The Monied Metropolis New York City and the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie, 1850-1896 ‘SVEN BECKERT Harvard Usiveiy SB Saueue UNIVERSITY PRESSThe Pt Biding, Trumpington Swot, Cambidg, United Kingda The Eau Budng, Cambie cs 28, UK ‘Te Stumforé Read, Oakleigh, Vic 3166, Astralia Rude Alereéa 25, 2or4, Madd, ple Doek House, The Watton, Cape Town 801, South Ai Ipwmcambide ors Ths book icin copyright. Subj satutory exception anda the proviso evant alesis lang agement oseprodacin of ny prt ay ek place who the ween peminson of Ctrl Uvray Bras, Fis pubsed sco Prd in he Usted Stato Aeron Typeface Sabon soi3.25 eSetom QoakXPrew® (cl ‘cal recrd for books able fom the Bri Lira Ltvary of Corse Cataloging i Pubistion Dat evhe, ,1965- The monied mewopol « New Yor iy ad the consldaton of in Amerian Doug, 18321896 / Sen Beker cles bibograpialrefrence 1, New York (NX) ~ Economic conditions. 2. New York (NX) = Socal vodions._. Midhcla ~ New Vor en) New York ~ Hswey ~ aye omar. hte cl scenes) ~ New ‘ook (Ste) = New York = Hiory = rothcetry 1 Tide poss oprarteses4 = dae ovostios ts oer 79en9 5 bardbuck For my parents, Uta and Ulfert BeckertContents ‘Maps, Graphs, and Mustrations Acknowledgments Abbreviations Ineroducion Part Fortunes, Manners, Pls 5 Aecumalating Capital 2 Navigning the New Meopolis 5 Theos of Cail ‘are I Relacrant Revolutionaries 4 Bourgeois New Yorker Go to War 5 TheSpoilsof Victory 66 Reconstructing New York Pare LA Bourges World 7 Democracy inthe Age of Capital 4 TheCulkure of Capital 19 The Rights of Labor The Right of Property to. The Power of Capi and the Problem of Legitimacy Epilogue Index ” “6 8 & us a7 os 293 ws6 Reconstructing New York “When Prsidsat Andrew Johnson signed he Thieerth Amendment to the Consicution in 1865, and slavery was outed in North America, ‘the major poical and soda alt bre ofthe United States suddenly di lppeaed. Emancipavion removed what uni then had been the most Jimportant reference pom forthe poltal discourse of northern society. ‘Though New Yorks economic ete had been aware ofthe socal changes {fostered by economic expansion in the antebellum North, they had linked the problem of prolacianizasion In one way or another to san- ‘ery: Some had believed hat an expanding save economy would provide {or prosperous employment of northern wage worker whe others had hed that the destruction of slavery would eenvigorate socal and gso- rap mobil for temporary proletarian! Yet by the late 1804 and sly 18705 both the republic of independent producers, envisioned by ‘Abcaham Lincoln alongwith New York manufacturers andthe comme ‘al capitalism based slavery championed by Angust Belmont and Ian ofthe ety mercatle ete weee rapidly faring om the shoals of Indoalination Indeed socal tensions arising om the blosoming of capital sary ‘ened comierably inthe wake ofthe Gv War Daring the 1860s, pid ‘eonomic development and novel piel arrangements migated these Strain, bur woskers’cllestive action eventual forced upperclass New ‘Yorkers to come ro ete with the emerging new world. This orientation wae a fre caetl and veatve, bat by the eary 18705 New York’ mer Chant, indo, and bankers boyan to eecosider she meaning of| Dloetarianization and the cle of the at ia rsiey, with dramatic ress ‘ot only fr eles rations inthe Nowth bat alg for Reeonsrction and theft ofthe feedpeoplein the South Prolearinization was central fat off inthe iy the direct reat of its relemfese growth. As economic opporeanty beckoned, manufacares Searched for ever-increasing numbers of wage workers, workers who — Reconstructing New York 1 acived from the American coanejide and Pope, as wells from the ‘anks ofthe ci’ arias? By 1870, Manhattan alone counted close to ‘Jove laboring women and men among its inhabitants, and was adding fw workers ata ate of about 542.2 mont. Each morsig, coasands of Colle weeaed into the factories along the East Rive into the myriad ‘Sotng worshops i lower Masbatan, and the bling sts farter ‘prow These workinganon and women now decisively stamped the cha eer of large areas ofthe cy, parculaty below 14th Street om the east as of Manhattan, a sstion inkabied by laborecs and thei fais ‘any of then recent haigrants fom Ireland and Gersany. ere ved the “element” according the New Yrk Tomes, who poss» 0 ‘propery and can get noae."> ir never before inthe story of New Yuk Cy, many of hese woke ‘ere copay those with skill organised into unions and engaged in Stele” Whereat in 1361 there had been only about Seen unions inthe ‘pe the umber exploded to 137 three yeas later Tn June 18644 the ‘Wegkingme's Uson formed, assembling different trades into ove body ‘Tha dgie of organization tranaaed isco nove colecive challenges tO Cnployess Ascoring to the estimates of one hisorian, 249 uadewide rk occurred in New York berween 1863 and 1875, some of hem — Tike the 1868 bricklayer strike ~ iavoving several thowsand workers “Thosgh mont puts foceed on wes, the ent ofthe workday mot {ranean increasing numberof confess new emphasis was parce Thy encourage by the passing of am cghe-hour Bil in the New York Sate leglarare hy Radical Republicans, symboliing how the contro on ofthe autem states aden seemed to open new political oppor ‘nes in he Nowy asthe boundaries ofthe antebellum pliteal wold {ll apat? The succesful outcome of may ofthese sks inepred work emit late 1868 to organize labor party By «87, New Yorks skilled ‘Soeter had achieved dace of mobiation and rpaseation they bad ‘eve sustained before. Tada the newfound power of woekers wa indircly reflected isthe local poltial atrangemente that emerged toward the end of the wat [Acsoeing to hstovian Ie: Bernstein 1865 the exuberant confidence of Grlltodo New Yorker, along wich the resources made available by the Tooming lal economy, peoried them witha way out of he oel poi (areas dha had unfolded in the wake ofthe Draft Ris. The city mer ‘Sout, manfacurrs and bankers ame co acep a poll compromise tbat war negotad by Wiliam M. Tweed and he emmany Hal faction (ofthe Demonatic Pay. Tweed delivered srl peace and exacted, inretara, a comprehesive apne of pale sid and patronage obs forthe ‘Sys working clas? ‘William Tweed, who had tncome an flaca politician inthe cs Democratic Party by #86 celebatd his ie eye lectorl victory in December 1865, arid the eaten 2869, and dominated he pial Be fhe city unt 87. Tweed’ Tammany Hall derived is strength from 2 Coalition of workingclass New Yorkers, parscularyIrh iumigrnt, slong wi lap segments of he ty economic ei, bth of which bee Seed fom the urban expansion fostered by his deciespending progr. ‘Though Tweed deceased taxes, be increased per capita expenivere by more than so persnt between F860 and 1869 ~ from $17.99 to $28.12 {in 2869 dlls) The resin toca aty wat 90 apparent to upp ‘ass New Yorkers thatthe ci’ Repuian Party wat sid 0 be aligned ‘with Tammany Hal with even so staunch + Repulian as Gorge Ten- pletoa Song voting, bei relat, fr Taraany" Whe Tweed’ Tammany Hall was certainly ot thee Seal of urban le, the city's economic ele accommodated themteves so ts pli. ‘Among bourgeois New Yorkers, epor fr Tweed came at first manly from bankers and real esate developers. International financiers profited from sling municipal bonds in domestic and overscas markets, bonds the were uied to Gnance the ity expansion. Benen 1867 and 1871, the city's debt increased nearly Heels ~ a windil or led bond deal. fr auch at August Belnore, Jon A. Dix, Aptos R. Schl, od Money “Taylor One ofthe vices af he cys bondholders, the Commercial and sncial Chronicle. hence saw litle reason to be concerned about ‘Tweed’ spiraling expenditures, arguing that “the whole deb i well secured "4 “The otber elie group suppsting Wim Tweed was comprised of those who capitalized most directly on urban expansion ~ bulges, uptown Inndowner, and investor in utes, Wid the physical growth of Manta tan northward, pecially of residential discs along Cetel Pat, prop ‘ry bolders bad enganied ia the WestSide Awocation (1866, the East River Improvement Asoiton (2863), and the Eas Side Association and stood cay to defend th policy of urbe expansion. The president of the West Side Association, the hwyer and developer Willam R. Martin, proudly proce that Tweed wat “by our ai ml seated" When “Ted obtained «new city charter in 170, onthatcetored tote ty rach of the power that had heen assumed by Alluny ia 1857, hus co enenting authoriy over infastractare improvements in New York tel, hecould count on the backing of large segment ofthe city's upper class.7 = spnp000 mn gs tues VR 1868 80) TO TL Net bond db of New York iy 185-187 a Ele as Sa roof i ak ‘Rew os han Indeed, so pervasive was this support tat in. 1870, upon an investigation ofthe compilers books, Joa Jacob Astor, Mow Taylg Edward Shel, Sd others found noching wrong With Tees financial desing. "Tweed's form of rue was atactive ro elite New Yorkers, not only because ofthe patnlar materia beefs they desved from his adminis ‘tation bt alo bests is paises won the alliance of large sepmen| ff the working class, and helped to bolster their commitment to the ‘stionaisn thatthe Union League Club Bad pioneered during the war deus The peice ofthis alliance ~ public ele and cay patronage jobs ~ {cmed affordable during economic ow ees. In this age of exuberant ‘Confidence, support for Tweed relleted economic elites continued belt in ewavdship and a shared polity, wile ndzelly acknowledging the strength of bor aos “The energeoe of a ange wage-cuning cas, however contoned capt sich New Yorkers 06 any cy plies bata in all ther spheres of {hee ie from the sot othe workahope. Manwlacues faced cont over the eae of empleymen ost ret Bat merch had 0 cae 19 ‘ers with his new werld a well, While mos of them didnot havea lage ‘umber of employes on thei payroll nor profits derived diel from pro- ‘cio, massive sake areal exe inva them withthe ey onsta tion woekers and investments in raioads and mines exposed thm tothe “rguinng efor tha ndstien Morcove a we have seen the rb of {new agricultural prokaat nthe South fandameatlly changed the ways Serial commodities were planted and harvested. Slowly but pesis- tet theveltonship to wage Workers moved tothe center of wenon for fof the ys property owner, ining mercans.How did both merchanes and manufacturers egorite the sodden expansion ofthe cers working cas? Politically, as we have see, they founds a fst. a workable solution factated by Tweed acts sat, 2 slason that in many ways basked tack ro the poitcs of stewardship hararerinie ofthe antebalum wotd.Ldeolgialy, ower, the prob Jem was of considerably grater scope. Ameians were unaccustomed to think of thee country at poueatng a permanent working clase. Before the re sol ffe withthe profs derived om a prosperous southern pant tion economy. Mansftcars, i erm, believed inthe promise of sil land geographical mobility eaabled by westward expansion. Fos mer- ‘chants, wage work had been ephemeral tothe American economy; foe indo chad en only a temporary condition in ie. ‘esp the calles ofthe postwar yeas mex maracas, having row up iam ideological word entenched in frelaborthoagit, eld ‘nto te older belie Prominent repeening thie outlook, Horace Gree ley sick derrsinely ois credo, ring and eteling he ale of fe lox, rors, and agicalsal prosper He and other industrials saw fee labor ideology validated and strengthened by she experince ofthe war!" Ax Grey poised out, (rleen evens have opened the Southern ‘Seats to setdament and culation by free labor" wich, according to the Monfacturer and Bue, “ie simoltig the Souter peopl." Fee labo, now generalized throughout the natin, could cori she poe divisve ‘Hs of indailzaton, Ava speaker atthe anual fi ofthe indus fn American Inte argued, the world needed ro lam that “fet sell ‘elms, wel pai labor he eonsip of a epbe oars quali is at ‘he foundation of mational gestae" Ine a soe, Irom Age cot ‘Faded opsimatial “there muck ss apparent danger than in any ‘other of the rea producing counties ofthe wold of confi of tases” ‘Vallated bythe ar fe labor ology lowered once more during the second all ofthe 18608 It slso lowered because the war had vastly ‘Strengthened the poltial economy ofthe sndustialiss. The new eco: ‘pom and politcal arengements promised 10 guarantee ature social Imobily x0 eset to fee labor thoughe. “The America ofthe fare Imus dr realy from the America of the paz” argued one manuac- ‘ey plating to 4 system in which high eiiyprotsted epily expand ing American industries and in which the cesling prosperity created boursfel markets for American farmers This vision, now tamed into ‘govermental ply, put industrial and fe labor ideology sauaely a ‘he center of che American plieal economy” Ironically, the growing dominance ofthe manufactures’ politic con- omy aso ermine’ the frre of feeelabor ideology. It undermined it for wo resoos Fs, beled rete a larger workig clas a8 an ever smaller percentage of worker became independent entrepreneur farm 5, Andy second, bocaure nrtbera victory in the Civil War had created the conditions industri sought tobe sufiient ro che unfoking ofa fteclabor society, the lotimacy of free sate intervention diminished ‘Permanent peolteriniation, doze Being mach more widespread now; Could be sca by manufacturers asthe result of individual fase, not large-scale socal change. Horace Grete, ically held workers responsi ‘le for ther tatu anpsing that “they might be teir own employers i they hose" Freelabor ieology prepared industrialists co Mame workers fof their social standing and to vee workers collective ation a8 a threat t0 thei ‘ove belies, As poletaisaaton widened, workers organized, and the Social distance between manufactters and theieemployeos incensed Commitment to 4 shaed social contrac cetered on social mobility [cre more dificult co maintain. With notion of a mutuality of ines ‘penween workers and thelr employes diminishing indasialiss evento ally would rear thee relaonsip to the peopl in ther eoploy Thi ew ovintation emerged moet forcefully a we will se shor, among, large-scale employer, especialy the raioads, but in due time afected tet Larges numbers of the iy manfacrrer- Asan expression of this ‘eovientaton and the sldaries it enabledy bythe early 1870» Tron Age hd the New York Commercial Adverier appealed to anafctrersf0 ‘reunite aginst he power of wade unions "Yeu thvoughour the 80, war difical for indus to come to terms with their worker” gacaeraperivenes. The Hoe brothers for "sample, onthe one hand tod to blame strikes on “outside inlueces,” ‘even “a society of Communists. who advoat the wildest theories, Sich atthe dvinon of property ex"! On the onher hand, however, they tls took noe of thee changing relationship r the people inthe employ tram pessuaded,” wrote Robert Hoe I “that there has been too litle vena pd ding the Lae 20 0x5 years to rece the shops with foreman of character and aby ad filing the shoe with workmen pon febom we en depen All hee things have weakened oar infence icc and indirectly over the minds of che me." Hoe did "ot eel spose to waste much sjepaty” on the workmes. “I donot Bee in fany sytem of cooperation rachis Being tied" he asserted since “its ‘ey fir et ee natura aw of supply and demand alone:178 Reluctant Revolutionaries ‘Merchans and hankers were even ls peepared than mansfacarer for navigating the new woe tha ese fem the Civil Wat. Thr notone of patemalit stewardship keane more dito maintain i the face of ‘massively enlarged group of wage aboren. Moreover whe the pla ‘economy ofindastialiss, and wal i dee Reelabor ideology, ba been ‘alae bythe wag tat the merchants had experienced a defeat The plial sad ecnoasc dea of merchants made dial fr them to come terms wih he massive wave of prleananiaton, “Ir one of ‘he misforunes of th ene tha antago ha aren berween capital and Lborin place of the eng fen of ints which shuld exis." ‘expounded the Une Sates Econ and Dry Good Reporter Ching Imechane Abil Abbot Low coacure, asetng tht the only rel dangers {othe prosper of out por and au chy... appea o be. the combi ‘tows of men who sek consol 1 advance the prices of abr beyond ssbat employees en alld to py" But what sould be dane abou 2 “Thinking of kes as “agains reason, and opposed to that community of Simerest which Povidesce has isiated between the workmen aod the cmploye” merchants persistently appealed to the “intellectual and moral ‘levaton ofthe working clas." ™ Yer ths commuity of interet™ was tHucatene, as nda society... during the pas en years has ben Jrokea dowe among us inthe eo ret casss of ich ad poe ~ ap tals and tee employes” making i more difcl for the "man of ‘vl meena” to “begin bunt for ime Io fc, workingmen "were Seprived of the acy fr sing as rpiy and easy tobe martes.” Bat ‘what should be done about che growing ember of wage workers snd the Increasing social confit remained undleae™ “Slowly howeves, the old merchare paternalism weakened. Especially conee the Tweed cegme had unraveled and workers had showa the ea lective power in the sect and workshops of New York in che ealy 18705 the merchants’ concern with onder along with their eadional ‘embrace of «weak state, made ther fl ex into 4 new ies or ‘entation of lase-fare individualism, This orientation denied the state ‘esponsbilty for addesing social inequality and allowed for the sere sion ofcizens ofthe Repali if they were seen ab endangering order “Asin themeles tothe new order of things the Merchants’ Magazine ‘and Conomercil Review found hat “sJoiety vided inc ewo ease, the laborer and the capitalist.» A certain amoust of sulering and mi. ery will always exis and no amouse of Benevolence