Nder Ideology-Components, Predictors, and Consequences

Gender Ideology: Components, Predictors, and Consequences
Author(s): Shannon N. Davis and Theodore N. Greenstein

Source: Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 35 (2009), pp. 87-105
Published by: Annual Reviews
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Gender
Ideology:
Predictors,
Components,
and Consequences
Shannon N. Davis1 and Theodore N. Greenstein2
1
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, George Mason University, Fairfax,
Virginia 22030; email: sdaviso@gmu.edu
2
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, North Carolina State University, Raleigh,
North Carolina 27695; email: Ted_Greenstein@ncsu.edu
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2009.35:87-105

First published online as a Review inAdvance on
April 2,2009
The Annual Review ofSociology is online at
soc.annualreviews.org
This article's doi:
10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-l
15920
Copyright (c) 2009 by Annual Reviews.

All rights reserved
0360-0572/09/0811-OO87S20.O0
Key Words
gender role attitudes, separate spheres ideology, sex role attitudes
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to review research on the construction of
gender ideology and itsconsequences. The article begins with a sum
mary of research focused on measuring gender ideology?individuals'
levels of support for a division of paid work and familyresponsibilities
that is based on the belief in gendered separate spheres.We describe
theways this concept has been operationalized inwidely available data
sources
and provide
schema
categorization
for the items used
to mea
sure gender ideology.We also review the research predicting gender

ideology,focusing on social and demographic characteristicswhile con
currendy
Finally,
examining
this article
studies using
summarizes
cross-sectional,
research
focused
trend, and panel

on
data.
the consequences
of gender ideology,both in families and family-relatedbehaviors and in

other areas of social lifewhere beliefs about gender are relevant, such
as the
We
conclude
workplace.
measurement
tools, predictors
ideology in individuals' lives.
with
implications
of gender
ideology,
for future research
for
and consequences
of
*7
The U.S.
labor force changed markedly from

the 1960s to themid-1970s. In 1965, 44.7% of
mothers with children under age 18 reported
beyond focusing solely on predictors of gen

der ideology or on one specific consequence.
of the con
an examination
it presents
Rather,
sequences of gender ideology in a varietyof ar

being employed in theprevious year.However,
eas
56.1
%
of
mothers
with
in
the
where beliefs about gendermatter (e.g., the
children
1975,
by
home reported being employed (e.g., Bianchi
familyand theworkplace). In addition,we re
et al. 2006). Public opinion polls captured view research on factors that have led to changes
in individual-levelgender ideologies over time.
national worries about the changing division
of paid work and family responsibilities, We begin with a discussion of issues regard
especially among mothers of young children. ingmeasurement of gender ideology.Next we
The
first national
worries
review the research inwhich gender ideology
surveys measuring
about familiesmoving away from a traditional ispredicted, incorporatinga historical compo
nent by focusingconcurrentlyon researchwith
division of paid and unpaid work, with men
as breadwinners
and women
as homemakers,
were conducted in themid-1960s (Cherlin &

Walters 1981,Mason et al. 1976). The atti
tudes
captured
by these
surveys, what
we
term
gender ideology,represent individuals' levelsof

support for a division of paid work and family
responsibilities that is based on this notion
of separate spheres. Not surprisingly,these
early surveys show some hesitation regarding
women's
paid
and
employment
engagement
with the public sphere, especially when they

had young children at home. A slimmajority
ofwomen in 1964 feltthatwomen who worked
could have a warm relationshipwith theirchil
data. Finally, we
trend and panel
summarize
re
searchon the consequences of gender ideology.

We conclude by discussing fruitfulavenues for
on
research
future
the measurement
and
con
sequences of gender ideology.

Whereas
numerous
researchers
examine
the influence of gender ideology on family

in other
behaviors
and work-related
countries
(Batalova & Cohen 2002, Fuwa 2004, Kulik

2002), thisreview focusesprimarilyon research
on theUnited States.Given the significantpo
litical and economic changes around the globe
since the 1960s,we could not adequately ad
dress the construction and influenceof gender
ideologies because of the breadth of histori
dren,whereas almost 70% ofwomen held this

attitude in the early 1970s (Mason et al. 1976).
By themid-1990s, theU.S. labor force re
be considered.Therefore, althoughwe referto
flected mothers'
some work
continued
full- and part-time
cal
and
factors
contextual
that would
in other
conducted
to
need
countries,
the
employment. For example, in 1995, 75.1% of majority of research reviewed here is based on
mothers with children under age 18 reported U.S.
samples.
being employed theprevious year (Bianchi et al.
On
2006).
more
average,
comfortable
Americans
with
had
become
the idea of women,
par
ticularlymothers, working at least part time

when theirchildren are young andwere much
more
comfortable
with men
sharing
household
responsibilities (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004),

The purpose of this article is to place the
above
findings
on the
search
into context.
By
reviewing
construction
contemporary
re
of
gender ideology and its consequences on indi

viduals' decisionmaking and lived experiences,
thisarticleprovides insightinto theways gender
ideology has influencedandwill continue to in
fluence
88
Davis
American
behavior.
This
review moves
MEASUREMENT OF
GENDER IDEOLOGY
Researchers
use
variety
of phrases
to describe
individuals' levels of support for a division of

paid work and family responsibilities that is
based
on the notion
of separate
spheres,
includ
ing gender ideology,gender role attitudes,at

titudes
about
gender
egalitarianism,
gender,
attitudes,
gender-related
use of a
and others. The
particular phrasemay be partly due to the au

thors'
beliefs
about
conceptual
distinctions
or
Mar
due to a journal's preferences {Journal of
riage and Family
discourages
authors
? Greenstein
from using
the language of gender roles, for example). In

part,
large
literature
the research
reflects
the
influence that that language of roles has had

on the discipline, even though therehas been a
substantialcritique of this languagewith regard
to gender (see, for example, Stacey & Thorne
1985).A quick examination of articlespublished

from 2000 to 2008 (as abstracted in Sociologi
calAbstracts)yields 168 articles that discuss in
some manner
levels
individuals'
for
of support
a division of paid work and family responsi

bilities that is based on the notion of separate
spheres: 75 of those use the language of gen
der role
related
53 use
attitudes,
der ideology,
of gen
the language
attitudes or gender
are almost
the remainder
24 use gender
attitudes,
and
equally split among beliefs about gender, atti

tudes
about
and gender
gender,
egalitarianism.
We use the termgender ideology to repre

sent the underlying concept of an individual's
level of support for a division of paid work
and familyresponsibilities that is based on the
notion
of
separate
nationally
spheres. Many
both
cross-sectional
surveys,
representative
and
include
longitudinal,
items
measuring
gender ideology. In particular, theNational

