Social

Media in the Feminist Community

Maggie Arden
A Capstone Project
Presented to The Faculty of the School of Communication In Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts in Public Communication
Supervisor: Prof. Lauren Feldman
April 25, 2013

COPYRIGHT
Maggie Arden
2013

Abstract

Social media has changed the way people connect, share information and advocate
for social and political change. The feminist community has jumped into many social
media tools, and has just started putting together the tools and advocacy actions.
Previous protests and movements around the world that have put social media tools
to use to create change, providing examples for the feminist movement to study and
apply where appropriate. To better understand how to put social media to use for
the feminist community and where to focus efforts, understanding where feminists
spend their time on line and how they connect to each other and organizations.

Through an online survey participants share which issues are most important for
the feminist movement to take action on. Findings show the majority of the feminist
community is active on Facebook and Twitter each week. All participants have
email and nearly all have signed an online petition, regardless of how they received
it, be it on email, Facebook or Twitter. The responses also show internal issues
within the movement to be as crucial to solve as the political and social issues.

The task moving forward for the feminist movement requires resolving internal
struggles and issues before moving on to tackle the political and social issues most
important to the feminist community. The key to success in solving much of these
issues involves organizations and individuals coming together, collaborating and
coordinating efforts in both fixing internal issues to help keep people involved, and
to advocate for change on issues such as violence against women, reproductive
rights and equality in the workplace.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract






Introduction





Literature Review





Social Media and Social Change Potential


Sparks Abroad





Egypt Catches Fire




Social Media in the Feminist Movement


Summary





Methodology





Sample












Results






Discussion





Conclusion





Bibliography





Appendices

A. Online Survey





B. Initial Survey Report

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Introduction
Victories have come slowly to feminist the movement at large, beginning with the
right to vote in 1920 (Rowe-Finkbeiner, 2004), through Roe v. Wade in 1973
(Collins, 2008) and the Violence Against Womens Act in 1994 (Rowe-Finkbeiner,
2004). Despite legislation and the opening of new opportunities, each generation of
feminists continues to fight the same battles: for equal pay and reproductive choice,
and against domestic and sexual assault and street harassment. The feminist
movement is unique in how it is split across various organizations, issues, and
generations. With thousands of organizations around the country, many overlapping
in issue areas, it can be daunting when thinking about how to coalesce around how
to take on major issues. Part of this is due to recent division over issue priorities
between the three generations currently trying to lead the movement (Baby
Boomers, Generation X and Generation Y). With differing takes on lifestyle and
feminist issues, different working styles, and approach to issues, Baby Boomers are
often at odds with Gen X and Gen Y. An ongoing question revolves around flexibly
scheduling and family leave stemming from the generational differences in work
styles. For example, a 2012 Young Careerist/Business and Professional Womens
Foundation study found the issue of work-life balance is just as important to Gen Y
women without children as it is to those with children; additionally, while time with
family is important to Gen Y women, their definition of family is more broad than
Baby Boomers, going beyond the nuclear family again applying to women with and
without children (Young Careerist, Business and Professional Womens Foundation,
2011). Differences surfaced during the early stages of Slut Walk, with older

feminists questioning the need to dress as you please, the message it sends, and the
need to reclaim the word slut (OKeefe, 2011).

The biggest issues feminist organizations are currently taking on, including

equal pay, domestic violence, paid leave and sick days, and reproductive choice,
impact families, the economy and provide continued strengthening of society.
Failing to move forward leaves women behind, hurting the next generation.
Without full participation in society and the workplace from everyone in society, we
cannot function to our fullest potential.

Over the past decade social media, such as Facebook and Twitter, have

transformed the way advocacy and action happen, proving the power of these new
communication tools (Martin & Valenti, 2013). Feminism is alive and active online,
as the recent sharp increase in feminist blogs and social media campaigns display
daily (Martin & Valenti, 2013). How do feminist organizations use this active
community and these new communications tools to create the change they have
been working towards for sixty years? By understanding recent examples of
effective organizing online, and determining what makes feminists take action, the
feminist movement can determine what best practices can be applied to their target
audience to create lasting change on issues that have been a focus for decades.
Applying these lessons and understanding how the online community is moved to
action will allow organizations to come together to move the broader feminist
agenda forward creating a lasting impact on women, families and minorities.
The feminist movement in the United States functions as many parts, often
working together, at times split on purpose and issue priorities. The 2004 March for

Womens Lives is the last time feminist organizations around the country came
together in one place to stand up for womens rights. Estimates put the total
number standing against the 2003 Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act between 500,000
and 800,000 on the National Mall (Gibson, 2011). Turnout happened through
organizational email lists, a website, online advertising, media and word of mouth.
When the event ended, it seemed the momentum died. The feminist community,
however, remained alive and well, and active online. Yet recreating another such in-
person rally has not been attempted, at least not on a national scale.

In order to learn what makes the feminist community take action, both on

and offline, an anonymous survey was distributed through social media channels
and email, with the help of feminist organizations and online communities. A deep
look at who is participating online, how they take action, and how they respond to
messaging gives the feminist movement information never available before. The
survey results are telling, giving enough information to allow organizations to better
prepare a social media advocacy campaign, and get better results.

The definition of feminist changes from person to person and organization

to organization. Kristin Rowe-Finkbeiner (2004) defines feminism in The F-Word:

Feminism in Jeopardy Women, Politics and the Future as a word that means the
belief in the social, political, and economic equality of the sexes (p. 5). Jennifer
Baumgardner (2000), though offering the dictionary definition as sufficient,
provides a broader definition in Manifesta: Young Women, Feminism and The Future:

Breaking down that one very basic definition, feminism has three
components. It is a movement, meaning a group working to accomplish

specific goals. Those goals are social and political change implying that one
must be engaged with the government and laws, as well as with social
practices and beliefs. And implicit in these goals is access to sufficient
information to enable women to make responsible choices. (p. 56)
For the purposes of this capstone, both Rowe-Finkbeiners simple definition, and
Baumgardners expanded explanation will serve as definitions for feminism.

