Improving Police Officers Oerception of Sexual Offending Through Intensive Training

Criminal Justice and
Behavior
http://cjb.sagepub.com/
Improving Police Officers' Perceptions of Sexual Offending Through Intensive

Training
Elli Darwinkel, Martine Powell and Patrick Tidmarsh
Criminal Justice and Behavior 2013 40: 895 originally published online 2 May 2013
DOI: 10.1177/0093854813475348
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CJBXXX10.1177/0093854813475348Crimi
nal Justice and BehaviorDarwinkel et al. / Improving Police Officers Perceptions
2013
Improving Police Officers

Perceptions of Sexual Offending
Through Intensive Training
Elli Darwinkel
Martine Powell
Deakin University
Patrick Tidmarsh
Victoria Police
We examined whether specialist police training on the dynamics of sexual offending can modify officers victim-blaming
attitudes and negative perceptions regarding likely case authorization. The sample included 77 Australian police officers
specialising in sexual assault investigation. The training, delivered face to face over 4 weeks, included focus on identifying
elements of grooming in offending relationships and how these elements can be elicited from victims and suspects within a
narrative interviewing framework. Officers perceptions of cases were assessed immediately pre- and posttraining using a
series of case scenarios. For each scenario, officers rated (on a 10-point Likert-type scale) their confidence that the case
should be authorised to proceed to prosecution and the responsibility attributable to the victim. For each case, officers also
listed up to 5 factors to justify their case authorization decision. Overall, confidence in case authorization increased from
pre- to posttraining, whilst perception of victim responsibility decreased. The pattern of results, including the qualitative
evidence to justify officers decisions, support that the attitude change was due to greater understanding of the dynamics of
sexual offending. The implications for police trainers, and directions for future research, are discussed.
Keywords: sexual abuse; investigative interviewing; police training; sex offender suspects; whole story model
exual abuse is a prevalent crime, the rate of which continues to rise globally (GarciaMoreno & Watts, 2011). Conviction rates for sexual offences are low, however, due in
large part to high levels of case attrition. Indeed, the rate of attrition in sexual offences is
higher than that of all other personal crimes (Stern, 2010; Victorian Law Reform
Commission [VLRC], 2004). On average, only 14% of all sexual assaults are reported to
police organisations, of which only 30% are referred for prosecution. As a consequence of
the low reporting and prosecution rates, less than 3% of all sexual assault perpetrators are
convicted of their crimes (Daly & Bouhours, 2010).
One reason that many allegations of actual sexual abuse do not proceed to trial is
because there are widespread misconceptions about how sexual offences occur and how
victims should behave when they are offended against (Chapleau & Oswald, 2010; Horvath
& Brown, 2005; Page, 2008, 2010; Ullman, 2010). Common perceptions (i.e., rape myths)
are that real victims fight back, real victims report abuse immediately, and real rapes
AUTHORS NOTE: Our thanks to Superintendent Rod Jouning, Mark Barnett, Tiffany Lewis, and the Sexual
Offence and Child Abuse Investigation Team Specialist Development Unit for their support, especially
Detective Sergeant Tony Breen, who assisted in questionnaire design. Thanks also to Amber Darwinkel for
assistance with coding. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Professor Martine
Powell, School of Psychology, Deakin University, 221 Burwood Hwy, Burwood, 3125, Victoria, Australia;
e-mail: martine.powell@deakin.edu.au.
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, Vol. 40, No. 8, August 2013, 895-908.
DOI: 10.1177/0093854813475348
2013 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
895
896Criminal Justice and Behavior
are not committed by persons who the victim knows when in reality compliance, delayed
reporting, and the existence of prior victimoffender relationships are the norm (Lievore,
2003; Page, 2010; Sleath & Bull, 2012; Ullman, 2010). Police officers are gatekeepers
to the criminal justice system (i.e., they determine which cases proceed to prosecution), yet
police misconceptions of sexual offences are prevalent irrespective of officer or victim
gender, whether the officers specialise in sexual assault investigation, and officer years of
service (Jamel, Bull, & Sheridan, 2008; Schwartz, 2010; Sleath & Bull, 2012).
The relevance of professionals misconceptions about how sexual offences occur is that
when a victims behavior is not consistent with professionals prior expectations, this can
influence the professionals perception of the veracity and strength of the evidence in a
manner that is prejudicial for the victim (Statewide Steering Committee to Reduce Sexual
Assault [SSCRSA], 2006). Perceptions of the veracity and strength of evidence determine
whether a case should be pursued (Powell, Murfett, & Thomson, 2010), and for juries, it