an the prt of the pitas, nor ofthe philanthopist, can materially lesen ie Here, the ‘merchants joined the ieolgial universe ofthe cy’ indasialts, fog -RECOMSETUCHING INCU TOTR ail Jing an ideology that made the defense ofthe prerogatives of propery the ceerpiee oftheir shared bel "This hain coogi seorenaton went long, ak we have see, with the social and geographic reat ofevrlarger segments of New York's ‘uppercase from other socal wroups. Bat the more boursois New York= ‘coed to gain contol of ther pysial surroundings the more removed the working class Became fom the paternlie contol of erie times. “The boy is now left to ean at lage,” declared the Assocation for Improving the Conditions of the Poot (AICP) in a report mourning the ent wate labor oudod the Fundamental sdeclogcal pias of American foviety. Alter al, «republic of independent producers was the basis of Fepublican democratic theory ~a man's economic independence usranteed hs politcal independence ad, oat smportandly, a shared ines inthe ete of private propery. Mans aor mos skilled worker did noe asp the pemanenc of thei proletarian tation and for them, unions were ast ‘one way to inrove tri tanding ployer, howeve, sav he same kind ‘facies nzesingr as interference with property gts they held co be Sacred and ther concerns about the cllecve power of workers in ipeor- ing thei shop conditions easly sumed into ys Employes, more attned othe permanence of poktaranzatio than180 Reluctant Revolutionaries ‘many workers feared the consequences of noo-propery owners becom ‘ng a maj ofthe voting cizenry. After all, there was no example in Iisory for republic based upon unequal dssibcion of propery an Simultaneously enfanchised working clas. The Bish, German, and French bourgeoisie all hd lost thei enthusiasm for a broad-based suf frag athe face of rowing working lass milan. Consequently, 2 the inmortance of slavery and seeonal confi retreated in the politcal di- ‘couse ofthe ity’ merchants, ndusilss, ad banker he existence of a larg, permanent proletariat eyan to permeate ever more debates Prophecy silk merchaneElioe C. Cow remarked in 187% thatthe “relations between Capital and Labor now raise questions which have sumed colossal magnicade." Events abroad magnified the far of the cys economic elite. tn March 87s, Parisian workers and sympathetic National Guard soldiers role conta of Pars and inthe words ofthe New York Times, “doled wat 1 agans art, propery and relgon = agins cvization el." Foe ‘he fist ime eve, the lower classes had taken contol ofthe goverment fof one of the words premier cit, Propered ctaens everywhere woke fo the poeril of the working claie t seize pliel power and to ‘heaten private property” In this momeet, uppercase New Yorkers fsciculitd many of thei grates fers about the econ in which shee fosity wis heads, Acconing to The Nation, the Comme gave "an ait (of praccalness to what all the rest ofthe world sneered at a8 npeac- cal" that "a gene crowd of persons” cul seize the “poverament of 2 rst capital and administer ie! Tie demonstrton agai capital Imay prove sr memorable asthe Bist organized and wolent move of aay Importance toward grea changes,” confided lawyer George Templeton ‘wong to hisdan-” And The Nation edorlzed ‘On the wok te eg ofthe Comme mst he pronounced the mot exon ay epande of moder ns, and skin re te tah of Osetia thas bane hoe vege he de el bs dead oe che Fost bari he hea of at tees Wt rest deemintin, bourens New Yorker ted pesuade themeer hte Eaopest aon a fade ills en that in the United States. ln America, “[tJhere is n0 pressure on the prole- fate das boyd the erry seus of "wrt the Ne ork Tones! Soa obs westward igo woul ings Ae {ere workers rom tone of Earpe. “in ou own happy counry.™ SeCDEEIRUCRIRG oer Fore ce culained the New York Hera, workers were equal before the lv were emer paid, and had acest to land a well s pola nights therefore they showed less revolutionary ialination The sik merchant Eliot ‘Cowdin, in sn address on the Commune delvered at Cooper Union, thought conditions inthe Used Stas “no «longer dangerous” and hoped chat common school, a fe pres fc speech, fe eligi wor ships and an open Bibl, “woud peven another Comumune.”® ‘Despite such belies in Arserican exceptional, uneasiness prevailed “The New York Tine peice diel that he “grat revolution of aboe fhe ye to come" and sae dangers Ioking close at home: (The danger ‘us and sething materals =. re robe found in every lige capital [wher] the thousands of watched crestres-. hie nati and cellar, oor, slovenly and har: pressed. The AICP agreed, warning that com ian nthe nied Stes ound » ei =o congenial ots growth that Fie aedy formidable in aumibers°¥ Indeed, it was such thinking that [ed 0 comparisons betwecn the Commne andthe Daft Riots of 186. “Tor a few Gays in 1863, New-York sere lke Pais under the Rey” remasked the New York Times reoapectivey. “Our Communists had ‘eady bogun towards the howser ofthe ich, andthe ey of war to prop- rey nas alteady hear." I ot for she resistance of the “beter clases Ire should have seen 4 communistic explosion in New-York which “would ave probably let the City in ashes and blood." The experince ‘Of Pais even encouraged ove author, J.T. Headley, to pen down an [ecount ofall ig that had oscutred in New York’ history, fishing "a Sort of ral itry ofthat vas, ignorant, rubulent clas which one of ‘he dtingaishing features of a eat iy and atthe same tine che chet fuse oft solide and anxiey, and often of dren" Ir was hardy Sepsing hen, that Geonge Templeton Stong exrese relief when the ‘Commune was finally repressed and “ee foo ofthe [French] our ‘gee om the neck ofthe dreaded and ated Rouges lt and ic will ey ther el they are made powele fr mischief on any lage sal, Sheyehing shor: of extermination can render them innocuous." nthe wees following the Paris Caramune, the eed epimers in ‘New York Ci. The telitionsip between the two evens was only ay boi bur the experince in France had peobaly encouraged the cy o- omic ete to act boy, and indeed the New York Daly Tbe bad ‘Steady edorakzed in April thr “Tuless we soceed inthe pote! {efor we hall not nse nook abroad to ingure wheter repabican gor ‘ramet i falre.° Te wae conence of factors that made Tweed‘Tegime collapse. In July 187r, the first accusations of fraud became public. ‘Manbatan newspapers reveled corapéin on + sale unkentd of before. ‘As eres, intematonal bondhoies ext ff the ity cede Inthe sae ‘month, bloody rots (he so-alled “Orange Riots) ited Catholic and Protestant rsh cunigrans agaist one aothe the cy bourse eat ‘nanimously siding wih the Orangemen. Usban daorder on sale not seen ince the Draft Ris thenened New Yoek, nd in the eye of the iy ‘wealey, Cato and workers were the cau ft. Tweed, Mente wih bo, now drew the wrth of upperclase New Yorke ‘On Sepember 5, 1877, hates of merchants, indus, bankers and professionals ssembled at Cooper Union to force 4 rerest ofthe “Tweed facron aod estractting of cy gonermert, Called bythe newly founded "Commitee of Cxieas and Taxpayers for the Finacial Reform ‘ofthe Cry and County of New York,” the meting witested a biparisan condemnation of Tweed bythe likes of sugar manufacture Wiliam lave meyer, bankes James Brown, publish Oswald Ortendore, finan ese Seligman, and printing press manufacturer Robert Hoe I? The demands ofthe first meeting ~ which were fe the nxt yea artical by the Commie of Seventy, so named forthe umber of members onthe execurive hoard ~ were twofold: Fst, che presed for an immediate inquiry ino the corprion and feud of the Tweed Ring and the prove tion of its members, Scand, they wanted 0 secure “good” government By reforming the poicalsrcrre a the c's admiitation. They resolved to “pve to the Cary of New York a form of government such s shall be ‘eve by oor wisest and best izes," ’At he center ofthe orm was New York Cisy+ nancial commonity and, in particular, James Reowa, who peeded over the Rt meeing ad ‘bose son, James M. Brown, also joined the group. Shorty afer the fst ‘een, Charles O'Covor che special deputy atorney general forthe Sate ‘of New York, along with wyersprosecuig Tweed (who were ied by ‘he commits ated thei fics in the bldg of row Broters In fier, the offices of Brown Beothees became Gty Hal. From here the commie controlled the cys accouats and decided over expenditure “They pressured cy offi to step dowa inorder to make space fr the commatee’ members. They pressured the major to nominate one of thet ‘own, Andrew H. Gren, a5 the new compu" For a few weeks, the commit uel hei wan mpl coe ea sss “The suddenness with which the Commitee of Seventy onpanized may a first glance be surprising. Yet most af the dil, dea, and strategie emociated with the commitwee had been articulated betore 1872. Ot the ‘ler organizations that had formulated a criuque of Tammany fl, the (Gin Association had been the mos inportant In the wake of the Deaf Ris and » fled aempe to form a eefem party «bipartisan group of merchants ndosialss, and bankers ~ among chem Hamion Fish, Mores Ketchum, Peter Cooper, and James Brown ~ had come topgther in December #865 t0 advocate a eduction of our taxes, the protection of our homes and busines." Though the association they founded war «case bared organization (*Bankers, Merchants, Capitalists land Manufscirers are cordily ited to become members «it {pple ine early years for sopport frm sled workers, i lne wich some aneellam reform organizations “The goa ofthe sociation, chaied at Sst by the banker James Brows, tndin later years by the maruacrrer Pete Compe, was “to orange the highest ineligeae of soiey represented by she beter classes of mer hans, manufacrres, captaliss, bankers and others to oppose corap- tion and promote reform and progress all mate that ines the c= en7” Weadvocaed 2 reduction i taxes and goverament expenditures, lomer wage for ety employes, housing foam in working as dtc, nd improvement of che cy docks” Ia contrast later efor move tment, However, the Ciient Atication ail erated very much in 4 ‘paternal mold that embraced the atv tate, assering hat is efoems| ‘would crete city in which “sees [te] carey graded and paved, ‘ee and cleaned day comfortable clean and cheap public conveyances [ace eon} so thatthe pooress might enjoy thm, model dwellings for the boring sn poorer clases [are provided snd presiding ove ll = ‘Mayo, Common Council and other city fil, chore fom among wel-known and univerallyesemed cies." The Citens” Associ tion had gret hopes fort reforms at sw New Yor Ciy pls ab Important 0 the nation as whole: "Great cies have always wile 2 oral sovereignty in human afr Thebes, Neve, Bayon, Pape, Rome pate Ins and manner #9 sacent snes. London, Pay, Vie, ‘Constantinople, St Peterburg way mations sow and advance o depress ‘the mandaré of caution, freedom and sol economy. As ate is great ‘ite, 20 Europ, 10 is Christendom." Hence, “imperial New York [rst fll» lke destiny tothe Stats and serves which commerce, ‘ince and other interes shall atracs towards be Bsr" Implementing those lofty pole, however wat dificult. Aer the way ‘ace Wiliam Twoods Tammany Hall hed enteached self Gemly inthe pols ofthe city che Citizens” Awociation lst he suppor af woeker,and many of its wealthy backers. In response, it radicalized its demands. “The much amaller organization now focuted increasingly 00 the W2y [New York Cisy was goveaned searching foe ways to lini poplar inf tence over local poles Although this anidemocraic impulse ofthe (Grins Astocition was not entirely new among the city's mercantile cle and rising manufacturers, ics organized expression was without precedent” As erly a8 1860, for example, Samuel P. Dissmore (who Teter woud jin the association) had demanded that aboard, elected ony “by actual taxpayer," be crested, one which woeld approve all expend: sues of they withthe lect the the numerical inst dhe Franchise “Should secure the worthies of or izes." In the second ball of ‘he t8eoy, the Ctens’ Associaton translated an argument lke Diss mor’ into consete reform proposals They organized mete, printed pamphlets, and developed plans for changes #= the goveramest of the Zin: Arguing that a clique of profesional poicians had subveted ‘epublican government, they called Tweed's domination of local polics a “oul and Monstrous Conspiracy."® The city had to be rxced from the "dregs of Eazope;" rom the "eascality ofthe old wold that lowed Although cc analysis wa tl couched in an eae atv mold hat {eared the subversion of the Republic from the ound, the conclusions ‘hey drew didnot sug a iitton of iamiratin.Ined the opinion fof the Commercial dnd Financial Chronicle that imeigation was “the ‘most rfl wore ofthe rapid material progres of he county” was ‘widely shard © A limitation of politcal rights was not to be based on tii, bor aber on economic tats (Onpaizingthore wh stayed ouside of Tweeds growth coalition, the Citizens Association nec, sought to reform the way New York City twas governed. An opportunicy co embark upon such reform came in 1868, when the New York Constatonal Convention worked on teweit- ing the constitution of she at, ising thove pars that governed is Cites The Caen’ Association's main mission was folie sufeage Fishes They warned that “(be advocate ofthe unrericed we ofthe balloboe mast. have forgotten the fearful scenes enacted inthe July rots of 1863 [wiv the thousands and tens of thoatand --- came forth from lanes, les, elles and shuns, and from dark oles and corners” tn agued that "i not sf to pace the exetion of the ls Sn the hands ofthe classes asin whic they ae princi to be enforced." Having "abandoned al hope" fr efoem bythe cy sl they instead appear the Sete of New York to give the ciy a new charter that ‘would exchade “political partes and cliques from the control of interests “and wetng fom ou zens men of characte intlgence and thor ‘oat mowlege of public duy 0 which they ey be asgne”™ A new State comsiution wa fo svire dat decios shouldbe few, and “held t0 fi the highest ofces ost wih other posts, suchas judgeship filed by tubernatorl appointments cal.” Suffrage was to be ested by use ‘Sonat reguirements, one branch ofthe Common Coane elected ony by “taxpayers and & system of "minority representation” devised. Fut thermore, # board of 24 taxpayers selected by lot fom a group of 252 taxpayers assed at nore than $2000 ~ “SIALL DETERMINE». HE fete Nicos To BE RASED FOR ALL LOCAL PUDOSES,” thus enjoying ‘ratcalyero power overall ea decisions.” “The reform plans ofthe Citizens’ Asoition, homes, came to naoght andthe sorition lowly disineratd Despite the ganization’ fax SS publicty efor their positions found only minority support among [Now Yorks upper late. Whe st had gained backers ithe wake ofthe Dusk Rios, many well-to-do ckizens eventually found a comfortable serangemen withthe Tweed eegme and left the asiociation.” August Be ‘Rom, the international financier beneting from the sale of New York City ond in iteraional ceed aches, for example, was not met tioned in relation tothe Citizens Avocaton after 1864, and banker James Brown wat replaced ae president by manufacturer Peter Coopet ronal, by 1870, Tweed even succeded in drawing Cooper into his ‘ak by advocating some of the very same reforms the izes’ Associ ‘on had demanded. ean bis sesowiatesIweed taxes and pase 2 new ‘hacer inthe legac wile ne miing the anche, radially increased the power ofthe mayor and provided forthe improvereat of the docks Hence in March 1872, the Citizens’ Aiociation advocated the patage of "An Act to provide the Government of the City and ‘Couneyof New-York” =the vry charter the once despised Wil Tweed Supported. By 1870, the Cues? Amociation was enly a shadow of is fouer lf “Teed had been so succesful in weakening the Clizens’ Asoiaion thacin the peng of 1870 2 group of uppersass New Yorke established {new ceform organization ~ the New York City Couneil of Political Reform ~to dram up opposition to Tweed" This counc, moderate ite ‘Semana, expresed any aboot goverment spending and coruption st ‘he naionaly stat, and local levee? Ie was dominated by 4 group of Tamers, bankers of leer stature, and prominent manufacturers ~ among ‘hem priming pres mansfaturee Robert Hoe and sugar refines Wain-E Havemeyet, Relatively few merchants joined. In the fall of 1871, how- ces Wiliam F Havemeye, in close cooperation with the eilroad iawyer Samuel Tien, bypased boo acganiatons and abeorbed many oftheir ‘orginal supporters inc che newly formed Commitee of Seventy. They were our prove What the Ciizens” Association bad optimistically declared chee years eae: “Aay goverament the capitalise and sce ‘chants may determine to hav in New Yk can be estalishe™= Ineaay September 17, the Commie of Seventy began its work where the Ciczens’ Assocation and the Counel of Polite! Reform had et ‘off In adition to activa of the wo precirior groups may mer ‘hans industilt and bakers who bad stayed away fom such oa ‘ization before joined the Commie of Seventy. Indeed, the se meeting Jn Cooper Union was so czowded eat George Templeton Seon found it “beyond endurance "® Tae Committee of Seventy was enily bourgeois so wok not en a se shop ome was among 239 He lent and secret. By far the most important group supporting che movement was the merchants, who made up fll 43 perce of the organization leider ship. Among them were waders, sack a Simeon B. Chtendn, Marshall (0 Rokens, and Thomas Susges, inportery, rach at Joseph Blumenthal, and dry goods dealers, such as HowheteSoader and Willam L. Pomeroy Financiers consituted the net lest groups with 26 percent of all mem bes they wet signfcanly evereprsented, hey ascounted fr oaly 6 