It can be difficult to keep up with the rate of change in social media over the

last decade. Just as email became common and organizations were figuring out how
to use it for fundraising and advocacy, new tools came out in quick succession. First
the blog, then MySpace, quickly replaced by Facebook, followed by Twitter. Mobile
technology may be the newest, hottest thing, but much of it is still based, and
dependent on, what came before it. Despite what many predicted, social
networking has not replaced email; Twitter will not replace Facebook. Each tool has
its use in any organization or movement. Advocacy and social change will not
happen today without them, but using these tools alone, and ignoring the need for in
person action, can stall change before it can even get started.

Andreas M. Kaplan and Michael Haenlein (2010) define social media as, a

wide variety of platforms and tools. Social Media is a group of Internet-based

applications...that allow the creation and exchange of User Generated Content (p.
61). This definition includes many platforms and allows for the inclusion of
platforms still being developed. For the purposes of this capstone and research,
social media is limited to email, Facebook and Twitter. These three platforms were
chosen for this capstone because of their popularity and high rates of use, as well as

being the most commonly used tools within the feminist community, both by
independent blogs and well established organizations. A 2011 study by Visible
Gains found the level of the data below on the number of accounts and use across all
three platforms.
Table 1 Visible Gains, 2011 Study Is Email Dead?

Email

Facebook

Twitter

Number of Accounts

2,900,000,000

750,000,000

300,000,000

Updates/day

188,000,000,000

60,000,000

140,000,000

Updates/day/account

64.8

.08

.47

While social networking sites have grown exponentially over the last five years,
email remains the closest the world has come to ubiquitous tool, with nearly as
many email accounts as there are people on the planet (Masters Degree Online,
2011). According to a 2011 Pew Research Centers Internet and American Life
Project study, 89% of women 18-29 years old use social networks, with 69% logging
on to a social network on an average day (Duggan and Brenner, 2013).

The following literature review looks at the role of social media in advocacy

and political change movements. Contained in the literature review are ways social
media can be, and has been applied within the feminist movement. This capstone
will then look at data collected from an online survey distributed through social
media to discover where the feminist community is spending time online, what
issues are most important and what is holding the movement back, creating a path
forward into the future with social media as a key component driving social change.

Literature Review

Social media has propelled other protests and social change movements (Mathos
and Norman, 2012), so it certainly can do the same for the womens movement.
Examples from the Arab Spring and feminist campaigns in India, Canada and the
United States show the translation from online interaction and advocacy to offline
impact. Each example has lessons for the feminist movement to take forward.
Social Media and Social Change Potential
To date, social media have helped the feminist movement in a couple of ways. First,
it has brought the debate of womens issues out of classrooms and into the open
through Twitter and Facebook. Ileana Jimnez, known on social media as Feminist
Teacher, has been teaching feminism to high school students for 15 years, and
more recently begun using social media to show her students a way to remain active
and involved in feminist issues they care about. Melissa Harris-Perry has included
social media in components of classes, encouraging students to find their voice
online and advocate for issues of their choosing. For those who are new to the
movement, this is especially welcome. Second, it has connected women and
organizations in ways that would not have been possible previously, crossing
borders and oceans to the rest of the world (Crane, 2012). Results from feminist
activism online are mixed. There is no proof of legal or legislative action taken due
to social media activism. Yet, what has worked lobbying corporate entities to take a
specific action. Rush Limbaugh lost a total of 35 advertisers in 2012 after a social
media backlash to his comments directed at Sandra Fluke (Thistlethwaite, 2012).

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Fluke testified at a Congressional panel on February 23, 2012 on the need for
contraceptive coverage at religious institutions and schools (Dowd, 2012).
Contrary to what Malcom Gladwell (2010) espouses in a New Yorker article,
social media have not killed activism and advocacy, but rather have transformed
them. A deep look at how the civil rights movement was effective (and afterwards
the feminist movement) has a great deal to do with strong-ties, established
networks, and a passion to see change happen. When this isnt successful today, the
media and some academics point to the heavy use of social media and its weak-ties
preventing action moving to the boots on the ground phase (Gladwell 2010). The
real reason is not the actual use of social media but how they are used. While many
ties in online communities are weak, that should not automatically discredit their
ability to create change and motivate people to action (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011).
Personal connections to the movement played a large role in the success of
the Freedom Summer during the Civil Rights movement. Those who had friends and
family involved were more likely to participate (Gladwell, 2010). However, recent
examples show a simple connection to the cause can be strong enough (Khamis &
Vaughn, 2011).
While Gladwell insists social media have killed activism, Clay Shirky (2008)
proves it is quite the opposite. Finding people with similar interests, coordinating
activities and planning for collaborative action was harder to do before the Internet.
As Gladwell (2010) points out, people were more likely to participate in Freedom
Summer, and much of the Civil Rights movement, because they had at least one close
tie also participating. Finding others interested in the same issue involved

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advertising through flyers, and word of mouth. Planning meetings, and coordinating
with others in different states and regions required a lot of work, or a high
transaction cost. What Shirky (2008) shows, through the example of MeetUp, it that
social media have decreased that transaction cost, making it easier to find people,
plan, organize and coordinate a variety of actions.
In the early days of the Internet, initial assumptions were that continued
spread of and access to the web would further distance people from each other.
Shirky (2008) looked at how MeetUp did just the opposite, saying, The internet
augments real-world social life rather than providing an alternative to it. Instead of
becoming a separate cyberspace, our electronic networks are becoming deeply
embedded in real life (p. 196). What MeetUp provided was a way to find people
nearby who have similar interests, talk online, and allow an easy way to coordinate
offline meetings. Shirky explains the success of MeetUp by saying, even online
communication emulates face-to-face interaction, and that people still need and
want human contact (p. 199).
R. Kelly Garrett (2007) found that social media have allowed small scale acts
to have a large impact. Garrett does cite examples where it is feared this could lead
to a decline of hierarchical organizations. As Earl and Schussman (cited by Garrett,
2007) predict, a future of online only movements run by individuals instead of an
organization. Garrett contends however that online only organizations could make
a great impact, as there will still be power in numbers as these organizations would
be likely and able to collaborate with larger, traditional, and hierarchical