determines whether a suspect should be convicted (Devine, Clayton, Dunford, Seying, &
Pryce, 2001). Even victims decisions to pursue a complaint of abuse are influenced by
misconceptions about sexual offending dynamics. Attributions of self-blame such as I
should have fought back, I should have reported when I first had the opportunity, and
I should have seen the warning signs lead victims to withdraw complaints due to fear
that their story will not be believed (Jamel et al., 2008; Kelly, Lovett, & Regan, 2005;
Lievore, 2003; Mouzos & Makkai, 2004; van Kesteren, Mayhew, & Nieuwbeerta, 2000).
Feeling supported, listened to, and not judged is of paramount importance to victims,
more so than whether their case results in the offender being punished (Powell & Cauchi,
2011; VLRC, 2004).
Specialised police training targeting knowledge of sexual offending is of paramount
importance for reducing the high attrition rates of sexual offences. This conclusion is stated
in major government inquiries into sexual offences (e.g., Stern, 2010; VLRC, 2004) as well
as independent empirical research. For instance, surveys and in-depth interviews with victims and sexual assault investigators have highlighted an association between rape myths
and low prioritisation of, and support for, sexual assault victims during the justice process
(Jordan, 2004; Kelly et al., 2005; van Kesteren et al., 2000). Furthermore, examination of the
written justifications for police authorization of sexual abuse cases for prosecution suggests
a bias that shares an uncanny resemblance to the public stereotype and myths of how rapes
occur (Brown, Hamilton, & ONeill, 2007; Jordan, 2004; Powell et al., 2010; Spohn &
Tellis, 2008, 2012). Frazier and Haney (1996), for example, found that of 569 reported
sexual assaults, cases had a higher likelihood of being investigated and authorised for prosecution if the suspect was a stranger, the victim was injured or threatened, and there was
evidence of penetration.
The acceptance of rape myths by police officers means that cases that do not fit the
stereotype are dismissed as false reports. False reports are estimated by officers as
between 50% and 80% when the true rate is less than 10% (Lisak, Gardinier, Nicksa, &
Cote, 2010; Schwartz, 2010; SSCRSA, 2006; VLRC, 2004). Furthermore, evidence is
sought, remembered, and compiled by police in a way that supports initial hypotheses
regarding the guilt of the suspect (Ask & Granhag, 2005; Hill, Memon, & McGeorge,
2008; Rassin, Eerland, & Kuijpers, 2010). This phenomenon, referred to as confirmation
bias, is a fundamental cognitive tendency that impacts performance in almost every professional domain (Nickerson, 1998). In the context of sexual assault investigation, expectations
Darwinkel et al. / IMPROVING POLICE OFFICERS PERCEPTIONS897
of suspect guilt or innocence can have an effect on questioning style, which in turn can
lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy effect (Hill et al., 2008).
Stereotypes and biases can be tremendously difficult to change in training. Prior studies
targeting negative police attitudes have clearly demonstrated this. Patterson (2004), for example, used a pre-/posttest design to examine the effect of a training course on 81 police recruits
knowledge and skills of child abuse, as well as the prevalence of negative affect (e.g., anger,
disgust, sadness, and discomfort) when reading case vignettes. The reason for targeting these
reactions is that they are known to interfere with investigators ability to talk objectively with,
and support, abusive parents (Hazzard & Rupp, 1986). The child abuse training (part of a
larger course delivered in class format over several days) was 8 hours in length and included
1 hour on the dynamics of child abuse and the characteristics of abusive parents. Although
the training was associated with improvement in knowledge of child abuse, officers perceptions about how they would feel when interacting with an abused child or an abusive parent
(as measured by the Child Abuse Survey; Hazzard & Rupp, 1986) did not change.
Another study to highlight the difficulty in shifting police attitudes under brief instruction is that by Lonsway, Welch, and Fitzgerald (2001), who tested the effectiveness of two
sexual assault police training programs. As with the study by Patterson (2004), the time
devoted to sexual offending dynamics was relatively brief. One program included less than
30 minutes of discussion on sexual offending dynamics, and the other included 2 hours
on the dynamics of sexual offending and the impact on victims. The longer training
included a video of a fictional rape of a police officer (to invoke victim empathy) and a
role-play with one participant playing a robbery victim being interviewed by the instructor,
to demonstrate the impact of interviewer scepticism and blame. For both training programs,
attitudes and beliefs that deny and justify male aggression against women were measured
on Payne, Lonsway, and Fitzgeralds (1999) rape myth acceptance scale,1 both before and