Longitudinal Survey of Youth?1979 Cohort
(Center forHuman Resource Research 2006b)
and itsChild/Young Adult Supplement (Center
for Human
Research
Resource
the
2006a),
General Social Survey (JADavis et al. 2007)

and
its international
counterpart,
the Interna
items can be generally organized into

sixcategories: primacy of thebreadwinner role,
belief in gendered separate spheres,working
These
women
and
relationship
motherhood
quality,
and the feminine self,household utility,and ac

ceptance of male privilege.That the research
on this concept still relies on the language of
roles
can be
seen
from
to mea
the items used
sure these beliefs:Three of the six categories

to the roles
are
clearly connected
are
and men
expected
to inhabit
heterosexual
procreative
of the breadwinner
that women
inmarried
and
(primacy
relationships
women
and
role, working
relationship quality, and motherhood and the

feminine self).
Although these attitudes or beliefs are so
cial psychological
concepts,
there
is little over
lapwith themeasures of beliefs about gender

roles typicallypublished in social psychologi
cal outlets (Spence & Helmreich 1978, Swim
et al. 1995). This could be because the socio

logical literature is tryingto tap beliefs about
between
relationships
and men
women
rather
than prescribed roles that individuals inhabit.

As such, themeasures, while fittinglargelyun
der the domains wrought with the connotation
of roles,
are attempts
at measuring
beliefs
about
relationships.
Many
terested
population-based
in
ideology
gender
and
in
like
1, thathave been shown to be
those inTable
valid
survey designs
use measures,
reliable.
However,
some
researchers
strate
measurement
to
tional Social Survey Program (Zentralarchiv are working
improve
of mea
fur Empirische Sozialforschung 2004), the gies and are constructing new methods
National Study of Families and Households
suringgender ideology.For example, Baber &
over
Tucker
et
the
Marital
al.
(2006) andValentine (2001) constructed
1988),
(Sweet
Instability
of
theLife Course study (Booth et al. 2003), the questionnaires
tapping different components
the
&
Tucker
examined
Baber
Parents
and
of
Panel
gender ideology.
Study
Intergenerational
Children (Thornton et al. 2002), theNational

Study of theChanging Workforce (Bond et al.
1998), theWorld Values Survey (European
Values Study Foundation andWorld Values
Survey Association 2006), and the High

School and Beyond study (U.S. Department of
Education
2001)
all
to measure
include
specifically
1 lists these
Table
items
that are used
gender
surveys
in multiple
at least
two
items
ideology.
and items, noting
questionnaires.
roles women
and diverse
social
multiple
to divorce
men
inhabit with an attempt
roles
oped
and
those
devel
labels. Valentine
from gendered
to
a set of items
aversion
the
measuring
women who work. Both questionnaires yield

acceptable reliabilityand validity among under
graduates,
suggesting
before those measures
further
testing
are used more
is needed
broadly.
The majority of researchon gender ideology

has
asked
respondents
to report whether
www.annualreviews.org
they
? Gender
Ideology
89
Table
Items used
to measure
gender
ideology
Primacyofbreadwinnerrole
Both theman
A man's
and woman
should contribute
to earn money;
job is
a woman's
to the household
ISSP
ISSP
MIOLC
MIOLC
MIOLC
wvs
wvs
income.
job is to look after the home
The husbandshouldearnhigherpay thanthewife.
and family.
If jobs are scarce, the wife shouldn't work

Even if thewife works, the husband should be themain breadwinner.
men should have more
to a
When
jobs are scarce,
right
job than women.
If a woman earns more money than her husband, it's almost certain to cause problems.
Belief ingendered separate spheres

better for everyone concerned if theman is the achiever outside the home and the
takes care of the home and family.
There
is some work that ismen's and some that iswomen's, and they should not be doing
each other's.
It ismuch
woman
A woman's
place
GSS,HS&B, IPSPC,
NLSY79&C-YA, NSFH, NSCW
IPSPC
NLSY79&C-YA
NLSY79&C-YA
is in the home, not in the office or shop.
A wifewho carriesout her fullfamily

doesn'thave timeforoutside
responsibilities
employment.
Working women and relationshipquality

A working mother can establish
mother who does not work.
just as warm
and secure a relationship with her children as a
A preschoolchild is likelyto sufferifhis or hermotherworks.

when thewoman has a fuU-time
All inall, familylifesuffers
job.
A husbandshouldn't
with her job.
worryifhiswife isgone overnightinconnection
The
employment of wives
leads tomore
Wife/motherhoodand the feminineself
GSS, ISSP,NSFH
ISSP
MIOLC
NLSY79&C-YA
juvenile delinquency._
HS&B, IPSPC,NLSY79&C-YA
ISSP
ISSP
ISSP
MIOLC
NLSY79&C-YA
NSFH
are much happier if they stay at home and take care of their children.
A job is all right, but what most women really want is a home and children.
Women
asworkingforpay.
Being a housewifeis justas fulfilling
a job is the best way for a woman to be an

independent
Having
A wife's most important task is (?ring for her children.
person.
more usefulthanonewho doesn'thold a job.

A workingwife feels
In a successful marriage,
the partners must have the freedom to do what
individually.
Do you thinkthatawoman has tohave childreninorder tobe
Household utility
A wife should not expect her husband
hard day's work
If a wife works
Men
full-time, the husband
should share thework around
to help around
the house
want
they
WVS
fulfilled?_
after he comes home
GSS, ISSP,MIOLC, NSCW
from a
should help with homework.

the house with women, such as doing dishes, cleaning,
IPSPC
MIOLC
NLSY79&C-YA
and so forth.
Employmentofbothparentsisnecessaryto keepupwith thehigh costof living.

Ifa husbandandwife bothwork fulltime,theyshouldsharehousehold tasksequally._
NLSY79&C-YA
NSFH
{Continued)
go
Davis
? Greenstein
Table 1 (Continued)
Acceptance ofmale privilege
GSS; IPSPC
NSFH
WVS
WVS
WVS
a
career than to have one herself.
important for wife to help her husband's
in their daughters as in their sons.
should encourage as much independence
A university education ismore important for a boy than for a girl.
It ismore
Parents
one child, would you rather have it be a boy or a girl?

