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Thepoliticizationof'culture'
SUSANWRIGHT
Intheearlyyearsofmodernsocialanthropology,<>anthropologistsannouncedtheirmostimportant
findingsandtheoreticaladvancestoSectionHoftheBritishAssociationfortheAdvancementof
Science.As1997presidentofthisSection,Ichosetoaddresscontemporarydevelopmentsinoneof
ouroldestconcepts,'culture',asawayofcontinuingthattradition.1
WhybesoboldastoengagewithawordwhichWilliams(1976:87)declaredwasoneofthetwoor
threemostcomplicatedintheEnglishlanguageandwhichinBritish,NorthAmericanandEuropean
anthropologyhashadcomplex,contestedandverydifferenthistories?Bymidcentury,Kroeberand
Kluckhohnhadfound164definitionsintheirfamousreviewofwhatanthropologistsmeantbyculture
(1952:149).Bythe1970s,whenculturalanthropologywaswellestablishedasoneofthefourfields
ofanthropologyintheUSA,inBritishanthropology'culture'hadnearlydisappearedfromview.Inthe
lasttenyears,withthehelpofculturalstudies,'culture'hasresumedcentrestageinBritish
anthropology.Theaimofthispaperisnottotallyuphowmanydefinitionsof'culture'anthropologists
havegeneratedbytheendofthecentury.Rather,thepaperpursuesKroeberandKluckhohn's
observationthat'theoccurrenceofthese[definitions]intimeisinterestingasindeedthedistribution
ofallculturalphenomenaineitherspaceortimealwaysrevealssignificance'(ib.).Theaimistotreat
theprominence(or'distribution'inKroeberandKluckhohn'sterms)of'culture'inthe1990sasitselfa
culturalphenomenon.Whatisthesignificanceofculture'srecentreappearanceasacentralconceptin
Britishanthropology?Theissueisnotconfinedtointernaldisciplinarydebate.Inthelastdecade,
politiciansanddecisionmakershaveintroduced'culture'intothediscourseofmanydifferent'fields'
(Bourdieu1991)ofcontemporarysociety.Decisionmakersandmediacommentatorsoftenclaim
legitimacyfortheirdiscoursesbyreferringto'culture,inananthropologicalsense'aphrasewhich
closesofffurtherexplorationbyclaimingthatthereisone(their)meaningofculturewhichisatonce
tooselfevidenttowarrantexplanationandtoodeeptobedelvedintobynonanthropologists.How
aredecisionmakers(whethertheybeanthropologistsorclaiminglegitimacyfromanthropology)
politicizing'culture'anddeployingtheconceptinarangeoffieldsofpower?Howcananthropologists
usetheirnewtheoreticalapproachesto'culture'toexploreandrevealtheeffectsofthecurrentusesof
thisconceptincontemporarypolitics?
IwillstartbydiscussingwhatIamcalling'old'and'new'anthropologicalapproachesto'culture'.I
willthenusetheseapproachestoexaminehow,andwithwhateffects,decisionmakershave
introducedanddeployed'culture'inthreedifferent'fields'thelastfifteenyears.FirstIwillexamine
Britishrightwingpoliticians'useof'culture'totalkaboutnationalisminsuchawaythattheycan
distancethemselvesfromthetaintsofbiologicalracism,yetreintroduceexclusivepracticesinan
insidiousculturalguise.Second,Iwillreviewhowwritersandconsultantsinorganizational
managementuseideasof'culture',whichtheyattributetoanthropology,toproposenewformsof
organization.Theyclaim'delayering'and'flatteninghierarchies'andtheformationof'flexibleteams'
ofcontinuallyselfreskilling'portfolio'workerswillpermitgrassrootscreativityandworkers'self
managementandempowerment.Iwillexploretheunacknowledgedcostsofsuch'empowerment'and
howundertherubricof'empoweringcorporateculture',therelurksanolderideaoforganizational
cultureasatooloftopdownmanagementcontrol.Thethirdfieldisoverseasdevelopmentwhere
'culture'isjustenteringthediscourse(Wright1997).LargelythisisasaresultofaUNESCOreport
OurCreativeDiversity.Thisreportwasmeanttodofor'culture'whattheBruntlandReportdidforthe
environmentanddevelopment,butthereporthassofargonelargelyunnoticed.Anthropologists
playedamajorroleinformulatingtheideasofculturewhichthisreportproposesshouldbethebasis
forworldethicsanddevelopmentpolicy.Anthropologistsofdevelopmenthavelongsoughtsuch
influence.Somewouldseetheaimsofanthropologyasunderstandingthelocal,nationaland
internationalprocessesbywhichimpoverishedpeoplearemarginalizedanddisempowered,inorder
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toinfluencethoseprocesses,orpromotetheperspectivesofthosewhoaresilenced,orenablethemto
speakandactmoreeffectivelyforthemselves.Whenanthropologistshadanopportunitytoactas
policymakersandsteertheculturebandwagonthemselves,didtheydeployaconceptof'culture'
whichwouldmakeanyoftheseaimsmoreachievable?Inallthreefields,politicians,officialsand
academicadvisersareusing'culture'asapoliticaltool.Whethertheconceptsarebeingdeployedby
anthropologistsdirectlyinvolvedininfluencingandwritingpolicy(asinthethirdinstance)or
whetherideasarebeingattributedtoanthropologyforlegitimation,inallinstances,anthropologyis
implicatedinthepoliticizationof'culture'.Howcanweuseourunderstandingsofpoliticalprocesses
torevealthewaysdecisionmakersareusing'culture'inagrowingnumberof'fields',andanalyseits
effectsonthosewhoaremarginalizedandimpoverished?