at various points throughout and after the program. The results showed that neither of the
training programs had any effect on police recruits acceptance of rape myths, even though
the training was effective in improving behavioral performance on several practical skills,
including interviewing. The findings are consistent with reviews highlighting the complex
array of interrelated social and cognitive processes that underpin attitude change in informational settings (e.g., Wood, 2000).
The current study extends the work of Lonsway et al. (2001) and Patterson (2004) by
testing the effectiveness of a more intensive, integrated, and interactive training program
on sexual offending. The mandatory 4-week course, a foundation training program
designed for all police investigators who specialise in sexual assault and sexual child abuse
investigation, centres around the Whole Story approach to investigation of sexual crime,
a model reported by Tidmarsh, Powell, and Darwinkel (in press). The model proposes that
understanding grooming (i.e., the process by which a perpetrator prepares a victim for
abuse, by gaining access, compliance, and secrecy) is a central component of the police
interview and investigation procedure in cases of sexual assault and sexual child abuse.
Specifically, decision-making of investigators, jurors, and legal professionals requires an
understanding not only of what occurred (i.e., the offence and physical context) but details
of how the victim came to be in the situation and to respond the way he or she did. These
how details are elicited by direct enquiry about the offendervictim relationship and the
events that occurred leading up to the offence. The dynamics were taught within a variety
of different learning modalities, including information sessions, question and answer sessions
with actual victims, footage of actual offenders (in the context of therapy) explaining the
grooming process, case examples, and role-playing of victims reporting sexual abuse.
Overall, we expected that our intensive training in the dynamics of sexual offending
would be associated with (a) significant improvement in awareness of offending dynamics,
(b) higher attributions of likely case authorization, and (c) lower attributions of victim
responsibility for the offences. We also expected that the improvements would be more
obvious for those case scenarios where the evidence against the suspect was ambiguous
(i.e., there was no obvious physical or corroborative evidence that indicated the guilt of the
suspect, beyond the victims report).
Method
Participants
All participants (N = 77) were sworn police officers recruited through Victoria Police
Service, Australia. The training described in this article was a mandatory course that the
participants needed to complete to become specialist investigators in sexual offending and
child abuse investigation. The sample was heterogeneous, including members from across
the entire state (regional and metropolitan) and from a range of ranks including Senior
Constables, Sergeants, and Senior Sergeants.2 In all, 66% of participants were male and
34% were female. Participants came from a variety of backgrounds, from general duties
police officers to criminal-investigation-focused detectives and victim-focused sexual
offence investigators. Prior experience in sexual offence investigation ranged from none to
more than 20 years. Ethical approval was obtained from the university and police ethics
committees. While the course was mandatory, participation in the research evaluation component was voluntary (all professionals agreed to be involved). To protect confidentiality,
no identifying information was recorded on the assessment sheets.
Procedure
The study adopted a pre-/posttraining design. All participants engaged in the 4-week
training course and completed a questionnaire that assessed their perception of cases on
Day 1 of the course (prior to the commencement of any educative component) and again
on the last day of the training after all the coursework was complete. The questionnaires
included 12 scenarios. Immediately after reading each scenario, participants were required
to answer a series of four standard questions. They were instructed that there is no right or
wrong answer to the questions; judgments were subjective. The details of the training and
assessment tasks are described below.
Training course. The training was delivered over 4 consecutive weeks in classroom
format by specialists with backgrounds in the treatment of sex offenders, police investigation of sexual offences, and the impact of sexual abuse on victims. The content focused
primarily on the dynamics of sexual offending and interview technique. Table 1 presents a
description of the program including the content areas and their objectives, time allocation,
and methods of delivery. The theoretical premise running through the program is that
sexual offending occurs within a relationship driven and manipulated by offenders and
that witness/suspect interviews need to better incorporate the relationship dynamics to
Table 1: Description of Training Components and Time Allocated to Each

