the United Nations partner with other international actors
to help countries rebuild post-conflict. These organizations
include, but are not limited to, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, the United Nations Development Program, the
Organization of American States, the European Union, the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the
International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and various
international nongovernmental organizations. (Paris, At
Wars End, 18-19.)Generally, the United Nations peace-

32

building missions to date were deployed after the signing of

formal peace accords or agreements that have warring
factions laying down their arms and agreeing to some form
of a truce and a strategy for future power sharing, usually
the formation of political parties and the contesting of
elections. These peace agreements typically mark the formal
end of an armed struggle and symbolize the participation of
belligerents in a political process. However, Ho-Won Jeong,
author of Peace-building in Post conflict Societies: Strategies
and Process, warns that peace agreements do not always
satisfy all parties, peace agreements do not simply mark
the end of an old conflict, and sometimes they contain the
seeds of their own destruction. Therefore, depending on the
particular context, there have been occasions when peacebuilding missions have been allowed to operate before and
during peace accord processes.

33

2.2 WOMEN

AND

GENDER

EQUALITY

IN

PEACE

PROCESSES
To ensure that women and their "common agenda" are
represented

at

organizations,
increasingly
informal

the

peace

donors,
supporting

dialogues

for

and

table,
civil

the

society

reconstruction
women,

UN,

and

regional

alike

are

training

and

brokering

their

participation in official negotiations. Owing to such external

interventions,

women

were

made

party

to

official

negotiations in Burundi (2000), Afghanistan (2001-2002),

and the Inter-Congolese Dialogues (2001-2002). Through
these forums, women's groups have proposed issues that
they wish to see incorporated in peace agreements. Their
proposals often include:
(i)

Statutory guarantee of women's rights and equal

treatment;

34

(ii)

A minimum 30 percent quota for women in decision

making processes;
(iii) Special measures ensuring the safe return and
reintegration of displaced women;
(iv) Women's rights to property ownership and inheritance;

(v)

and
The end of impunity to the perpetrators of genderbased crimes.

In Burundi, Northern Ireland, and Guatemala, women have

managed to incorporate some of these proposals into final
peace agreements, making each more progressive and
inclusive of political commitments toward women.
These are, however, in and of themselves measures to
promote women, not gender equality. By definition, gender
refers to a socially constructed designation of women and
men, their roles in a culture-specific context, and the
relationship between the two sexes. In wartime, gender
relations become even more complex when "women's and
35

men's gender identities and behavior fluctuate and change

in response to external forces, including armed conflict."
Thus, the "standpoint" approach categorizing women as
concrete actors or a category excluded from the governing
apparatus and thereby emphasizing the commonality of
women and their "experiences," fails to take into account
the diverse identities, needs, and responses of war-affected
women and men. In the Balkans, for instance, women's
groups and their external supporters were vocally critical of
the absence of women in the Dayton process, but they have
not explored with the same rigor the gender impact of the
ethnic partitions model employed for Bosnia-Herzegovina
and in Kosovo. Women of minority or interracial marriages
often

experience

double

discrimination

in

partitioned

societies, as outsiders to the community and as women.

One of the Serbian women in Kosovo testified that they
(women) fear for their safety constantly; their houses are
36

burned, and they receive no support from the community or

from outside. As such, when there is inequality in political,
social, and/or economic conditions among groups, there
likely exists gender inequality, both intragroup (menwomen) and intergroup (for example, Hutu women-Tutsi
women in Rwanda).
Such underlying power relations in war-tom societies are
key to not only post conflict gender equality but also the
sustainability of peace, as post conflict power-sharing
arrangements that do not correspond to the structural base
of power would face enormous difficulty in implementing
peace agreements. Hence, the main task of reconstruction
and peace-building from a gender perspective is to carry out
structural reforms that promote intergroup and intragroup
equality both institutionally and within structural power
relations. To build sustainable peace after prolonged and
protracted conflict, "the task is not only to broker a formula
37

for postwar power-sharing and to return the economy of

peacetime conditions, but to establish the basic structures
within

which

these

processes

are

to

take

place.

Mainstreaming a gender perspective (vis-a-vis women's) in

this

process

requires

"the

process

of

assessing

the

implications for women and men of any planned action,

including legislation, policies or programs, in any area and
at all levels."
One can posit, therefore, that gender equality in post
conflict peace-building is contingent upon
i)

The

institutional

framework

of

post

conflict

ii)

governance, including power-sharing arrangements;

The structural base of power relations in society, such
as class, clan, and other forms of group membership,
from which the gender interface cannot be constructed

iii)

independently; and
International support for gender mainstreaming in
peace-building.
38

The incorporation of a 30 percent quota for women in peace

agreements

is part of

the

post conflict

institutional

framework, while the structural base of power continues to

dictate gender relations in households, communities, and
decision making processes in many of the postwar societies.
International support for peace-building often encompasses
a transition to a market economy and liberal democracy.
2.3 WOMEN PARTICIPATION IN CONFLICT
Womens participation and experiences in and of conflict
can be analyzed at three levels. That is, in the personal
sphere where they experience and participate in conflict as
individuals, in the private sphere where they experience
conflict as mothers and wives and in the public sphere
where they interface with societal structures that limit their
participation in decision making processes and peace
building mechanisms. It is important to note that women
have been active combatants in armed conflict.
39

For instance, war was one activity in which women of preIslamic and early Islamic Arabia participated fully. They
were present on the battlefield principally to tend the
wounded and to encourage the men, often with song and
verse... Some women also fought. In the Muslim battles of
Muhammad's lifetime, women functioned in all three roles,
on both sides -- even Muhammad's wives.
Further to that, women face various impacts of conflict. It is
because of these impacts that resolution 1325 of the United
Nations was passed to address the particular problems
women face in conflict zones. The significance of the
resolution is captured well by Forman Gayle8 (2005) who
reported that
United

Nations

resolutions

don't

usually

warrant birthday commemorations, but

October

30,

women

from

three

on

war-torn

regions--Afghanistan, Kosovo and East Timor-honored the first anniversary of Resolution

40

1325, . by testifying before the Security

Council. Their stories, which were imbued with
new

urgency

by

the

current

crisis

in

Afghanistan, described a variety of abuses they

and their countrywomen suffer on a daily
basis. Sexual exploitation, in the form of rape,
trafficking,

forced

prostitution

and

early

marriage, has become as commonplace in

modern conflicts as mines and sniper fire, as
Haxhere Veseili, a 21-year-old from Kosovo,
attested. "Thousands of children have been
born of rape. I have friends who were raped,"
she said. "I know other girls who have relations
with peacekeepers just so they can have some
safety. Other young women exchange sex for
money."
While entire communities suffer the consequences of armed
conflict and terrorism, women and girls are particularly
affected because of their status in society and their sex.
Parties to conflict often rape women with impunity,
sometimes using systematic rape as a tactic of war and
41

terrorism. The impact of the violence against women and

violation of the human rights of women in such situations is
experienced by women of all ages, who suffer displacement,
loss

of

home

and

property,

loss

or

involuntary

disappearances of close relatives, poverty and family

separation and disintegration, and who are victims of acts
of murder, terrorism, torture, involuntary disappearance,
sexual slavery, rape, sexual abuse and forced pregnancy in
situations of armed conflict, especially as a result of policies
of ethnic cleansing and other new and emerging forms of
violence. This is coupled by the life-long social, economic
and psychologically traumatic consequences of armed
conflict and foreign occupation and alien domination
(FWCW Platform for Action: Women and Armed Conflict,
paragraph 135).
2.4 WOMEN AND POST CONFLICT PEACE BUILDING