Oldmeaningsofculture
Intheearly20thcentury,ideasof'culture'advancedbyanthropologiststookonaradicaltone.Tylor's
(1871)notionofcultureasawholewayoflifeofagrouporsocietymarkedapointofdeparturefor
modernsocialanthropologists:
'Culture'isthatcomplexwholewhichincludesknowledge,belief,art,morals,law,
custom,andanyothercapabilitiesandhabitsacquiredbyman[sic]asamemberof
society(Tylor1871:1:1).
Ifthiswasapointofdeparture,itwasnotabasisforconsensus:anthropologistssetoffalong
divergentpaths.Tylor'sownapproachwastocombineHerder'sromanticidea,thatnations,groups
withinnationsandpeoplesatdifferentperiodshavedistinctivecultures,withtheenlightenmentidea
thateachofthesecultureswasatadifferentstageintheevolutionofcivilizationorinaprogression
towardsEuropeanrationality.BoasrejectedTylor'ssocialevolutionism.Hestressedtheparticularity
ofeachcultureasaresultofthegroup'sresponsestoenvironmentalconditionsandtheirspecific
historicaldevelopment.Bytreating'culture'astheproductofhistoricalandsocialforces,notbiology,
hecriticizedracialdeterminism(Stocking1974:221).InBritain,Malinowskiandhisstudents
advancedadifferentcritiqueoftherationalisticVictorianconceptionof'man'byarguingthatfarfrom
being'savage'andillogical,eachofthe'peoples'inAfrica,SouthAsiaandthePacifichadadistinct,
rationalandlegitimatewayoflifewhichshouldbevalued:'emphasizingtheauthenticityand
coherenceofdistinctcultureswasawayofresistingthecivilisingmissionfundamentaltothe
Europeancolonialproject'(Merry1997).Anthropologistsdifferedprofoundlyintheirtheoriesandin
theaspectsofwesternthoughtthattheyquestioned,buttheysharedanideaoftheworldasmadeup
of'peoples',eachwithacoherentwayoflife,or'culture'.
Bythe1970s,farfrombeingradical,thisideaof'apeople'having'aculture',wasseentohavebeena
crucialelementofcolonialism.Tocritics,thisideaof'culture'createdfixedentitiesinwhichtheWest
couldintervene.Bymeasuring,categorizing,describing,representingandtherebysupposedly
'knowing'others,theobjectsofthatknowledgeweremadethesubjectsofnewformsofpowerand
control(Asad1973,Said1978).Thisonceprogressiveideawasalsotakenupinregressivewaysby
extremenationalistswhouseditnotsimplytochampionclaimsforindependenceandsovereigntybut
alsotopursuethepoliticsofxenophobia,exclusionandethniccleansing.
Inagreatfloodofcriticism,thecomponentsofthisideaofculturewereunpacked.British
functionalists,forexample,werecriticizedforhavingtreateda'culture'asasmallscale,bounded
entityorganizedthrougheconomic,socialandpoliticalinstitutionswhichinteractedasaself
contained'whole'sustainedinastaticequilibrium.Thishadclearlybeenafictionwhenmostofthe
placesstudied,howeverremote,werebeingvisitednotjustbyanthropologists,butbymerchants,
missionariesandcolonialadministrators.Societieswereneitherunchangingnorbounded,butpartofa
worldorderdominatedfirstbycolonialismandlaterbynationstates,internationalcapitalismand
internationalagencies.Thesehadbeenleftoutofapictureof'cultures'asahistorical,selfcontained
entities(Gough1968).
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Anthropologistsofvariouspersuasionswerealsocriticizedfortreating'culture'asifitwereasetof
ideasormeaningswhichweresharedbyawholepopulationofhomogeneousindividualswhich
empiricallywasnotthecase.2Asad(1979)criticizedBritishanthropologistsforseekingtheunique
'authenticculture'ofanothersocietyintheformofanintegratedsystemofconsensual'essential
meanings'whichselfreproducedregardlessofeconomicandpoliticalchange.Ifanthropologists
constructedthesocialorderoutof'essentialmeanings'whichdidnotchangeinnewhistoricaland
economicconditions,howwouldsocialtransformationoccur?Instead,heargued,'essentialmeanings'
werediscourseswhichsomepeopleinthesocietyhadmanagedtomakeauthoritativebycontinually
preemptingthespaceofradicallyopposeddiscourses.TheproblemAsadthoughtanthropologists
shouldaddressishowanauthoritativediscourseisproducedinparticularhistoricalcircumstances.In
apaperwhichItakeasapointofdepartureforthedevelopmentofwhatIamcalling'new'approaches
toculture,3Asadarguedthatanthropologistshadmistakenlyendorsed,as'authenticculture',
historicallyspecificdominantideologiesorauthoritativediscourseswhichwereneithertimelessnor
uniformlyshared.