Component
Objectives
Description of Relevant Sessions
Introduce
model
To introduce the framework

and its importance during
investigations and trials.
Lecture and discussion on the Whole Story

framework (Tidmarsh et al., in press) and
sexual offending as a crime of relationship
(with case examples).
Analysis of a court transcript highlighting the role
of police and how the framework can impact
court proceedings.
Lecture and discussion sessions on:
- victims responses to trauma
- the psychology of victims and their behavior
- victims needs (with experienced abuse
counsellors)
Presentation and question/answer session with
adult victim/survivors of childhood sexual
abuse
Video footage of offenders in treatment roleplaying grooming
Lecture and discussion session on theories of
offending
Lecture and discussion on offending planning
and behavior
Analysis of interview transcripts with offenders
Case example presentation with question/answer
session on a case of ongoing child sexual
abuse
Case example presentation and question/answer
session with various specialists:
- experienced serious sexual offences unit
detectives
- experienced family violence unit detectives
- internet crime experts on online grooming
Lecture and discussion sessions on:
- interviewing suspects
- interviewing victims (including children)
Interviews with actors role-playing suspects
Practice victim/witness interviews with:
- real children about innocuous events
- persons with a cognitive impairment about
innocuous events
- participants role-playing a child of abuse
- participants about personal life events using
cognitive interviewing skills
Understanding
victims
Understanding
offenders
Case
examples
Interview
theory and
practice
To demonstrate and explain

victims behavior
To develop victim empathy
To understand victims
perspectives and
knowledge of grooming and
the offending relationship.
To understand suspects
motivation to offend
To understand offenders
perspectives and
knowledge of grooming and
the offending relationship
To identify elements of
grooming and offending
relationships in real cases
To review the utility of the

Whole Story interview
framework in practice
To practice eliciting grooming
evidence within a narrative
framework
To demonstrate the
importance of the Whole
Story for understanding the
context of offending
Hours
7
7
5
4
4
2
6
7
1
2
4
4
2
8
9
8
7
5
2
2
enhance the usefulness of these interviews for professional and jury decision making (see
Tidmarsh et al., in press). Specifically, the course included content related to theories and
motivations of offending (i.e., how offenders overcome obstacles to offending and the processes of grooming; Craven, Brown, & Gilchrist, 2006; Howells, 1995) as well as victim
behavior and responses before, during, and after sexual abuse (Bloom, 2003; Levin, 2004).
The elicitation of these elements within a narrative interview process was also covered in
detail. Participants were required to demonstrate their knowledge and practical interview
skills in various interactive classroom exercises and role-plays.
Questionnaires. The questionnaires contained 12 scenarios (approximately eight

lines each) with four standard questions per scenario. The scenarios were based on
actual cases; for half, the victims were aged 6 to 17 years, and for the other half, the
victims were adults (18 years or over). The cases also differed according to presence of
alcohol and drugs, gender of victim/suspect, victimsuspect relationship (e.g., stranger,
acquaintance, relative, partner, and caregiver), elements of grooming (e.g., offending
games), context of offending (e.g., public, home, party), and reporting time (immediate,
delayed, and historical). Two versions of the questionnaire were created (A and B), each
containing a unique set of scenarios. Half the officers received Questionnaire A prior
to the training and Questionnaire B posttraining. For the remaining participants, the
order was reversed. In each set of 12 cases, the strength of evidence to support the victims allegations also varied; three cases presented strong (i.e., corroborative) evidence,
three presented weak evidence (i.e., evidence that contradicts the victims account or the
suspect is unknown), and the remaining six cases presented ambiguous (little if any)
evidence to support the victims account beyond the report. Importantly, elements of
common misconceptions were included in the case scenarios, such as delayed reporting
and perceived compliance with the offender, and these elements were counterbalanced
across questionnaires and strength of evidence. An example of an ambiguous case scenario is as follows:
A 22-year-old girl reports being raped by a man she met at a party. Witnesses saw them
flirting and dancing together. She states that she agreed to go upstairs with him but told
him she wasnt going to have sex with him. They went into a bedroom and lay on the bed.
After some prolonged kissing, he started to take off her clothes. She says that she again
told him No, but when he took her underwear off anyway, she gave him a condom from
her handbag, saying please use this. The suspect stated in interview that the sex was
consensual.
For each scenario, officers were asked the following questions (in standard order),
using 10-point Likert-type scales: (a) How confident are you that the case will be
authorised (proceed) for prosecution? (from not at all likely to extremely likely)3 and
(b) How much responsibility should be attributed to the victim in this scenario? (from
none to all). The final question asked officers to justify their rating about case authorization by listing up to five factors (in order of importance) that they considered during
their decision-making.
Coding
The Likert-type ratings were entered directly into SPSS. The factors listed by the officers
to justify their authorization decisions were coded in three mutually exclusive ways. First, the
nature of the factor was noted. These included evidential factors (i.e., the presence of corroborative evidence, and the presence of circumstantial evidence), victim-related factors (i.e.,
quality of victim disclosure, victim behavior, victims credibility, and victims wishes for the
case), suspect-related factors (i.e., suspects admission/denial, suspects credibility, and
whether the suspects identity was known or in question), offence-related factors (i.e., issue
of consent, nature of the relationship and grooming processes, and clarity of the offence), and
miscellaneous factors that included costs awarded against the police and the prosecutions
Table 2:Examples of Positive and Negative Comments for Three Main Factors Listed in Decision Making
Factor
Positive Comments
Negative Comments
Corroborative evidence
(e.g., medical, physical,
or witness evidence)
Injuries corroborate victims version of