42

Boutros (1992) defines the term peace building as ranging

from specific task that might derive from a comprehensive
peace agreement. Such as helping to disarm the parties,
canton troops and holds or destroy weapons. Also kofi Anan
(1997)
Defines peace building as the various concurrent and
integrated actions undertaken at the end of a conflict to
consolidate

and

prevent

recurrence

of

armed

confrontation.
During the past few years, there has been an increasing
recognition by government international organization and
civil society of the importance of gender equality and
empowerment of women in the continuing struggle for
equality, democracy and human rights, as well as the
poverty eradication and development (el_bushra 2000).

43

A great challenge facing the world today is the growing

violence against women and girls in armed conflict. In
todays conflict, they are not only the victims of hardship,
displacement and warfare; they are directly targeted with
rape,

forced

pregnancies

and

assault

as

deliberate

instruments of war. Women are deeply affected by conflicts,

which they have had no role creating
The belief that women should be at the center of peace
building and reconstruction processes is not based on
essential list definitions of gender (Lisa & Manjrika 2005).
The field of sociology makes a distinction between sex and
gender. It is important to know that preventing a war is
entirely different than resolving one once it has begun. In
order to prevent conditions that give rise to violent conflict
form coalescing, capable societies much be created. These
societies are characterized by three components:
(i)

Security
44

(ii)
(iii)

Well-being
Justice for its entire citizen including its women.

According to Luke (2002), womens roles in promoting these

three cause provide examples of their activities towards
preventing the emergence, speed or renewal of mass
violence.
Women play important roles in the process of peace
building, first as activists and advocate for peace, women
wage conflict nonviolently by pursuing democracy and
human right. Secondly as peace keepers and relief aid
workers, women contribute to reducing direct violence.
Thirdly, as mediator, trauma healing counselors, and policy
makers, women work to transform relationship and address
the root of violence. Lastly as educators and participants in
the development process, women contribute to building the
capacity of their communities and nations to prevent violent
conflict. This is made possible as a result of socialization

45

processes and the historical experience of unequal relations

and values that women bring to the process of peace
building (Lisa & Manjrika, 2005).
2.5 OBSTACLES TO THE INVOLVEMENT OF WOMAN IN
PEACE PROCESS
As seen in the examples of the effect of the Niger Delta oil
crisis on women, the language of agreement was very weak
and it deprived women of a political space where they could
also contribute to the building of peace. Women are
generally defined as members of vulnerable groups, together
with the elderly and handicapped. The following are
challenges faced by women in the quest to participate in
Niger Delta crisis:
2.5.1 Lack of Sustainability in Political Participation
Lack of sustainability is one challenge the Niger Delta
women face today, because once a peace process is over,
46

women often return to more traditional activities, losing

their gains and public presence, these losses makes it very
difficult for women to return to the public state later when
resolution begins.
2.5.2

Lack of Resources (Materials and Financial)

Some of these womens group lacks the means to back up

their actions. Most times they are unable to get across to
the media network to help enhance their peace campaign,
because they do not have a budget for multi-dimensional
activities they usually work on a voluntary basis at the
grassroots levels, pooling their own resources together to get
an office, desk and phone line.
2.5.3 Lack of Experience, Exposure and Skills in Negotiation

Many women have always been kept secluded from the

political arena and sphere of decision-making. In many
situations they are unable to participate.

47

2.5.4

Lack of Political Strength and Vision

Many women suffer from political illiteracy, they also lack

and ideological frame work that could give room for a strong
position that is adopted by some women (Rono 2000)
womens involvement in peace-building and reconstruction:
in Niger Delta: women played active role in disarmament,
demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of armed group in
rivers state from October 2004 July 2005. A combination of
academic association peace works (led by Dr Judith Asuni)
and our Niger Delta (OND) officers worked with the River
state rehabilitation committee chaired by Priscilla Vikue
planned and executed the 2005 DDR project in Rivers State.
For instance, Chief Priscilla Vikue started a technical
training programmed at the approved school, Borikiri where
over seven hundred young men were trained in new skills.
The wife of then River State Governor, Justice Mary Odili
(JCA) established the adolescent project (TAP) to ethically

48

rehabilitate,

morally

reorientation

and

economically

empower the adolescent of rivers states.(TAP) is perhaps the

most visible programmed on employment generation and
poverty alleviation in the state. For instance, estimates
indicate the TAP empowered 550,000 women and youth
through various skills acquisition training, and provided
them with equipment to practice their skills. Shortcomings
of the state government initiatives include that the real poor
are rarely selected; rather party loyalists have more access
than others do, while a comprehensive participatory
capacity

needs

assessment

study

of

beneficiaries

to

determine their capacity building requirements was not

conducted.

Government

determined

to

address

the

intractable militia and cult relate violence appointed the

Rivers state peace and rehabilitation committee and made
entreaties to youth involved in gangsterism and hostage

49

taking to renounce such acts by offering one million naira

to any of them that did so to start a new business.
2.5.5 Cultural Restrictions
Women

have

been

confined

and

prevented

from

participating in public life, in conformity with dictates of

tradition, culture and religion. This also extends to
reconstruction and peace building processes. This is
because most reconstruction and peace building processes
occur far away from original abode of the women and
sometimes last for weeks or even months. The peculiar
function of women as mothers and home managers further
jeopardize their involvement in reconstruction and peace
building process, as their reproductive role is used to
undermine their productive roles.
2.5.6

Wrong Perception of Women Activities

50

Women

conciliatory

activities,

beginning

from

home

manifests in peace and stability at both the family and

societal levels. However, this is not considered as political
issue as women are often seen as lacking the ability to
exhibit

much

needed

diplomacy

associated

with

reconstruction and peace building, hence their constant

exclusion by the men folks.
2.5.7 Educational Disempowerment
In most communities, educating the girl child is frowned at.
Thus, women are largely uneducated and uninformed, and
for

sustainable

reconstruction

and

peace

building

process, background of issues that erupted into the conflict

has to be articulated and addressed. In this situation,
women mostly are found wanton and excluded on the basis
that they lack appreciation of the issues. This of course is
unjustifiable as women understand war and bear the brunt
more than any other species.
51

However,

women

being

victim

of

conflict

is

not

to

understand the intricate issues of conflict eruption.