Althoughanthropologistshavedevelopednewwaysofthinkingabout'culture',these'oldideasof
culture'havepercolatedoutfromacademicdiscourseand,aswillbeshownbelow,arestillin
widespreaduseinpublicparlance.Themainfeaturesofthis,stillcurrent'oldideaofculture'are:
bounded,smallscaleentity
definedcharacteristics(checklist)
unchanging,inbalancedequilibriumorselfreproducing
underlyingsystemofsharedmeanings:'authenticculture'
identical,homogeneousindividuals.

Newmeaningsofculture
ThechangingpoliticalandeconomicconditionstowhichAsadreferredweretheendofEuropean
colonialismandthecontinuedexpansionintonewareasofrelationsofproductionandexchangebased
oncapital.Mostrecently,theywouldincludetheinternationalorganizationofproductionand
consumption,thespreadofglobalcommunicationnetworks,andtheinternationalintegrationof
financialsystems.Thesechangeshaveprovokedlabourmovementswithincountriesandfromthe
southtothenorthoftheglobe,asexemplifiedbyawomanImetinmySouthTottenhampark
recently.SheisanAsianwhogrewupwithanEnglisheducationinTrinidadandhasworkedin
Englandfor15yearsinnursingandadministration.SheislearningHindiatnightclassessothatshe
canconversewithrelativesshevisitsinIndia.Herandherfamily'sexperienceofcoloniallabour
migration,postcolonialeconomicdiasporaand'roots'tourismspeaksofwhatHallcalled'dislocated
historiesandhybridisedethnicities'(1993:356).Asanthropologistshavearguedformanyyears
(Cohen1974,Macdonald1993),andmorerecentlyHallandotherexponents(MorleyandChen1996)
ofculturalstudiesinBritainhavemadeclear,culturalidentitiesarenotinherent,boundedorstatic:
theyaredynamic,fluidandconstructedsituationally,inparticularplacesandtimes.Thisisnotjusta
Westernurbanphenomenonofthe1990s.InatribeinIranwhereIdidfieldworkinthe1970s,the
populationwasmadeupoflayersofrefugees.Multipleidentitieswereconstantlynegotiatedlinks
withpeopleintribesfromwhichtheyhadfledweremaintainedorreinvented:therewasnobounded,
consensual,authentic,ahistoricalculture.Theoreticaldevelopmentsinculturalstudies,andinpost
structuralandfeministanthropology,haveledustounderstandthat'cultures'arenot,noreverwere,
naturallyboundedentities.
Thefracturingofsocialanthropology'scentralconceithassentusbacktolookagainatcolonialism.
Ortner(1984)questionedtheoriginalimageofcolonialpowerand'thejuggernautofcapitalism'
impactingon,andinsertingthemselvesinto,anindigenous'localculture'.Sheandothershavebeen
criticalofthewaybothcolonialismand'localculture'appearasunitaryentitiesinthisimage(Asad
1993:5).Whatbetterchoiceofasitetochallengethisimagethanthekindoflocationinwhichthe
oldconceptof'culture'wasfounded:aremoteislandmidwayacrossthePacificOcean?Merry(1997)
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studied18thand19thcenturyHawaii,andfoundadizzyingarrayofpeoplefromNorwaytoChina
werepresentinwhatshecallsnota'localcommunity'buta'contactzone'.Inanunboundedsite,this
medleyofpeopledrewonthepracticesoftheirvariousplacesoforigin,inthelightoftheircurrent
interests,toworkouthowtoorganizelabour,tradeandsocialrelations.Conteststookplacebetween
peopleinasymmetricalrelationsofpower,overtheirmultipleandcontradictoryculturallogics.Each
actorendeavouredtomanoeuvre,inunpredictablepoliticalandeconomicsituations,todefineorseize
controlofsymbolsandpractices.Symbolsandideasneveracquiredaclosedorentirelycoherentset
ofmeanings:theywerepolyvalent,fluidandhybridized.Keytermsshiftedinmeaningatdifferent
historicaltimes.Whenacoalitionofactorsgainedascendancyataparticularhistoricalmoment,they
institutionalizedtheirmeaningofkeytermsinlaw.