to have
only
the whole, men make better political leaders than women do.
If you were
On
aInstrumentabbreviations:GSS, General Social Survey;HS&B, High School and Beyond; IPSPC, Intergenerational Panel Study of Parents and
National Longitudinal Survey
Children; ISSP, International Social Survey Program;MIOLC, Marital Instability over theLive Course; NLSY79&C-YA,
ofYouth, 1979 Cohort and Child/Young Adult Sample; NSCW, National Study of theChanging Workforce; NSFH, National Study of Families and
Households; WVS, World Values Survey.
agree
or
and men's
evant to the separate

ever, not
all
a series
with
disagree
about women's
spheres
research
has
of statements
rel
responsibilities
framework.
used
How
this method.
Hochschild & Machung's (1989) groundbreak

ingwork categorizing individualsas traditional,
transitional,
or
egalitarian
was
based
on
inter
views and participant observation rather than

answers
to closed-ended
questions.
Through
Hochschild determined that

these interviews,
individualshad ideologies "on top" and "under
neath"; they could hold specific beliefs about
women's
employment
and men's
domestic
ology over time but also whether there have

been changes in thepredictors of gender ideol
ogy in theUnited States over time. Data sets
such as theNational Longitudinal Survey of
Youth,
1979, have
allowed
researchers
to move
beyond trend studies and examine changes in

ideology and influenceson ideology over the
life course of individuals.Here we review re
search on the constructionof gender ideology,
incorporatingfindingsfrom cross-sectional and
longitudinal studies,while focusing on social
and demographic predictors of ideology.
re
sponsibilities(on top ideologies), but theirown Cultural Shifts: Period

lived experiences could reflect a potentially
and Cohort Changes
differentreality of shared work (underneath
Period effectson gender ideology are shown
ideologies).Kroska (2000) questioned whether
a
through changes in individual predictors over
gender ideology should be considered be
lief system
or an
identity;
she reports measur
time.
Several
researchers
using
trend
data
to
studychanges ingender ideology in theUnited

ing gender-ideological identityby determin
States
have found period effects,although the
ing the extent towhich respondents reported
their similarity(and theirpartner's similarity) impetus for change continues to be unclear
on
to characters within five same-sex
(Brewster & Padavic 2000, Carter & Borch
vignettes
Ciabattari 2001). What is clear is that
2005,
oudook
toward women,
ideals, and life commit
ments. The
and corresponding
period effects have influencedmen's slower
ques
vignettes
a
seem
to
tions
pace of gender ideology change since the 1970s
provide method ofmeasuring
characteristicsassociatedwith gender ideology, (Ciabattari 2001). The influence of context
on gender ideology differs based on period
as themeasures have high constructvalidity.
(Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Carter & Borch
2005, Powers et al. 2003). Living in bigger
GENDER IDEOLOGY
cities led to more egalitarian attitudes in the
CONSTRUCTION
1970s and 1980s but not in the 1990s. Living
in a border statedeclined in influencefrom the
Given the collection of data in large-scale data
sets as described above, sociologists have been
1970s to the 1990s, but the gap between the
South and non-South existed in the 1990s even
able to examinenot only changes ingender ide
www.anniialreviews.org
? Gender
Ideology
91
individual demographic characteristics hold more egalitarian gender beliefs.As there
when
were
controlled.
However,
became
region
less
of an influenceon ideologies in the 1990s than

in earlier
decades
due
to
largely
re
increasing
gional similarity in other characteristics such

as
and
employment
education
et al.
(Powers
2003). Bolzendahl & Myers noted thatwhile

laterperiods show fewdifferencesin the specific
influenceson gender ideologies, both women
andmen became more egalitarian in the 1990s
than in previous periods.
Cohort effectson gender ideology are the
result
of more
cohorts
egalitarian
into
aging
the adult population and replacing the older

traditional
level
cohorts.
found
(2000)
in individual
horts
leads
show
and
to
&
succession
Padavic
changes
recent co
More
characteristics.
between men
larger differences
a smaller
effect of education
attitudes.
to men
baby
born
Compared
boom
era, men
and
on
in the pre
born
later are
less tradi
tional (Ciabattari 2001). Brooks & Bolzendahl

(2004) also found substantial cohort effects in
their analysis of beliefs about gender from the
mid-1980s to the 1990s (over 55% of change
was
in attitudes
to cohort
due
al
differences),
though ideological learning seemed tomediate

much
of the cohort
structural
factors
effect.
such
in social
Changes
as labor force
participa
tion andmarital statusplayed only a small role

in attitude change; approximatelyone-third of
the cohort effectsand one-half of theperiod ef
fectswere mediated by changes in rights-based
that this expectation
why
women
in
issues,"
cluding the concept of gender ideology, are a

function
of
or
interest-based
Interest-based
explanations.
on the interest structures
explanations
rely
that ex
argue
explanations
and situations
are
that
con
sonant with egalitarian ideals will lead to

the development of more egalitarian beliefs
(Bolzendahl & Myers 2004). This exposuremay
be
in the form of socialization,
personal
experience.
herendy
about
or
education,
are in
These
egalitarian
explanations
over time; exposure
change
ideals or situations
encourages
subsequent
development
exposure
gies. Conversely,
of egalitarian
to situations
to
the
ideolo
encour
aging individuals to believe that egalitarian

ism is not in theirbest interestwould lead to
less egalitarian beliefs.Alternatively, individu
als could
nitive
become
to reduce
less egalitarian
in interactions
dissonance
where
cog
gender
egalitarianism is expected but gender inequality

is
the norm
historically
(e.g.,
in
marriages
and
parenting).
to
exposure
come
in the
form
interests
may
gender egalitarianism
of socialization,
and
to
relative
develop
and
demographic
influence
gender
gender
that because
expected
women
in increased
to be
less
egali
socialization,
through
characteristics
may
ideology
formation.
example, Bolzendahl & Myers

interest
exposure-based
in its conse
ide
egalitarian
gender
as men are less
to be
likely
on cultural
that gen
explanations,
Exposure-based
to ideas
social
feminist
real
becomes
have more
posure
also
toward
to
expected
der equalitywill benefit them.
Bolzendahl & Myers

"attitudes
culturally
than do men,
ologies
personal
tarianism
(2004) argued that indi
are
quences (Barnett& Rivers 2004). This explains
and Demographic
Characteristics
Background
Social
structures
is that the interest
and men
be differentbased upon the hegemonic gen

der beliefs reifyingthenotion of polarized gen
der differences(Ridgeway& Correli 2004) and
may
vidual
answer
liefs? One
of women
Whereas
ideology.
inter
people's
ests, regardless of gender,would benefit from

gender equality (Barnett& Rivers 2004), why
would someone not hold egalitariangender be
was more
than were
change
that most
evidence
lieve, based
population
Brewster
that cohort
in attitude
important
women
This
in attitudes.
shifts
is abundant
have
more
For
(2004) argued
of
a vested
men
are
egalitarianism,
than women.
egalitarian
Both longitudinal trend studies (Bolzendahl

& Myers 2004, Brooks & Bolzendahl 2004,
efit from gender equality, they are likely to Thornton & Young-DeMarco
2001) and
is, personal
Davis
goals. When
of
people's
individuals,
interests
that
ben
? Greenstein
panel studies (Cunningham et al. 2005, Fan