event af the cy’ per clas. Among them were hunker, ich Je ‘Brown, Jose Seligman, and Washington R. Vermiye,Theen percent ‘ofthe leadership were profesionals~ for example the lawyers Samuel B. Rogals, Edgar Ketchum, and Charles? Kirtland. Manvfacorere made ‘up 11 pescent ofthe leadership, sadn he citys mor mporcane ind ‘alist, suh as the pending press maker Robere Hee the pane mant- actrees W. Tran, and sugar refiner Henry Haverncyee” (Wilt Seinway though ao ia the leadership of he organist, donated $109 to the commie and attended is metngs repr) Owners of sal workshops, retail waders, and ral exateimterevte were significantly lundezepesened, which was not surprising considering that they had ‘ben oss to Tweed and took 2 generally subordinate roe i he lade ship of bougeospoliical mobilization. In contrat, profesional ~espe- ally lwyers— had become, some extent, the spies of thir le “practical deo” the represented lly 36 percent of the scr tare ofthe Comite of Seversy~ the small group tat actly an ts Prafsins Comaerce —— = Comin Sean re pe tc Sone Nw Wo Tr pment ‘ecco emer ee a eye 8 eye opin Alig the Cominco een reeset safe very cad ola meats cope compare {Sythe monaone or warn Ap 86 ‘Ash be mobizaons of Apel 196, he member of te Conminee of Soenty apd o eran eens whl len onthe mate foal ofthe Apron whch they wee ekg They aed 0 reore ‘iam Towed an i aovtr Som fice ant oom cy pone tet Yer emp corn beworking da eminence ‘rn Whe Democrat such as Oswald Onendoter and Robert. oosvel eded oss terse of popula democracy andthe work dep clas fom Tweed corapon, Repubican member rcuated a of icing ol po Se Th we Eads Pevepent ought pea workers by ing “high rn 8 well as te ou can fon yor who] Sand ou” he Repubican Nevon apa tha Ihe fst emedy which any se ind sould nage to cor theve abe would bet lc te fn of he “Ey une econ ofthe mon wh cnet th" Bot ining Sola wan sy na ep ns uppeclan New Yrs wer will ingetak ah femind erated Sacro" ‘Ds vison se Commie Svemy meted in SiN nial power armen of pecs Thi momenta ced {eto cmpagn or the See Asem and the Cnn Cour Site lof by, when te sommine ccf endorsed candies id faced ter campaigns" By he en of 1872 the commis bad feat fea ung Teed spores ome pis adspacing political power inthe cy In 1873, the chairmaa ofthe commit ‘er, Willam F. lavemeye, wa elected mayor of New York. He proceeded lmnediaely to implement an important element ofthe commits pto- am by laying of ry workers, dhs helping in “tbe retrenchment nthe extravagant customs that exiced everywhere" Robeet Hoe I epoted that as arnt ofthese measures, “there a feeling of reli as tothe ‘nancial ffir ofthe Gy especially among thore Savings Banks who ate {allo the Gry and County Bonds" espe these victories, ter Second goa, to rewtie the charter of the ‘ry of New York, fied. Opposition in Alfany and the interal diay ofthe Commitee of Seventy 00 the question ofthe tltionsip of reform ‘0 the working cass broke the oalion apart. While sme move radial members sought to curtail the number of elections, and eonpize the governmental structure ofthe cy hy, for example, merging the Police, Fe, and Health Department ito a "Departmen of Pube Safe” the ‘opposition of those more opimitic about democracy blocked them ‘Mos importantly, she more eadcl members failed o implemen hei scheme for “minority representation,” a eophemiem for eletoral esha sims designed co give “respectable” hourgevis citizens permanent foothold in city government Accatding to this plan, proposed by the commie othe lgalatare of New York Sate, the leave board ofthe ety was inclade those who did aot secive the majority of rns in an election, Silay, lxing mayoral candidates (presumably those supported bs the city's apper cas should become fst and second es {at mayors.” No “party majority” should goxeen the city bat "all clases of cen." Reflecting the fea that bourgeois policans would not be able fo win a majority of votes, minority represetaton seemed £9 guarantee a lest some bourgeni fence in loca polis, i are Make ing class-based poiical movements more viable Indeed, the ides bad floated around the city's elt dele since 1845, when the Personal Rep resentation Society under the leadership of the young. lawyer Simon Sterne began is ayitation, and it would surface again inthe North and South throughou the ast decades ofthe cetury asa way to "preven the svaming fhe moe ligt ane an fhe rope incre of | charerdrated on these principles passed theta House and Senate, but it was vetoed by Democratic Governor Hosiman, who maintained that it was unconsintional" The dreams ofa sement of New York City’s upper ls for stracraral reforms foundered on the shoals of pol cal democracy. Not surpesinghy they could not convince popualy decd ‘Keconstructing New York: Tig policos entrenched in the sate to cearrange the demesrat inttons (of American local poli ia order to gusrante lite power An even more radial plant limi fap: rights, proposed by the Constiional Con ‘mission's Commitee on Municipal Reform (chaired by aone ther than (Comite of Seren member George Op) sal fale. The committer political weakest reuled 1 x lange degre, from clashes among is members. When moe radical assis succeeded in December #71 in paing through a defe char tht seated that the common coun shall be elected bya sytem of representation which shall nme to minorities of etzens i proportion to thir numercal eet 2 rosa share of dhe sea hat hod” and thatthe Common Coun "oul be inverted with 2 supervision ofall the departments," Pater Cooper, who wa sl chairing the Citizens Auociaton, opposed the move an reigned fom his potion eleven days later! Though Cooper, the Citient” Asociation, andthe Commitee of Seventy all agreed that the “main object af the pasage ofthis Charter i. 0 take the Govern ‘ment out ofthe hands of professional poticans and «9 extras i t0 ‘hove substantial eens who have other than poll avoctins” they percent of is members bas ‘een manufactures, Now, in #886, the Chamber of Commerc: incloded “rong its ras the mancfatuerof printing preses Robet Hoe (who iad ome in 1873) the shipbulde Jon Roach (881) ralload enire renews Coroeine Vanderble (882) and Chauncey Depew (13) a8 fre aston ansfacturers George W. Quintard (86s) and John M. Cor ‘el (188114 In s886, John D. Rockefeller joined andinx857 Chas H. Sreinway followed st“This iteration piled over ito other areas oF bourgeois sociale ‘Wardens and vestsymen of lite St, George's Church had mostly been me hms (78 poet inthe 180s, bu bythe x 8508 het narber had fallen to only +7 percent, replaced by industrialists and bankers In 2898, war Cooper became president ofthe venerable Union Cis an organi ‘ation his fates Peter never had joined” Merchan, financier, and ind alfa lio fged mariage aliances, such ae when a 1887 Pit burgh industrially Andrew Carnegie married Losixe Whitield, the daughter of « New York City sechant, or when J.Perpone Morgan tok the hand of Amelia Sturges, daughter of merchant Jonathan Serges Pring press manufacturer Robert Hoe followed sit when he marred (livia Phelps James daughter of Danis James, parr inthe trading firm of Phelps, Dodge and Company, a8 dd Peer Cooper's grandvon ‘ater Cooper Henit, who tok in 1887 the band of Licy Work, dauphrer ‘of New York dey goods merchant and banker Frank Work? John D, Rocke’ soos slid their fathers banking relsonship to the loag-eseablshed Natiooal City Bank when they both marie dauges of fi president, James allman. Manufctres al oi the most lite social lbs ofthe ci nla ing the Union Cb, the Union League lub, andthe St. Nicholas Soi By the x88c, brewers, appliance manufacturers, clothes, hatmakes and iron manclacturrs walked inthe refined Balls, Of x43 New York indo tenis Usted in Ameria Sucessfal Men of Airs, les hey vere members ofthe Union Leage Club, seven ofthe Union Club, and Six ofthe Contry Clb, with others being on the roster ofa Wide ange of {ional organizations Bolstered by thee ascendancy tothe higher tehelons of bourgeois socal networks, manufacturers indeed were ow becoming vo confident thatthe act that che material bounty ofthe city was dae to them and noe the merchants. "Produce indus” they exclaimed, had “principally caused [the country’s) astonishing fromth-" Eyen manufacturer Jobn Roach (who once had been desibed bythe Dun credit agety a8 « “rough literate Kind of man”) was ow ined and died a Demonia, hosted by noue oer than Mayor Have meyer and 3 wide asorment of prominent merchant Bessie a important reason fre economic eles craton of cular ingitutions was the demarcation of « particular upperclas cultural pee the efor of the newly ih to ene this Wh was bound ro rete Confit, Ye the fundamental opennen ofthe ey’ uppe las eventually rabled aptalich New Yorker to force eneace. The events symbol: ined this conf between demarcation and openness three evens that masked the end ofthe old mercantile elie’s rule over entée to the most ‘dive soil. The fest oncrred in +874, when Commodore Vanderile organized a ball a Delmonio', to which “prominent bachelors in old Neve York Soceny" were invited together with “men and women heretofore not con Sidred among te soialy elec.” Od and new wea dus wanscended the boundaries that had ezetofoe kept chem apart. “This ball made the fold regime appceciate tha it ime of abolute dominion was pst” femembered May King Van Rensselaer, oe ofthe old guard but she tidied. "No socal group ever abated supremacy in more sumptuous Sarounding* ‘Next came the sirogele ovr the contol of the opera, demonstrating how ndsealins and financiers forced acct to “ciety” fem which they once had been excnded. The New York Academy of Music, which had provide an exclusive space For opera performances since 1854, was a stronghold of the old mercantile elite of the city: The Belmonts, Steyesants, Roose, Rhielsedes, and Astors monopolized is eh feet private bowen” When raeoadenteprenur Wily HL. Vander, {espe offeing $50,000, war refused a box in the early 880s, be, together wih seventy ethers who stove for social acceptance, but thet town opera house instead. The Goulds, Vanderbilt, Morgans, Whitney, Baker and Rockellers all conebuted $10,000 each eo incorporate the “Metropolitan Opers Howe Company, which boasted 122 private boxes. Ina major mctory far the new instal and banker, the Academy of ‘Maric was unable o face the sompestion and had to closets dors in the Spring of 85, its owner stating that “T cannot fight Wall See." ‘Aaough the New York Timer had called the cote a "social war of| ‘xtrmination,” the old tes eveaully alzo moved tothe Metropolitan Oper, symbolically acknowledging the new power zaions From then fon the newly wealthy Rockefellers and Vander ubbed shoulders with the cs oer welts" The Metropolitan Opera, in effect, absorbed the forces that bad supported the Academy of Mari, eating an elie ealtral Inston that war sere by a wide ssoremet of bougeis New York- cs some of old money Background ~ uch asthe Astrs and Belmonts ~ fd some of new money background ~ such a the Morgans and Rocke filers ’ third even udedined the trump of the indus and bankers cover the old mercantile lite, When Alva Vanes finished her $3 mil lion mansion on Fifth Avenue in 1885, she iavied 750 New Yorkers to fee housewarming pasty, a which the poets dred io costumes represeating the likes of Queen Elizabeth, Mary Stuart, and Louis XIV. The Vanderblts used this leverage to force social recogaition from the Asior.® In exchange for inviting soeaite Caroline Astor 10 the pat, the Vander woud beaded to Caroline Astor's exclusive ao liat* “The bull, scoring to one autos, war 4 “rtmph forthe Vanderbile.® Not every segment of the bougeise retained iftence, howeree While Fanciers ad industrials were deemaning the economic dynamism of the age and could force social recopntion, merchants and loeal manufac turers were losing influence. Although New York rtined numeroos mer chant houtes, their relative importance im the national economy ‘edi Wholesales, who bad served western and southera customers {or 0 long, oftes lt ou o large manufacturer o to new readers who srranged shipments of goods dedy from the factory tothe final con ames” Joh D. Rockeeles for example, who had ried aml the exty| 1880s om merchants to sll his products i international marke, estab- lished his own selling agencies in 182, making eprchan icemediary ‘biol Silay inthe rigor Andrew Carnegie bean o all is el ‘icc 1 consumes, instead of © commission merchants Iron Age Spoke ofthe “gradual dsappearance of middlemen,” a cange that W850 severe that a group of merchants advocated the “formation of « atonal proteive abiocation” in order to combat the “ell” of manfactres Seling diclyteutomer.”” ‘Also underining de nportanee of merchants was the sew sie of rmanufacearers co expand production onthe bass of retained casings, ‘enancipating them from dheie carer dependence om credit provided by rnerchant intermediaries, Fuchemove,conmoulty exchanges increasingly took over the market mediation chat had once been factated by the iy ‘merchants When in December 1889 Robert B. Minturn, the ld Repub can marcha, did the New York Times eeported that "owing tothe edie in American shiping and otber changes wrought inthe basins, the fe had los, atthe ume of Me. Mintur's death, much ofits oldie prominence." Having lost heir once dominant postion, merchants began co realize shar prsperiy i this new political economy depended on thelr adapta- ity to change. Many of them vere spectacularly succesful. Horace laf, for example, euned himsel from a dey goods jobber incon inmportes, manufacture, and dittbutor The guk merchant Macelas Haley became 2 mutacted entrepeneus. He nor only added manufac turing operations ta his busines but als iavented inthe Equitable Life Assurance Society, the Manhattan Railroad Company, the Western Bank, the Lincla Bank, the German American Nationa Bonk, the Mercantile “Trust Company, he Fith Avene Tease Company, he Avie Corman he American Surety Company, and the Iavernational Banking Company® ‘Sims, by the late 18708, Roosevel 8c Son had ven up oo is business fof importing and diserbating plate glass and instead was focusing its fctivites on banking.” And Meyer Guggenheim, once « successful ‘voderie tad, nthe ery ihe invested massively i iver min- Jing in Colorado; by 1486 he had integrated production forward into smelting and expanded operations into the silver mining regions of Mexico. By 1895, bad made profs fom these opeatons estimated at Sx milo syns Hence, while merchane capital became les central: ‘the city's (and the nations) economy, old merchane fais hemes ‘ould hive inthis ew age Besides the merchants, the wecond segment ofthe city’s upper class that cespericnoed lative weakening of deposition were those manufactur fs whose factories were loeated inthe cit ise, While local manufac fuer Pete Cooper was the quintessential industria of the 28505, ‘Andrew Carnegie, who operated on a national sale, represented the indusrascs ofthe TH¥on snd #8908. This shit, however, was a relative ‘one and nt due to the fang of industrial enerprises in Manhattan Instead twas a esl of developments chat made these enerprtes seem stall compared othe pant new fra of he scond industrial evolution, Tadeed, less spectacular and lest nce, loel manafactuog ems Aid theve, and their number increased. quite dramatically ithe ls decade of the nineteen century In 1880 a staggering 12273 man ‘acting ims operated i he cy, a number that more than doubled by 18g ~ much of small shops, many of which wer ran by subontas- toca In step with rach an expansion, the gumber of manufacturing workers in New York City had incressed from 139,377 a 1870 10 {pgs in 1889 and to 354,a9r in 2890, In consequence, New York fenained the mos important manufacrring centr of the nation. These Shops sched topehero petcee ofall American women's clothing and ‘baked more bread in Maatan than in any other cy in the conn.” {Capt imeniy of production sso grew Taking 1859 asthe bas yar, ‘captive pee worker increased co $139 in 1860, t0 S172 in 1880, to ba7o in 1890, and vo $388 in 19007" Capital vested per esablsh- tment also rose, especilly between r#R0 and 1300, when if nari dou- bled. Yer despite this increase, Manhatan factones were still diferentrom those ofthe rst ofthe nation especially because they were uns ally labor intensive. In contrat, Ptebargh factories represented, on [verae, moe than the times the capital svestment of Manhattan fa Tories, and ther product were mech ls labor ineasive than those of [New York” ‘though skyrocketing el este prices ad the distance from bully natural resources drove the capta-intensiveiadastes of the second industrial revolton ot ofthe cy, two diferent kids of fms thrived in New York, those that served the needs ofthe urban marker (such as pianos and printing fees), aad thowe that tapped the huge supry of Cheap immigrant labor (especially clothing, peiating and pulishings a= ‘wll as pein and eur gos.” “An apt example ofan sry tat wed immigrant labor anda symbol ofthe parce sractare of New Yorks industry, was its most important ‘branch, he apparel industry. Seventeen percent of al capital invested in ‘Manhattan manafactving in 1890 was bound up inthis indy, com pared to only 5 pesceat in 1855. Ax a res the number of workers in the indie bad increased dramatically from 25,969 to T4619, making tap sunning y2 percent of ll wage workers in New Yor, compared 0 fnly 23 pectin 85, The clothing indy grew because is markets th ready-made closing (ist for men, than for women) expanded and ‘cause New York City provided what seemed ikea inexhaustible up- ‘ly of cheap Iaboe*® Capital intensity remained