Merry'sisagoodexampleofthenewideaofcultureasacontestedprocessofmeaningmaking.The
contestisoverthemeaningofkeytermsandconcepts.Howaretheseconceptsusedandcontestedby
differentlypositionedactorswhodrawonlocal,nationalandgloballinksinunequalrelationsof
power?Howisthecontestframedbyimplicitpracticesandrulesordoactorschallenge,stretchor
reinterpretthemaspartofthecontesttoo?Inaflowofevents,whohasthepowertodefine?Howdo
theypreventotherwaysofthinkingabouttheseconceptsfrombeingheard?Howdotheymanageto
maketheirmeaningsstick,anduseinstitutionstomaketheirmeaningsauthoritative?Withwhat
materialoutcomes?
SueReinhold(1993)posesthesequestionsinordertorevealindetailtheprocessofideological
strugglein1980sBritain.Thecontestwasoverthepowertodefinethestate'sattitudeto
homosexualityinBritainandmakeauthoritativethatdefinitionthroughlegislation.Inthecontextof
anatmosphereofhomophobiaandphysical'queerbashing'attacksinLondon,agroupinHaringey
campaignedfor'positiveimages'tocounterthenegativestereotypesofgaypeopleavailableto
childrenintheirschools.TheirlocalopponentsexercisedtheirlinkstoConservativeMembersof
Parliament,whoappropriatedandinvertedthemeaningofthekeytermsofthedebate.Theword
'promoting'wasfirstusedbythecampaignto'promotepositiveimages'ofhomosexualityMPs
accusedthemof'promotinghomosexuality'.Insuccessiveparliamentarydebates'promote'wasmade
tomeanseductionof'normal'children,whichwasequatedwithanattackon'thefamily',thebasisof
orderinthestate,andthuswith'subversion'.ThegroupofMPssucceededininsertinganewclause
intocurrentlegislationonlocalgovernmentoutlawingactionsoruseofresourceswhichwould
'promote'theacceptabilityofhomosexualityasa'pretendedfamilyrelationship'.Thisnewmeaningof
'promoting'anditsassociatedclusterofterms,madeauthoritativethroughstatelegislation,had
materialeffects:negativestereotypeswereendorsed,andlocalauthoritiesbecametimidabout
spendingonservicesorissuesforgaypeoplewhichmightpossiblybeinterpretedascomingunderthe
legislationinatestcase.Reinhold(1993:4712)pointstosimilaritiesbetweenthecontestover
positiveimagesandothercampaignsagainstminoritiesduringtheThatchergovernment.Rightwing
Conservativesusedtheauthorityofparliamenttoprojectnegativemeaningsofkeytermsandsymbols
concerningethnicminorities,minersandothercategorieswhichtheymarginalized,excludedfrom
theirdominantnotionof'Britishness'anddemonizedasadangertoorderandsubversivetothestate.
Threestagesinthesecontestedprocessesofmeaningmakingcanbeidentifiedintheaboveexamples.
Thefirstisovertattemptsbyidentifiedagentstoredefinekeysymbolswhichgiveaparticularviewof
theworld,ofhowpeopleshouldbeandbehaveandwhatshouldbeseenasthe'reality'oftheirsociety
andhistory:inshort,anideology.Asecondstageiswhensuchaviewoftheworldbecomes
institutionalizedandworksthroughnonagentivepower.Foucaulthasdocumentedhowknowledge
aboutmentalhealth,sexualityandcriminalityinthe18thand19thcenturiesbecamethebasisofnew
practicesonwhichinstitutionswerebuilt.Theseinstitutionalpracticesshapedperceptions,categories,
valuesandbehaviour.
Athirdstageiswhenakeytermwhichcarriesanewwayofthinkingaboutoneaspectoflifeenters
otherdomains(outsidetheactivitiesofthestate)andbecomesadiffusedandprevalentwayof
thinkingineverydaylife.Forexample,EmilyMartin(1994)foundthat'flexible'firstbecameakey
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termwhenpeoplereactedtotheAIDS/HIVvirusbyrethinkingtheimmunesystemandthedefence
responsesofthebody.Surprisingly,'flexible'andimagesoftheimmunesystemquicklyenteredthe
domainofemploymenttodescribetheattributesofpostFordist,selfmanaged,selfimprovingand
teamformingworkersandcompanies.Withinashorttime,extremeversionsoftheseflexible
attributes,whichhadbeensymptomsofamentalillness,werereinterpretedpositivelyasemployment
skills(Martin1997).'Flexible'movedquicklyacrossthreedifferentareasofU.S.lifeimmunology,
employmentandmentalhealthandbecomeaprevalentimageofanewkindofself.
Atitsmostsecure,anideologyappearshegemonic.Thatis,itbecomessonaturalized,takenfor
grantedand'true'thatalternativesarebeyondthelimitsofthethinkable.AsComaroffandComaroff
(1992)suggest,initshegemonicdimension,cultureappearscoherent,systematicandconsensual.It
triestolooklikeanobject,athingbeyondhumanagency,notideologicalatall:inshort,liketheold
ideaofauthenticculture.Asmentionedabove,anthropologiststhemselveshadpreviouslymistaken
hegemonicideologiesforauthenticcultureandintheprocess,endorsedthoseinthecommunitywith
theascendantpowertodefinethecharacteristicsoftheir'culture'andprojectitastimelessand
objective.