2.5.8 Gender Stereotype
The society arbitrarily attached roles on the basis of gender
and sex. As a result of this role sharing, managing the
home front and giving care etc. are for the women while
leadership, governance and protection of the society is
exclusively allotted to men. So the women have no business
in

discussions

concerning

reconstruction

and

peace

building, which is directly linked to sustainable governance.

2.5.9

Source of Negotiation Team

At the levels of reconstruction and peace building, the

negotiating team is usually drawn from the high echelon of
the political class. In reality, very few women in the Niger
Delta belong to this class due to the patriarchal nature of
our society.

52

This

low

involvement

marginalization

of

of

women

women
in

in

issues

politics
that

facilitate

border

on

reconstruction and peace building in the region

2.6 WOMEN AND PEACE-BUILDING IN PRE-COLONIAL
AFRICAN SOCIETIES:
Women in different pre-colonial African societies had
traditional peacemaking and peace-building roles as they
were involved in mediating and preventing conflict within
and between societies. Womens peace agency in these
societies, and also their cultural and socio-political roles
and contributions to the overall well-being

of these

societies, were rooted in ubuntu. These roles were reinforced

by

perceptions

which

stereotyped

women

as

natural

peacemakers, as being more pacific than men, and often

symbolized as paragons of morality, sacredness, goodness
and tenderness. Thus in most pre-colonial societies, virtues
of patience, tolerance, humility and subtle persuasiveness
53

were seen as essentially female attributes which were

reinforced through socialization patterns that promote
women primarily as child-bearers, good wives, caregivers,
arbitrators of conflict and peace promoters in the family and
community (UNESCO 2003:8). For example, according to
Ntahobari and Ndayiziga (2003), in traditional Burundian
society, women were considered to be bridge-builders and
symbols

of

unity

between

different

families,

clans,

communities and ethnic groups through the institution of

marriage. Accordingly, girls were socialised from an early
age to be open-minded, adaptable and tolerant (Ntahobari
and Ndayiziga 2003:20). This was the case in other societies
such as in Nigeria, Cameroon, Namibia, Somalia and
Tanzania (Awe 1977; Ngongo-Mbede 2003; Becker 2003;
Mohammed 2003; Lihamba 2003). In these societies,
women

were

expected

to

embody

such

virtues

as

compassion, patience, discretion, gentleness, modesty and

54

self-control, which though they were considered inherent in

womanhood, required reinforcement through upbringing, so
that

women

(Ntahobari

could
and

fulfill

Ndayiziga

their

role

as

2003:20).

peacemakers

For

instance,

Mohammed (2003:103) records that in periods of conflict

amongst the Somalis, there were times when a group of
young, unmarried women (known as Heerin) from one of the
warring clans paid visits to the opposing clan without the
knowledge or consent of their families.
According to him, on arrival, the Heerin told the people that
they were unmarried women, and that they wanted to be
married and because this was a well-known tradition, the
young women were welcomed, and preparations were made
to ensure that they were married. This immediately
stabilised the situation and set in motion a peace process
that

eventually

resolved

the

conflict

(Mohammed

2003:103). This kind of peace approach was only possible

55

and successful because of the moral authority women were

granted. They also often used these qualities and authority
to mediate in disagreements between men by advising their
husbands to toe the line of peace knowing that the
consequences of violent conflict would especially be borne
by them (the women). Such is the potency of this moral
authority that women in post-colonial Africa have utilized
them to wage peace in the DRC, Sierra Leone, Liberia,
Guinea, Burundi and South Africa.
Barring being essentialist, women have continually drawn
on the moral authority granted to them by virtue of their
being mothers, as creators of life, to call for peace
throughout Africa (Mazurana and McKay 1999:20).
Traditionally, women in pre-colonial African societies were
peace agents. According to Nwoye (no date), women engaged
in peace-building through positive childcare, responsible
mothering and nurturing of children in ways that prepared
56

and socialised them towards peaceful co-existence. In most

pre-colonial societies, a culture of peace, tolerance and an
anti-war tradition are embedded in and transmitted through
folktales, proverbs, poetry, songs and dance. Traditionally,
women are often seen as the transmitters of these cultural
values to their progeny and to future generations through
such artistic expressions.
Women in pre-colonial societies also engaged actively in
conflict mediation. As mentioned before, age was an
important social base of political power in these societies
and respect was given to the elderly in general, and to
elderly women in particular.
For instance, Nwoye (no date) reveals from the findings of
her study on women and the peace process in six precolonial African states that the elderly woman was
respected by all, and played a key role in crisis management
and reconstruction. This was the case amongst the Tuburs
57

in Cameroon, for example, where the Wog Clu (old women)

were solely responsible for conflict mediation and were
consulted on problems which disturbed communal peace
(Ngongo-Mbede 2003:32). Thus, as Nwoye (no date) argues,
when a conflict degenerated into armed violence, an appeal
would usually be made to a third party of mature years to
calm the tension and reconcile the combatants. Such an
appeal for mediation was usually made to a woman who
enjoyed the consideration and respect of all who knew her.
In the same vein, because of the sanctity attached to
womanhood, women, mostly elderly women, were used as
peace envoys to facilitate peace negotiations (Mohammed
2003; Lihamba 2003). This was only possible because
during war women were the only ones who could move
across the zones of conflict freely and without much danger
and as such were used by warring parties to study the
situation, assess the prospects for peace, and facilitate
58

contact and communication between the two warring

parties.
Also, amongst the Beti, Mangissa and the Eton in
Cameroon, the Mbabi was a common purification rite aimed
at restoring peace, and women frequently engaged in it both
for peace, community building and development.
This is also consistent with the purification rituals (uutoni),
which women in Northern Namibia performed on soldiers
returning from war. The idea was to cleanse them of the
guilt and consequences of spilling blood during war, which
if not done would have adverse effects for social harmony,
peace and stability in their societies (see Becker 2003).
2.7 WOMEN INITIATIVES IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION
AND PEACE BUILDING IN THE NIGER DELTA
Protests, be it (violent and nonviolent) in the Niger Delta do
not occur in a vacuum, they arise as a result of economic
59

exploitation

and

the

social

injustice

meted

on

the

inhabitants of the host communities of this region. In most

cases according to Ogege (2007), they are violent outcome to
articulate the desires of the people while expressing their
heart-felt displeasure against the economic repression and
criminal neglect of the oil producing areas by the federal
government as well as the multinational oil companies. The
formsof protest includes the halting of oil production,
prevention of construction work, damage to property,
sabotage, theft and hostage taking (Kubeuinje & Nezianya,
1999, Jike 2004).
There exists a relationship between the exploration and upstream activities of the oil companies and the experience of
the people in the respective host communities in the region.
It is a known fact that there is a gross level of deprivation
and violation of socio-economic rights of inhabitants of the
host communities. The impact of these hardships is more
60

visible on the women because apart from the social services

they render as result of their gender role, the woman is the
food provider and care taker of the children, her spouse and
vulnerable dependant relatives within her household. In
addition to this, women are involved in farming, fishing,
food processing, and marketing etc in the rural setting of
the host communities (Igube, 2007).
The life of the woman in the rural communities naturally
revolves around these activities; it is the core of their
livelihood

(Ijere,

1999).