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organizations (Garrett, p. 211). This type of collaboration and coordination is

evident in the examples below from the Arab Spring.
Sparks Abroad
In December 2011, Mohammed Bouazizi, a young Tunisian man set himself on fire
in protest, partly due to his fruit stall being confiscated, and partly due to high
unemployment among the young adults in his hometown of Sidi Bouzid
(Anonymous, 2011). Bouazizis mother continued his fight, leading a protest, which
was caught on video and shortly after was posted on Facebook. Al Jazeeras new
media team found the video, which led to the network airing it. While Tunisia was
already erupting with protest, the video helped spur protests across other Arab
countries (Miladi, 2011).
This was not the beginning of social media playing a role in mass protest.
Organized protests were actually changed when text messages were used in the
Philippines, three years before the feminist movement used email and websites to
promote the March for Womens lives. Mere hours after the Philippines president
was let off on charges of corruption a protest in response had been organized. The
protest was arranged, in part, by forwarded text messages reading Go 2 edsa, Wear
blk (Shirky, 2010, para. 2). Using an infant technology, over a million people
crowded into Epifanio de los Santos Avenue in downtown Manila, remaining for
days. The government was forced to respond, allowing evidence against the
president to be presented, leading to his ousting.
Social media are too new for any of these protests to have an example to
work from. But they had passion behind the mission, and the power of the personal

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network to make change happen. No one tool has a pre-designed use or outcome in
any given situation (Kietzmann, Hermkens, McCarthy & Silvestre, 2011). What
these incidents show is the power of communications technology, to drive people to
action. Fast forward eight years to protests in Egypt, which harnessed all of these
tools to create both a massive in person protest in Tahir Square in Cairo, and draw
worldwide attention to the political and economic issues within Egypt (Khamis &
Vaughn, 2011).
Egypt Catches Fire
During the summer of 2010, Khaled Said was dragged out of a caf and beaten to
death in the street, accused of uploading a video to YouTube exposing police
corruption in Egypt. Saids picture became the rallying sign for the revolution. In
many ways this was a starting point. While the police in Egypt claim to use that kind
of force against criminals and thieves to protect society, this was one case where
civilians werent buying the justification. The transformation from a healthy, happy,
young middle-class man to the nearly unidentifiable man after the beating brought
the middle-class into the fold, ready to take action (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011).
Egypt made up 29% of the 17 million people in the Arab region using
Facebook in 2009, nearly equal to the number of Egyptians with Internet access
(Sayed, 2011). Most cell phones in Egypt by 2008 included the ability to use the
Facebook mobile website. Despite this, Egypt still has an illiteracy rate of nearly
40% (Sayed, 2011).
The Egyptian Revolution required using a variety of social media to their full
potential to bring about change. Each tool had a specific role to play, and the

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interaction was nearly seamless. In the months since the Arab Spring, questions and
evidence have come about regarding the true influence of social media (Miladi,
2011). In Libya and Iran much of what people were seeing in the West were tweets
sent from outside the counties (Monshipouri & Assareh, 2009). What happened in
Egypt was different. Through each stage of the revolution each tool had a specific
use, whether for communication within the country or for reaching out to the
international community (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011).
Two Facebook pages were set up, independently of each other, both titled
We Are Al Khaled Said, both initially run anonymously, and both with a specific
purpose (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011). The English language page was meant to
generate awareness and support from the international community, while the
Arabic page was meant to organize and coordinate a protest. The differing purposes
of each meant they could each serve a distinct role in the revolution (Khamis &
Vaughn, 2011).
The Arab-language page was used to educate Egyptians about democracy,
and inspire them to respond with action. Page followers were invited to, and urged,
to protest on January 25th (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011). The page administrators were
able to break through psychological barriers of fear, pushing for a massive scale
protest, not seen in Egypt before. Within days of a call to protest more than 50,000
people said they would show up (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011).
In the Civil Rights movement in the United States those psychological
barriers were broken by those strong ties among participants, with family, close
friends, and classmates joining Freedom Summer. When Gladwell (2010) explains

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the failure of social media to build up such a connection, he ignores the fact that
those who were saying they would show up, were committing in a way that allowed
people to actually know who they were, with real names, and photographs. Using a
tool such as Facebook, there may not be strong ties, but a passion for the mission
and knowledge no one is going to show up alone is enough to keep the commitment
to show up in person.
Ahmed Saleh, an Egyptian expatriate living in Washington, DC, acted as one
of the English-language page administrators, which involved being a go between to
resolve issues of the Arab-language page and Facebook to ensure the page remained
available. Saleh saw the role of the page in English as source of information and
inspiration. Through appeals to the page members, photographs, videos and
additional media were shared, as well as calls for a Twitter campaign to raise
awareness worldwide about torture in Egypt and the Egyptian polices inhuman
treatment of Egyptians (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011, p.151).
Once the revolution had taken off, and Tahir Square was full of protesters the
role of each tool changed. Twitter and texting were used within the country to alert
protesters of streets to be avoided, where police action was occurring, and
encouraging people to avoid blocking traffic and remain non-violent. Twitter
became an essential defense mechanism as well, with protesters sharing evidence of
police action during the early days, forcing police and military officers to think twice
about reacting to the crowds (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011).
The role of the Arab-language Facebook page transformed to a platform for
citizen journalism, with members uploading pictures and video of what was