low; the average apparel Ianufacrring firm had invested slighty les than Srojoo and employed tnly 15 workers, Beaute the bulk of the work was contacted out t0| Swveashops (by toeq beween so and 66 percent of all workers inthe indusery wocked in sweatshops). Yer depite the smal size of many Sens, huge profit could be derived bythe few companies chat were atthe top ofthe indasr, auch ae Devlin &¢ Co Brooks Brothers, and H. B ‘Gala $ Con whose owners played significant roles i the svi cal fecal and pol ergantatons of the ey apes las Th tn the > ‘omic tltonships they developed othe myriad smaller clthing mana> Facute ike the industry a8 2 whole fm together. Besides thee labor inteasive indies, serving both local and ations! maths there were thote lea indus that thived because oftheir ‘powimiy to the largest urban marker in the Americas. These indie Ivete also mnjor employer. Makers of food Fgoduct, for example, ‘homed x9;792 wage emers among thei rank, the ping and publish: ing industry another 33,627, she meal-working firms 36927, and the ‘onsrtonindosry 14.522 Tobacco onl hg Unies NS icine 1 a chine 5 ‘Sid va doa Bey an 1 "Now York Gi mulating 96 Capi ee by inka toe samen Manca 6 iil Cots bY Setd ind “NY. Use “Sabres ae Conn Heth Cnt oft Ute Sas 1, 0 Mant tea, Pts eng DC: Garr Pning see cra angel he sie intial Cameos eB its fe ran US, Of Manage and als, Sad India (Chafers, CPO, 97) oe“ ‘tec nper rns pon rec aber perdu wagers bon neue sng a ecnalig stun lg eins ein ned a rss pope ering yl oe oe ‘Shoot a bd aed et “The selationship between he large wan market and economic succes istest exemplified by the metal industry. Because of high real eae cos, the metal ereprencurs shied way fom the heavy iron probueion and ‘fupbulding the had characterized such anebllrn Runs as the Novely Tee Works or the Delameter Iron Works. Hstead, metal ims came to fpevnae in prshucts that linked them o other manufacturing industries in ee city, mow epeialyconstrcton (ve architectorl ios), pining {printing prese}, and clothing (sewing, machines Estreprencur Jobo Nc Comel for example, expanded his father’s business tat made archi fear ro, eterng a tke ha expanded apy thanks to the pew “Sone of new comtevatontechnigaes, which required elevators an ion fines “Some corepencurs succeded in aecuulating large fortunes in these loel indore enabling them to join he elite sci ils f the ity ee ler dominated exchuively by merchans. The thousands of other New ‘Yorkers wh consoled the numerous aall weckshops, Bowes, were ia‘no meaningful way part of the city’s economic elite. While they were nom- inaly independent eerepreneuts, they remained physically iavaved with ‘production, preserving the connecon between bor and owatshi that ‘haracuied arta, bus not the bourecse. Most sabcontactors i the apparel indus, for example, were still deeply involved with manial labor which made i all but impossible to join the socal and eurral wold af dhe cys pee clas. “There wer aso, howevey plenty of loa industrials who transcended ysl labor and arssan stra, Wille Stinway, John Cortland Googe Wiliam Quintard among them. Most prominent was probably Robert Hoe, who had taken over his fathers fcrory on Grand Steet wher be employed about 2,00 workers Making wht arpuy were the best printing presses inthe wosld, he considered New York Ci, the ‘ations publishing expt the pret Zeation fr bis enter In, the profits derived fom the undertaking gave him a secure standing inthe ‘iy social seen, enabling him to play an important role inte founding ‘ofthe Metropalian Museum of Ara well i lbs ch au the Union ‘League, and in instiations such asthe Chamber of Commerc. Such industrialists as Hoe and Steinway, though they manfactared locally, were not pencpally removed from the “national Bourgeoisie” tor were they hostile to it. On the coteary, they were intimately licked to the industrial growth ofthe new national economy, not lst because the emerging national corporations provided forthe eon dynamism ‘of the city, which wa the precondition of local manufacturer well bing. Steinway sold pianos only if middle clas families prospered, John ‘B. Connll only macketed his atciecacel iro if constuction in New ‘York was thriving, nd Robert Hoe delivered his printing peeses to ‘expanding publishers ll ovr the United Sets. Even nich 3 quntesten. Sal local business as el estate (ad its atendaot branche, sch a iron works aad construction) was righty linked to and dependent upon the railroads, insurance companis,saional banks, and national manufac tures, who were the real engines of New Yorks growch In chis ely dominance of nationsl bourgeoisie, New York City stood out from other American ites ‘While industri and bankers who operated on 3 atonal self ‘oom for leal and small apts and even created new markets for thers, i was they who sr the rms of he nations pola economy. In the 1Bfor and 18905, notwithstanding Robert Wie’ asetion tothe sonra there was no systematic developmene ofa distinct “aw peared to national isteuions end pois,” facing anther class “dominating Tocal afr. Shared cultural preferences along with shared concerns about the power of labor fuer drove eptalt operating ia lca a ‘ets close co tho who dominated the aasonal ecomomy i the sum. ‘mer of 1892, when Camepc faced hissing workers in Homestead and ‘he Mansfacturer and Baler related his robles there ta "recent ste ofthe union wockmen again the employer inthe Building trades thin {ta One ofthe reason forthe admittance of aonproperty owner no the ‘bourgeois world wae that fr the ist cme in American histor, few employers eanedsfcient salves to shar theese ofthe omers of spiral. Moreover, capital-owning New Yorkers admired experts sad ‘managers othr social networks and clr! inaisns becuse these rnecwoeks and insttatonsthanselves were central othr econo pro- ects and could nor exclade thos wh played imporant role in nunning {actors merchant houses, and banks Exper, im tro, denying with the cosperasors they ineeasingly came torus, moved elogcally std polly core tote owners of capital Although some managers and experts joined the world of the ciys ‘oureoisie, the high-ranking military officers, church oficial cv se vant, state-employed professors, and ealkural experts who were such Indispensable members ofthe European bourgeoie were lary absent. ‘The sclacive weakness ofthe American sae, especially ofits buen «racy is army, ands educational and catoral ination, along with the absence of a dominane church, all undermined che emergence of what Europeans have called an educated Bourgvisie. New Yorks bourgeoisie, m coast, continued to be anquerionably dominated by businerpeople by the 18805 and 1890s, upperclae New Yorkers had overcome the Alvisions between efferent segments of capital, had boosted industrialists and financiers nto dominance, and were operating ia increasingly national networks, while strengthening thei caltural bonds. The vrutural changes weakened the particolartitidentes ofthe citys merchants, industiatss, and bankers. Oace te preroativs of» specifi lne of bush es became ess central to the formation of olive Weiss (s was the ‘ase for workers, who increasingly moved away fom crate conscious), and once the economic elites univer, revoltonary, and emancipatory ‘eolgy began fo weaken inthe social conflicts engenered by proletarian ization and sing Social neal clase det ere to the fore" "The ‘gulf between eraployers and the employed i constantiy widening, and lasses are rapidly formiag,” argued President Cleveland astutely ia 1888.0" Both contemporary observer and historias agree that “pereep tion of social distances” spread daring the 1880s and 18900 withthe esl hat these yar saw “the dpe awareness among Americans ofthe lasses that divided them." "Clas lines have become more fi” ‘observed labor esosomist Joba R. Commons in 894." Indes, *[njo ‘observing person ca help beg aware of an increasing tendency tomar ¢ strong demarcation of clases i his county.” reported water ad forme soins Lydia Mare Child ae eat ae 187. “Antagonism,” was the word that came to mind when Alber Bolles else upon The Come ‘Between Capital and Labor in 1676. And seven yeas later, Wiliam Gi ‘ham Sumner concurred: “I is commonly asserted that there are inthe Unied States no cases... Om the othr hat, we constantly read and bear discussions of socal topics n which the eiaence of socal clases is assumed a simple fac." This was expecially he ase in erence to [New York, and inded, ie became one ofthe earl mows of deseripons of hey AS if to prove thee observers ight, bourgeois New Yorkers themilves enacted these cas ine: Stating in +898, annual Christnas feedings forthe poor in Malon Square Garden atacted the ich aad powerfl, who would sin dhe galleries and private boxes staring down a they’ lower srs a fall 2,200 f them) who ate bow them! “Earopean observers, who were used to their own share of inequality and clas confi, concurred with the observation of many Amerians ho came tose the United States in general and New York in paral 2 drifing toward pronounced siulton of cls dsntions By the 80s, for example, Beish travelers wring about the United Stes con sistenly observed cas division, wrting of "pluoeracy” “cass wars”256 FORTS rare love of este diintons,” and “the aristocracy of wealth "9" One such travel Janes Beyer, wee this Ararcan Commomveath that “hose tho deem themselves ladies and gentlemen draw just the same Tine Terween themselves andthe mulitde as dawn in England, and dew it in mc the same way" Briih jours Geoge Stevens concluded "Bom sch an analyst sn 4896 tat “[open warfaze between expt and labour wl be cavlr and biter the Unie tates than in Eo.” UAnd German observers agrsds One aelfidenied soils rot in hs Sorilsnuche Briefe ane Amerika of a0 America he called the “Bout ‘coseepublic™~ he repui of the bourgeoisie ~ and of che unlined Dover of money capital,” power “nowhere ay strong abn Amer [Canis Fren Fredich Engel, despite bis wear respect fr the might of the Earopcan bourgeois, ston in awe of the eaicl power ofthis new ‘American clase. "Nowhere in the whole world do they come out so ‘Shamelesy and raiclly a over dee," be contended in 1886 just ‘fer the Knights of Labor had reen their apctaclar cise and fl." "Though ll hese commestatore mig have ovrempsind the two-class ratte ofthe United Sater hy overlooking the emergrace of lower mid- ‘le clas, the fae that cas isntions came the object of widespread ovmmentsupget dhe increasing currency of lass in those decades and ‘ands in serking coast ote ancebellam years Bourgeois clas identities came tothe fre in several diferent ways Mos prominent wat the consrsion and articulation ofa cas cule ‘Manners, nebwonk, ad insnons showed a new degree of “lassnes” in general and an overcoming ofthe divide berweca merchants and ind Coli in parla But claw identities anclated themes also in & ove of ral dace to oter sia goups especialy woskers In these tears bourgeois New Yorkers pasate in large tarsi proces of relshioning tt own sax. The steratinal nature ofthis hangs in turn, magne ta eapitalich New Yorkers ase thee prominence fot onyvirksthe cy el but alo visi the upper clases of Paris London, and Belin. "Most basicaly, new class Wenes expressed themselves in angus. Language nerves 4 masker of social dinction as well as seldesenp- tiom and during the Tor and 1890s, boargenis New Yorkers begat £0 ‘elo themecles in waye dsntvely diferent gba bore Whe nthe {gon they had vegulrly alluded to sensor by he specifi ine of ast res they were engaged in, rach as “merchant or “ion manufac” by the 1880s all depictions as "business man" or “capitalin” had become mote Gequent"? The North American Review, Atlantic Monthy and Mark Twain ll spoke of “business men” as group of people nyaged in commerce, production, and finance. In the pages ofthe ‘Conmercal and Fixacal Chronicle, te erm "busines men” now case ingo Frequent se, replacig the term "merchant™ that had reglasly “peated in the pages of one of peedeosor publications, His Mer ‘hans Magi” "Wie “sits men” raed ato a geaedc term desibng people who were engaged in manufresring, commerce, o banking, erms such a “ihe better classe” and "eaxpayers” eaered the vocabulary to depit ‘members of eae own last i palical discourse, in conta to the est Fespetable “masses” and "dangerous classe." The efoum movements ‘the last thi of the nineteenth ctu, a we have ee, regular and ‘onsnetly appealed to the slay of taxpayers Tanguage, however, only expresed changes of «facteaching ki Upperclass fia network, habits, and isiutions increasingly com seroced a shared clze that overcame the divisons of che antebellum {year and doisvely set bourgeois New Yorkers apart fom other soil rouge While this bourgens clare whew enceptions, was predated fo acts to resources that nly the ownership of substantial amounts of ital made posible (tha in “eutoe” does noe explain ise) i po: ‘Sided the gh that costed the eppe ass and helped ito anscend the rumerows econo fot nes that marker competion generated. Clothing, housing frit, gers, and laxeusg, aswell opinions snd ble" were consciously and consciously zeglate.2| Ae Andrew ‘Cornegie urs" hogan co pay scr atetion 0 my ngage and othe English cases which {now read with grea avidity. began to notice how much bees it watt beget in one and manne, polite and cour oust all-in short, buts Hehaves.”* “The bourgcns home, soil cabs, food, and ways of personal interac tion all Helped to define the realm ofthe bourgeois. I waka realm a ‘which bourpeos New Yorkers set rules and cented boundaries, both of Iwhich were een forthe seldefiion of «group that acked legal fs. Ye a the cevalt ofthe pinipaly open natre of hourgeois clare, Conflicts over whors to admit and how co draw lines beeen different Subsets were fequent, ad in themselves a integral part of this bourgeois falrre. Cohesion and differentiation were made from the same oth, “The emergence of collective identities andthe distancing from other social group soctally went band in hand. Consumption was a pine trample of this coeespondence: Especially he eichest bourgeois New ‘Yorkers were, by late entry, dplaying tele wealth as neve Before, andthus emphasizing the social gap that set them apart from the lower sort “Houser of sine and opulence unknown to earlier generations, for instance, shefered the earoad tycoons nancial wizards, and empite- bling inde, .Perpont Morpan's mansion on Madison Ave ves spacious enough to pve employment to twelve servants, more than 1ay bourgeois New Yorker had employed in the 18505. William Vane ‘erbile, the so of Commodore Vanderbilt, built mansion at Fitth Avenue and sa Stren; the iatevioe decoration by Clriaian Herter alone tres id to have cov $800,004 For this kindof money, Vanderbilt got {Pompeian vestibule « Japanese parlor, and a Renaissance dining oom! Alva Vanderbilt, wif of William, shor afterward bul a case lke strucute onthe nex block aoeth, ata eumored cost of $3 milion. [Note be outdone, George Washington Vanderbilt constructed 2 case in ‘North Catalina ~fnlating forty belo library of 350/200 volumes, fda garden dvigned by Frederick Law Olmsted.? The wealth and Sundance of New York’ bourgeois inthe 188os and 1890 in tur, ‘pervaded all forme of popalar culture ~ ranging fom novels, such a8 ‘Mack Twain and Chases Arley Warne’ Gilded Age, 10 theater pays, sch a: The Hemieta™ Searching for 4 cata reperoee appropriate to a rising elite hour ois New Yorker increasingly tured toward European arstcrate cl ‘ee. Fashion, for example was derived from the tastes of Eoropean mon Src (uly wealthy New Yorkers had the same tailors at European faler. Quite tlingly, when in 1897 Covoda and Bradley Marin ors ied ther fancy dev ball heir guests tended in the costumes of the UTcracy of yesteryan™ Tiffany & Co. opened a healy department in the 1870 design coats of sms Recreational hunting, one ofthe favorite panes ofthe European aristocracy, found aficionados among sppenclass New Yorkers, who were partilarly fond of sauehering the bf herds ofthe West." Elaborate country seas, sometimes ofa se ‘matching Europea ctl araced the cys elite tthe country. n these yes, Newpore, Rhode Island, came into ts own, sporting large suber Df enormous sumer homes? Though August Belmont ovrned one of them, be ako purchased more than 3 thousaad aces in Babylon, Long, [sand inthe late 18604 nd uit a tweng-four room hous, stables, and ‘enous a well asa ene raceack.