As

result

environmental

degradation by oil companies in the regions, the economic

activities and means of subsistence of inhabitants especially
women are adversely affected.
Women in the Niger Delta have contributed individually and
jointly with their male counterparts for the resolution of the
incessant disturbances that often arise in the Niger Delta.

61

However, it is commendable to note that it is non-violent

strategies that are always adopted by the women in the
quest for social justice. In an attempt to register their
displeasures, women have used a variety of resistance forms
such as dancing and singing, demonstration and strikes,
testimonies and silence, cultural specific responses like
stripping

naked,

participating

in

refusing
women's

to

change

meeting

and

work

routine,

struggling

to

maintain their daily routines amidst the chaos and violence

that surrounds them (WARDC, 2006).
The role of women in mobilizing for social justice being a
dimension of peace building in the Niger Delta represents a
significant development. In the past, elders and young
males have been the arrowhead of communal struggle
against the oil companies. These demonstrations often
times end in violent confrontations. The testimony of the
Niger Delta women of the Ogoni region at the Oputa Panel
62

set up by the federal government in 1999 gave a scary

picture and provides a troubling example of the extent
women suffered, being at the receiving end of the several
conflicts that have characterized the region. The women
became widows, they were sexually assaulted, raped and
became a weapon of conflict in the hands of the ethnic
militia and the Nigeria security forces who were supposed to
protect citizens from both internal and external invasions.
The Niger Delta women have embarked on series of
initiatives and had truce with the foreign oil explorers, who
on their own part reneged on their agreement with the
women. In the Delta State experience, the role of women
may be seen in their mobilization to take actions that may
in turn cause a conflict. In most cases, when thing are
getting out of hand, women carry out peaceful actions to
provoke a reaction on the responsible parties to correct the
perceived anomalies.
63

In several occasions, the enormity of the circumstances

forces the women to match around town naked to protest on
injustice or the other, and at times these actions may then
result in a major conflict. It is also known that women tends
to discourage their husband's sons and brothers from
taking part in conflicts to enable them pursue their
businesses unhindered as they are in most cases the
'breadwinners' in the area.
The role played by the Ugborodo and Gbaramatu women of
Delta State, over the alleged illegal occupation of the oil rich
area by the multinational oil Companies, (Okpowo, 2002)
shows the possibility of a meaningful resolution of conflict,
an enduring intervention and post conflict reconstruction. It
reveals the role of women as critical stakeholders in conflict
situation and that survival is no longer only a male
concern.

64

Women's struggle for liberation in Warri for instance, was

seen in their efforts towards using a non-violent approach
in resolving the various conflicts. The Ugborodu women's
invasion of the Chevron/Texaco Escravos tank in July, 2002
was historic in different ramifications. This was followed
suit by the women of Gbaramatu. In both cases, the effect
of oil exploration had produced debilitating effects on the
people traditional occupation - fishing and farming.
The land has become unproductive and only deep-sea
fishing which is very expensive and cumbersome is available
to the people. The multinational companies in both cases
mainly Shell, Chevron/Texaco and Elf treated the people
and the environment with utmost disregard and neglect
(Jike, 2002; Ogege, 2007a).
The invasion took several fascinating forms while it was
hidden from the male folks; it involved a period of
prayer/fasting. On the appointed day, the women from both
65

communities divided themselves into groups and took over

the Escavos tank and the Chevron flow stations. While this
was going on, another group of women drawn from the
three major ethnic groups in the Niger Delta staged a
peaceful protest in front of Shell Petroleum Development
Company headquarters in Warri, singing, dancing and
preventing personnel and vehicles' movements in and out of
the complex. It was a peaceful protest but the women were
dispersed violently when they were swooped on by the
repressive security agents (mobile policemen) of the state
(Adekunbi, 2002).
The doggedness of the women to pursue their action
became very problematic for Chevron management that
both parties had to engage in discussion that lasted for
eleven days. Although the process of negotiation was quite
knotty, the women did not end their invasion until they were
sure that their demands were addressed by a Memorandum
66

of Understanding (MOU). The signing of the five years MOU

between the Ugborodo community and Chevron marked a
watershed in the agitation spearheaded by the women.
The community representatives, Chevron management and
the government of Delta State jointly signed the MOU,
imposed demand on the oil company and the Ugborodo
community. Three years after the signing of the MOU,
nothing happened in terms of implementation of those
demands.
The

socioeconomic

conditions

of

the

people

further

worsened in spite of the existence of the agreement. In other

to redress this non-implementation of the MOU, renewed
agitation arose and this culminated in the protest of
February 2005 by the Ugborodo women. This time however,
the women were confronted and viciously resisted by the
security forces. They were beaten, tortured and brutalized
by the armed policemen and soldiers unlike in 2002 when
67

they were treated with kid gloves for eleven days. As a result
of the difficulties Chevron faced in keeping the MOU on
track, due to the severe ethnic crises on its business, it
engaged other stakeholders and this lead to the emergence
of a new Global Memorandum of Understanding (GMOU).
The new GMOU, in 2005 was an outcome of the community
engagement and stakeholder consultation, anchored on
multi-lateral relationship and requires all stakeholders to
jointly do things in their benefits.
Similar situation occurred in Port Harcourt, River State like
the Warri case in Delta State. In that of Port Harcourt, no
MOU was signed. The major causes of the conflict in Port
Harcourt include the desire to share the proceeds of the
natural crude resources in the area. The fight and struggle
got worst as a result of the general poverty in the land. For
women to demonstrate their hatred for violent conflict in the
area there was protest against the move to start any violent
68

conflict or stop the conflict. The non-violent approach of the

women was for the Ogoni women to protest through March
to the Rivers State house of Assembly in April 2005 against
the moves to revive the suspended Andoni/Ogoni crisis.
There was also protest/rally by the Kalabari women to
speak against violent conflict in the area in 2004 and 2005.
In the light of the above, it is seen that women have
successfully intervened in non-violent manners for clean
environment

and

resource

control

following

extreme

pollution of their waters and lands by the activities of the

multinational

oil

companies

which

pose

not

only

environmental and health hazards but a threat to the

economic life and survival of the people.
A case in point explained above was the Escravos women
referred to as "The Amazons" who explored a non-violent
approach to achieve their goal and peace in their area. This
provides

window

of

opportunities

in

conflict
69

transformation and could be described as a best practice

and also reinforces the fact that women could become great
actors in reconstruction and peace building (Ezello, 2003).
The women's strategic insurgency brought a new refreshing
and effective approach that forced Chevron and Texaco to
negotiate and sign agreements with the women.
2.8 GENDER DYNAMICS IN CONFLICT SITUATIONS
During

armed

conflict,

there

is

always

increased

mobilisation of soldiers and belligerents. Zuckerman and

Greenberg (2004) note how UN peacekeepers in Somalia
were allegedly involved in gender crimes during the
missions there from 1993 to 1995. In addition, the
international

media

has

unearthed

how

the

UN

peacekeepers in eastern Congo are sexually abusing women

and girls. Peacekeepers are significant transmitters of
HIV/AIDS to prostitutes and the innocent women and girls
caught up in armed conflict.
70