& Marini 2000) noted that men are less
are women.
than
gender
egalitarian
men
in particular
are
to
hesitant
Young
the cultural standard of themother role and

the
of
expectation
outcomes
child
negative
due to maternal employment (Jorgenson &

Tanner 1983,Mason & Lu 1988, Thornton
et al. 1983). Perhaps this hesitation is because
men
in general,
performance
One
unequal
tasks.
influence.
are both
increased
exposure
Maternal
fo
educa
representative
to
egalitarian
of
be
are
to
expected
change
in response
to
exposure
egalitarianism.
gender
so
act as role models
during
mothers
Maternal
education
and
labor
force
participation provide childrenwith exposure to

amore gender egalitarianmethod ofhousehold
Not
organization.
employment
only
and
are
education
mater
increased
with
associated
egalitarianism in children (Bolzendahl & Myers
2004, Ciabattari 2001, Fan & Marini 2000,

Harris & Firestone 1998), butmore egalitarian
mothers
tend
to have
less gender-role
stereo
gen
tend
daughters
to be more
egalitarian
than sons and fatherswithin the same families

(Burt& Scott 2002, Kulik 2002), thatnontra
are more
fathers
ones,
involved
in parent
regardless
of mater
nal gender ideology (Bulanda 2004), and that

about marital
to their children's
related
roles
not mothers'?are
attitudes?but
liefs and practices (Banaszak & Plutzer 1993,

Ciabattari 2001, Liao & Cai 1995, Rhodebeck
1996,Tallichet & Willits 1986).Mothers' own
nal
ers and
of beliefs
has
research
previous
and mothers'
fathers'
in terms
the
tion and employment
cialization.
examined
traditional
of
Further,
have
ing than
on maternal
atti
traditional
der ideologies togetherhave found thatmoth
ditional
of ideology. Mothers
in socialization,
and as a re
sult much
ideologies
to increased
who
transmission
role
mothers'
to model
opportunities
tudes and behaviors for their sons (Bulanda

2004;McHale et al. 2003, 2004). Researchers
of family and household

in socialization
is the inter
key factor
generational
a
play
key
cused
from women's
benefit
treatment
sex-typed
of their children and to be more involvedwith

their sons than theirdaughters, giving fathers
more
challenge
in more
to engage
shown
fathers'
significantly
attitudes.
In sum, parental ideologies are positively

associated with child gender ideologies, such
thatmore gender egalitarian parents are likely
to have more gender egalitarian children.This
transmission
intergenerational
interaction,
through direct
construction
of the child's
of beliefs
occurs
and
the
modeling,
home
environment
(Sutfin et al. 2008). Sutfin et al. found that

parentswithmore traditionalgender ideologies
their
organized
home
in ways
environments
sex stereotypes
that reinforced
that in turn inde
pendently encourage the development of tradi

tionalgender ideologies among children.How
of socialization,
ever, regardless
family-of-origin
seems
to recede
effects
on
during
the saliency
of
attitude
formation
adolescence
as
the
influence
of adolescents'
and their own
peers
typed children (Bliss 1988,Myers & Booth
lifeexperiences becomes stronger(Davis 2007).
2002, Thornton et al. 1983).Myers & Booth
in gender
Racial
and ethnic differences
ide
(2002) noted thathaving bothmothers and fa
therswho are gender egalitarian significantly ology have roots in historical
racial and eth
increases the likelihood that boys will also be
forerunners
in gender
egalitarianism
(this rela
tionshipdoes not exist forgirls).
seem to be
Fathers'
gender
ideologies
in the socialization
influential
pendently
cess. Fathers
are
to set
expectations
likely
inde
pro
for
their children andmodel how to divide family
in a manner
similar to mothers.
responsibilities
con
lion's
of
the
share
However,
childrearing
mothers.
Further
tinues to be performed
by
to mothers,
fathers have been
more,
compared
nic differences in labor force participation and

access
to education.
African
are ex
Americans
pected to be more gender egalitarian than

whites
because
African
American
women
have
higher rate of labor forceparticipation (Bureau

ofLabor Statistics2005) andAfricanAmericans
a
to
commitment
higher
egalitarianism
(Harris & Firestone
1998). Among
general
those studies that find racial and ethnic differ
have
in
ences
women
in
gender
are more
ideologies,
African
egalitarian
than white
American
women
? Gender
Ideology
93
(Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Fan & Marini

2000, Kane 2000). While some research ar
gues that there is little difference in gender
ideologies amongmen (Kane 2000), Ciabattari
(2001) found thatAfricanAmerican men were
less traditional
ward
are
than white
men
These
mothers.
employed
by social
complicated
on attitudes
to
relationships
class, however.
Recent
upwardly mobile middle-class African Amer

icans may be more traditional than African
Americans
a way
with
a middle-class
of distancing
background,
from stereo
themselves
as
types about black families (Hill 2002). African

women
American
spheres
model
privilege.
who
status
middle-class
have
achieved
recendy
out the separate
living
a homemaker
as a
being
African American
moth
and
Lower-class
egalitarian
suggests
behavior.
Some
evidence
also
are less
egalitarian
that Hispanics
than
are non-Hispanic whites (Fan & Marini 2000,

Kane 2000), especially regarding attitudes to
ward separate spheres (Ciabattari 2001, Kane
Although the relationship between aspects
of religion and beliefs about gender is com
plex (Dent?n 2004), increased levelsof religious
viewpoints
are
to reinforce
expected
and reduce
support
traditional
for gender
women's
lower-class
as a way
likely
often
focus
and men's
on
gender
for
responsibilities
are
religions
expected
cognitive
dissonance
in daily
exist
life.Women's
con
employment
tinues to be problematic because of the possi

bility of child neglect, butmen's participation
in childrearing is seen as an example of their
headship in the family (Gallagher 2003).
also
Context
an
shapes
individual's
gender
ideologies; livingina statewith a higher propor

tion of fundamentalistsisnegatively associated
with holding egalitarian gender beliefs (Moore
& Vanneman 2003). Research performed in
Louisiana
comparing
marriages
covenant
that couples
found
and
standard
in covenant
mar
riages hold more traditionalgender ideologies

than do those in standardmarriages (Baker
see their mar
couples
as an outward
of their
expression
Covenant
choice
riage
gender ideologies, intentionallyusing their re

lationships to perform a patriarchalmodel of
within
marriage.
to
exposure
egalitarian
provides
of
and counters
acceptance
gender myths
Education
and
relative
to reduce
egalitar
Protestants,
men as the heads of households, are altered to

explain the pragmatic egalitarianism thatmay
egal
relations
to be more
tend
Conservative
(Bartkowski2001). The narrativessurrounding

appropriate gendered responsibilities, such as
gender
itarianism (Hertel & Hughes 1987, Peek et al.