events
Video on mobile phone corroborates
victims version of events
Good evidence of recent complaint
Victim going about her business, not
putting herself in a risky situation
Clearly said no twice
Lack of independent witnesses

One word against another (no
corroboration)
Victims behaviour
Nature of the relationship

(including grooming)
Ability to establish background of

relationship from start that led to victim
seeing offending as normal
Evidence of grooming, and giving victim
alcohol, and threats to tell mum
Because she liked him he used this
power to manipulate her into meeting
him again
Victim agreed to go upstairs (with

suspect) to bedroom, kissed on
bed, and gave condom
Delay in reporting
Continued to work with suspect
after offence
Consenting victim and offender
taking into account the details
of their relationship
Require information regarding
grooming and power/control/
authority
public interest test. From the factors listed above, three were identified as relating to the
dynamics of sexual offending. These included the presence of corroborative evidence, the
victims behaviour, and the nature of the relationship (including grooming processes).
Second, each factor listed by the officers was coded as either a positive or negative
comment. Examples of positive and negative comments for the three factors related to
dynamics of offending are provided in Table 2. Third, the priority given to each factor was
noted. Five points was awarded to the first factor to be listed, 4 points for the second factor,
3 points for the third factor, 2 points for the fourth, and 1 point for the fifth.
To assess coding reliability, 25% of the questionnaires were randomly selected and
coded by a researcher who was not otherwise involved in this study. Interrater reliability
for the reporting of the factors at each position (from first to last listed) demonstrated high
interrater reliability (kappa ranged from .94 to .96).
Results
The results are presented in three sections. First, we present the correlations between
officers ratings of case authorization and victim responsibility. Although we are primarily
interested in pre- and posttraining changes in rating, this analysis is interesting because the
argument for conducting the training was based on an implied negative correlation between
these factors that (to date) has not been directly tested. Second, 2 (Strength of Evidence;
Strong, Ambiguous, Weak) 2 (Time; Pre- vs. Posttraining) analyses of variance
(ANOVAs) were conducted on case authorization and victim responsibility ratings, with
both independent measures being manipulated within subjects. Third, a series of paired
samples t tests compared the factors listed in participants case authorization decisions preand posttraining.
Table 3:
Means (Standard Deviations) for the Scale Measures Case Authorization and Victim
Responsibility by Time and Strength of Evidence
Before Training
Authorization
Responsibility
After Training
Strong
Ambiguous
Weak
Strong
Ambiguous
Weak
8.52 (1.11)
0.68 (1.22)
4.74 (1.51)
3.03 (2.19)
2.29 (1.49)
3.72 (2.51)
8.93 (1.75)
0.75 (1.50)
5.91 (1.64)
1.89 (1.84)
3.05 (1.74)
2.37 (2.29)
Relationship Between Ratings of Victim Responsibility and Case Authorization
Pearsons product-moment correlation coefficients were computed to compare the relationship between victim responsibility and brief authorization pre- and posttraining. There