Infected warriors returning home then introduce HIV/AIDS

to their spouses and communities. During armed conflict,
womens rights are not always recognized as human rights.
Gender based violence has increased in many conflicts in
Africa. In the Democratic Republic of Congo a womens
organization in South Kivu Province (Women and Childrens
Peace Association Centre) alleged that some 2300 internally
displaced women in the Shabunda area had been raped at
the hands of Rwandan Interahamwe militia and Congolese
Mayi Mayi since the beginning of 2005 (New Routes: A
Journal of Peace Research and Action).
Byrne (1996) reiterates that rape and violence are an
increasingly universal and widespread characteristic of
warfare. Sexual violence is not just a result of the general
breakdown of law and order but there is evidence from
many conflicts that systematic rape and sexual abuse has
been used as a part of strategy to demoralize the
71

community under threat. The use of rape as a systematic

weapon of war against women as a social group has only
recently been recognized as a war crime, although it is still
extremely difficult for gender-specific violence to be used as
a ground for seeking refugee status. Despite the UN
Resolution 1325, it is not clear how those who rape women
in war have been treated.
According to Greenberg (2001b) following the war that won
independence

for

Eritrea

from

Ethiopia,

conservative

families and wider communities spurned some women

fighters who had had sexual relationships with male
fighters in the bush when they tried to return home.
Abandoned and rejected, many single mothers settled in
Asmara needing homes, jobs and community support.
Similarly in Korea, during World War II between100,000 and
200,000

women

(the

so-called

comfort

women)

were

abducted to camps and raped or sexually tortured by the

72

Japanese. A large number of them died as a result of this

(Seifert, 1994). When women are taken on in rebel and
guerrilla wars, they are expected to perform non military
service

such

as

carriers,

cooks,

sex

slaves,

and

forcedwifery (De Temmerman, 2001.) The very few women

who indulge in combat activities are discarded as soon as
the war is over. During conflict, the social networks are
disrupted and destroyed. There are changes in family
structures and composition (El Jack, 2002).
Gender relations can be subject to change. The traditional
division of labour within a family may be under pressure.
War disrupts and can even contribute to a complete
breakdown of production agricultural and industrial ,
which adversely affects the country's economic output,
exports and general viability. Many of the Third World
countries emerging out of conflict are, therefore, compelled

73

to

adopt

stabilization

and

Structural

Adjustment

Programmes (SAPs).
This economic situation contributes to high levels of
unemployment and underemployment. Individuals' access
to essential productive resources is reduced. In most third
world countries, agriculture is perceived to be the main area
for labour absorption. However, in war-torn situations the
labour absorption capacity of agriculture is greatly reduced.
For example, livestock, seeds, crop varieties and other
resources for farming are often looted or destroyed. The
remaining resources may be over exploited and farming
patterns may also change for example from planting long to
planting short cycle crops. Agricultural cultivation and
animal grazing are seriously impeded by fear of land mines.
The socio-economic costs include reduced food output,
increased food prices and food insecurity and the general
undermining of people's capacity to meet their basic needs
74

and to return to normal life after war. The impact this has
on the population is gendered. For women, they languish as
they watch their malnourished children die. Men would
most likely move to town in search of employment.
In Cambodia, for example, it is reported (Anderson, 1996)
that income-generating activities and other efforts by
women in agriculture are sabotaged by deadly killer
landmines. By creating fear in the general environment and
constraining people's mobility especially that of women who
are the main food cultivators and providers, land-mines kill
indirectly

through

preventing

fertile

land

from

being

cultivated and thus contribute to an increase in hunger and

poverty. Many famines in Africa have had war as one of
their major contributing factors. Roberts and Williams
(1995:6) also point out that market systems are seriously
affected since farmers and others are unable to move over
mined roads and footpaths to bring their produce to market.
75

Such disruption has a direct impact on employment, rising

prices for goods... Many people, therefore, move from rural
agriculture to urban areas to seek urban informal sector
work.

Land

mines

in

general,

holdback

post

war

reconstruction, especially in the rural areas. This can also

affect the locations of technical assistance projects to assist
the rural people. People caught up in situations of armed
conflict suffer from psychological trauma, physical violence,
casualties and death. Men tend to be the primary
soldiers/combatants. Yet, in various conflicts women have
made up significant numbers of combatants. The limbs of
about 300 Cambodians mostly civilian women and
children are blown off by land mines every month.
Similar trends have also been noted in Afghanistan, Angola,
Honduras, Mozambique, and Uganda. The Guardian (22
April, 1996) reported that worldwide, about 2,000 people
are maimed or killed every month. The large number of
76

disabled persons, the disruption of health infrastructure,

and the provision of essential services has increase women's
social responsibilities and care burden. A large part of the
blame for such human suffering is due to the extensive use
of land-mines which not only leave their mark today but
guarantee continued suffering in areas where removal of
such devices will take generations, and where the poor are
often forced to seek water, fuel wood and farm produce
despite the heavy mining of the land.
According to Roberts and Williams, a total of about 250,000
people are already land-mine-disabled in the world (Roberts
and Williams, 1995:3).
Large numbers of people including a high proportion of
women and children are dislocated internally or externally
(i.e. across borders as refugees). It has been argued that
women

and

children

constitute

majority

of

fleeing

populations (Crisp, 1999: Cohen, 2003) For example, in

77

Africa about 35 million people have been displaced during

the past ten years; in East Asia and the Pacific over 10
million; in Europe and Central Asia, about9 million; in Latin
America and the Caribbean over 9 million; in the Middle
East andNorth Africa almost 4 million; and in South Asia,
about 3.5 million. The recent conflicts in some of the former
Soviet States have already displaced about 2 million.
In the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and also
Cambodia about 1.2 million and 520people respectively
were displaced. The impacts of current wars are, therefore,
no longer contained within a restricted area. Large areas are
affected. All the displaced people have to be reintegrated
after the conclusion of the peace accord.
The wars contribute to considerable deterioration of quality
of life and an increase in general impoverishment. Many of
the war-affected countries in the developing world already
had low levels of economic development even before the war.
78