1991). Further, specific tenetswithin religious
doctrines
Protestants
ian than
et al. 2009).
2000).
practice
servative
see
ers tend to hold traditionalbeliefswhile mod

eling
ualmarriages, though thisprocess ismoderated

by social class.Middle- and upper-class Con
ideas
and stereotypes(Cassidy& Warren 1996,Davis

& Robinson 1991,Rhodebeck 1996).Trend and
studies
panel
have
shown
that increased
educa
tion is associated with increased gender egali

childrearing.
differin their teachings about gender relations tarianism(Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Brewster
and thus lead to different ideologies among & Padavic 2000, Brooks & Bolzendahl 2004,
theirfollowers.Findings generally indicate that Ciabattari 2001, Corrigall & Konrad 2007,
are the least
Conservative
Protestants
support
Cunningham 2005, Fan & Marini 2000,Moore
are the
ive of gender
& Vanneman 2003, Tallichet & Willits 1986).
and
Jews
egalitarianism,
most
with
Catholics
and
mainline
supportive,
Bryant (2003) reported that both women and
As
Protestants
such,
somewhere
in between
(Baker
to
et al.
2009, Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Ciabattari

2001; but see Fan & Marini 2000, Greeley
1989, Hoffmann & Miller 1997,Moore &
Vanneman 2003). Religious affiliationand per

sonal religious beliefs influencegender ideol
ogy by constructing narratives regarding the
appropriateness
94
Davis
of power-sharing
in heterosex
men
become
less traditional
after four years
of
college, and the college experiences that lead to

this change
Labor
are similar
force
participation
posure
to new
women
in particular,
increases
nancial
for women
ideas
confidence
independence
and
labor
also
and men.
ex
provides
For young
people.
force participation
for fi
expectations
and provides
additional
and
? Greenstein
role models for negotiating family and work

roles (Klein 1984). Labor force participation
seems
to young men's
related
as well,
interests
as
Gerson (1993) and Coltrane (1996) both noted

that men
who
blocked
experience
seem
to be
to
related
beliefs
der egalitarian
more
holding
among
women,
gen
with
no
corresponding
whose wives
ever, men
effect
work
for men.
How
less than full time
have more traditionalgender beliefs thanmen

whose wives work full time (Ciabattari 2001).
Marriage is a highly gendered institution.
Men
enter
who
or
marriages
coresidential
unions
(either
in more
behave
cohabitations)
traditionalways than they did when living as

a single person (Gupta 1999). Fan & Marini
(2000) found that enteringmarriage typically
women
led to young
less egalitarian,
becoming
in their early twenties who mar
men
whereas
more egalitarian.Moore &

riedbecame slightly
Vanneman (2003) found that individualswho
were
tarian
or
divorced
than were
separated
currently
were
or
to cohabitation
egali
individu
marriage)
on
gender
attitudes.
Previous
research
has
also used
the number
of children to identifytraditional family cir

cumstances (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Plutzer
1991), asmarried couples with several children
are considered
rangement
egalitarian.
and
the most
are
However,
traditional
expected
there
family
ar
to be
less gender
to
is little evidence
suggest that the birth of children has the same

traditionalizingeffectacross the lifecourse and
for both women
and men
loca
social
seems
inequality
to influ
ence their gender ideology.Women and men

hold differentgender ideologies, with women
slighdymore egalitarian thanmen. There is
for racial
evidence
differences
and ethnic
in gender ideologies, although the differences

seem
and
to be more
tions of sex and
per
ethnicity
function
social
se.
intersec
the
of
race
class with
than race
explana
Exposure-based
tions include the influenceof parental ideolo

gies, socialization (includingmodeled behavior
educational
religion,
into
and entrance
by parents),
employment,
attainment,
the
tradition
allygendered relationshipsofmarriage and par

The
literature also shows the complex
over
construction
of gender
ideology
and gains
life
time, both as a person matures
as historical
time
Influ
and
passes.
experience
enthood.
nature
life experiences,
ential
and
social
characteristics,
personal
and waned
factors waxed
contextual
in their import for gender ideology construc

tion throughout the late twentiethcentury,and
evidence
these
suggests
into the twenty-first
continue
changes will
as well.
century
more
married
als,whereas Cunningham and colleagues (2005)

found no effectof relationship status change
(either
and
interest
Among
individuals'
explanations,
social
for
of interest-based
explanations.
tion vis-?-vis
evidence
provides
argument that gender
are a function
ideologies
some
depend
ingon the age atwhich the relationship ismea

sured (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Corrigall &
Konrad 2007, Cunningham et al. 2005, Fan &
Marini 2000, Harris & Firestone 1998,Moore
& Vanneman 2003, Tallichet & Willits 1986),
the literature
exposure-based
based
opportuni
ties in the labor force are likely to become

more gender egalitarian as they change their
definitionsof success. Being in the labor force
does
In sum,
Bolzendahl & Myers'
(Bolzendahl
& Myers
2004, Ciabattari 2001, Corrigall & Konrad

2007, Cunningham et al. 2005, Fan & Marini
2000,Tallichet & Willits 1986).
OF
CONSEQUENCES
GENDER IDEOLOGY
This
section
summarizes
on
research
the con
sequences of gender ideology.Focusing firston

families,
we
review
research
the ef
examining
fectsof gender ideology on relationship forma

tion and dissolution, includingon cohabitation
andmarriage, on fertilityand birthtiming, and
on the processes
within
and fami
relationships
lies such as the division of household labor and

of its fairness. We
perceptions
next
review
the
literatureon the effectsof gender ideology on
outcomes
and educational
workplace
labor force participation,
occupational
educational
expectations,
tainment. We
gestions
conclude
for further
and
such
as
choice,
educational
at
some
sug
by offering
of
refinement
theoretical
? Gender
Ideology
95
the concept of gender ideology and possible
arenas
for future
empirical
care
investigation.
Gender
ideology has very real effects on

A review of the literaturefor
processes.
family
the past 20 years or so reveals
on the ef
research
fectsof gender ideology in sixgeneral categories

of outcomes: child care; division of household
labor (including theperception of thefairnessof
the division of household labor and its inequal
ities); union stabilityand conflict; relationship
quality;
wife
cupations.
abuse;
Within
and work,
each
and oc
earnings,
areas we
can
of these
further distinguish whether gender ideology
has
a direct
effect on
the outcome
or whether
gender ideologymoderates the effectof some

other
ditional fatherstend to spendmore time inchild
factor.
and
reveal
Transitions
Stewart (2003) found that traditional ideology

to lower
leads
age
at first motherhood
regard
activities.
men's
egalitarian
interviews
In-depth
of success
definitions
as reflectingtheirbeliefs; thesemen note that

theirrelationshipswith theirchildren are better
of success
markers
than
their financial
contri
bution to the household or theirbusiness acu

men (Coltrane 1998,Gerson 1993,Hochschild
1989).Wada & Beagan (2006) ar
& Machung
that men
gued
greater
experience
their egalitarian
translating
in
challenges
beliefs
(when
con
structed) into behavior owing to the gendered

of workplaces,
expectations
among
especially
highly demanding professions likemedicine.