was a moderate negative relationship between victim responsibility and brief authorization both before, r(77) = -.43, p < .01 (two-tailed), and after training, r(75) = -.38, p < .001
(two-tailed). This relationship suggests that as the rating of victim responsibility increases,
the likelihood of authorising a case decreases. Before training, 18% of the variance in case
authorization decisions could be accounted for by the attribution of victim responsibility
(r2 = .18), which dropped to 14% after training (r2 = .14).
Effect of Training on Case Authorization and Victim Responsibility Ratings
Table 3 presents the means and standard deviations for the scales measures authorization and victim responsibility by time and strength of evidence. First, a 2 (Time; Pre- vs.
Posttraining) 3 (Evidential Quality; Strong, Ambiguous, and Weak) ANOVA was conducted on the case authorization ratings. There was a significant main effect of time,
F(1, 76) = 12.22, p < .01, partial = 0.14; the likelihood of case authorization was significantly higher posttraining (M = 5.96, SD = 1.37) compared to pretraining (M = 5.19,
SD = 1.71). The main effect of strength of evidence was also significant, F(2, 152) =
1,157.47, p < .001, partial = 0.94. Post hoc analyses (Sidak) revealed that each of the
pair-wise comparisons for strength of evidence were significant; authorization was significantly higher for strong evidence cases compared to ambiguous evidence (M difference = 3.40,p < .001) and weak evidence cases (M difference = 6.06, p < .001) and for
ambiguous compared to weak evidence cases (M difference = 2.66, p < .001).
The interaction between time and evidence strength was also significant, F(2, 152) = 4.85,
p < .01, partial = 0.06. One-way repeated measures ANOVAs compared the effect of
time at each level of strength of evidence. There was a significant effect of time for ambiguous cases F(1, 76) = 23.19, p < .001, partial = 0.23; case authorization was significantly
more likely after training (M = 5.91, SD = 1.64) compared to before training (M = 4.74,
SD = 1.51). The effect of time was also significant for weak cases F(1, 76) = 6.54, p < .05,
partial = 0.08; authorization was again significantly more likely after training (M = 3.04,
SD = 1.74) compared to before training (M = 2.29, SD = 1.49). However, the effect of time
was not significant for strong evidence cases, F(1, 76) = 2.77, p > .05; there was no difference in the likelihood of case authorization before (M = 8.52, SD = 1.11) compared to after
training for strong cases (M = 8.93, SD = 1.75).
Table 4:Means (and Standard Deviations) of the Frequency and Priority of Factors Listed in Decision
Making
Frequency
Factors
Corroborative evidence
Victims behaviour
Nature of relationship,
including grooming
Details
All
Positive
Negative
All
Positive
Negative
All
Positive
Negative
Pre
12.49
7.67
4.82
4.74
1.79
2.95
0.26
0.18
0.08
(3.09)
(2.03)
(2.87)
(2.75)
(1.30)
(2.15)
(0.53)
(0.42)
(0.28)
Priority
Post
11.11
7.68
3.42
3.79
2.15
1.64
1.00
0.89
0.11
(3.07)
(2.05)
(2.53)
(2.06)
(1.66)
(1.48)
(1.29)
(1.97)
(0.39)
t(72)
3.60**
0.06
3.76**
2.72*
1.54
4.67**
4.85*
5.04**
0.47
Pre
3.84
4.01
3.38
3.49
3.04
3.18
0.74
0.53
0.29
(0.43)
(0.47)
(1.12)
(1.01)
(1.59)
(1.47)
(1.49)
(1.30)
(0.99)
Post
3.84
4.00
3.10
3.55
3.37
2.26
1.87
1.77
0.29
(0.50)
(0.51)
(1.37)
(0.88)
(1.39)
(1.65)
(1.91)
(1.91)
(1.00)
t(72)
0.06
0.19
1.56
0.34
1.41
2.08*
4.25**
4.95**
0.00
*p < .05. **p < .001.
Next, a 2 (Time) 3 (Evidential Quality) ANOVA was conducted on ratings of victim