Furthermore, the conflicts result in the reduction of human

resources; fragility and political instability of governments;
reduced government revenue such as from taxes; weakening
of public support and extension services; deforestation and
other damage to the environment; financial deficit and
general underdevelopment of countries; reduced observance
of the rule of law; increase in domestic and other forms of
violence. Protracted conflict tends to produce a culture of
violence that fosters tolerance of violence (International
Peace Bureau, 1996).
The divisions of labour within the household mean that
women are more likely to suffer as a result of deterioration
in health service provision during war. This is so because
women are often responsible for the health and hygiene of
the household for example they will be more vulnerable to
water borne diseases as a result of having to use poor water
sources during a crisis. Reproductive health services in
79

particular are likely to be the first affected during conflict

and the last to be provided by aid agencies responding to
health needs with a result in unwanted pregnancies and the
associated increases in maternal mortality. This is often
combined with pressures on women to increase their
fertility. Deterioration in education services can also impact
disproportionately on women in times of a crisis for a
number

of

reasons:

girl

children

receiving

formal

education are more likely to be removed from school as the

economic situation of the household deteriorates.
In addition, during processes of retrenchment during or
after conflict, women can suffer disproportionately as they
tend to hold the lowest status positions and are the first to
go; the growth in the formal sector often benefits women
because of the traditional involvement in petty trade, or
because of greater freedom of movement that women have.

80

At the level of the household conflicts directly destroy or

damage the way in which households earn a living. Gender
differences in the effects of household level crises are highly
context specific but key issues include: the tendency for
men to have larger range of coping mechanisms available to
them; the breakdown of moral economy for example in
times of crisis, abandonment of less favoured wives in
polygamous societies is common; the division of productive
labour within the household is likely to be less affected by
general economic collapse.
Studies demonstrate that women bear the brunt of painful
SAPs, which have been integral to many post conflict
reconstruction frameworks (Elson, 1991, Vladisavljevic and
Zuckerman, 2004; 2000). For example a typical example of
SAP is that of Serbia and Montenegro, which requires: state
owned

enterprises

to

be

closed,

restructured

and/privatised; cut backs to be made in public expenditure

81

including employment in the civil service and in the

provision of social services; and the liberalisation and
commercialisation of a financial sector which is reduced in
size. The design and implementation of such programmes
neglect to take into account the different impacts they have
on women and men. Cutbacks in health spending mean
that women have to spend more time caring for sick
household members reducing time for paid work.
Cutbacks in the civil service and other formal sector jobs
result in women who are more likely to have junior level
posts being shed first and rehired last. This process also in
part is attributable to the fact that there is still a wide
spread assumption on the part of employers that women are
secondary

breadwinners,

and

hence

that

household

livelihoods do not depend on their earnings. In reality,

increasing numbers of households are female headed and
changing patterns of economic development are also leading
82

to job losses among unskilled or low skilled male headed

households are now dependent on womens earnings
(Greenberg et al, 1997; Greenberg, 2000c).
Prior to Ugandas decades of violence it was common for
men to control livestock and manage household cash crops,
whilst women had sole access to certain patches of land for
subsistence purposes. Male labour migration during war
and pressures on household income changed all this:
women have a greater share responsibility for livestock and
cash crops.
Correspondingly, in some cases men have moved into
womens activities where profits are available. However,
although women have greater responsibility within the
household, their control of key resources remain minimal,
and arguably they have fewer enabling rights, since the
traditional framework of norms and values upheld by clan

83

and communities have been eroded by the dislocation of the

war (El Bushra and Lopez,1993).

84

CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 INTRODUCTION
The method that was used to collect data was qualitative
which

comprised

of

gathering

peoples

views

and

experiences on the subject of peace and reconciliation.

3.2 DATA COLLECTION TECHNIQUES
1.

Consultation

of

documents

on

peace

and

reconciliation, different textbooks, research reports,

journals, reports.
2.

Interviewing people using qualitative approach. In

depth interviews were used throughout the survey:
Interviews were conducted in a flexible manner to
allow

free

expression

of

respondents

views.

Conferences and workshops were used to meet and

85

select

cross

section

of

respondents.

Viewing

documentary video films permitted the researcher to

obtain vivid information within a short period.
3.

Use of case studies- case study technique was used as

a way of obtaining detailed and coherent information
in the area of peace-building and reconstruction.
Further, in-depth interviews were conducted to get
insights on the actual contribution of women to peace
building and reconstruction and know reasons for
such contributions as well as the obstacles women still
face in achieving the objectives of promoting peacebuilding and reconstruction.
These interviews also generated data on other issues
such as the future strategies to be pursued to ensure
that

womens

potential

in

peace

promotion

are

articulated.

86

3.3 SAMPLING AND STRATIFICATION

For reasons of representation, information was collected
from different categories of the population of the Niger Delta
communities. The different categories of people interviewed
included the following:

The top leadership of the communities in the council

of chiefs and traditional rulers.

Religious leaders of different denominations such as

bishops, priests etc.

Individuals,
eminent

personalities,

researchers,

opinion leaders and civic leaders in the communities

at national and local levels, representatives of youth
and womens organizations.
3.4 STUDY AREA
The study area covers the Niger Delta, the delta of the Niger
River in Nigeria. It is a very densely populated region
sometimes called the Oil Rivers because it was once a major
87

producer of palm oil. The area was the British Oil Rivers
Protectorate from 1885 until 1893, when it was expanded
and became the Niger Coast Protectorate.
The Niger Delta, as now defined officially by the Nigerian
government, extends over about 70,000 km and makes up
7.5%

of

Nigeria's

land

mass.

Historically

and

cartographically, it consists of present day Bayelsa, Delta,

and Rivers States. In 2000, however, Obasanjo's regime
included Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Cross River State, Edo, Imo and
Ondo States in the region. Some 31 million people of more
than 40 ethnic groups including the Bini, Efik, Ibibio, Igbo,
Annang, Oron, Ijaw, Itsekiri, Isoko, Urhobo, Ukwuani, and
Kalabari, are among the inhabitants in the Niger Delta,
speaking about 250 different dialects.
The Niger Delta is one of the largest wetlands in the world.
It covers an area of 70,000 square kilometers and is reputed
for its sandy coastal ridge barriers, saline mangroves, fresh
88

water mangrove swamps and seasonal forests as well as low

land rain forest. The whole area is traversed and crisscrossed by a large number of rivers, rivulets, streams,
canals and creeks. The regions coastal line is buffeted
throughout the year by the tides of the Atlantic Ocean while
the mainland is subjected to regimes of flood by the various
rivers, particularly River Niger. Niger Delta accounts for over
90% of oil and gas export earnings and up to 70% of
revenues accruing to the Federation Accounts; it hosts
Nigerias

oil

and

gas

operations,

whose

assets

and

infrastructure include 5,284 wells, 7,000km of pipelines

and flow lines in 31km2, 275 flow stations, 10 Gas plants,
and 10 Export Terminals. This implies that the economy of
the area is mainly driven by the petroleum industry.
The region is made of over 40 ethnic nationalities spread
over 6000 communities out of which 15000 host operations
of Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and its
89

Joint Venture (JV) partners. The mainstay of the people is

subsistence

fishing

and

farming.