Even
when
men
of suc
their definition
change
cess to include a balance of work and family,

they
Fertility and Relationship
related
encounter
structural
constraints
that
in
hibit the enacting of theirbeliefs. Indeed, al

though sharing child care is associated with
holding egalitarian gender ideologies, holding
these beliefs
a necessary
is neither
nor
sufficient
less of relationship status.Egalitarian gender

condition for equal parenting (Deutsch 1999).
affects
months
of
ideology positively
indepen
dent living,delaysmarriage (but not cohabita
Division of Household
Labor
tion), and delays timing of firstmarital birth
(Cunningham et al. 2005). Couples planning Even a cursory review of the literature over the
theirwedding tend to divide thewedding plan
of studies
past 20 years or so turns up dozens
ning labor according to theirgender ideologies,
evenwhen theydo not intend to do so (Humble
et al. 2008). Couples inwhich both partners
that have examined the effectsof gender ide

ology on the division of household labor and
ning, whereas
housework
related
issues
as
such
of fairness.
perceptions
espouse traditional gender ideologies tend to Nearly all these studies find that the division
conform to traditionallygendered expectations of household labor in heterosexual couples?
in the division of labor around wedding plan
usually operationalized as the proportion of
couples
with
egalitarian
gender
ideologies tend to negotiate gender in thewed

ding planning innonstereo typicalways.
performed
by
lated to the woman's
gender
gender
search
A number of studies (Aldous et al. 1998,

Appelbaum et al. 2000, Bulanda 2004, Deutsch
1999, Gaunt 2006, Ishii-Kuntz et al. 2004)
have found that father'sgender ideology (but
not
is associ
usually mother's
gender
ideology)
ated with paternal
involvement
with child care,
whereas other studies (e.g.,Marsiglio

found mixed
studies
Davis
observing
that there
suggests
ideology,
some
Further,
re
the man's
is an interaction
re
be
tween the ideologies of thewoman and theman.
Child Care
have
or both.
ideology,
the woman?is
1991)
In general,
those
an effect found that less tra
evidence.
Finally,
gender
effects of some
seems to moderate
the
ideology
factors on the division of house
hold labor.
Hochschild & Machung (1989) argued that
gender ideologies, behavior, and emotional
responses to beliefs and the lived reality of
paid and unpaid labor lead to an individual's
gender
strategy;
the
interplay
of
partners'
gender strategies leads to the couple's division

of household
labor.
Subsequent
? Greenstein
analyses
of
quantitative data have found support for the

relationship between gender ideologies and
the division of household labor.Most of these
studies found thatmen with less traditional
gender ideologies do a greater share of the
household labor.These findings are confirmed

in samples fromTaiwan (Hu & Kamo 2007),
Germany (Lavee & Katz 2002), Israel (Lavee &
Katz 2002, Lewin-Epstein et al. 2006), China
(Pimentel 2006), Canada
(Brayfield 1992,
Gazso-Windle & McMullin
2003), Sweden
&
(Nordenmark Nyman 2003), Great Britain
(Baxter 1992,Kan 2008), and theUnited States
(Bianchi et al. 2000; Coltrane & Ishii-Kuntz
1992; Cunningham 2005; Greenstein 1996a,b;

Hochschild & Machung 1989), as well as in
a number
of cross-national
studies
(Batalova
husband's gender ideology isnot associatedwith

thehousework contributionsofmen married to
women.
traditional
Union
Stability and Conflict
At least two studies (Greenstein 1995,

Hohmann-Marriott 2006) found that the
woman's
gender
ideology
was
to
unrelated
union stability,whereas others (Davis &

Greenstein 2004, Kalmijn et al. 2004) found
that
women
traditional
were
at
somewhat
lower risk of marital instability. Sayer &

Bianchi (2000) found thatwomen married to
men
egalitarian
were
at
less
risk
of marital
instability,but thatwives' gender ideologywas

not related tomarital instability.
seems
to be the
& Cohen 2002, SN Davis et al. 2007, Fuwa
More
important,
though,
As
of
Nordenmark
Yodanis
effect
2004,
2004,
2005).
gender ideology on union
moderating
Greenstein (1995), forexample, found
Kroska (2004, p. 921) noted in a summary stability.
that the effectofwives' employment on marital
of many
of these
"husbands'
studies,
gender
a
be
determinant
of
stronger
stabilitywas moderated by thewives' gender
ideology may
divisions
housework
than
the wives'
gender
ideology."
There is evidence that gender ideology

is associated with perceptions of fairness in
the division of household labor. Several stud
ies (DeMaris & Longmore 1996, Greenstein
1996a,Nordenmark & Nyman 2003) indicated
non
are less
likely than
women
to
perceive
egalitarian
women
that traditional
or
traditional
that inequalities in the division of household

labor are unfair.Greenstein (1996a) found that
formarried women gender ideology interacts
with proportion of housework performed to af

women
of fairness: Traditional
fect perceptions
are relatively unlikely to perceive inequali

ties in the division of household labor as un
just,whereas the perceptions of nontraditional
women
are
associated
with
the extent
of
to affect
interact
performed
the amount
by the husband.
of house
The
amount
of housework performed by husbands ishighly

associated with the husband's gender ideology
for men
with
nontraditional
wives,
whereas
women,
but no
effect
for non
traditionalwomen). Hohmann-Marriott (2006)

noted no effectsof gender ideology but did
observe effectsof similarityof ideologies be

tween husbands and wives on the stabilityof
both marital and nonmarital unions. Sayer &
Bianchi (2000) did not find an interactionbe
tween wives'
economic
dependence
and marital
stability, however.
Relationship
Finally, Greenstein (1996a) found that the

gender ideologies of women and their hus
bands
for traditional
the
inequality.
work
ideology:Number of hours worked per week

was negatively related to marital stability for
nontraditional women, but not for traditional
women. Davis & Greenstein (2004) observed
that the effectsof age at firstmarriage on likeli
hood of divorcewere moderated by gender ide
ology (age at firstmarriage had a strong effect
the
Quality
A number of studieshave found thatgender ide

ology is related to self-reportsof relationship
quality.Amato & Booth (1995) andMickelson
et al.
(2006),
ditional
of marital
wives
for example,
to
tended
quality,
whereas
found
report
that nontra
lower
nontraditional
levels
men
tended to reporthigher levels.Wilcox & Nock