responsibility showing an inverse relationship compared to the authorization ratings. The
main effect of time was significant, F(1, 76) = 13.87, p < .01, partial = 0.15; ratings of
victim responsibility were significantly lower posttraining (M = 1.67, SD = 1.98) compared to pretraining (M = 2.48, SD = 1.88). There was also a significant main effect of
strength of evidence, F(2, 152) = 91.02, p < .001, partial = 0.55. Post hoc analyses
(Sidak) revealed that each of the pair-wise comparisons for strength of evidence were
significant; the attribution of victim responsibility in strong evidence cases was significantly lower than ambiguous evidence cases (M difference = -1.74, p < .001) and weak
evidence cases (M difference = -2.33, p < .001), and ambiguous evidence cases were also
significantly lower than weak evidence cases (M difference = -0.59, p < .001). The interaction between time and evidence strength was also significant, F(2, 152) = 13.15, p < .01,
partial = 0.15. One-way repeated measures ANOVAs compared the effect of time at
each level of strength of evidence. There was a significant effect of time for ambiguous
cases, F(1, 76) = 16.10, p < .001, partial = 0.18; victim responsibility was significantly
lower after training (M = 1.89, SD = 1.84) compared to before training (M = 3.03, SD = 2.19).
The effect of time was also significant for weak evidence cases, F(1, 76) = 18.42, p < .001,
partial = 0.20; victim responsibility was significantly lower post- (M = 2.37, SD = 2.30)
compared to pretraining (M = 3.72, SD = 2.52). However, the effect of time for strong
evidence cases was nonsignificant, F(1, 76) = 0.11, p < .05, and there was no difference
in victim responsibility before (M = 0.68, SD = 1.22) and after training for strong evidence
cases (M = 0.75, SD = 1.50).
Factors Listed in Case Authorization Pre- and Posttraining
The final set of analyses determined whether change in officers case authorization decisions pre- to posttraining were associated with better understanding of the dynamics of
sexual offending. In relation to the three key factors that related to the dynamics of sexual
offending (corroborative evidence, victim behaviour, and the nature of the relationship), a
series of paired samples t tests were conducted to determine whether the mean frequency
and prioritisation4 of the factors listed changed from pre- to posttraining. Analyses were
separated according to whether the factor was associated with a positive or negative comment as well as overall. Table 4 presents the means, standard deviations, and results of
these analyses.
As shown in Table 4, there were significant changes in both the frequency and priority
of factors listed in the officers reasoning processes. The frequency of comments related
to corroborative evidence and victim behaviour significantly decreased after training,
particularly negative comments related to the lack of corroboration and counterintuitive
(or negative) victim behaviour. Whilst there was no change pre- to posttraining in the
priority with which corroborative evidence and victim behaviour factors were listed overall or as positive comments, there was a significant decrease in the priority of negative
comments regarding the victims behaviour. Further, there was a significant increase in the
frequency and priority of overall and positive comments related to the nature of the relationship (including grooming) posttraining. The nature of the relationship was the only
factor considered that significantly increased in importance posttraining.
Importantly, the above mentioned changes in the prioritisation of grooming details
across time cannot be attributed to differences in response completeness. Paired samples t
tests revealed that there was no significant difference between the mean number of factors
listed per participant before (M = 42.19, SD = 8.22) and after (M = 41.27, SD = 9.62) training, t(72) = 1.13, p > .05, and no significant difference between the mean number of factors
listed per scenario before (M = 3.52, SD = 0.69) and after (M = 3.44, SD = 0.80) training,
t(72) = 1.13, p > .05.
Discussion
This is the first study to demonstrate that police investigators confidence in case authorizations and attributions of victim responsibility can be shifted as a result of intensive
classroom-based training in the dynamics of sexual offending. The training was associated
with changes in both attribution of victim responsibility and case authorization. Specifically,
attributions of victim responsibility were lower, and perceptions of likely case authorization were higher posttraining, particularly in those cases where evidence in relation to the
crime was ambiguous (i.e., it did not reflect on the veracity of the victims statement one
way or another). Overall, the factors listed to support the case authorization decisions
reflected a better understanding of the dynamics of sexual offending posttraining. Officers
showed a greater consideration of the offending relationship and grooming processes, and
they made fewer negative comments in relation to the victims behaviour and the lack of
corroborative evidence.
Overall, the pattern of results is consistent with the conclusion that greater understanding of the dynamics of sexual offending and grooming processes (as delivered in the training) were responsible for the changes in perceptions of likely case authorization. There are
three reasons for making this claim. First, victim responsibility was associated with case
authorization decisions, such that the higher the attribution of responsibility to the victim,
the less likely the case was to be authorised. Changes in investigators understanding of
sexual offending dynamics and victim behaviour (due to engaging in the training course)
were associated with reduced negative bias against victims. This was especially evident in