> “Naguat Bloat, lke many upperdass New Yrkers, bad developed a fascination for horsey another interest they shafed with she European aitacacy. Since the opening of the drives in the newly built Central Park cavage and horse riers ad become the predominant wsers:* ‘More elaborate than the carlicr promenade of the 1850s and more removed ffom the increasingly disorderly city, each afternoon a good ‘umber of bourgeois New Yorkers rode though the path, acknowledging cach oer’ presence and basking inthe stares of esr spectators pasing ‘below them. Another esuine pastime, bei faster paced, was hore rac Ing. In 1865, Leonard Jerome, Angost Belmont, and Willan Travers had formed the “American Jockey Cub" and a year ate, Jerome Park” in Fordham opened, whese the likes of August Belmont and Henry Ward ‘Beecher raced this hortes3* On rae day New York's mecha ind wales, and bunkers took hee eaeiages through Cental Pak co the teacks, the destination of “ashing fourin-bnds, filed with bentfl ‘women and thir atending cvalies."0” The workng-ate public wat ‘outraged 2 the high eneance fees ache ack that excluded poor and ‘middling folk, but August Belmont maintained aah tha “lacs forthe ech." ‘Collecing works of art, partially those of European eign, farther tcclle the habits of rug clases croughout history, including those of the aestocracy. Aker all as sociologist Piere Bourdieu reminds us “(ajar o symbolic consumption of works of ar constuts one of the supreme manifestations of eae," and life nt dtated by economic ‘ecesrides was one of the central anibutes ofthe bourgeoisie.” Edwin 'D. Morgu the Civil War governor of New York Stat, described his Fh ‘Avenue home charactecsiclly: “We find our Paros, Rooms, Halls 8 ‘ed roome 0 fall that we have no coom for more." When Morgan dy 15a at iene for his este were sold" Salah, William Hesry ‘Vanderbts mansion on Fh Avene was crowded with paintings valued 38 S15 milion Sugar einer Henry O. Havemeyer and hs wile acu ‘mulated s huge ar calecion (later #o be donated to the Meopoltan ‘Mascum of Ar), and in their deve to acquve old European masters, uwitingly decorated thei home with s umber of fake Rembads' Perpone Morgan stationed agents throughout Furope to acquie paint Ing etchings and waren Tn eany way, the Bow of et fom Barope to the United States expressed the ew economic power selaions that begat co eveve during tte year ‘Some bourgeois New Yorker, especially of recently acquired wealth, went so far intel admiration ofthe aristocracy tha they mari thei daughters co cash poor of simpy impoverished European aristocrats ‘The del wat sraighforwazd socal honor i eurn for financial suport ‘The tral of “dollar princess” began inthe 18708, and by apa these were foq-two American princesses seventeen dacheses;thiy-thee vite‘countesses; thirty-three marchionesses; forty-six ladies, wives of knights, for baronet sxy-four Baroness and ore hundred and thirty-six count ‘ses Jennie Jerome, dager of Leonard Jeoms, maid Lond Ran- Aolph Churchill 1874, after he had proposed eo hee in 872. Prot negotiations between the families had acaly broken off when the Churchill family demanded a higher dowry trom the Jerome. Two yeas late ina similar deal, Consclo Yanaga maid the Highth Duke of Manche, Lord Mandeville." Even Helen Stuyvesant Morton, daugh- ter of barker and Republican Governor Lev Parsons Morte, marie an arstocrat, the Comte de Feigord, Due de Valencery. These ellos to ‘assimilate the cultural norms of che European sling classes of past cen ‘orien expreted the enormous confidencs, pow, and wealth of upper class New Yorkers Even for bourgeois who wee les fabulously wey, cea forms of consumption became etna to thir satus, The parlor, with te eabo= rate references to earning, art, naar, and family coatinuty, may have been the most powerfal symbol of ths se ofsbared calaral values. Since midcentun, the pastor had sgificanly changed, evolving fom an ‘seenialy private space used by te family to one increasingly esembling ‘museum. Inthe proces it also los its simple steraess. Fare par Tort had bes largely Seroid of the ornaments hat now conered ery face “tere famhings door crane» and myriad addons forms ‘of semi-permanent drapery ~ plano covers, mantel lambrequas, and tables having permanenei affixed fabic coverings foems of cat dap 77 and mountains ofclaboratly decorated sofa pillows." According ‘0 Serbs Monthy in the pasir "no merely wsetl thing i pemnied, {i} isabways overcrowded «everthing bought for show goes there."™™ “Tsing othe imporsnce of trie deg a 4 mark of lat iden ty, hitorane hee ond thatthe hours ofthe bourgeoisie had an ere ‘resemblance to one anothes, “a if they were created a he same moment, scoring to agreed-upon decorative enter, by designers who bd taught ‘one anothes"* This of course, was pany tue, because a new kind of ‘profesional ~ interior designers ~ had taken charge of eesti the right [ind of home, transforming the ling quarters themselves nt fasion statement. When sclFisentfid “captalit” Bradley Martin (the sonny law of liaac Sherman) redecorated his houte i, for example, he hired designer Leon Marco, who purchased fornia (icing chan deiers in Pacis) for more money than many New Yorkers could hope ro am ina lifetime! Antique fritre, or relias of such, were especially desirable, since “things from the past” implied the mastery of time, 2 mas- ‘ery ony available to poople with substantial reoares™ While undo ‘ly the traly weaey decorated thie much large: homes in a mach more claborate fashion than less welloff uppercase howhold, the principal ements of reference remained the same ad were dina ieer thre of honsholders who laced the time aed resource ofahion such kinds of living quae. Indeed, the notion of "my home ie my cate” ‘was hardly one hazed by workers, who often spent thie spare time in peblic spaces. In eft, where wo lve and in what kind of home, but also ‘hich church co atend, wha wo wes, and which kinds of amusement 0 enjoy were sigh regulated often quite csseouay.™ Just like che prog, food and es cossumption also became strong ind tors of bourgeois cultare. What was on the table and how it was ingested clearly set bourgeois New Yorkers apart from other Soi troup Simply the management of the vast amber of wena that I: ‘ally decorated bourgeis tables, inclading such exotic tools as "sar tongs, Saratoga chips servers, ice cea knives, lemon fork, grape shes ‘ste ladles, sardine tongs 2nd salt spoons,” was all hat demanded texinings helped slong bythe study of euquere books, such at Clara Jee sup Moors Senile Etiquette ofthe Best Sockets Dinzer tpl onsned of multiple courte, an it wie ot sual fra meal to ncade not only an assorment of appetizers but also main courses of, bee, and pocly. At public evens, ems in French became she fashion ofthe day, even for such ancestorconscious organization a the New England Society of New York, groups of most stall manufacerers ke the print es (who enjoyed on the oscaion oftheir 1887 convention in Chicago sch delicacies as "potatoes ala Paiste”) and use metal manafear fersand merchants who ded in 1896 on “Fle of Bee la Madre." ven the choice of diane coveraton demanded tsining inthe clacl sales of one clas, which ile forth evasion of ch topes a "ols ‘aloe sectarian conteovese, sickness, sores, surgical operations, dread fal acidents shocking crores o horrible punishments"! The peer nc, sts, and shared manner created boundries that wee the more Important since the could ot away be atnined in schools and cogs. ‘Women as well as men were to be waied inthe sil silly ough ‘his clu epitl had a ignicaely restr importane to wma, ait ‘was often thee priacialcontbation to the family basnes ec hey had the time, inclination, and support fom servants necessary 10 forge this clase cultare and ransmit it to the next geeration, women played Alominane roles in oganaing the howschol' socal i andi wae thus‘ot sarpssing that a woman, Caroline Astor, stod athe pianacle of New York soe. Bourgeois women, in lft, shaped the istitions of ac. ty, and served, as BlasbetsBlackmar and Roy Rosenrweig have arg, “a5 emblems of cei hashands! wealth ad jade of thee wa and oth Since clas formation was ightly linked to family reproduction, bour 208 women also took center stage inthe wana of thie clue to thet shildren© Though uppercase children were normaly born into the imate bounty of thee parents wodd, they sil had to aegis cu tural aber in am active process of latning. Indeed, bourgeois ile ‘was dificls wo masey and the inablity of most Americans co acquire ‘hese skills was one ofthe major lines of demarcation aad one ofthe nepal fenetions of this cats culture. Appropriatng social capital ‘gun, was pacticulanlyimporcans to gis. The principal goal of thei ed ‘ation was to make them socallycompent fo negotiate che bowrgenis ‘work an education, a historian Maureen Montgomery has argued, tht ‘was largely “ornamental” providing the sls wo seu the righ ind of Inusand, which in trn, was "sm important means of establishing 3 fe Lys social anking.""« Schools heped out inthis projec: Laura Caleta Rockefeller’ three daughters, fr instance, wee sett the Rye Female Seminary. Barbe GGoggenhein’s daughters, Cora and Ros, attended » Catholic Snshing ‘schoo! in Paris. Diverse schools in the ci il, such othe Spence School fr Girls ("pupils come from wealthy fae ofall sctions") and the Comstock School for Gils among it alumnae were “many of New Yorks most prominent society women” including Theodore Roose sister Corinne and his forte wife Eth Kerit Cato) ined many of the cis dangers of wealthy fae inform of appropriate behave inching able maners.©” This, in tar, hlped thir mothers pce them ‘wel onthe marrige market For boys, the emphass oftheir upbrnging was on the etic of woek, Even someone as rich and powetfl as John D. Rockefeller put pret sreight on imbuing his children withthe values and eure of his ls ‘When at ther summer home, Rockefellers chldeon were wet o tasks such 1 pling weeds fom the lawn o chopping wood. Eas ask wasp for bythe family patriarch; a wage of penny was paid for every ten weeds pil ata time daring which Rockefellers Sender Oil lone woud pay ‘out dividends of nearly $r4 million a year “All home activities” remarked one of Rockefellers ographers "wet cacried on with an che ‘0 charactrailding.“ Simla, Joseph H. Choate told his on George ‘atly on that “the oly way any man ever got on in any busines. byhand wor, and sacrificing everything ee oi." iow important the maintenance of social capital cally was became lear when upper-class New Yorkers turned ino avid upporers of “Anthony Comstock’ Society for the Seppression of Vise which was founded in 1872 with the support of J Beepont Morgan, at well a the Colgate, Cornel, and Dodge families" The society's goal to keep Pornography out ofthe hand of children appealed to Comstock’ elite Sponsors because they belived, a socslog Nicola Beisel writes, that “Tofbscenity endangered elite children because moral socrupion threat ‘ard oropple them from the peak of the socal hearchy, eadering them tun for respectable vce” Soil capital it seemed to dems ws ah inggral part of wht it meant co be bourgeois, and the consumption of omogeiphy wat dre hres to this socal capital “This new lass calare alo provide the underpinnings for vation insti tutions. Soil clas were the most prominent among them, and bythe 1880s, dzens af exclave cub lied the sene, among them the Uaion (Cab, the Union League, the Manbatan Club, the Knickerbocker Cl, the Calumet, the Metropolitan, the Tuxedo, the New York Yacht Clb, nd the Racquet Cla, many of recent vintage.” While tei umber had increased substantially since the 18305, chee character bad not changed ‘nore ore ff he sion Clb] may be en he oli me, ho have pd he sg f foie calmly dcsing sch, bord ralad, el, a ‘flrs and efaains Pres opts, doin, an usa ae ‘ete fom + taxpayer aandps Aether grap spin te deh bre ‘acing, yacht racing, pigeon shooting, mal ape caching, aad ae fon ie Clubs provided iosttationaized networks that now ranscended the specific iret of single economic ecto The was major depar- ture from the 185es. The Union Club, once merchant dominated, for ‘example, by late century counted among ts members appliance mantfac- turer Thomas B,Buraham con mancfseraers James A. Abercombie and Daley B. Files and condage manafacarer James M, Waterbury.” The ‘Union League Cb, once the home mostly of merchant aad banker, by the 188 had amoog its ranks manufacturers of ol clothing, tobacco, ‘ats, eaton thread ion, machinery, and ks” ‘Ava res ilferene segments of the city economic elite were inte sated into the rapidly growing number of chbs. Despite malting in runbers, howeves these iasicatons di no erate aew boundares of theind chat had kept capital-owning New Yorkers apart in the antebeum years. Theve age several ceasone that te diversity of institations went ong with an increasing Sease of cohesion: For onc, membership in these ‘rpanizaions orelappl,becse many if oe most bourgeois New York joined mor than one ub Jc. Morgan wa said co have belonged to ‘inten soil cabs, and whl his marber was exceptional membership fn muliple and varied cube was nor A sample of 128 bourgeois New Yorkers whose cub afiiations coud be oablshed (all of them attended ‘an 1894 dance onpeizd by Mes. Havemeyer shows a total of 681 club trerbership, of about 5.3 2 peson®™! These afliaons overlapped in troy that bound all of thi tember 9 one another For instance, while Usion Club members E. D. Morgan and Cornus Vander were not members of the Calumet Club, they encouncered Calumee members J. Arden Harciman at the Racquet Club and James Waterbury at the Kicherbocker Cab, onanizaton o wc both Morgan and Vanderbilt Ielonged ln agree nach ovecapping aiaons ceeted dense come ‘Hone among members of hee club." “These connections were furthered by 2 cammisment to shared cull foes. All cbs, for example encouraged the same forms of bourgeois fecsalzng, Morcoves clubs were not the oaly frm of bourgeois wai ing a8 weding receptions, debueante bal politcal mobilization, and ‘ommmercial sociation agin beought people tothe from a wide vai fey of iflernt chub memberships. And no mater if che Seligman, he Morgans, the Roose othe Sinwaye organized a ball or 2 reception, the events themseve looked very much the same, Bren restarans could Cophasze this rend towandscotesion, as Delmoaico’, the great mee Shs ground of Business men” prided elf oa i "infnite variety" of gests the “eyting (ae place of men from the Usion, Knekerbockes, ‘Cale and Manas Clas." or thse reasons ts best co chink ofthe dvesiy ofthese bourgeois sociation asthe est ofthe aber ze of she city’s upper ls and thse ‘die to hee thei intatons small enough to actate personal con- ‘cts The sci insta of bourgeois New York were strated ike a “pier webs noc cach point on the we wa oid with every other point bur taken optic they were all connected. While society "so args and ‘complex a system tha to determine is component ars its many iner- Sesting ire and relations, would rege he ine and the sil lost, Of the sstonomer ho would map ov the eavens” ic represented in totality an ello of upper class Nevt Yorkers to se themselves apart, And, indeed, despite the prevalence of many social ccs, “one person may ‘belong to nearly all of those circles, if he is versatile in social qualities "1" "The ast aray of booreos isitins allowed for distinction as well foc cohesion ®= By the 18808 and 18g, ball cildeen: partes, diners, sical eceions, and ofcourse, weddings, among others, provided an neem ting serie of social oceasios to draw boundaries between those who Telonged tothe Bourgeois word and thse who dl not, while tanscende ing former divisions rooted in the ownership ofa parla Kind of ap {Gl Simultaneously, public markers of belonging wo the “right” soil ci les became move important, since the small bourgeois world of Snvetellum New York, based on personal contac, had given way to 2 “worl in which people were les familia with one another, Telia, i 1583, Th Season — An Amal Record of Society was publsed, sing sha record for sory socal ocasons by providing its readers (“hose ‘essonally interested”) with comprehensive lists of guests at thes Erens!8 And in 186, the Soil Register bean publishing slit of New ‘orks who were considered among the socal elt inching et var fous club memberships Increasingly, class formation became a con- scious "projet" ‘White clas identcis became inceatingly important co bourgeois New Yorkers, other idence peristed, especially those based on celigious Teli and hertags Jur a dring the 1850s these Kents also formed the basis of instations. A Germ immigrant such as Willan Secnway Inigh attend the ethnic Liedrerane Society, while the Seligman and Tocbe participated in Jewish organizations such a the Harms! (Gesellschaft, the Beskinans and Depeystrs celebrated wit the St ‘Nicholas Sci and te Morgan and Grswols fervent supported the [New England Sosy. Some of thes organization were nthe business tf inventing sradtions, such athe Knickerbocker Club, which was tevoted tothe celebration of «Tong family history in New York, but Incladed such resent nial ax August Blmoot and Brady Marti. “The mos: significant of tee identities, howeve, was a negative one — antiSemitm, Fle aniSemitias had sharpened by the late nineteenth ‘Eonar, andi tones artelacon waste paral exclusion of Jewish ‘New Yorker from the sovil weld of which hey once had been par.” By the «gos, uppers ant Sentes had driven Jewish members ont of the Union Cli, slowed Saratoga hotels Jews and banned the mention- ing of Jwish organizations inthe Social Reiser luc ant-Semiosm spread in he 1880s ad especial in the #8908 fora‘number of reasons. For one, economic competition, expecially i the ‘world of nvestene banking, gave roesans 2 strong incentive ola thee Jewish competitors fom sme of the social networks that were the Titebiood of ce parclr lin of busines. Morcores the inf of thow ands of unskilled workers from the ghewon of eastern Furope to New ‘Yok in the late niaetooth century helped eo nk the bourgeois fear of workers t he fae of Jews, especialy brease Jewish workers showed an ‘aceptiona tendency o embrace wade unions and socialism, And, last but ‘ot Fast the enbrceof racials ideas thar became prevalent inthe late rineteenth century throuphout American society (in distince departure from » poe bourgeois univesaisn) easly translated into the view that Jews were iferion These sings akea together, sled ina beighened lato of bourtcois Jewish Niew Yorkers fom thee ensle peers. To Companion with t-Semizem ekewhere, howeve, it was relatively mild {Gapecially when contased to Germany and France), because it “was ‘never ofilly sanctioned or plitcalyisitutonlzed” inthe Usted Sane “AniSemitis along wih other ethnic and reigius identi, captured the imagination of bourgens New Yorkers. Yet they dl not overwheln ‘ss identities, For one, asciasons based upon ethnic and eelgioss oy Ses oer, in he for of tei activites, very mach case examples of ourgeoin socializing. They were, in effec, scieses within a scity, ternative fom of the archetypal bourgeois association." Moreover, fove of thee identier and afiatons prevented frequent contact seost lines of religion and nativity: For example, throughout che 1880% even alter elt ani-Semitiam had sharpened i wat more likely that Jewish bourgeois New Yorkers woold mingle with the Protestant elit in thee ‘homes andi te ples of asembly than wth any of thee lowerclass Jewish coethnn, who inhabited dhe les derable areas of toe, Thanks to The Season The Annual Report of Soir, we kaow of such encoun tees: When in March 1885, the Metropolitan Club gave a “calico bop” at Delmonco's, for instance, guests included Seligman, Rothchild, and ‘other illtsious Jesh New Yorkers alongside the Protestant elite. “That sme yea banker Joe Slgman was invited to attend a reception at the hows of Willam F- Dodge, together with a crowd that inleed the ‘x California Governor Leland Sanford, Oras W. Bel, Albert Berstad, Sind Waler Phas a well ae Helen Day Gould Jay Goulds wife, and iva ape" “The same mixing of different etic groups ocurred during poli! rmobiizatons, suchas the 174 mating agains the Inflation Bl cally which included among ts ice presides not onl he who's who of New Yorks Proesan elite bt also several Seligman, Ine Berabeimey, and Onwald Oxendorfer?