? Gender
Ideology
97
(2006) found thatwives' gender ideologywas

related to three indicators of marital quality
women
(nontraditional
reported
poorer
rela
tionship quality) but that husbands' ideology

was not.Marshall (2008) noted effectsof gender
ideology on intimacy in dating relationships.
Two studies (Blair 1993,Xu & Lai 2004), how
ever,foundno direct effectsof gender ideology
on marital
quality.
Again, some of themost interestingeffects

on relationshipquality aremoderated by gender
ideology.
In a study of American
married
cou
ples, Greenstein (1996a) found that the effects

of perceptions of inequityon reportedmarital
were
quality
much
for nontraditional
stronger
husband's gender ideologymoderates the rela

tionshipbetween thewife's share of household
earnings and her likelihood of being a victim
of assault. Specifically, their study found that

thewife's share of household earnings is pos
itivelyrelated to the likelihood ofwife abuse,
but only forwomen married tohusbandswith a
traditional
was
There
ideology.
gender
no
sta
tistically significanteffectof thewife's share

for women
of
income
or
transitional
tional
men,
men.
Perhaps
their
having
This
view
to
egalitarian
tradi
for some
breadwinner
status
than they can handle.
more
becomes
challenged
married
is
explanation
data from young men
consistent
with
who were
inter
violent
to
ward theirdatingpartners (Tbtten2003). Tradi

a
with
of
tional beliefs about gendered relations became
noted
similar
(2002)
sample
findings
the justificationforrelationshipviolence, as the
Israeli couples.
Tichenor's (2005) researchprovides a possi
boys argued that girls needed to learn their
blemechanism forunderstanding the influence place in theworld with regard to relationships
was
seen as a mechanism
of gender ideology on relationship quality, with men. Violence
ensure thattheirgirl
on
at least for men.
could
In her research
which
they
couples
through
wives.
than for traditional
wives
in which
women
out-earn
Lavee
their
& Katz
husbands,
Tichenor noted thatmen with egalitarian ide

ologies do not see their identitiesasmen being
by their wives'
threatened
breadwinning
status.
They reframe theirwork in the relationship as

it is tradition
of whether
regardless
or not. As such, these
egalitarian
are more
with their relation
comfortable
masculine,
ally masculine
men
ships thanare similarlysituated traditionalmen.
friendswould engage in stereotypicalbehaviors
and not
Work,
In a
(i.e., get a job
their manhood
and Education
Earnings,
A variety of studies have examined the rela

tionship of gender ideology to human capital
related
Wife
threaten
making more money or making them feel or

look stupid in public).
issues
of work,
and
earnings,
educa
tion. For example,Davis & Pearce (2007) ex

amined the effectsof gender ideology on the
Abuse
meta-analytic
review
of research
on wife
educational
attainment
of adoles
expectations
cents.They found that girls and boys holding

assault, Sugarman & Frankel (1996) found rel
more
ei
associations
of
nontraditional or egalitarian ideologies
few
atively
gender ideology
were more likely to aspire to a postsecondary
therwith the likelihood of a given husband as
saultinghiswife orwith thewife being a victim degree and that the effect was stronger for
of assault by her husband. In fact, some of the girls. Studying mothers' earnings overa 10-year
were
to
associations
observed
contrary
predic
period, Christie-Mizell and colleagues (2007)
tions. For example, maritally
violent husbands
noted thatmothers with a traditional gender
were
in the "traditional
underrepresented
male
gender" ideologygroup, and traditionalwomen

were less likelyto be victims of assault.
One
explanation
of
these
counterintuitive
ideology tended to have lower earnings (the ef
fect was
stronger
for whites
Americans). Gender
work
hours,
months
than
for African
ideology influences paid

of full-time
employment,
but not for

findings is suggested by the findings by and hourly earnings for women,
Atkinson et al. (2005), who observed that the men (Corrigall & Konrad 2007, Cunningham
g8
Davis
? Greenstein
et al. 2005). Corrigall & Konrad

this means
that women
suggested
but not men
use
gen
der ideology as part of their rational planning

for combiningwork and family lives.Christie
Mizell (2006) found that traditional attitudes
reduce
earnings
for African
African
American
women,
with white women
American
and white
men,
women,
re
the greatest
experiencing
duction inwages due to traditional ideologies.

Stickney& Konrad (2007), using data from 28
that among
found
countries,
individ
married
uals, egalitarian beliefs had a strongerpositive

influence
on
earnings
more
working
itarian women
women.
tional
riedmen, Zuo
hours, whereas
on average,
egal
than
tradi
had
earnings
higher
In a three-wave
study
of mar
status
are more
that of their wives
relative
to
to embrace
likely
egalitarian ideology" and that egalitarianmen

"are more
to engage
likely
in a more
equal
shar
ingof theprovider role." Although a decline in

men's
status
breadwinning
more
egalitarian
to
owing
changing
attitudes
is likely to promote
among
men,
perhaps
strate
gies [likeKroska's (2000) work with vignettes]

or
the construction
context
that provide
critical
eye also needs
of open-ended
questions
to individual
A
responses.
to be cast upon
how
qual
capture the subjective nature

to
of self-identifications
relevant
ide
gender
com
to
attention
the
ology, paying particular
across researchers
of such work
and
parability
itative researchers
studies.
as
Second,
dinal
studies
above, more
suggested
to include measures
longitu
need
of gen
der ideology in both theirclosed-ended survey

interview questions.
and open-ended
is unequivocal
in that attitudes
toward
questions
(2004, p. 827) concluded that
of a lower breadwinner
"men
and men
for both women
types of measurement
alternative
using
Research
gender relations change not only as individuals

age but also as life is experienced and as the
world
us
around
few large-scale
measures
peated
To
date, relatively
changes.
re
have
studies
included
panel
of gender
ideology.
as the National
Even
studies
well-designed
such
Longitu
dinal Survey of Youth, 1979 (Center forHu

man Resource Research 2006b) do not usually
includemeasures of ideology at each wave of
ideologies cannot de-identifybreadwinning as
the panel, making it difficultfor researchers

to studychanges in individuals' ideologies over
a male
time.
of success, men's
definitions
a commensurate
without
responsibility
structuralshiftinworkplace organization (Zuo