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happening on the ground (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011). Coordination with the English-
language page happened naturally, sharing information back and forth, and allowing
Egyptians around the world to stay up to date, with new posts on both pages coming
in almost hourly at times (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011).
The question after the protests was how or do these communities on
Facebook continue? The page administrators turned to the page users for the
answer. Not much response came though. As with other movements, the focus and
energy seemed to dissipate after the initial cause has passed (Khamis & Vaughn,
2011). Since the end of the Revolution, both pages have continued to post
information and articles about the Arab Spring in other countries, but neither page
has evolved into a continuously relevant tool (Khamis & Vaughn, 2011).
Social Media in the Feminist Movement
Mailing Pink Chaddis
On January 24, 2009 conservative Hindu fundamentalists attacked women in a pub
in Mangalore, India, their reason being it was not the place for a woman, nor were
the women dressed appropriately to be in public. The Pink Chaddi campaign was
born in response, initiated by a diverse group of young women in India...self-
described as the Consortium of Pub-going, Loose, and Forward Women (Kapur,
2012, p.2). Social media helped them gain more than 50,000 supporters in just a few
weeks. Using Facebook and Twitter, they asked women to send pink underwear to
the fundamentalist group offices (Shekar, 2010). There may not have been a specific
goal in mind, but the point was clear, and those involved saw the campaign as a
victory. Ratna Kapur (2012) sees the Pink Chaddi and SlutWalk, described below, as

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feminism lite, but also as needed campaigns in what has become a quiet, angst-filled
feminist movement. Kapur (2012) points out that, both Pink Chaddi and SlutWalk
were divisive moves within the feminist movement, leading to questions as to
whether they were really considered feminism, feminism lite, or neither. Either
way, many in India see Pink Chaddi as a success, because is resonated with some
many young women (Kapur, 2012).
Walking the Slut Walk
A safety demonstration at a Toronto law school kicked the feminist movement back
into action in the spring of 2011, when Toronto police constable Michael Sanguinetti
stated: Women should avoid dressing like sluts in order not to be victimized
(Crane, 2012, p.14). Twitter erupted in disgust as word of the comment traveled
around the world.
Heather Jarvis was sitting in the audience, and, so insulted by the victim
blaming comment, decided to take action. She and Sonya Barnett started what
became known as SlutWalk, to raise awareness of victim blaming in cases of rape,
drawing long time feminists and people new to activism through Facebook and
Twitter. The idea took off, much like word of Constable Sanguinettis comments.
SlutWalk Toronto drew more than 1,000 participants (some estimates are as high as
3,000), completely overwhelming Jarvis and Barnett, who had expected no more
than 100 (Murphy, 2012).
The name, chosen for shock value, is part of why it was a success. SlutWalk
successfully drew media attention, but it came with internal debate within the
global feminist movement (Kapur, 2012). As the walks spread to the United States,

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the United Kingdom India, and eventually 71 other countries, feminists around the
world debated the value of the name.
Within the feminist movement there are still mixed feelings; did the name
add value, a level of success? And at what cost? Theresa OKeefe (2011) writes that
trying to reclaim the term slut cannot be effective, and sees the movement as a bad
sign of things to come from the next generation of feminists. Recognizing that
marchers are encouraged to dress any way they deem appropriate and are
comfortable, the images being published in the media are almost entirely of women
wearing little more than bras and cut-offs (OKeefe, 2011), the movement internally
has been in an ongoing battle, whether these images are just living up the event
name or effective in taking it back. Organizers of SlutWalk DC decided to hold a
fundraiser to pay for the 2012 event. Held in a strip club, many in the feminist
community balked at the idea. The organizers insisted the movement is about being
non-judgmental, embracing all choices a woman wishes to make (Murphy, 2012,
p.21), an interesting choice of descriptor, Meghan Murphy thinks, for a movement
based on collective freedom from oppression and exploitation (Murphy, 2012,
p.21).
Since the first SlutWalk the term slut was used disparagingly by Rush
Limbaugh in response to Georgetown law student Sandra Fluke advocating for the
inclusion of birth control in health insurance at religious institutions as part of the
Affordable Care Act. The feminist movement shot back with #FlushRushNow, a
Twitter campaign to get Limbaughs sponsors to drop him. Most did. Then came the
New York Times article stating that a young girl in Texas knew what she was doing

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when she was gang raped, because she was dressed in older girls clothes and
wearing makeup (Valenti, 2011). She was 11 years old. SlutWalks have come back
for a second year, mostly out of continued need for awareness and education around
rape, victim blaming and slut shaming; and a little due to the fact that young
feminists found the in person action of rallying around an issue to be empowering.
Jessica Valenti wrote in an op-ed, Its easy to forget that change starts with anger,
and that history has always been made by badasses...SlutWalks have cropped up
organically, in city after city, fueled by the raw emotional and political energy of
young women (Valenti, 2011, para. 5, 6). Passion, energy and a desire for change
are what make social and political change become a reality. SlutWalk ignited a long
quiet movement, and triggered a new generation to action. Now the question is how
to keep it going.
Summary
Over the last four years it seems the world has been set on fire with a goal of
massive change. In countries where free speech is limited, or nonexistent, social
media have been crucial to creating change. Without them organizing would be
much more dangerous, and responses from oppressive governments may go
unnoticed by the public, within the country, and certainly by the international
community. Social media have changed the face of organized protests, whether
through text messages sent to alert protesters of blocked streets, through Twitter to
spread visual proof of on the ground actions, or through Facebook groups to make
the protest happen in the first place. Without these options and tools, much of the