Noideology,howeverhegemonicandentrenchedininstitutionsandineverydaylife,isbeyond
contest'culture'isadynamicconcept,alwaysnegotiableandinprocessofendorsement,contestation
andtransformation.Differentlypositionedactors,withunpredictableinventiveness,drawon,rework
andstretchinnewdirectionstheaccumulatedmeaningsof'culture'includingoldandnewacademic
ones.Inaprocessofclaimingpowerandauthority,allaretryingtoassertdifferentdefinitionswhich
willhavedifferentmaterialoutcomes.Insumthecharacteristicsofnewideasofcultureare:
'cultureisanactiveprocessofmeaningmakingandcontestationoverdefinition,
includingofitself'(Street1993:2)people,differentlypositionedinsocialrelationsand
processesofdomination,useeconomicandinstitutionalresourcesavailabletothemtotry
andmaketheirdefinitionofasituation'stick',topreventothers'definitionsfrombeing
heard,andtogarnerthematerialoutcomesitesarenotboundedpeopledrawonlocal,
national,globallinksthewayclustersofconceptsformishistoricallyspecific,andideas
neverformaclosedorcoherentwholeinitshegemonicform,cultureappearscoherent,
systematic,consensual,likeanobject,beyondhumanagency,notideologicallikethe
oldideaofculture.

Culturalracism
InBritishpolitics,thisnewviewof'culture'hasitselfbeenappropriatedandredefinedbytheNew
Right.LedbyMargaretThatcher,theNewRightrepresentedanalliancebetweenliberaleconomic
andconservativepoliticaltheories(King1987).Ineconomicaffairsthestateshouldpromoteprivate
enterpriseandencourageeveninventmarkets.Inpoliticalaffairstheauthorityofthe'ageold'
institutionsofthecentralstateshouldbeupheld,supportedby'traditional'valuesineducationand
familylife.InastudyoftheSalisburyReview,aprincipaljournaloftheNewRight,Seidel(1985:
107)arguesthattheNewRightappropriatedoneofthefoundinginspirationsofculturalstudies,
Gramsci'sideasofhegemony.Thatis,(assetoutabove),ideologybecomeshegemonicnotonly
throughtheinstitutionsofthestatebutbybeingdiffusedthroughallareasofeverydaylife.To
unsettleandreplacethedominantideologysincetheSecondWorldWar,theNewRightrealizedthat
theyhadnotjusttobeactiveinpolitics,buttomakeinterventionsin'culture'.Theyconsciously
engagedinthemanipulationofwords,especiallytheprocessofrenamingandredefiningkey
concepts.InparticulartheNewRightfocusedonappropriatingandreformulatingthemeaningsofone
semanticcluster'difference','nation','race','culture''.4
NewRightauthorsseemtoagreewiththeideathattheworldcannolongerbeseenasamosaicof
discretecultures,andthatmigrationanddiasporahavegeneratedpopulationswithmultifaceted
differences.Theyappropriatedtheantiracistlanguageabouttheneedtorespectculturaldifference.
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Thisdidnotmeanthattheyrejoicedincrosscuttingdifferencesandfluididentities,orcelebratedthe
creativityinspiredbysuchhybridity,asHallenjoined(1993).Instead,theyinvertedthismeaningof
'difference'.TheyopposedthedilutionofseparatenesswhichHallrelished,andturneddifferenceinto
anessentialistconcepttoreassertboundaries:thedistinctivenessofEnglishnessmustbedefended.
AsGilroy(1987:60)pointedout,theNewRightdefined'Englishness',asthehegemoniccoreof
Britishness,throughculture.Theyagreedwiththeanthropologicalideathatnationsandculturesare
historicallyconstituted,notbiologicallyorontologicallygiven.However,theyusedthisideanotto
erodebuttoreinforceexclusiveness.Nationalidentitywasdefinedasafeelingofloyaltytopersonsof
one'sownkind(Seidel1987:50quotingCasey).One'sownkind,or'we'wasdefinedasthosefor
whomalistof'English'activitieshadpleasantassociationsorarousedenthusiasm.AquotefromT.S.
Eliotisusedfrequently:
[Culture]includesallthecharacteristicactivitiesandinterestsofapeople:DerbyDay,
HenleyRegatta,Cowes,thetwelfthofAugust,acupfinal,thedograces,thepintable,
thedartboard,Wensleydalecheese,boiledcabbagecutintosections,beetrootinvinegar,
nineteenthcenturyGothicchurchesandthemusicofElgar(Eliot1948:31quotedin
Williams1958:230andCasey1982).
Theproblemwithsuchalistisnotjust,asWilliamsobserves(1958:22930),thatEliotispurporting
toadoptfromanthropologythenotionofcultureas'awholewayoflife'yetisonlyconcernedwith
'sport,food,andalittleart'characteristicof'Englishleisure'.Moretothepoint,thesecustomsand
practicesarepresentedasexpressionsofhomogeneousnationality(Gilroy1987:69)whereas,as
Seidelpointsout,thislistisdecidedlywhiteandChristianandfrequentlygenderandclassspecific.