Compared

to

the

enormous oil reserves of the region and huge revenue

accruing to the nation, poverty is endemic as GNP per
capita is below the national average of $280.

90

CHAPTER FOUR
THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE INTERVENTION OF
VARIOUS CASES OF CONFLICT IN THE NIGER DELTA
Four case studies are presented from The Niger Delta
Region (NDR) where women became involved in the crises
with the main aim of brokering peace and at the same time
getting positive result in the long run.
The cases included here are secondary information from the
cases of Umuchem in, Rivers State and Ugborode in Delta
State.
4.1 Ekunuga Women's Association - Abua/Odual
When the people of Okolomade demolished the village of
Ekunuga in 1996, the women of Ekunuga intervened. They
formed the Ekunuga Women's Association that comprised of
women (all women including those not from Ekunuga but
are married there). At the heat of the conflict about three (3)
91

women initiated the formation of the organization and they

called on the women who responded. The primary aim of
the organization was for peace making and development of
the community.
The women intervened in the conflict by writing the Area
Commander and the District Police Officer (DPO) to assist
in restoring law and order in the area. The area DPO called
everyone in the two villages especially the chiefs separately
to communal meetings. The outcome of the meeting was
that the problem was handed over to the traditional rulers
in the two communities. However, up till today, the problem
had not been solved successfully.
The main cause of the problem was land issues. After
flooding in the 1980s, Ekunuga's land became waterlogged.
They applied to the neighboring village of Okolomade (of the
same ethnic background) and they were given the present
location for resettlement.
92

Ten (10) years after the resettlement, they (Okolomade) took

the case to high court for them to leave. They lost the case
and also lost at the Court of Appeal. The need to evict
Ekunuga's people from the land came as a result of
pipelines passing through the land and the payment of
compensation by the oil company prospecting for oil in the
area. The major problem is that of who should claim the
compensation.
The association is not registered with the government and
there is no constitution, but officers were elected at the
general

meeting.

They

comprised

of:

the

president,

secretary, treasurer etc. The secretary took minutes at every

meeting and normal meeting procedures are followed at
every meeting.
Major achievement of the organization

93

The councils of chiefs of the two communities have been

meeting since 1996. Presently, the arbitration report has
been prepared and a resolution is expected to be passed
soon.
The association does not have any link with the government
agencies like Women's Commission (Ministry of Women's
Affairs) and it was not introduced to the Rivers State
Branch of The National Council of Women's Societies
(NCWS) since it was formed to solely solve a local problem.
The leaders were not involved with capacity building in any
way. Their efforts were based on the general traditional rule
in the country that when women as a group express
opinions in respect to issues that affect the communities,
the men listen. It is also believed that when women as a
group in a community intervene in conflict situations, it is
time for peace.

94

The association was funded by freewill donations by

members and of course the meager monthly contributions.
The men in the community supported them in an advisory
role and they also encouraged their wives and daughters to
be part of the organization.
Although, the respondent believes that women are generally
not physically violent but they have the power of the tongue
i.e. they use their mouth to fight.

4.2 OGBAKIRI WOMEN'S PEACE FORUM/PRAYER GROUP

Ogbakiri is a community comprising of six (6) villages. It is
part of the Ikwerre clan. Thus, the community comprised of
people from the same tribe, culture and creed. The people
are both Christians and atheists. The respondent was the
founder and president of the association.

95

The respondent formed the group with the primary aim of

maintaining peace in Ogbakiri land while using religion as
the focal point. At the heat of the Ogbakiri crisis, and with
the assistance of Saint Thomas Anglican Church, Port
Harcourt, she went to the air and called all Ogbakiri women
to a meeting at the church premises that is a neutral
ground on 11th May 2001. This became imperative as the
crisis and destruction became increasingly regular and
other tribes in Port Harcourt started passing insulting
remarks about their inability to live peacefully in their
community. In Nigeria, the home villages are expected to be
peaceful haven where people run to when there are
problems in the cities. A young man from Ogbakiri, the
respondent's husband and a chief, who is an elder in one of
the villages in the Ogbakiri community assisted financially.
It took about two weeks to convince the women of her
sincerity. This was achieved by appealing to women at the
96

market places in the area, sending circulars to women

organizations from the area and government offices in Port
Harcourt etc. Thus, when the association was finally
formed, it cuts across the social and economic strata of the
society. The association has been in existence for two (2)
years, and it is still in operation, as they have not stopped
praying for sustainable peace in Ogbakiri land. Officers to
run the organization were chosen by election, however all
the

villages

are

represented.

Communication

at

the

meetings is in Ikwerre language. It is compulsory for the

president, secretary, financial secretary and treasurer to be
educated in the English sense. The chosen officers are: the
president,

the

secretary,

the

financial

secretary,

the

treasurer, two PROs and two Provosts. The constitution is

still being prepared meanwhile normal meeting procedure is
followed and minutes are reported and read at subsequent
meetings.

97

Major Achievement of the Organization

The association has been able to achieve lasting peace and
unity, and spreading of the word of God in the community.
The women used their churches and their Christian faith to
achieve this success.
The Process used to achieve Peace
The representatives of the association met a respected
Ikwerre elder who piloted them to the council of Ikwerre
traditional rulers. After stating their mission and begging
the chiefs to intervene on their behalf in the crisis, the
traditional rulers agreed with the women and pledged their
support and made a resolution at Isiokpo (that is the
traditional capital of Ikwerre land).
First, the traditional rulers advised the then Rivers State
Attorney General (who happened to be an Ikwerre daughter
but married to a man from another tribe in the state) to
98

hasten

the

release

of

the

Government

White

Paper

emanating from the Judicial Commission of Enquiry set up

by the State Government to investigate the Ogbakiri crisis.
This was done.
Second, during the crisis, they held prayer meetings at the
end of every month at the Community Health Center Hall at
Ogbakiri. Initially, the youths in the area did not allow the
women to enter the hall but when they appealed to the
youths and gave them tokens, they acquiescent. One of the
young men appreciated their efforts and joined them from
the beginning.
Third, the ancestral monument of one of the villages along
with

especially

the

head

ofthe

monument

that

was

destroyed by another village was recasted and replaced.

Thetraditional chiefs intervened for its retrieval. This helped
dialogue between the warringparties to continue. In fact, a
new head was molded and the chiefs made the culprits
99

topay for its replacement, but the association took the

initiative to contact the sculptorand start the remolding.
Having restored peace, a thanksgiving service was organized
and attended by the State Governor at Isiokpo. Those who
did not contribute to the peace efforts collected money from
the government for the occasion and were parading
themselves on the day since they wanted the governor to
notice them. The members of the association were pushed
to the background. They were not offended but were
satisfied that their main objective of restoring peace had
been achieved. Since then, there had been relative peace in
Ogbakiri land.
There were so many facets of the causes and at the same
time the ripples effect was present. In the case of intra
village conflict; these were sometimes caused by chieftaincy
titles

struggles.