ambiguous cases that did not support or refute the victims allegation of sexual offending.
Second, the police trainees at the time of commencing the course were well aware of the
high prevalence of victim blaming attitudes among police as this had been a major finding
of two state-wide enquiries (SSCRSA, 2006; VLRC, 2004), circulated among members by
their supervisors prior to the commencement of the course. The course itself provided
knowledge related to offending, but it did not address issues related to the high rate of attrition in sexual assault cases and the role of officers misconceptions in contributing to these
attrition rates. Third, whilst corroborative evidence remained the most important factor
considered in case authorization, posttraining, the officers made fewer negative comments
regarding the lack of corroborative evidence and counterintuitive (or negative) victim
behaviour, such as delayed reporting. There was no change in the frequency of positive
comments related to victims behaviour pre- to posttraining, suggesting that the participants attitudes were not simply more provictim after training. Rather, the data support
that their considerations of victims behaviour were more cautious and considerate of counterintuitive behaviour.
The importance of these findings cannot be underestimated. Poor attitudes among professionals, including police officers, are common (Page, 2008, 2010; Schwartz, 2010;
Sleath & Bull, 2012). While the need for training to improve police officers awareness of
sexual offending dynamics has been widely emphasised (e.g., Criminal Justice Sexual
Offences Taskforce, 2005; Hunter, Bentley-Cewe, & Mills, 2000; Lonsway et al., 2001;
May-Parker & Kiwala, 2000; New Jersey Division of Criminal Justice, 2003), training to
date, using similar designs and assessment measures as the current study, have been unsuccessful in demonstrating a shift in attitudes of sexual offending posttraining (Lonsway et
al., 2001; Patterson, 2004). In a climate where classroom-based training programs have
been criticised for their lack of effectiveness in improving police officers interviewing
skills (Powell, 2008), this research shows that intensive training can effectively improve
police investigators attitudes and decisions toward sexual offence cases.
Now that we have demonstrated changes in the classroom setting, the next step for
researchers is threefold. First, it needs to be determined whether the changes observed here
actually transfer to the field and improve the attitudes, decision-making, and interviewing
practice of police officers, as well as attrition rates. In particular, the potential association
between knowledge of sexual offending dynamics (and grooming processes) and the ability
to adhere to best-practice interview guidelines is of particular interest to us in our role as
interview trainers. A large body of research has documented the difficulty of police investigators to adopt best practice interview techniques (Oxburgh, Ost, & Cherryman, 2010;
Powell, Fisher, & Wright, 2005; Smith, Powell, & Lum, 2009). One possible explanation
for this finding is that interview skill is mediated by rape myth acceptance, such that those
police officers with lower rape myth acceptance show better rapport and open-ended questioning, which is synonymous with interviewing skill (Read, Powell, Kebbell, & Milne,
2009; Rich & Seffrin, 2012). It is possible that the acquisition of a range of skills, such as
best practice investigative interviewing, brief authorization, and engagement with other
service providers and victims, is facilitated by concomitant training in sexual offending
dynamics.
Second, the posttraining measurement point was scheduled immediately (i.e., on the
final day of) training, and thus, research is needed to determine whether the changes
observed are stable over time. Ongoing intervention may be needed to maintain these
results, particularly if biases are still prevalent within the police units where the investigators work. Finally, the training course evaluated in this study was very resource intensive.
It was developed and rolled out amid major state-wide funding aimed to improve the justice
systems response to sexual assault. The course relied on the coordination of multiple stakeholders (including forensic professionals, school children, and victims), extensive physical
space for training and interviewing exercises, facilitators with a background in psychology,
offender treatment and police investigation, as well as ongoing development of up-to-date
training content. Future research should examine the effectiveness of online training to
provide a more cost-effective alternative for jurisdictions with less government funding or
resources in this critical area.
Notes
1. A sample item includes When women go around wearing low-cut tops or short skirts, theyre just asking for trouble.
Responses to all items were measures on a 7-point Likert-type scale from 1 (not at all agree) to 7 (very much agree).
2. In Victoria, the starting rank of police members is Constable, increasing in seniority to Senior Constable, Sergeant,
Senior Sergeant, Inspector, Superintendent, Commander, Assistant Commissioner, and then Commissioner.
3. The officers were also asked to rate their confidence that there would be a finding of guilt in the case. However, this
question is not included in the results because it did not provide any meaningful finding over and above the authorization
decisions (the ratings were similar).
4. As indicated in the Method section, priority was determined by the order in which each factor was mentioned. Five
points was awarded to the first factor to be listed, 4 points was awarded to the second factor, and so on.
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