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political changes seen around the world in the last two years could not have
occurred.
SlutWalk was a re-ignition to what had become a quiet time in the feminist
movement. While some within the crowd may not like what they see, one thing is
clear: they worked. Valenti said, SlutWalks have become the most successful
feminist action of the past 20 years. In a feminist movement that is often fighting
simply to hold ground, SlutWalks stand out as a reminder of feminisms more grass-
roots past and point to what the future could look like (Valenti, para. 2), which is
precisely what some fear. For the youngest feminists, it is a sign that change can
still happen on the ground, and coming together to fight for a common cause is a
good thing.
Pulling from what has been most effective elsewhere in the world it is clear
that each social media tool has a specific purpose in any given situation. Through all
the examples given here, Facebook has been most effective in the early planning and
organizing stage. Any feminist event you go to, you will see half the women there
typing away on a cell phone, live tweeting the event. Photographs and video are
posted constantly. That much has caught on. So, how then, does the feminist
movement put these tools to use, and create lasting change on those issues that
seem to continue to be a battle from one generation to the next?
Methodology

It is clear the Internet has altered civic engagement and citizen activism. The
feminist community has the tools necessary to create social change through social
media, as the examples in the literature review show. The question of how best to

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maneuver in this arena requires knowing how people interested in feminist issues
are connecting online.

Through an online survey (Appendix A), distributed through email, Twitter,

Facebook and blog posts, the goal of this research was to discover how people are
accessing information on feminist issues, which medium people are most likely to
respond to based on the request, and how much and what type of action people are
willing to take.

The survey was open for 15 days during March 2013, and was pushed out

through social media networks over the course of the first six days, including
through a blog post on Fem2.0. Through Twitter, the survey was shared by
individuals, two organizations (Fem2.0 and Digital Sisterhood), and retweeted five
times. Aside from general demographic information, the survey sought information
such as online publications and websites people follow; what issues are most
important to them; how much time people spend online talking and reading about
feminist issues; how likely and through which type of communication they would be
to respond to a request to sign a petition, attend a rally, write or speak with an
elected official or participate in town hall (in person, online or over the phone).
While most of the survey questions were closed-ended, there were several open
ended questions regarding how the online community can better provide space for
the feminist movement, the biggest hurdle preventing the feminist movement from
creating lasting change, and what the most pressing issue is for the movement over
the next four years.

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Sample
The final sample included 149 participants, and 184 click-throughs. (Full report of
raw data is available in Appendix B.) Ninety percent of participants are female, and
the remaining 10% male. Age categories were broken out by generation as follows:
ages 18 24 and 25 32 are Generation Y (Gen Y), ages 33 40 and 41 48 are
Generation X (Gen X), ages 49 56 and 57-64 are Baby Boomers, and the final age
bracket of age 75 and older are part of the Silent generation (citation). Broken out
by generation, 61% of participants belong to GenY, 26% belong to GenX and 14%
belong to the Baby Boomer generation. An overwhelming majority of participants
are Caucasian, at 91%. The remaining participants broken out by race were as
follows: 2% African American, 7% Hispanic, 4% Asian, 1% Native American, and 2%
other.

The majority of participants reside in the United States, however 21% are

from Canada (17% of the total), Australia and the United Kingdom. In the United
States, when broken out by regions: the Mid-Atlantic made up 31% of the
participants, the West coast 10%, the South and Midwest/West both made up 8%
each and the Northeast 10%.

Eighty-five percent of participants responded they identify as a feminist.

Parents made up 31% of respondents. Of those with children, 39% have at least one
child four years and under, 27% have at least one child elementary school aged,
29% have at least one child middle school or high school aged, with 38% having at
least one adult child (18 years and older).

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Results

When asked about specific feminist issues, there was little difference in
importance across age. All participants rated violence against women as important
or very important. The next most important issues were reproductive rights, and
equal pay with 96% and 95% respectively, reporting each issue as important or
very important. The next most important issue was marriage equality (92% saying
it is important or very important) and the remaining issues showing a steep drop off
in level of importance.
In terms of online activity, in regards to time spent online reading and talking
about the issues described above, 31% of participants spend over nine hours per
Figure 1 Issue Importance

24

week, 22% spent 1-3 hours per week, and 21% spent 4-6 hours per week. When
asked which social media channels participants use weekly, 96% use Facebook,
62% use Twitter, and 23% and 24% use Pinterest and Tumblr respectively.

Asked about blogs, websites and organizations participants follow on Twitter

and Facebook, responses were about even for each option. However the numbers
dropped off in when asked about following an organization or website through
email and RSS feeds. Going directly to the homepage was approximately even with
email and RSS following rates as well, with two exceptions. The long established
organization, Feminist Majority and Jezebel, a feminist blog were far more popular
with direct website visits.

When asked about participation in a tweetchat on feminist issues, 33%

responded they have participated. Fifty-seven percent have signed a petition, and
47% have contacted an elected official due to a tweet. When a request for action
comes from a Facebook post, 84% have signed a petition and 70% have contacted
an elected official.

When asked what type of action (online and off) participants would be most

likely to take, 83% said they would sign a petition and 71% said they would attend
an event (fundraiser, panel discussion, networking event), while 54% said they
would attend a rally or march.

25

Figure 2 What type of action are you likely to take online or off

The response to a call to action based on the platform the call is made on can be
seen in Figures 3 through 5 below.
Figure 2 Call to action on Facebook most likely to take

26

Figure 3 Call to action on Twitter most likely to take

Figure 4 Call to action on email most likely to take

27

The biggest hurdle preventing the feminist movement from making lasting

change focused on three different issues: the current political climate including
conservative backlash on feminist issues and the lack of funding verse political
opponents (this includes both candidates and organizations), the negative
connotation with the word feminist and need for a clear definition of a feminist, and
internal issues within the movement. Generational issues within the movement
were brought up enough to be split out, though, along with media portrayal of
women, was not seen as important as the political and internal movement issues.
Figure 6 Biggest Hurdle Preventing Feminist Movement from Making Lasting Change