The

escalation

of

the

conflict

was

engineered by educated elders and jobless youths who were

100

continually having access to guns. The association has no

link with government agencies and the leaders have not
been involved with capacity building.
Major funding from the organization is from their monthly
contributions that are meager, although when they called
on some Ogbakiri sons for assistance, they responded. The
men in the community are their advisers and sometimes
they pray with them at their prayer meetings.
4.3 UMUECHEM

OILFIELDS

AND

THE

UMUECHEM

COMMUNITY
Umuechem is a village in Etche in Rivers State. The oilfield
location is about two kilometers from the center of the
village. Oil was first struck there about the end of1950s.
Before 1990, there was no relationship between the
community

and

the

oil

prospecting

company

(Shell

Petroleum Development Company - SPDC). There was

101

complete neglect of the village. During this period, the

members of the community especially the youths started
thinking that the chiefs and elites were side tracking the
community to get favors from SPDC. This created conflict in
the community with a lot of accusations of betrayal as you
could pick out a few contractors favored with lucrative
contracts by SPDC. This resulted in the emergence of two
warring groups: the youths and elders. There were cases of
arson and serious assaults on suspected elders.
The women in the community became worried and wanted
SPDC to be aware that they were part of the problem. At
their general monthly village meeting sometime in 1990,
they decided to have a peaceful demonstration with the sole
aim of attracting the attention of SPDC management and
discussing with them, as they could not get audience by
appointment. The demonstration was not meant to be
violent.
102

The women carried leaves (which is the Nigerian traditional

peaceful demonstration and solidarity symbol) and marched
along the SPDC road leading to the location on the outskirt
of the village. The mobile police squad (that is the official
force that quells riots and demonstration) was called in by
SPDC to safeguard its location (against defenseless women
who were unarmed). The squad drove the women back into
the village by shooting into the crowd (instead of using
teargas etc). A woman was killed and some were seriously
injured. When the men and youths saw what happened,
they attacked the police squad, that went back to the city
for reinforcement and on coming back, razed down the
village and killed a lot of people.
Everyone in the country condemned the action. A judicial
panel was set up by the Rivers State Government to probe
the incident. The government from the report of the enquiry
released a white paper. What has happened since then? The
103

incumbent commissioner of police and his most senior

officers were either retired or transferred from the state.
Because of the widespread condemnation, SPDC has now
shown some presence in the village. It has provided: a
cottage hospital; pipe borne water; electricity; road into the
village and renovated some primary schools. However, there
is still protest that more could be done to compensate for
years of total neglect.
Although SPDC paid compensation to the community in
respect of the property destroyed, by the time the money
filtered down to the poor residents, some of them did not
collect enough to assist them in rebuilding their houses.
4.4

ESCRAVOS

OILFIELDS

AND

THE

UGBORODE

COMMUNITY IN DELTA STATE

Women occupied the Escravos tank farm that is the
business nerve center of Chevron Nigeria Limited in Delta

104

State for 10 days in July 2002. Operations were suspended

as negotiations lasted for the release of workers held
hostage as well as the women of Ugborode community to
vacate the tank farm that also houses the airstrip, jetty and
the company's Escravos Gas Project (EGP).
The crisis forced the company to declare "force majure", a
clause invented to notify its contract crude oil buyers of
Chevron's inability to meet crude oil lifting schedule. Part
ofthe resolution of the crisis was a memorandum of
understanding (MOU) signed with the protesting women
that

stressed

Chevron's

commitment

in

community

development projects and economic empowerment programs

in the area.
Chevron mobilized all stakeholders within the shortest time
to resolve the issues raised by the communities. This
includes prevention or protection of the communities

105

against operational disasters. All these activities took place

peacefully and presently everything is back to normal.

106

CHAPTER FIVE
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 CONCLUSIONS
In conclusion, what has been noticed generally is that when
there is conflict and destruction, everyone involved is
initially keen on retaliation - "a vendetta of some sort" - but
after a lot of destructions of life and properties, most of the
people involved become burnt out and most of the elements
specially prefer to have peace instead of conflict. At this
stage, the warring parties are ready for intervention from
any quarter especially women and NGOs.
Culturally in Nigeria, when women come out to take part in
conflict, it is time for peace since they are considered as
peacemakers (mothers and wives). In some communities for
example whenever there are volatile situations:

107

i)

All married women will run away to neighboring village

chiefs and refuse to come back home until the men

ii)

solve their problems.

Sometimes daughters of the village will use village
criers to make pronouncements and call on the deities.
Immediately the men will succumb and settle their
differences.

RECOMMENDATIONS
From the above findings and conclusions, the following are
recommended for action:
1.

There

is

need

for

dissemination

of

accurate

information to stake holders and use of gender

sensitive language; demand driven participation; and
by enabling women and men to understand and accept
changing gender roles. It is therefore recommended
that

government

and

civil

society

organizations

encourage participation through socialization norms

108

such as dances, folklore, drama and storytelling and

also by providing equal opportunities for women and

2.

men to take part in decision making processes.

Deliberate efforts should be taken to address factors
that limit womens involvement in peace processes;
encourage their involvement at all levels; and involve
their organizations in peace-building processes. This
to an extent will ensure sustainable peace in conflict

3.

affected areas.
Mainstreaming gender concerns and issues in all

4.

peace initiatives and building processes.

Deliberate effort to involve women as individuals or

5.

their organizations in peace-building processes.

Peace building process should aim at effectively
engaging women men as partners andtheir groups in
peace building initiatives to promote sustainability of

6.

the processes.
Government and civil society should aim at mitigate
the impact of conflict on men, women and children

109

who have been driven out of the families and

7.

communities.
Government should put in place policies that promote
the effective engagement of men and women in peace

8.

processes as equal stakeholders.

Continue and expand training programs specifically for
women to increase their sense of empowerment in and

9.

knowledge of peace-building processes.

Increase the funding appropriated for projects that
further a gender analysis of conflict and violence,
gender equality, and gender mainstreaming. Womens
groups often lack funding to engage in peace-building

processes.
10. Continue to mainstream knowledge and awareness of
womens roles in peace-building rather than focusing
solely on separate programs for women.
11. Support intensive and comprehensive research on
situations

where

women

have

used

unique

methodologies, approaches and thinking to contribute

to peace-building. Much of the current knowledge on
110

womens contributions is anecdotal and lacks the

conceptual clarity to inform track one negotiations and
policy formulation. The challenge lies in framing
success stories at the grassroots and middle-level in
ways that they impact policy analysis and reform.
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