Tebbit,theformerConservativepartychairman,turnedpleasureatthesoundofleatheronwillowinto
atestofnationalallegiancewhenheasked,whichsidewouldAfroCaribbeansapplaudwhenthe
WestIndieswastouringBritain?TheTebbitTestthreatenedtomakesentimentsofattachmentinto
instrumentsofpolicy.Halldiscernedadangerthattheanswertoaquestionofidentitywouldbeused
asabasisforconferringorwithholdingrightsofcitizenship.Hewasscathingattheideaofallegiance
tothevagariesofEnglishbattingformbeingthepricefordrawingfamilyallowance:
Itshouldnotbenecessarytolook,walk,feel,think,speakexactlylikeapaidupmember
ofthebuttonedup,stiffupperlipped,fullycorsetted'freebornEnglishman'culturallyto
beaccordedeithertheinformalcourtesyandrespectofcivilizedsocialintercourseorthe
rightsofentitlementandcitizenship(Hall1993:358).
TotheNewRight,Englandstandsorfallsonthehegemonyofaparticularculture.MargaretThatcher
famouslyexpressedasenseofthreatofbeing'swamped'byalienculturesthatwoulddilutethis
exclusiveversionofEnglishness.However,nevercouldmembersofethnicminoritiesbesoattached
tosentimentsandvaluesofEnglishnessthattheNewRightwouldaccordthemtherighttoparticipate
intheirdefinitionanddevelopment.WhensomeBritishAsiansactedintermsofoneoftheprofessed
corevaluesofEnglishnesstoleranceandrespectfordifferentpointsofviewbyproposingchanges
totheblasphemylawsduringtheRushdieAffair,theysoonfoundthattheirrightsdidnotextendto
shapingthosecorevalues.JohnPatten,theMinisterofStateattheHomeOffice,publishedanopen
letterthroughthepresstoBritishMuslims'OnBeingBritish'.InatoneAsadfindsreminiscentof
colonialadministratorsaddressingalienpopulationsundertheirprotection,Pattensetouttheessential
componentsofEnglishnessatthecoreofBritishidentitywhichhesaidtheyshouldlearn.Apartfrom
faithandfamilywhichheconsiderstheyalreadyshare,thesearefluentEnglish,understandingofthe
democraticprocesses,lawsandsystemofgovernmentinBritainandthehistorythatliesbehindthem
knowledgewhichfewwhiteBritisherscouldconfidentlyclaimtopossess(Asad1993:242).Others
addtosuchcorevaluesofEnglishnessacanonofliteratureandrespectforauthority.
ThisreformulationofnationintermsofcultureratherthanracewaspartoftheNewRight'sattemptin
the1980sand1990storedefineracismoutofexistence.LikeEnochPowellbeforethem,theNew
Rightprofessedarevulsionforracism.Theyridiculedtheideathatthemosaicofhumangroups
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formedafixedhierarchybasedongradesofbiologicalinferiority.Byredefiningraceasafeelingof
loyaltytopeople'ofone'sownkind',theyclaimedracetobeamoralandnobleidea.Todefendone's
'culture'fromattackfrompeoplenot'ofone'sownkind'waslegitimateselfdefence.Inaneat
inversionordenialofpowerrelations(aformofblamingthevictim),writersintheSalisburyReview
accusedpeoplewhosoughtequalityforethnicminoritiesofprovokingracismbyattackingwhites.
Stateinstitutionsand'traditional'values,forexampleineducation,wereatthecoreofthe'culture'
whichwastobedefended.Thosemulticulturalistsandantiracistswhosoughttochangetheworkings
ofstateinstitutionsorlawsintheinterestsoftreatingallcitizensmoreequally,didnotrecognizethe
distinctionthatTebbitreiteratedatthe1997Conservativepartyconference,betweennationality
definedbycultureandbypoliticalrights:between'theEnglish'and'foreignersholdingBritish
passports'(Independent8October1997).Multiculturalism,Tebbitclaimed,wasdivisive(ib.).To
writersintheSalisburyReview,antiracistswerealsosubversive,attacking'our'institutionsand
valuesandthreateningtheorderof'our'nation.AsSeidelpointsout,theuseof'we'and'our'asa
definerofnationdrivesaclearwhitewedgebetweenblackandantiracistpeople,andtherestofthe
community(1985:115).WritersintheSalisburyReviewadamantlydeniedracism,yettheirframing
ofnationalismintermsof'ourculture'cuedachoiceofpolicyrecommendationsforethnicminorities
completeassimilation,retrospectiveguestworkerstatus,orremovalbyrepatriationwhichwerein
implicationandeffectracist.