2004).
extend
and
more
to refine
der ideology. Rather

new measurement
their
can be done
both
to
the measurement
of gen
than continuing
to create
with
closed-ended
strategies
the cur
research
should
implement
questions,
rent measures
into
studies
al
panel
broadly
lowing a betterunderstanding of how ideology

changes over the lifecourse of individuals (and
how
differing
kinds
of measures
may
capture
ideology differendyat differentparts of the life

course).
to extend
In addition,
more
the measurement
can
sense)
researchers
help
about fertility,and how individuals negotiate
Future research on gender ideology can be in

formed by each of the three sections of this
First, much
(in a social
understand the choices boys and girls make

education
and careers,
how young
regarding
adults
choose
make
and
decisions
partners
CONCLUSIONS AND
IMPLICATIONS FOR
FUTURE RESEARCH
article.
Understanding how gender ideology is con

structed
work
can
of gender
be
done
ideology
lives. Given
family
the
important
so
cial implications of all these individual de

more
data
is constructed,
and
cisions,
on
data
how
gender
from
ideology
nationally
rep
resentative samples (for example, including

more
and
Hispanic
Asian
respondents),
are
necessary.
Another
issue
in the construction
of gender
ideology is the relativelyatheoretical approach

taken by most
scholars. For example, much

of
has argued that factors such as so
cial class and education
affect one's
undoubtedly
this literature
but the linkages

and mecha
gender
ideology,
nisms involved are not
always clear. A thorough
or theoretical
of the conceptual
understanding
? Gender
Ideology
99
processes by which such factors affectgender

ideology is essential.
Review of the consequences of gender ide
ology finds two general ways in which gen
der
affects
ideology
outcomes?for
outcomes.
the
example,
to be
birth?seem
some
First,
of
timing
affected by one
directly
first
s gen
der ideology; egalitarian women tend to de

lay firstbirth longer than traditionalwomen.
the likelihood
of a mar
outcomes?say,
an
ried woman
division
of
perceiving
unequal
to
household
labor as unfair or unjust?seem
as a
involve gender
factor.
ideology
moderating
Other
Greenstein (1995), for example, found that the

effects
of a wife's
employment
on marital
sta
bilitywere moderated by gender ideology; the

wife's
hours
employment
stabil
affected marital
ityforegalitarianwomen but not for traditional

women.
Future
research
employing
gender
ide
ology as a predictormust be alert to both kinds

of effects.
Finally, one of the common threads run

ning through this literatureis thatgender ide
ology often functionsas a lens throughwhich
social
many
processes
and
interpreted,
ful organizing
acted
events
are viewed,
Given
the power
in con
of gender
characteristics
it is no
societies,
temporary
and
upon.
that gen
surprise
der ideology is a primary lens throughwhich

both women
and men
view
the world.
Deci
sions we make in our lives are often guided

by theway inwhich we believe the relation
women
ships between
will
view
ship, role
one's
and men
place
as a parent,
in an
should
intimate
occupational
be. One
relation
choice,
and
many other issues very differentlybased on

one
whether
holds
traditional,
transitional,
tential
explanatory
mechanisms
for gendered
behaviors.
SUMMARYPOINTS
1.Gender ideology has been measured using many differentindividual items that can be
organized into sixcategories: primacyof thebreadwinner role,belief ingendered separate
spheres,working women and relationship quality,motherhood and the feminine self,
household utility,and acceptance ofmale privilege.
2. Although social and demographic characteristicsbased on vested interestsand exposures
to egalitarianism continue to contribute to the extent towhich an individualholds an
egalitarian gender ideology, the influenceof those characteristics seems to be waning,
owing largely to cohort replacement.However, women continue to be more likely to
hold egalitarian gender ideologies thanmen.
ideology acts as a lens throughwhich individualsview their social world and
upon which theymake decisions.Many family-relatedbehaviors, such as fertilitytim
ing, relationship timing,quality,dissolution, and childrearing are influencedby gender
ideology. In addition, gender ideology influences the decisions adolescents and young
3. Gender
adults make
regarding
education
and employment
as well
as the returns
on
investments
young adultsmake in theirhuman capital.
FUTURE ISSUES
1. Does the typeofmeasure used to capture gender ideology provide differentresponses
at differentpoints in the life course?How is the reliabilityofmeasures influencedby
individual-level change in respondents?Are certainmeasures better at differentpoints
in the lifecourse than others?
ioo
Davis
or
nontraditional beliefs.Thus, research should

explicidy take into consideration the influ
ence of gender ideology as one of the po
? Greenstein
2. How will our understanding of gender ideology change once more panel data incorpo
rating trulyrepresentativesamples of theU.S. population become available?
STATEMENT
DISCLOSURE
The authors are not aware of any biases thatmight be perceived as affectingthe objectivityof this
review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We also thankour
We thankLaura Hinton forher assistancewith the completion of this review.
research collaborators, especiallyJeremiahB.Wills andMatthew Loyd, forconversations that led
to
improvements
in this review.
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Author(s): Shannon N. Davis and Theodore N. Greenstein

Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2009.35:87-105

Copyright (c) 2009 by Annual Reviews.

for the items used

sure gender ideology.We also review the research predicting gender

trend, and panel

of gender ideology,both in families and family-relatedbehaviors and in

ideology in individuals' lives.

for future research

labor force changed markedly from

beyond focusing solely on predictors of gen

sequences of gender ideology in a varietyof ar

were conducted in themid-1960s (Cherlin &

gender ideology,represent individuals' levelsof

with the public sphere, especially when they

trend and panel

searchon the consequences of gender ideology.

sequences of gender ideology.

the influence of gender ideology on family

(Batalova & Cohen 2002, Fuwa 2004, Kulik

dren,whereas almost 70% ofwomen held this

be considered.Therefore, althoughwe referto

full- and part-time

the idea of women,

ticularlymothers, working at least part time

responsibilities (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004),

gender ideology and its consequences on indi

individuals' levels of support for a division of

ing gender ideology,gender role attitudes,at

particular phrasemay be partly due to the au

the language of gender roles, for example). In

influence that that language of roles has had

1985).A quick examination of articlespublished

a division of paid work and family responsi

equally split among beliefs about gender, atti

We use the termgender ideology to repre

gender ideology. In particular, theNational

General Social Survey (JADavis et al. 2007)

items can be generally organized into

and the feminine self,household utility,and ac

the items used

sure these beliefs:Three of the six categories

relationship quality, and motherhood and the

lapwith themeasures of beliefs about gender

et al. 1995). This could be because the socio

than prescribed roles that individuals inhabit.

1, thathave been shown to be

Children (Thornton et al. 2002), theNational

Survey Association 2006), and the High

that are used

women who work. Both questionnaires yield

The majority of researchon gender ideology

job is to look after the home

The husbandshouldearnhigherpay thanthewife.

If jobs are scarce, the wife shouldn't work

Belief ingendered separate spheres

is in the home, not in the office or shop.

A wifewho carriesout her fullfamily

Working women and relationshipquality

and secure a relationship with her children as a

A preschoolchild is likelyto sufferifhis or hermotherworks.

Wife/motherhoodand the feminineself