* Moreover, organizations anging fom the Pilar tonic Society tothe Hardware Club and the Repubean Paty counted, ‘mong tsi members, merchats 2 wel as industaists of matve Proves fant, Catholic and Jewash background. Also, nether employer” associ ‘hone no trade assousons ete Democratic ces ar elite Repoblcan Cites were divided on the basis of etic, nor did bourgeois New Yorkies mobilize poli across cls lines on cheba of shared thn ity or religion, Fethape mest important, the Chamber of Cmmeree noe ‘only organized imesehants a4 wall as manafacturer, but also included lmmigeane capitalists, sch at banker Henry Cle, financier John 8. Kenuedy, and fur merchant Fredrick Gunther; Catholic business, tach a tankers Adrian Iselin and Eugene Kelly, s well as realestate ‘developer James Lynch; and Jewish entrepreneurs, such as Emanvel Spegelberg and tobacco merchant raze Rosenwald, as well as bankers Issac cklheimer and Js Slgnan. Ta fact, common interests, exprincet and values united bourgeois [Now Yorkers acon all ethnic boundaries. ven if they dd not maery one nother arose rlious or ethnic divides, when i came co the defense of thei commen interests, they could transcend elgious, ethnic and other ‘leavages Indeed, i the ealy 188s, wih brad upperclss backing, an Ish Catholic immagranr, Wiliam R. Grace, even ascended tothe say ‘only of the ety This doe no mean tat non- percent of is members bas ‘een manufactures, Now, in #886, the Chamber of Commerc: incloded “rong its ras the mancfatuerof printing preses Robet Hoe (who iad ome in 1873) the shipbulde Jon Roach (881) ralload enire renews Coroeine Vanderble (882) and Chauncey Depew (13) a8 fre aston ansfacturers George W. Quintard (86s) and John M. Cor ‘el (188114 In s886, John D. Rockefeller joined andinx857 Chas H. Sreinway followed st“This iteration piled over ito other areas oF bourgeois sociale ‘Wardens and vestsymen of lite St, George's Church had mostly been me hms (78 poet inthe 180s, bu bythe x 8508 het narber had fallen to only +7 percent, replaced by industrialists and bankers In 2898, war Cooper became president ofthe venerable Union Cis an organi ‘ation his fates Peter never had joined” Merchan, financier, and ind alfa lio fged mariage aliances, such ae when a 1887 Pit burgh industrially Andrew Carnegie married Losixe Whitield, the daughter of « New York City sechant, or when J.Perpone Morgan tok the hand of Amelia Sturges, daughter of merchant Jonathan Serges Pring press manufacturer Robert Hoe followed sit when he marred (livia Phelps James daughter of Danis James, parr inthe trading firm of Phelps, Dodge and Company, a8 dd Peer Cooper's grandvon ‘ater Cooper Henit, who tok in 1887 the band of Licy Work, dauphrer ‘of New York dey goods merchant and banker Frank Work? John D, Rocke’ soos slid their fathers banking relsonship to the loag-eseablshed Natiooal City Bank when they both marie dauges of fi president, James allman. Manufctres al oi the most lite social lbs ofthe ci nla ing the Union Cb, the Union League lub, andthe St. Nicholas Soi By the x88c, brewers, appliance manufacturers, clothes, hatmakes and iron manclacturrs walked inthe refined Balls, Of x43 New York indo tenis Usted in Ameria Sucessfal Men of Airs, les hey vere members ofthe Union Leage Club, seven ofthe Union Club, and Six ofthe Contry Clb, with others being on the roster ofa Wide ange of {ional organizations Bolstered by thee ascendancy tothe higher tehelons of bourgeois socal networks, manufacturers indeed were ow becoming vo confident thatthe act that che material bounty ofthe city was dae to them and noe the merchants. "Produce indus” they exclaimed, had “principally caused [the country’s) astonishing fromth-" Eyen manufacturer Jobn Roach (who once had been desibed bythe Dun credit agety a8 « “rough literate Kind of man”) was ow ined and died a Demonia, hosted by noue oer than Mayor Have meyer and 3 wide asorment of prominent merchant Bessie a important reason fre economic eles craton of cular ingitutions was the demarcation of « particular upperclas cultural pee the efor of the newly ih to ene this Wh was bound ro rete Confit, Ye the fundamental opennen ofthe ey’ uppe las eventually rabled aptalich New Yorker to force eneace. The events symbol: ined this conf between demarcation and openness three evens that masked the end ofthe old mercantile elie’s rule over entée to the most ‘dive soil. The fest oncrred in +874, when Commodore Vanderile organized a ball a Delmonio', to which “prominent bachelors in old Neve York Soceny" were invited together with “men and women heretofore not con Sidred among te soialy elec.” Od and new wea dus wanscended the boundaries that had ezetofoe kept chem apart. “This ball made the fold regime appceciate tha it ime of abolute dominion was pst” femembered May King Van Rensselaer, oe ofthe old guard but she tidied. "No socal group ever abated supremacy in more sumptuous Sarounding* ‘Next came the sirogele ovr the contol of the opera, demonstrating how ndsealins and financiers forced acct to “ciety” fem which they once had been excnded. The New York Academy of Music, which had provide an exclusive space For opera performances since 1854, was a stronghold of the old mercantile elite of the city: The Belmonts, Steyesants, Roose, Rhielsedes, and Astors monopolized is eh feet private bowen” When raeoadenteprenur Wily HL. Vander, {espe offeing $50,000, war refused a box in the early 880s, be, together wih seventy ethers who stove for social acceptance, but thet town opera house instead. The Goulds, Vanderbilt, Morgans, Whitney, Baker and Rockellers all conebuted $10,000 each eo incorporate the “Metropolitan Opers Howe Company, which boasted 122 private boxes. Ina major mctory far the new instal and banker, the Academy of ‘Maric was unable o face the sompestion and had to closets dors in the Spring of 85, its owner stating that “T cannot fight Wall See." ‘Aaough the New York Timer had called the cote a "social war of| ‘xtrmination,” the old tes eveaully alzo moved tothe Metropolitan Oper, symbolically acknowledging the new power zaions From then fon the newly wealthy Rockefellers and Vander ubbed shoulders with the cs oer welts" The Metropolitan Opera, in effect, absorbed the forces that bad supported the Academy of Mari, eating an elie ealtral Inston that war sere by a wide ssoremet of bougeis New York- cs some of old money Background ~ uch asthe Astrs and Belmonts ~ fd some of new money background ~ such a the Morgans and Rocke filers ’ third even udedined the trump of the indus and bankers cover the old mercantile lite, When Alva Vanes finished her $3 mil lion mansion on Fifth Avenue in 1885, she iavied 750 New Yorkers to fee housewarming pasty, a which the poets dred io costumes represeating the likes of Queen Elizabeth, Mary Stuart, and Louis XIV. The Vanderblts used this leverage to force social recogaition from the Asior.® In exchange for inviting soeaite Caroline Astor 10 the pat, the Vander woud beaded to Caroline Astor's exclusive ao liat* “The bull, scoring to one autos, war 4 “rtmph forthe Vanderbile.® Not every segment of the bougeise retained iftence, howeree While Fanciers ad industrials were deemaning the economic dynamism of the age and could force social recopntion, merchants and loeal manufac turers were losing influence. Although New York rtined numeroos mer chant houtes, their relative importance im the national economy ‘edi Wholesales, who bad served western and southera customers {or 0 long, oftes lt ou o large manufacturer o to new readers who srranged shipments of goods dedy from the factory tothe final con ames” Joh D. Rockeeles for example, who had ried aml the exty| 1880s om merchants to sll his products i international marke, estab- lished his own selling agencies in 182, making eprchan icemediary ‘biol Silay inthe rigor Andrew Carnegie bean o all is el ‘icc 1 consumes, instead of © commission merchants Iron Age Spoke ofthe “gradual dsappearance of middlemen,” a cange that W850 severe that a group of merchants advocated the “formation of « atonal proteive abiocation” in order to combat the “ell” of manfactres Seling diclyteutomer.”” ‘Also underining de nportanee of merchants was the sew sie of rmanufacearers co expand production onthe bass of retained casings, ‘enancipating them from dheie carer dependence om credit provided by rnerchant intermediaries, Fuchemove,conmoulty exchanges increasingly took over the market mediation chat had once been factated by the iy ‘merchants When in December 1889 Robert B. Minturn, the ld Repub can marcha, did the New York Times eeported that "owing tothe edie in American shiping and otber changes wrought inthe basins, the fe had los, atthe ume of Me. Mintur's death, much ofits oldie prominence." Having lost heir once dominant postion, merchants began co realize shar prsperiy i this new political economy depended on thelr adapta- ity to change. Many of them vere spectacularly succesful. Horace laf, for example, euned himsel from a dey goods jobber incon inmportes, manufacture, and dittbutor The guk merchant Macelas Haley became 2 mutacted entrepeneus. He nor only added manufac turing operations ta his busines but als iavented inthe Equitable Life Assurance Society, the Manhattan Railroad Company, the Western Bank, the Lincla Bank, the German American Nationa Bonk, the Mercantile “Trust Company, he Fith Avene Tease Company, he Avie Corman he American Surety Company, and the Iavernational Banking Company® ‘Sims, by the late 18708, Roosevel 8c Son had ven up oo is business fof importing and diserbating plate glass and instead was focusing its fctivites on banking.” And Meyer Guggenheim, once « successful ‘voderie tad, nthe ery ihe invested massively i iver min- Jing in Colorado; by 1486 he had integrated production forward into smelting and expanded operations into the silver mining regions of Mexico. By 1895, bad made profs fom these opeatons estimated at Sx milo syns Hence, while merchane capital became les central: ‘the city's (and the nations) economy, old merchane fais hemes ‘ould hive inthis ew age Besides the merchants, the wecond segment ofthe city’s upper class that cespericnoed lative weakening of deposition were those manufactur fs whose factories were loeated inthe cit ise, While local manufac fuer Pete Cooper was the quintessential industria of the 28505, ‘Andrew Carnegie, who operated on a national sale, represented the indusrascs ofthe TH¥on snd #8908. This shit, however, was a relative ‘one and nt due to the fang of industrial enerprises in Manhattan Instead twas a esl of developments chat made these enerprtes seem stall compared othe pant new fra of he scond industrial evolution, Tadeed, less spectacular and lest nce, loel manafactuog ems Aid theve, and their number increased. quite dramatically ithe ls decade of the nineteen century In 1880 a staggering 12273 man ‘acting ims operated i he cy, a number that more than doubled by 18g ~ much of small shops, many of which wer ran by subontas- toca In step with rach an expansion, the gumber of manufacturing workers in New York City had incressed from 139,377 a 1870 10 {pgs in 1889 and to 354,a9r in 2890, In consequence, New York fenained the mos important manufacrring centr of the nation. These Shops sched topehero petcee ofall American women's clothing and ‘baked more bread in Maatan than in any other cy in the conn.” {Capt imeniy of production sso grew Taking 1859 asthe bas yar, ‘captive pee worker increased co $139 in 1860, t0 S172 in 1880, to ba7o in 1890, and vo $388 in 19007" Capital vested per esablsh- tment also rose, especilly between r#R0 and 1300, when if nari dou- bled. Yer despite this increase, Manhatan factones were still diferentrom those ofthe rst ofthe nation especially because they were uns ally labor intensive. In contrat, Ptebargh factories represented, on [verae, moe than the times the capital svestment of Manhattan fa Tories, and ther product were mech ls labor ineasive than those of [New York” ‘though skyrocketing el este prices ad the distance from bully natural resources drove the capta-intensiveiadastes of the second industrial revolton ot ofthe cy, two diferent kids of fms thrived in New York, those that served the needs ofthe urban marker (such as pianos and printing fees), aad thowe that tapped the huge supry of Cheap immigrant labor (especially clothing, peiating and pulishings a= ‘wll as pein and eur gos.” “An apt example ofan sry tat wed immigrant labor anda symbol ofthe parce sractare of New Yorks industry, was its most important ‘branch, he apparel industry. Seventeen percent of al capital invested in ‘Manhattan manafactving in 1890 was bound up inthis indy, com pared to only 5 pesceat in 1855. Ax a res the number of workers in the indie bad increased dramatically from 25,969 to T4619, making tap sunning y2 percent of ll wage workers in New Yor, compared 0 fnly 23 pectin 85, The clothing indy grew because is markets th ready-made closing (ist for men, than for women) expanded and ‘cause New York City provided what seemed ikea inexhaustible up- ‘ly of cheap Iaboe*® Capital intensity remained low; the average apparel Ianufacrring firm had invested slighty les than Srojoo and employed tnly 15 workers, Beaute the bulk of the work was contacted out t0| Swveashops (by toeq beween so and 66 percent of all workers inthe indusery wocked in sweatshops). Yer depite the smal size of many Sens, huge profit could be derived bythe few companies chat were atthe top ofthe indasr, auch ae Devlin &¢ Co Brooks Brothers, and H. B ‘Gala $ Con whose owners played significant roles i the svi cal fecal and pol ergantatons of the ey apes las Th tn the > ‘omic tltonships they developed othe myriad smaller clthing mana> Facute ike the industry a8 2 whole fm together. Besides thee labor inteasive indies, serving both local and ations! maths there were thote lea indus that thived because oftheir ‘powimiy to the largest urban marker in the Americas. These indie Ivete also mnjor employer. Makers of food Fgoduct, for example, ‘homed x9;792 wage emers among thei rank, the ping and publish: ing industry another 33,627, she meal-working firms 36927, and the ‘onsrtonindosry 14.522 Tobacco onl hg Unies NS icine 1 a chine 5 ‘Sid va doa Bey an 1 "Now York Gi mulating 96 Capi ee by inka toe samen Manca 6 iil Cots bY Setd ind “NY. Use “Sabres ae Conn Heth Cnt oft Ute Sas 1, 0 Mant tea, Pts eng DC: Garr Pning see cra angel he sie intial Cameos eB its fe ran US, Of Manage and als, Sad India (Chafers, CPO, 97) oe“ ‘tec nper rns pon rec aber perdu wagers bon neue sng a ecnalig stun lg eins ein ned a rss pope ering yl oe oe ‘Shoot a bd aed et “The selationship between he large wan market and economic succes istest exemplified by the metal industry. Because of high real eae cos, the metal ereprencurs shied way fom the heavy iron probueion and ‘fupbulding the had characterized such anebllrn Runs as the Novely Tee Works or the Delameter Iron Works. Hstead, metal ims came to fpevnae in prshucts that linked them o other manufacturing industries in ee city, mow epeialyconstrcton (ve architectorl ios), pining {printing prese}, and clothing (sewing, machines Estreprencur Jobo Nc Comel for example, expanded his father’s business tat made archi fear ro, eterng a tke ha expanded apy thanks to the pew “Sone of new comtevatontechnigaes, which required elevators an ion fines “Some corepencurs succeded in aecuulating large fortunes in these loel indore enabling them to join he elite sci ils f the ity ee ler dominated exchuively by merchans. The thousands of other New ‘Yorkers wh consoled the numerous aall weckshops, Bowes, were ia‘no meaningful way part of the city’s economic elite. While they were nom- inaly independent eerepreneuts, they remained physically iavaved with ‘production, preserving the connecon between bor and owatshi that ‘haracuied arta, bus not the bourecse. Most sabcontactors i the apparel indus, for example, were still deeply involved with manial labor which made i all but impossible to join the socal and eurral wold af dhe cys pee clas. “There wer aso, howevey