What is the biggest hurdle preventing

the feminist movement from making
lasting change?
6.9

6.9

Depinition of Feminism
26
Internal Movement issues

34.2
26

Political Climate and

Conservative backlash
Generational issues w/in
movement
Media Portral of Women

When asked what the most pressing issue the feminist community should

focus on for the next four years, the most common answer was violence against
women, followed shortly behind by reproductive justice issues. The next most
common answers were equality in the workplace, including equal pay, and the lack
of women in leadership roles in business and politics. Once again the issue of

28

internal movement issues namely the need for a definition of feminist and the lack
of cohesion within the movement were notably popular responses.
Figure 7 Most Pressing Issue for Feminist Movement to Focus on Over the Next Four Years

What is the most pressing issue the

feminist movement should focus on over
the next four years?
3.65
12.2

Reproductive Rights

2.4
26.8

13.4

Violence Against Women

Equality in the Workplace/
Equal Pay

13.4

28

Leadership in Business/
Politics
Movement Cohesion/
Depinition of Feminism
Media Portrayal of Women

Participants were then asked if change on these issues could be accomplished
through social media. Seventy-eight percent said yes, while those who said no were
asked for other tactics. The most common responses were in-person political action
through lobbying and electing more women to public office, and local community
action.

While the sample did not provide a wide variance in multiple-choice

questions, a great deal of information and ideas were compiled through the two
open ended questions. The responses to the question of the biggest hurdle
preventing the feminist movement from making lasting change build a better

29

picture of the issues of an unclear definition of feminism, and the generational and
internal movement issues.

The following page of quotes gives examples from each of the categories

mentioned above.

30

The results give a clear picture of where the feminist community is most
31

active on social media, as well as what online publications and websites are most
popular. The questions around the issues facing the feminist movement and what to
focus on for the next four years create a jumping off point to refocus and put
together a movement wide plan.
Discussion

While the survey had a good response rate and high participation, more than

half the participants were young (Generation Y) white women. This is despite
efforts to gain a diverse data set geographically and racially, as well as across gender
and age. This could be attributed to the hashtags the survey was shared through on
Twitter, or the pages it was shared with on Facebook, as well as the actual network
makeup of individual users who shared the survey. The demographics do, however,
reflect the common divide within the feminist community online along racial and
generational lines, and whose voices are most often heard online.

Since the bulk of the survey was focused on feminist issues, organizations

and the movement at broad, it was important to ask up from if participants identify
as feminist. As expected, with later questions regarding issues to solve and hurdles
to achieving change within the feminist movement, one of the most common
responses was the misunderstanding and often negative connotations of the word
feminist. The definition is not the same across organizations or generations, making
it confusing for young women and turning it into a negative by those who disagree
with all or some issues.

A clear and simple definition, as those offered up in the introduction to this

capstone may be seen as starting points, but could serve the movement well. The

32

feminist movement at large needs a branding campaign, clearly laying out the
definition of feminism and of feminists. The added benefit to such a campaign
would be preparation from organizations across the country to respond when the
movement at large is attacked. A few of the responses to the questions asking what
the most pressing issues and biggest hurdles are for the movement included the
word branding.

There is a need for the feminist movement to come together under one

definition, or brand. With so many organizations and individuals making up the

feminist movement in the United States, the need to work together, collaborate
where common goals overlap, to accomplish change needs to begin with defining
feminism, and sharing that with the greater public.

However this step will only work if all voices within the movement are heard,

across the spectrum of race, gender and age. Once that is clear the next step should
be to take on those issues that are of most concern to the feminist community. Yet,
before this can happen something else is more important and pressing. Without
focusing on the internal structure of the movement, and organizational issues, a
branding campaign can not work.

The generational divide impacting the feminist movement is similar to the

divide impacting the business world at large. Baby boomers continue to remain
influential, and continue to hold positions in the top of hierarchical structures.
Within the feminist community this is creating a wide divide. Older generations
claim younger women do not recognize the change that has already come, as one
participant said in response to what the biggest hurdle is for the feminist movement,

33

explaining, Young women have no concept of what the world was like 50 years ago
(Appendix B, page 27). It is a valid concern, but it only tells half the story.

For many young women there is a great deal of understanding of where the

movement was before now, having lived the benefits of the change created in
between the 1950s and 1970s. However there is also daily evidence of the work yet
to be done. The next two generations struggle to get a seat at the table and ensure
their voices are heard. These are also two generations who have been active much
of their lives, and without access or a route to move up in the feminist movement,
whether as a career or through volunteer work, they become discouraged and
burned out, and move on to other positions or issues, other battles. Continuing to
lock out younger generations is likely to stunt the movement in the long run.

Internal divisiveness continues to affect the movement at large as individual

feminists tear each other down, and attack each for how the other side was attacked.
There has long been an infighting issue, holding back the entire movement, and has
begun to get passed down to the second and third wave feminists. Much of this
should be able to be solved from the two above issues being solved first. Bringing
everyone together with a clear definition, and then refusing to attack those who
appear to be feminist but do not or will not take the name, can change the power
behind the movement, and allow everyone to move forward together.

The question should be at this point where is the feminist movement going.

Based on the survey results a few issues take top priority. Survey participants rated
the importance violence against women and reproductive rights at much high level
than any other listed option. This is not surprising given number of states working

34

to take apart laws on reproductive choice and attempts to ban abortion access. The
prominent battle over reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act in the
United States Congress at the end of 2012 and the early part of 2013 certainly could
have helped push violence against women to the top of the list.

Violence against women and reproductive rights are two of the issues that

the feminist movement returns to with each generation, fighting a battle that has
already been fought, and often times seen as won and done. Both issues also tend to
have a very personal impact on individual lives. Winning battles incrementally, each
issue has taken a different course, but both seem to follow a two steps forward, one
step back pattern. Understanding this pattern, and the goal of the other side in
pulling back, will impact how the movement actually moves forward without having
to return to these issues. The threat of a return to the 1950s in terms of the role of
women is fearful to feminists with an understanding of how far the movement has
come, there is a lot to lose, none more so than with these two issues.