Insummary,theNewRightappropriatedthenewideasof'culture'fromculturalstudies,antiracism
andtoalesserextentsocialanthropology,andengagedinaprocessofcontestingandshiftingthe
meaningsof'culture','nation','race'and'difference'.Theymobilized'culture'toreinforceexclusion,
usingitasaeuphemismforrenewedracism,withprofoundimplicationsforpublicpolicyandpeople's
lives(Kahn1995:6).

=Corporateculture
Intheearly1980s,'culture'becameabuzzwordinmanagementstudies.DealandKennedy(1982)
discovered'corporateculture'andPetersandWaterman(1986)claimedthatexcellentcompanieswere
thosethathada'strong'culture.Soonacorporateculture,oftenequatedwithamissionstatement,had
becomethesinequanonofanyseriousorganization.Thisliteratureattributedthecultureconceptto
anthropology:Geertz(1973),Turner(1974),Bateson(1972)andDouglas(1987)werethemost
frequentlyquoted.Bothresearchersinorganizationalstudiesandpractisingmanagerslookedto
anthropologicalideasof'culture'forametaphorfornewformsoforganizinginthe'postmodern'
politicaleconomy.Therehasalwaysbeenacloserelationshipbetweenacademicresearchon
organizationsandthethinkingofpractisingmanagers,suchthatorganizationresearchershaveplayed
acentralrolein'making'organizations(CalasandSmircich1992:223).Thisinterchangebetween
academicsandpractitionershasincreasedinthe1990sasmanagershavecalledonresearchersand
consultantstoprovide'training'tochangeorganizations.Itisnotunusualforanthropologists
researchingorganizationstofindmanagersaskingthemforreferencestopublicationswhichwould
extendtheirrepertoireofmetaphorstomanageby(Martin1994)andstaffreferringtoanthropological
ideasacquiredthroughtrainingcourses.
Companiesareusingbotholdandnewideasof'culture'astoolsofmanagement.Somemanagements
emphasizethatthecompanyisaclearlydemarcatedentity,withaboundaryagainstitsenvironment,
containingspecifiedgroupsofpeople,organizedhierarchically,eachwithachecklistofthe
behaviourswhichconstitutecompanyculture.Forexample,McDonaldsmarksoutitsspaceand
identitywiththegoldenarcheslogoandstandardizeddecorandfoodcontainers.Thecorebeliefsof
thecompanycultureQuality,Service,ConvenienceandValuearedrummedintomanagersat
HamburgerUniversitytobondthefarflungfranchiseestogether(DealandKennedy1982:193).
Counterstaffhavetofollowachecklistofstandardizedbehavioursinperformingeachtaskright
downtowhentomakeeyecontactandatwhatpointstosmileatacustomerduringatransaction.In
thisexample,theoldideaof'culture'asaboundedentitywithafixedidentityandchecklistof
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characteristicsisdeployedinacentralizedsystemofcommandandcontrol.
Inotherindustries,managersareusingnewideasof'culture'asanimagefornewformsoforganizing.
Thisisespeciallyinindustrieswhereproductsaredesigned,manufactured,distributedandmarketed
allindifferentcountries.Tostaycompetitive,productsarecontinuallyredeveloped,andthesitesof
production,theemployees,andrelationsbetweenthemareforeverchanging.Harveydescribes
companies'whosematerialpresencemightbenomorethanaboxofcontracts,theenumerationof
thosepeoplewhobelong,temporarilyandforthedurationofaparticularservice,tothenetwork
whichgenerateswealthandpowerforanotherequallydisparateanddispersedgroupofinvestors'
(1996:6).Whereis'theorganization'?Nolongerdoesanarchitecturalmonumentsymbolizethe
companyorcontaintheworkforce.Workisorganizedthroughteamsoralliances,operatingacross
boundariesandrapidlyreforminginnewcircumstances.Suchcompanieslookforstaffwhoare
preparedcontinuallyto'reskill'themselves,engagein'personalreinvention'tocopewithrisksand
newsituations,andacquirea'portfolio'ofexperiencesandcontactstohelpthem'hop'fromjobtojob
(euphemismsforworkersonshorttermcontractswithnojobsecurityorcareerstructure,whohave
periodicallytoretrainattheirownexpenseandarehandlinghighstresslevels).Inordertoharness
workers'knowledge,managerswantstafftofeelempoweredtoparticipateinmixedteamsof
managersandworkersandtoputforwardnewideasforproductsorwaysoforganizing.
Inthiscontext,theideaofdifferentlypositionedactorsbeingactiveparticipantsinaprocessof
meaningmakingaversionofthenewideaof'culture'isattractivetomanagers.Theimageis
associatedwithrhetoricaboutempowerment.Workersandmanagersare'trained'tomakedecisionsin
teamstakingeveryone'sperspectiveintoaccount.Theirattentionisalso'trained'onthishighlyvisible,
apparentlytransparentdecisionmaking,asifpowerweredispersedandtheorganizationdecentred.