plenty of loa industrials who transcended ysl labor and arssan stra, Wille Stinway, John Cortland Googe Wiliam Quintard among them. Most prominent was probably Robert Hoe, who had taken over his fathers fcrory on Grand Steet wher be employed about 2,00 workers Making wht arpuy were the best printing presses inthe wosld, he considered New York Ci, the ‘ations publishing expt the pret Zeation fr bis enter In, the profits derived fom the undertaking gave him a secure standing inthe ‘iy social seen, enabling him to play an important role inte founding ‘ofthe Metropalian Museum of Ara well i lbs ch au the Union ‘League, and in instiations such asthe Chamber of Commerc. Such industrialists as Hoe and Steinway, though they manfactared locally, were not pencpally removed from the “national Bourgeoisie” tor were they hostile to it. On the coteary, they were intimately licked to the industrial growth ofthe new national economy, not lst because the emerging national corporations provided forthe eon dynamism ‘of the city, which wa the precondition of local manufacturer well bing. Steinway sold pianos only if middle clas families prospered, John ‘B. Connll only macketed his atciecacel iro if constuction in New ‘York was thriving, nd Robert Hoe delivered his printing peeses to ‘expanding publishers ll ovr the United Sets. Even nich 3 quntesten. Sal local business as el estate (ad its atendaot branche, sch a iron works aad construction) was righty linked to and dependent upon the railroads, insurance companis,saional banks, and national manufac tures, who were the real engines of New Yorks growch In chis ely dominance of nationsl bourgeoisie, New York City stood out from other American ites ‘While industri and bankers who operated on 3 atonal self ‘oom for leal and small apts and even created new markets for thers, i was they who sr the rms of he nations pola economy. In the 1Bfor and 18905, notwithstanding Robert Wie’ asetion tothe sonra there was no systematic developmene ofa distinct “aw peared to national isteuions end pois,” facing anther class “dominating Tocal afr. Shared cultural preferences along with shared concerns about the power of labor fuer drove eptalt operating ia lca a ‘ets close co tho who dominated the aasonal ecomomy i the sum. ‘mer of 1892, when Camepc faced hissing workers in Homestead and ‘he Mansfacturer and Baler related his robles there ta "recent ste ofthe union wockmen again the employer inthe Building trades thin {ta One ofthe reason forthe admittance of aonproperty owner no the ‘bourgeois world wae that fr the ist cme in American histor, few employers eanedsfcient salves to shar theese ofthe omers of spiral. Moreover, capital-owning New Yorkers admired experts sad ‘managers othr social networks and clr! inaisns becuse these rnecwoeks and insttatonsthanselves were central othr econo pro- ects and could nor exclade thos wh played imporant role in nunning {actors merchant houses, and banks Exper, im tro, denying with the cosperasors they ineeasingly came torus, moved elogcally std polly core tote owners of capital Although some managers and experts joined the world of the ciys ‘oureoisie, the high-ranking military officers, church oficial cv se vant, state-employed professors, and ealkural experts who were such Indispensable members ofthe European bourgeoie were lary absent. ‘The sclacive weakness ofthe American sae, especially ofits buen «racy is army, ands educational and catoral ination, along with the absence of a dominane church, all undermined che emergence of what Europeans have called an educated Bourgvisie. New Yorks bourgeoisie, m coast, continued to be anquerionably dominated by businerpeople by the 18805 and 1890s, upperclae New Yorkers had overcome the Alvisions between efferent segments of capital, had boosted industrialists and financiers nto dominance, and were operating ia increasingly national networks, while strengthening thei caltural bonds. The vrutural changes weakened the particolartitidentes ofthe citys merchants, industiatss, and bankers. Oace te preroativs of» specifi lne of bush es became ess central to the formation of olive Weiss (s was the ‘ase for workers, who increasingly moved away fom crate conscious), and once the economic elites univer, revoltonary, and emancipatory ‘eolgy began fo weaken inthe social conflicts engenered by proletarian ization and sing Social neal clase det ere to the fore" "The ‘gulf between eraployers and the employed i constantiy widening, and lasses are rapidly formiag,” argued President Cleveland astutely ia 1888.0" Both contemporary observer and historias agree that “pereep tion of social distances” spread daring the 1880s and 18900 withthe esl hat these yar saw “the dpe awareness among Americans ofthe lasses that divided them." "Clas lines have become more fi” ‘observed labor esosomist Joba R. Commons in 894." Indes, *[njo ‘observing person ca help beg aware of an increasing tendency tomar ¢ strong demarcation of clases i his county.” reported water ad forme soins Lydia Mare Child ae eat ae 187. “Antagonism,” was the word that came to mind when Alber Bolles else upon The Come ‘Between Capital and Labor in 1676. And seven yeas later, Wiliam Gi ‘ham Sumner concurred: “I is commonly asserted that there are inthe Unied States no cases... Om the othr hat, we constantly read and bear discussions of socal topics n which the eiaence of socal clases is assumed a simple fac." This was expecially he ase in erence to [New York, and inded, ie became one ofthe earl mows of deseripons of hey AS if to prove thee observers ight, bourgeois New Yorkers themilves enacted these cas ine: Stating in +898, annual Christnas feedings forthe poor in Malon Square Garden atacted the ich aad powerfl, who would sin dhe galleries and private boxes staring down a they’ lower srs a fall 2,200 f them) who ate bow them! “Earopean observers, who were used to their own share of inequality and clas confi, concurred with the observation of many Amerians ho came tose the United States in general and New York in paral 2 drifing toward pronounced siulton of cls dsntions By the 80s, for example, Beish travelers wring about the United Stes con sistenly observed cas division, wrting of "pluoeracy” “cass wars”256 FORTS rare love of este diintons,” and “the aristocracy of wealth "9" One such travel Janes Beyer, wee this Ararcan Commomveath that “hose tho deem themselves ladies and gentlemen draw just the same Tine Terween themselves andthe mulitde as dawn in England, and dew it in mc the same way" Briih jours Geoge Stevens concluded "Bom sch an analyst sn 4896 tat “[open warfaze between expt and labour wl be cavlr and biter the Unie tates than in Eo.” UAnd German observers agrsds One aelfidenied soils rot in hs Sorilsnuche Briefe ane Amerika of a0 America he called the “Bout ‘coseepublic™~ he repui of the bourgeoisie ~ and of che unlined Dover of money capital,” power “nowhere ay strong abn Amer [Canis Fren Fredich Engel, despite bis wear respect fr the might of the Earopcan bourgeois, ston in awe of the eaicl power ofthis new ‘American clase. "Nowhere in the whole world do they come out so ‘Shamelesy and raiclly a over dee," be contended in 1886 just ‘fer the Knights of Labor had reen their apctaclar cise and fl." "Though ll hese commestatore mig have ovrempsind the two-class ratte ofthe United Sater hy overlooking the emergrace of lower mid- ‘le clas, the fae that cas isntions came the object of widespread ovmmentsupget dhe increasing currency of lass in those decades and ‘ands in serking coast ote ancebellam years Bourgeois clas identities came tothe fre in several diferent ways Mos prominent wat the consrsion and articulation ofa cas cule ‘Manners, nebwonk, ad insnons showed a new degree of “lassnes” in general and an overcoming ofthe divide berweca merchants and ind Coli in parla But claw identities anclated themes also in & ove of ral dace to oter sia goups especialy woskers In these tears bourgeois New Yorkers pasate in large tarsi proces of relshioning tt own sax. The steratinal nature ofthis hangs in turn, magne ta eapitalich New Yorkers ase thee prominence fot onyvirksthe cy el but alo visi the upper clases of Paris London, and Belin. "Most basicaly, new class Wenes expressed themselves in angus. Language nerves 4 masker of social dinction as well as seldesenp- tiom and during the Tor and 1890s, boargenis New Yorkers begat £0 ‘elo themecles in waye dsntvely diferent gba bore Whe nthe {gon they had vegulrly alluded to sensor by he specifi ine of ast res they were engaged in, rach as “merchant or “ion manufac” by the 1880s all depictions as "business man" or “capitalin” had become mote Gequent"? The North American Review, Atlantic Monthy and Mark Twain ll spoke of “business men” as group of people nyaged in commerce, production, and finance. In the pages ofthe ‘Conmercal and Fixacal Chronicle, te erm "busines men” now case ingo Frequent se, replacig the term "merchant™ that had reglasly “peated in the pages of one of peedeosor publications, His Mer ‘hans Magi” "Wie “sits men” raed ato a geaedc term desibng people who were engaged in manufresring, commerce, o banking, erms such a “ihe better classe” and "eaxpayers” eaered the vocabulary to depit ‘members of eae own last i palical discourse, in conta to the est Fespetable “masses” and "dangerous classe." The efoum movements ‘the last thi of the nineteenth ctu, a we have ee, regular and ‘onsnetly appealed to the slay of taxpayers Tanguage, however, only expresed changes of «facteaching ki Upperclass fia network, habits, and isiutions increasingly com seroced a shared clze that overcame the divisons of che antebellum {year and doisvely set bourgeois New Yorkers apart fom other soil rouge While this bourgens clare whew enceptions, was predated fo acts to resources that nly the ownership of substantial amounts of ital made posible (tha in “eutoe” does noe explain ise) i po: ‘Sided the gh that costed the eppe ass and helped ito anscend the rumerows econo fot nes that marker competion generated. Clothing, housing frit, gers, and laxeusg, aswell opinions snd ble" were consciously and consciously zeglate.2| Ae Andrew ‘Cornegie urs" hogan co pay scr atetion 0 my ngage and othe English cases which {now read with grea avidity. began to notice how much bees it watt beget in one and manne, polite and cour oust all-in short, buts Hehaves.”* “The bourgcns home, soil cabs, food, and ways of personal interac tion all Helped to define the realm ofthe bourgeois. I waka realm a ‘which bourpeos New Yorkers set rules and cented boundaries, both of Iwhich were een forthe seldefiion of «group that acked legal fs. Ye a the cevalt ofthe pinipaly open natre of hourgeois clare, Conflicts over whors to admit and how co draw lines beeen different Subsets were fequent, ad in themselves a integral part of this bourgeois falrre. Cohesion and differentiation were made from the same oth, “The emergence of collective identities andthe distancing from other social group soctally went band in hand. Consumption was a pine trample of this coeespondence: Especially he eichest bourgeois New ‘Yorkers were, by late entry, dplaying tele wealth as neve Before, andthus emphasizing the social gap that set them apart from the lower sort “Houser of sine and opulence unknown to earlier generations, for instance, shefered the earoad tycoons nancial wizards, and empite- bling inde, .Perpont Morpan's mansion on Madison Ave ves spacious enough to pve employment to twelve servants, more than 1ay bourgeois New Yorker had employed in the 18505. William Vane ‘erbile, the so of Commodore Vanderbilt, built mansion at Fitth Avenue and sa Stren; the iatevioe decoration by Clriaian Herter alone tres id to have cov $800,004 For this kindof money, Vanderbilt got {Pompeian vestibule « Japanese parlor, and a Renaissance dining oom! Alva Vanderbilt, wif of William, shor afterward bul a case lke strucute onthe nex block aoeth, ata eumored cost of $3 milion. [Note be outdone, George Washington Vanderbilt constructed 2 case in ‘North Catalina ~fnlating forty belo library of 350/200 volumes, fda garden dvigned by Frederick Law Olmsted.? The wealth and Sundance of New York’ bourgeois inthe 188os and 1890 in tur, ‘pervaded all forme of popalar culture ~ ranging fom novels, such a8 ‘Mack Twain and Chases Arley Warne’ Gilded Age, 10 theater pays, sch a: The Hemieta™ Searching for 4 cata reperoee appropriate to a rising elite hour ois New Yorker increasingly tured toward European arstcrate cl ‘ee. Fashion, for example was derived from the tastes of Eoropean mon Src (uly wealthy New Yorkers had the same tailors at European faler. Quite tlingly, when in 1897 Covoda and Bradley Marin ors ied ther fancy dev ball heir guests tended in the costumes of the UTcracy of yesteryan™ Tiffany & Co. opened a healy department in the 1870 design coats of sms Recreational hunting, one ofthe favorite panes ofthe European aristocracy, found aficionados among sppenclass New Yorkers, who were partilarly fond of sauehering the bf herds ofthe West." Elaborate country seas, sometimes ofa se ‘matching Europea ctl araced the cys elite tthe country. n these yes, Newpore, Rhode Island, came into ts own, sporting large suber Df enormous sumer homes? Though August Belmont ovrned one of them, be ako purchased more than 3 thousaad aces in Babylon, Long, [sand inthe late 18604 nd uit a tweng-four room hous, stables, and ‘enous a well asa ene raceack.> “Naguat Bloat, lke many upperdass New Yrkers, bad developed a fascination for horsey another interest they shafed with she European aitacacy. Since the opening of the drives in the newly built Central Park cavage and horse riers ad become the predominant wsers:* ‘More elaborate than the carlicr promenade of the 1850s and more removed ffom the increasingly disorderly city, each afternoon a good ‘umber of bourgeois New Yorkers rode though the path, acknowledging cach oer’ presence and basking inthe stares of esr spectators pasing ‘below them. Another esuine pastime, bei faster paced, was hore rac Ing. In 1865, Leonard Jerome, Angost Belmont, and Willan Travers had formed the “American Jockey Cub" and a year ate, Jerome Park” in Fordham opened, whese the likes of August Belmont and Henry Ward ‘Beecher raced this hortes3* On rae day New York's mecha ind wales, and bunkers took hee eaeiages through Cental Pak co the teacks, the destination of “ashing fourin-bnds, filed with bentfl ‘women and thir atending cvalies."0” The workng-ate public wat ‘outraged 2 the high eneance fees ache ack that excluded poor and ‘middling folk, but August Belmont maintained aah tha “lacs forthe ech." ‘Collecing works of art, partially those of European eign, farther tcclle the habits of rug clases croughout history, including those of the aestocracy. Aker all as sociologist Piere Bourdieu reminds us “(ajar o symbolic consumption of works of ar constuts one of the supreme manifestations of eae," and life nt dtated by economic ‘ecesrides was one of the central anibutes ofthe bourgeoisie.” Edwin 'D. Morgu the Civil War governor of New York Stat, described his Fh ‘Avenue home charactecsiclly: “We find our Paros, Rooms, Halls 8 ‘ed roome 0 fall that we have no coom for more." When Morgan dy 15a at iene for his este were sold" Salah, William Hesry ‘Vanderbts mansion on Fh Avene was crowded with paintings valued 38 S15 milion Sugar einer Henry O. Havemeyer and hs wile acu ‘mulated s huge ar calecion (later #o be donated to the Meopoltan ‘Mascum of Ar), and in their deve to acquve old European masters, uwitingly decorated thei home with s umber of fake Rembads' Perpone Morgan stationed agents throughout Furope to acquie paint Ing etchings and waren Tn eany way, the Bow of et fom Barope to the United States expressed the ew economic power selaions that begat co eveve during tte year ‘Some bourgeois New Yorker, especially of recently acquired wealth, went so far intel admiration ofthe aristocracy tha they mari thei daughters co cash poor of simpy impoverished European aristocrats ‘The del wat sraighforwazd socal honor i eurn for financial suport ‘The tral of “dollar princess” began inthe 18708, and by apa these were foq-two American princesses seventeen dacheses;thiy-thee vite‘countesses; thirty-three marchionesses; forty-six ladies, wives of knights, for baronet sxy-four Baroness and ore hundred and thirty-six count ‘ses Jennie Jerome, dager of Leonard Jeoms, maid Lond Ran- Aolph Churchill 1874, after he had proposed eo hee in 872. Prot negotiations between the families had acaly broken off when the Churchill family demanded a higher dowry trom the Jerome. Two yeas late ina similar deal, Consclo Yanaga maid the Highth Duke of Manche, Lord Mandeville." Even Helen Stuyvesant Morton, daugh- ter of barker and Republican Governor Lev Parsons Morte, marie an arstocrat, the Comte de Feigord, Due de Valencery. These ellos to ‘assimilate the cultural norms of che European sling classes of past cen ‘orien expreted the enormous confidencs, pow, and wealth of upper class New Yorkers Even for bourgeois who wee les fabulously wey, cea forms of consumption became etna to thir satus, The parlor, with te eabo= rate references to earning, art, naar, and family coatinuty, may have been the most powerfal symbol of ths se ofsbared calaral values. Since midcentun, the pastor had sgificanly changed, evolving fom an ‘seenialy private space used by te family to one increasingly esembling ‘museum. Inthe proces it also los its simple steraess. Fare par Tort had bes largely Seroid of the ornaments hat now conered ery face “tere famhings door crane» and myriad addons forms ‘of semi-permanent drapery ~ plano covers, mantel lambrequas, and tables having permanenei affixed fabic coverings foems of cat dap 77 and mountains ofclaboratly decorated sofa pillows." According ‘0 Serbs Monthy in the pasir "no merely wsetl thing i pemnied, {i} isabways overcrowded «everthing bought for show goes there."