Reproductive rights as an issue tends to carry several sub-issues with the

umbrella category. The contents vary based on the person you ask, as does whether
a particular stance makes you a feminist or locks you out of the club, giving the
movement another reason for a clear definition. This category often includes
abortion, contraception, sex education, sexual health, sexual identity, family
planning and even sexual violence, overlapping with issues around within a broader
violence against women category. Reproductive rights are a highly partisan issue,
but it is also a very personal issue, choosing when, if and how to have children and
with whom. It is also very much a womens issue. While men have always been

35

involved in the debate, it is womens bodies and lives that are being debated, and
those are the voices that need to be heard. A more recent solution to this is electing
more women to public office. It is also important that voices are not shouted down,
hidden or silenced.

Violence against women has a similar issue of voices being silenced, yet it is

often for very different reasons. Domestic abuse, rape, and sexual assault all still
carry a stigma, and a feeling of guilt on the part of the victim. As with Slut Walk, this
broader issue of victim blaming and guilt is important to solve. So is the issue of
ensuring there is a place for victims to get help, and so is ensuring stories are told
and victims are not silenced.

Social media has been a powerful took for both reproductive rights and

violence against women. With regard to victims, the anonymity offered is a

welcome way to share your story without revealing who you are. Yet, moving both
of these broad issues forward means speaking up, showing up online and in person.
Social media has also played an affective role in educating the public on these issues,
offering a place for discussion and questions to be asked, while in safe space. These
are two issues that require involvement in the legislative process; one area the
majority of participants did not have interest in getting involved with. Making it
easier to take action and coordinating with organizations of a similar mission will
help to define an issue and show support to legislators. Collaborating on lobbying
efforts, and member days on Capitol Hill in Washington, DC and at state capitols
means more people and legislators can be reached, and allows for a large show of

36

support when condensing supporters of several organizations on to one set of

talking points.

Equality in the workplace and in leadership positions (both in business and

politics) came up even for the third most important issue. The issues within these
categories, ranging from equal pay, to paid sick days, to family leave have a daily
impact on families and individuals where it makes the biggest dent the bank
account. Equality in leadership within business and politics can change a great deal
of the policies that impact women and families. The 2012 election saw a celebration
by the feminist community because of the huge number of women elected to federal
and state offices. The feminist movement is watching to see the results produced by
these women, and the impact on policies and legislation. The number of women in
elected office is certainly is not enough, but the lack of women in leadership
positions in business is just as much of an issue. While the country waits to catch up
to the rest of the Western world through policy changes at the state and federal
level, businesses can change their policies on how pay is structured, how or if hourly
employees get sick time, and how work-life scheduling happens. Advocacy takes a
slightly different path, where advocating to both governments, and to companies to
see policy change. Just like with Twitter campaigns and online petitions have been
done to affect change on a legislative level, the same can happen targeting business
industries and specific companies.

As with the issues discussed earlier, these have been front and center off and

on for a couple generations now. The difference here is the incremental change,
each time leading to the next phase of the debate. While there are certainly

37

economic impacts when womens health and well being are involved, as with
violence against women and reproductive rights, the issues around workplace
equality and equality in leadership positions has a much more direct economic
impact on a half the population personally, and a trickledown effect on families. The
importance of these issues cannot be ignored or pushed to the side.
Conclusion
With all of these issues, community action, advocacy and direct lobbying will all play
a role in creating change. Seventy-eight percent of survey participants said yes, this
change could happen through social media. Social media is not the end all, be all of
social change. But with so few people willing to take offline action (28% would
meet with an elected official, 31% would attend a town hall), the feminist movement
needs to look at what it can accomplish through social media, and how to make the
most of the offline actions. As seen from Slut Walk, people are willing to show up for
local events. Recreating the 2004 March for Womens Lives may be out of the
question today, but what does work is the power of the Internet and social media to
propel people to action, again looking no further than Slut Walk for an example in
the feminist community. Simplifying action, knowing what the feminist community
wants to see change on the most, and meeting them where they are is the best
starting point for change.
In terms of next steps, the feminist movement as a whole needs to come
together, individuals and organizations, bringing together voices from across
generations, races, and genders, to discuss internal issues and goals of the
movement including defining feminism, the movement at large, and branding and

38

messaging will make taking on the policy and social issues easier. Organizations
need to come together to collaborate and coordinate efforts. So many feminist
organizations missions and goals overlap with each other. This is not a bad thing,
but coordination in lobbying and advocacy efforts, messaging to media, the public
and politicians should be coordinated. The appearance of infighting within the
movement leaves everyone less able to affect change.
The feminist movement is tired of fighting the same battles every 10 or 20
years. The difference this time is the tools and presence online. Social media can
reach more people, include more voices, and offers collaborative platforms to come
together as a movement rather than several individual organizations. Coming
together on issues around reproductive rights and violence against women requires
a plan for collaboration, both online and off.
Change is clearly needed, both in operation of the movement and in policy.
The time has come to work together, and meet the individuals who make up the
feminist community where they are online. Through online advocacy on social
media, and offline action, the feminist movement can make real change happen. The
goal of the feminist movement should be to end the need for the movement. It is
time to make the current wave of feminism the last wave of feminism.

39

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Appendix A.