™™ “Tsing othe imporsnce of trie deg a 4 mark of lat iden ty, hitorane hee ond thatthe hours ofthe bourgeoisie had an ere ‘resemblance to one anothes, “a if they were created a he same moment, scoring to agreed-upon decorative enter, by designers who bd taught ‘one anothes"* This of course, was pany tue, because a new kind of ‘profesional ~ interior designers ~ had taken charge of eesti the right [ind of home, transforming the ling quarters themselves nt fasion statement. When sclFisentfid “captalit” Bradley Martin (the sonny law of liaac Sherman) redecorated his houte i, for example, he hired designer Leon Marco, who purchased fornia (icing chan deiers in Pacis) for more money than many New Yorkers could hope ro am ina lifetime! Antique fritre, or relias of such, were especially desirable, since “things from the past” implied the mastery of time, 2 mas- ‘ery ony available to poople with substantial reoares™ While undo ‘ly the traly weaey decorated thie much large: homes in a mach more claborate fashion than less welloff uppercase howhold, the principal ements of reference remained the same ad were dina ieer thre of honsholders who laced the time aed resource ofahion such kinds of living quae. Indeed, the notion of "my home ie my cate” ‘was hardly one hazed by workers, who often spent thie spare time in peblic spaces. In eft, where wo lve and in what kind of home, but also ‘hich church co atend, wha wo wes, and which kinds of amusement 0 enjoy were sigh regulated often quite csseouay.™ Just like che prog, food and es cossumption also became strong ind tors of bourgeois cultare. What was on the table and how it was ingested clearly set bourgeois New Yorkers apart from other Soi troup Simply the management of the vast amber of wena that I: ‘ally decorated bourgeis tables, inclading such exotic tools as "sar tongs, Saratoga chips servers, ice cea knives, lemon fork, grape shes ‘ste ladles, sardine tongs 2nd salt spoons,” was all hat demanded texinings helped slong bythe study of euquere books, such at Clara Jee sup Moors Senile Etiquette ofthe Best Sockets Dinzer tpl onsned of multiple courte, an it wie ot sual fra meal to ncade not only an assorment of appetizers but also main courses of, bee, and pocly. At public evens, ems in French became she fashion ofthe day, even for such ancestorconscious organization a the New England Society of New York, groups of most stall manufacerers ke the print es (who enjoyed on the oscaion oftheir 1887 convention in Chicago sch delicacies as "potatoes ala Paiste”) and use metal manafear fersand merchants who ded in 1896 on “Fle of Bee la Madre." ven the choice of diane coveraton demanded tsining inthe clacl sales of one clas, which ile forth evasion of ch topes a "ols ‘aloe sectarian conteovese, sickness, sores, surgical operations, dread fal acidents shocking crores o horrible punishments"! The peer nc, sts, and shared manner created boundries that wee the more Important since the could ot away be atnined in schools and cogs. ‘Women as well as men were to be waied inthe sil silly ough ‘his clu epitl had a ignicaely restr importane to wma, ait ‘was often thee priacialcontbation to the family basnes ec hey had the time, inclination, and support fom servants necessary 10 forge this clase cultare and ransmit it to the next geeration, women played Alominane roles in oganaing the howschol' socal i andi wae thus‘ot sarpssing that a woman, Caroline Astor, stod athe pianacle of New York soe. Bourgeois women, in lft, shaped the istitions of ac. ty, and served, as BlasbetsBlackmar and Roy Rosenrweig have arg, “a5 emblems of cei hashands! wealth ad jade of thee wa and oth Since clas formation was ightly linked to family reproduction, bour 208 women also took center stage inthe wana of thie clue to thet shildren© Though uppercase children were normaly born into the imate bounty of thee parents wodd, they sil had to aegis cu tural aber in am active process of latning. Indeed, bourgeois ile ‘was dificls wo masey and the inablity of most Americans co acquire ‘hese skills was one ofthe major lines of demarcation aad one ofthe nepal fenetions of this cats culture. Appropriatng social capital ‘gun, was pacticulanlyimporcans to gis. The principal goal of thei ed ‘ation was to make them socallycompent fo negotiate che bowrgenis ‘work an education, a historian Maureen Montgomery has argued, tht ‘was largely “ornamental” providing the sls wo seu the righ ind of Inusand, which in trn, was "sm important means of establishing 3 fe Lys social anking.""« Schools heped out inthis projec: Laura Caleta Rockefeller’ three daughters, fr instance, wee sett the Rye Female Seminary. Barbe GGoggenhein’s daughters, Cora and Ros, attended » Catholic Snshing ‘schoo! in Paris. Diverse schools in the ci il, such othe Spence School fr Girls ("pupils come from wealthy fae ofall sctions") and the Comstock School for Gils among it alumnae were “many of New Yorks most prominent society women” including Theodore Roose sister Corinne and his forte wife Eth Kerit Cato) ined many of the cis dangers of wealthy fae inform of appropriate behave inching able maners.©” This, in tar, hlped thir mothers pce them ‘wel onthe marrige market For boys, the emphass oftheir upbrnging was on the etic of woek, Even someone as rich and powetfl as John D. Rockefeller put pret sreight on imbuing his children withthe values and eure of his ls ‘When at ther summer home, Rockefellers chldeon were wet o tasks such 1 pling weeds fom the lawn o chopping wood. Eas ask wasp for bythe family patriarch; a wage of penny was paid for every ten weeds pil ata time daring which Rockefellers Sender Oil lone woud pay ‘out dividends of nearly $r4 million a year “All home activities” remarked one of Rockefellers ographers "wet cacried on with an che ‘0 charactrailding.“ Simla, Joseph H. Choate told his on George ‘atly on that “the oly way any man ever got on in any busines. byhand wor, and sacrificing everything ee oi." iow important the maintenance of social capital cally was became lear when upper-class New Yorkers turned ino avid upporers of “Anthony Comstock’ Society for the Seppression of Vise which was founded in 1872 with the support of J Beepont Morgan, at well a the Colgate, Cornel, and Dodge families" The society's goal to keep Pornography out ofthe hand of children appealed to Comstock’ elite Sponsors because they belived, a socslog Nicola Beisel writes, that “Tofbscenity endangered elite children because moral socrupion threat ‘ard oropple them from the peak of the socal hearchy, eadering them tun for respectable vce” Soil capital it seemed to dems ws ah inggral part of wht it meant co be bourgeois, and the consumption of omogeiphy wat dre hres to this socal capital “This new lass calare alo provide the underpinnings for vation insti tutions. Soil clas were the most prominent among them, and bythe 1880s, dzens af exclave cub lied the sene, among them the Uaion (Cab, the Union League, the Manbatan Club, the Knickerbocker Cl, the Calumet, the Metropolitan, the Tuxedo, the New York Yacht Clb, nd the Racquet Cla, many of recent vintage.” While tei umber had increased substantially since the 18305, chee character bad not changed ‘nore ore ff he sion Clb] may be en he oli me, ho have pd he sg f foie calmly dcsing sch, bord ralad, el, a ‘flrs and efaains Pres opts, doin, an usa ae ‘ete fom + taxpayer aandps Aether grap spin te deh bre ‘acing, yacht racing, pigeon shooting, mal ape caching, aad ae fon ie Clubs provided iosttationaized networks that now ranscended the specific iret of single economic ecto The was major depar- ture from the 185es. The Union Club, once merchant dominated, for ‘example, by late century counted among ts members appliance mantfac- turer Thomas B,Buraham con mancfseraers James A. Abercombie and Daley B. Files and condage manafacarer James M, Waterbury.” The ‘Union League Cb, once the home mostly of merchant aad banker, by the 188 had amoog its ranks manufacturers of ol clothing, tobacco, ‘ats, eaton thread ion, machinery, and ks” ‘Ava res ilferene segments of the city economic elite were inte sated into the rapidly growing number of chbs. Despite malting in runbers, howeves these iasicatons di no erate aew boundares of theind chat had kept capital-owning New Yorkers apart in the antebeum years. Theve age several ceasone that te diversity of institations went ong with an increasing Sease of cohesion: For onc, membership in these ‘rpanizaions orelappl,becse many if oe most bourgeois New York joined mor than one ub Jc. Morgan wa said co have belonged to ‘inten soil cabs, and whl his marber was exceptional membership fn muliple and varied cube was nor A sample of 128 bourgeois New Yorkers whose cub afiiations coud be oablshed (all of them attended ‘an 1894 dance onpeizd by Mes. Havemeyer shows a total of 681 club trerbership, of about 5.3 2 peson®™! These afliaons overlapped in troy that bound all of thi tember 9 one another For instance, while Usion Club members E. D. Morgan and Cornus Vander were not members of the Calumet Club, they encouncered Calumee members J. Arden Harciman at the Racquet Club and James Waterbury at the Kicherbocker Cab, onanizaton o wc both Morgan and Vanderbilt Ielonged ln agree nach ovecapping aiaons ceeted dense come ‘Hone among members of hee club." “These connections were furthered by 2 cammisment to shared cull foes. All cbs, for example encouraged the same forms of bourgeois fecsalzng, Morcoves clubs were not the oaly frm of bourgeois wai ing a8 weding receptions, debueante bal politcal mobilization, and ‘ommmercial sociation agin beought people tothe from a wide vai fey of iflernt chub memberships. And no mater if che Seligman, he Morgans, the Roose othe Sinwaye organized a ball or 2 reception, the events themseve looked very much the same, Bren restarans could Cophasze this rend towandscotesion, as Delmoaico’, the great mee Shs ground of Business men” prided elf oa i "infnite variety" of gests the “eyting (ae place of men from the Usion, Knekerbockes, ‘Cale and Manas Clas." or thse reasons ts best co chink ofthe dvesiy ofthese bourgeois sociation asthe est ofthe aber ze of she city’s upper ls and thse ‘die to hee thei intatons small enough to actate personal con- ‘cts The sci insta of bourgeois New York were strated ike a “pier webs noc cach point on the we wa oid with every other point bur taken optic they were all connected. While society "so args and ‘complex a system tha to determine is component ars its many iner- Sesting ire and relations, would rege he ine and the sil lost, Of the sstonomer ho would map ov the eavens” ic represented in totality an ello of upper class Nevt Yorkers to se themselves apart, And, indeed, despite the prevalence of many social ccs, “one person may ‘belong to nearly all of those circles, if he is versatile in social qualities "1" "The ast aray of booreos isitins allowed for distinction as well foc cohesion ®= By the 18808 and 18g, ball cildeen: partes, diners, sical eceions, and ofcourse, weddings, among others, provided an neem ting serie of social oceasios to draw boundaries between those who Telonged tothe Bourgeois word and thse who dl not, while tanscende ing former divisions rooted in the ownership ofa parla Kind of ap {Gl Simultaneously, public markers of belonging wo the “right” soil ci les became move important, since the small bourgeois world of Snvetellum New York, based on personal contac, had given way to 2 “worl in which people were les familia with one another, Telia, i 1583, Th Season — An Amal Record of Society was publsed, sing sha record for sory socal ocasons by providing its readers (“hose ‘essonally interested”) with comprehensive lists of guests at thes Erens!8 And in 186, the Soil Register bean publishing slit of New ‘orks who were considered among the socal elt inching et var fous club memberships Increasingly, class formation became a con- scious "projet" ‘White clas identcis became inceatingly important co bourgeois New Yorkers, other idence peristed, especially those based on celigious Teli and hertags Jur a dring the 1850s these Kents also formed the basis of instations. A Germ immigrant such as Willan Secnway Inigh attend the ethnic Liedrerane Society, while the Seligman and Tocbe participated in Jewish organizations such a the Harms! (Gesellschaft, the Beskinans and Depeystrs celebrated wit the St ‘Nicholas Sci and te Morgan and Grswols fervent supported the [New England Sosy. Some of thes organization were nthe business tf inventing sradtions, such athe Knickerbocker Club, which was tevoted tothe celebration of «Tong family history in New York, but Incladed such resent nial ax August Blmoot and Brady Marti. “The mos: significant of tee identities, howeve, was a negative one — antiSemitm, Fle aniSemitias had sharpened by the late nineteenth ‘Eonar, andi tones artelacon waste paral exclusion of Jewish ‘New Yorker from the sovil weld of which hey once had been par.” By the «gos, uppers ant Sentes had driven Jewish members ont of the Union Cli, slowed Saratoga hotels Jews and banned the mention- ing of Jwish organizations inthe Social Reiser luc ant-Semiosm spread in he 1880s ad especial in the #8908 fora‘number of reasons. For one, economic competition, expecially i the ‘world of nvestene banking, gave roesans 2 strong incentive ola thee Jewish competitors fom sme of the social networks that were the Titebiood of ce parclr lin of busines. Morcores the inf of thow ands of unskilled workers from the ghewon of eastern Furope to New ‘Yok in the late niaetooth century helped eo nk the bourgeois fear of workers t he fae of Jews, especialy brease Jewish workers showed an ‘aceptiona tendency o embrace wade unions and socialism, And, last but ‘ot Fast the enbrceof racials ideas thar became prevalent inthe late rineteenth century throuphout American society (in distince departure from » poe bourgeois univesaisn) easly translated into the view that Jews were iferion These sings akea together, sled ina beighened lato of bourtcois Jewish Niew Yorkers fom thee ensle peers. To Companion with t-Semizem ekewhere, howeve, it was relatively mild {Gapecially when contased to Germany and France), because it “was ‘never ofilly sanctioned or plitcalyisitutonlzed” inthe Usted Sane “AniSemitis along wih other ethnic and reigius identi, captured the imagination of bourgens New Yorkers. Yet they dl not overwheln ‘ss identities, For one, asciasons based upon ethnic and eelgioss oy Ses oer, in he for of tei activites, very mach case examples of ourgeoin socializing. They were, in effec, scieses within a scity, ternative fom of the archetypal bourgeois association." Moreover, fove of thee identier and afiatons prevented frequent contact seost lines of religion and nativity: For example, throughout che 1880% even alter elt ani-Semitiam had sharpened i wat more likely that Jewish bourgeois New Yorkers woold mingle with the Protestant elit in thee ‘homes andi te ples of asembly than wth any of thee lowerclass Jewish coethnn, who inhabited dhe les derable areas of toe, Thanks to The Season The Annual Report of Soir, we kaow of such encoun tees: When in March 1885, the Metropolitan Club gave a “calico bop” at Delmonco's, for instance, guests included Seligman, Rothchild, and ‘other illtsious Jesh New Yorkers alongside the Protestant elite. “That sme yea banker Joe Slgman was invited to attend a reception at the hows of Willam F- Dodge, together with a crowd that inleed the ‘x California Governor Leland Sanford, Oras W. Bel, Albert Berstad, Sind Waler Phas a well ae Helen Day Gould Jay Goulds wife, and iva ape" “The same mixing of different etic groups ocurred during poli! rmobiizatons, suchas the 174 mating agains the Inflation Bl cally which included among ts ice presides not onl he who's who of New Yorks Proesan elite bt also several Seligman, Ine Berabeimey, and Onwald Oxendorfer?* Moreover, organizations anging fom the Pilar tonic Society tothe Hardware Club and the Repubean Paty counted, ‘mong tsi members, merchats 2 wel as industaists of matve Proves fant, Catholic and Jewash background. Also, nether employer” associ ‘hone no trade assousons ete Democratic ces ar elite Repoblcan Cites were divided on the basis of etic, nor did bourgeois New Yorkies mobilize poli across cls lines on cheba of shared thn ity or religion, Fethape mest important, the Chamber of Cmmeree noe ‘only organized imesehants a4 wall as manafacturer, but also included lmmigeane capitalists, sch at banker Henry Cle, financier John 8. Kenuedy, and fur merchant Fredrick Gunther; Catholic business, tach a tankers Adrian Iselin and Eugene Kelly, s well as realestate ‘developer James Lynch; and Jewish entrepreneurs, such as Emanvel Spegelberg and tobacco merchant raze Rosenwald, as well as bankers Issac cklheimer and Js Slgnan. Ta fact, common interests, exprincet and values united bourgeois [Now Yorkers acon all ethnic boundaries. ven if they dd not maery one nother arose rlious or ethnic divides, when i came co the defense of thei commen interests, they could transcend elgious, ethnic and other ‘leavages Indeed, i the ealy 188s, wih brad upperclss backing, an Ish Catholic immagranr, Wiliam R. Grace, even ascended tothe say ‘only of the ety This doe no mean tat non-

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