Social Media Use in the Feminist Community

Q31 Survey of Social Media Use in the Feminist Community ONLINE SURVEY
CONSENT FORM PURPOSE: The purpose of this study is to understand how the
feminist community connects online, and what drives them to advocate for issues
both online and off. It is being conducted as part of a capstone paper for graduate
studies at American University. PROCEDURE: You will be asked to answer a series
of questions related to your use of social media, and issues and organizations you
follow. The survey should take 10 15 minutes. If at any time during the survey you
feel uncomfortable or do not wish to answer a question, you can stop the study or
move forward to another question. CONFIDENTIALITY: Every attempt will be
made to maintain strict confidentiality of any information collected in this study.
Your responses will in no way be linked to you personally, and you will not be asked
to provide any personally identifiable information. Your responses are anonymous.
RISKS: There is minimal risk to participating in this study. The primary risk
associated with this study is the potential discomfort in answering the survey
questions. BENEFITS: There is no direct benefit to you. However, your
participation could help to improve the nutrition-related resources offered on
campus. ALTERNATIVES/WITHDRAWAL: Participation in this study is
completely voluntary. You can withdraw from the study at any time. CONTACT
PERSON: If you have any questions at any time about this survey, feel free to contact
Professor Lauren Feldman in the School of Communication (email:
feldman@american.edu, phone: 202-885-2041). CONCLUSION: By selecting "I
agree" and clicking Next you indicate that you agree to participate in this survey.
I agree (1)

43


Q1 Age:
18-24 (1)
25-32 (2)
33-40 (3)
41-48 (4)
49-56 (5)
57-64 (6)
65-74 (7)
75+ (8)

Q2 What is your race?
White/Caucasian (1)
African American (2)
Hispanic (3)
Asian (4)
Native American (5)
Pacific Islander (6)
Other (7)

Q5 Gender
Male (1)
Female (2)
Other (3)

Q6 State/Province

Q7 Do you identify as a feminist?
Yes (1)
No (2)

Q8 Do you have children?
Yes (1)
No (2)

44

Answer If Do you have children? (If no, please skip to question 8) Yes Is Selected

Q9 If yes, what age is/are your child(ren)? Please check all that apply.
4 years and under (1)
5-10 years old (2)
11-14 years old (3)
15-18 years old (4)
18-24 years old (5)
25 years and older (6)

Q10 How important are the following issues to you?

Not
Familiar
(1)

Not
Important
(2)

Somewhat
Important
(3)

Important
(4)

Very
Important
(5)

Reproductive
Rights (1)

Equal Pay (2)

Marriage Equality
(3)

Violence Against
Women (4)

Title IX (5)

Media Portrayal
of Women (6)

Work/Life
Flexibility (7)

Paid Sick
Days/Family
Leave (8)

Equal
Representation in
positions of
power/leadership
(9)

Science,
Technology,
Engineering &
Math (10)

Other: (11)

45

Q11 How much time do you spend on social media reading or talking about the
above issues?
Less than 1 hour/week (1)
1-3 hours/week (2)
4-6 hours/week (3)
6-9 hours/week (4)
Over 9 hours/week (5)

Q12 Which of the following organizations/websites do you follow on social media?
Please select all that apply.

Do you follow:
Yes
(1)

No (2)

Where do you follow them?

Twitter
(1)

Facebook
(2)

RSS
(3)

Website
(4)

Email
(5)

AAUW (1)

Abortion Gang
(2)

DigitalSisterhood
(3)

Gender Focus (4)

Fem2.0 (5)

Feministing (6)

Feminist
Majority (7)

Jezebel (8)

Good Man
Project (9)

MomsRising (10)

Ms (11)

NARAL (12)

NOW (13)

Planned
Parenthood (14)

RH Reality Check
(15)

YWCA-USA (16)

Other: (17)

46

Q13 Which social media channels do you use weekly? Please check all that apply.
Facebook (1)
Twitter (2)
Google+ (3)
Tumblr (4)
Pinterest (5)
LinkedIn (6)

Q14 Have you ever participated in a tweetchat related to feminist issues?
Yes (1)
No (2)
Answer If Do you participate in tweetchats related to feminist issues? Yes Is Selected

Q16 What was the last tweetchat you participated in?

Q16 Has a tweet or Facebook post ever prompted you to do any of the following?

Twitter
Yes (1)

Facebook
No (2)

Yes (1)

No (2)

Sign a petition
(1)

Attend a
march/rally (2)

Contact an
elected official
(3)

Q17 Which of the following types of offline action are you most likely to take part in?
Attend a march/rally (1)
Attend an event (2)
Meet with an elected official (3)
Sign a petition (4)
Attend a townhall (5)
Participate in a Twitter townhall (6)
Participate in tele-townhall (7)
Other: (8) ____________________

47

Q18 How likely are you to take action in the following ways from through each of
the below tools?

Twitter

Facebook

Email

Do
not
No
hav
t
Ve
Some
e
Ve
ry
what
Twi
ry
Lik
Likel
tter
Lik
ely
y (3)
Acc
ely
(4)
oun
(2)
t
(5)

No
Wo
t
uld
ve
not
ry
tak
lik
e
el
act
y
ion
(2
(1)
)

Onlin
e

Petiti
on (1)

Atten
d
rally/
march
(2)

Email
electe

d
officia
l (3)

Meet
with
electe
d
officia
l (4)

Partic
ipate
in a
Tweet
chat
(5)

Partic
ipate
in
Tele-
or
Twitt
er
Town

Wo
uld
No
t
Ta
ke
Act
ion
(1)

Do
not
Ve
Some
have
ry
what
Face
Lik
Likel
book
ely
y (3)
acco
(4)
unt
(5)

No
Wo
t
uld
ve
not
ry
tak
lik
e
el
act
y
ion
(2
(1)
)

Do
no
t
Ve
Some
ha
ry
what
ve
Lik
Likel
e
ely
y (3)
m
(4)
ail
(5
)

48

hall
(6)

Q19 What do you think the online community can do to better serve the feminist
movement?

Q20 What do you think is the biggest hurdle preventing the feminist movement
from making lasting change?

Q21 What do you think is the most pressing issue the feminist movement should
focus on over the next 4 years?

Q22 Do you think this can be done through social media?
Yes (1)
No (2)

Answer If Do you think this can be done through social media? No Is Selected

Q23 What method would be more effective than social media?

49