Martin'sworkintheUnitedStates(1994)andmywork(Wright1991)andstudents'dissertationsin
theUKindicatethatworkersareoftenambivalent,experiencingempowermentinsomerespects,yet
perceivingthegapbetweencorporaterhetoricandthefrequentreorganizations,'shakeouts','de
layering'andrelocations,imposedfromthetopdown.Justastherhetoricof'organizationasculture'
highlightsparticipationandempowerment,yetworkersseeanothermaterialrealityintheshadows,so
HarveynoticedthatattheExpo'92corporationshighlightedcertainaspectsoftheir'culture'forthe
consumer,yetotheraspectswereobscured.Corporationsusednewtechnologiestodisplay
transparentlyandreflexivelyhow'culture'wasconstructedthroughmultipleperspectives,
connectednessandnetworking.Whattheyexcludedfromtherepresentationofthisworld,where
accordingtoFujitsu'theonlyfrontiersareinyourmind'(Harvey1996:111),wastheorganizationof
relationsofproduction.Similarly,theuseof'culture'inorganizationalmanagementhasapartial
effect:itencouragesreflexiveanalysisofthesupposedlyempoweringrelationsbetweenworkers,but
doesnotanalysehowtheserelationsaresituatedwithinaninternationalorganizationofcapitaland
power.
Thisrelationshipbetweenthehighlightedforegroundoflocalizedparticipationandempowermentand
thenotcompletelyobscuredpoliticalandeconomicbackground,isechoedinthemanagement
literature.Evenamongthosewriterswhomostavidlyespouse'organizationasculture'(e.g.Schein
1991,Smircich1985)thereisaslidingofdefinitions,fromthenewideaof'culture'asacontinuous
processofmeaningmakingintotheoldideaof'culture'asa'thing'whichmanagerscoulddefinefrom
aboveandactuponinasystemofcommandandcontrol.IwillexaminehowGeertz,the
anthropologistmostquotedinorganizationalstudies,isusedinthisliteratureinordertoindicatehow
thiselisionoccursandwhatareitseffects.
OnephrasefromGeertzisusedaboveallinorganizationstudiesandbytrainingconsultants:man
[sic]isananimalsuspendedinwebsofsignificancehehimselfhasspun.Itakeculturetobethose
webs(1973:5).
GeertzusedtheabovephraseinanarticleaboutasheepraidinMorocco.Hisaimwastointerpretthe
differentconstructionsthattheactorsaJewishmerchant,BerbertribesmenandaFrenchcolonialist
placedonasequenceofevents.Eachsoughttomaketheirinterpretationofeventsdefinitiveasthey
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'trippedover'oneanother'spurposes:pursuingtrade,defendinghonourandestablishingdominance.
Thethreeactorswereinunequalrelationsofpowerandhaddifferentpersonalabilitiestoimposetheir
meaningsonevents.Geertzmakesclearthathewasstudyingtheinteractionbetweenthreewaysof
makingsignificancefromonesequenceofevents.Hespecificallywasnottryingtoisolatethe
elementsof'aculture',norspecifytherelationsbetweenthoseelements,norcharacterizethewholeas
asystemorganizedaroundcoresymbols(1973:17).Hewasnotsuggestingthatallthreeactorswere
caughtinthesamewayinoneweb.
Geertzusedthissequenceofeventstoillustratehowamerchantanddissidenttribeschallengedyet
succumbedtoFrenchdominanceattheearlystagesofcolonialism.Itisappropriatefororganizational
researcherstorefertothisarticlewhenlookingtoanthropologyfornewwaysofanalysing
'organizationasculture'inaperiodofequallymomentousglobaleconomicandpoliticalchange.
However,inthisliteratureananthropologicalfocusoncontestationandpowerisabsent.Forexample,
Smircich(1983)startsoffinlanguageprecursiveofStreet's(1993,quotedabove)whenshesuggests
thatthat'cultureissomethinganorganizationhas',ratherthan'somethinganorganizationis'(1983:
347).Toadvancethisview,shedescribesGeertz'sapproachwhich,sheaccuratelyconcludes,enables
organizationalanalyststoproblematizetheconceptoforganization'fortheresearcherseeksto
examinethebasicprocessesbywhichgroupsofpeoplecometoshareinterpretationsandmeanings
forexperiencethatallowthepossibilityoforganizedactivity'(1983:351).Atthispoint,thereisa
slidingfromnewtooldideasofculture.SheclaimsGeertz'sfocushasmuchincommonwith
organizationalleaders',asbothareconcernedwith'howtocreateandmaintainasenseof
organization,andhowtoachievecommoninterpretationsofsituationssothatcoordinatedactionis
possible...leadershipcanbestbeunderstoodasthemanagementofmeaningandtheshapingof
interpretations'(ib.).Geertzhasbeenappropriatedasatoolofmanagementandhisideaof'culture'
whichhadsomeoftheelementsofcontestationandprocessdevelopedbythenewideasof'culture',
hasbeenconvertedintotheoldideaof'culture'asanentitytobeactedonfromabove.Whereideasof
'culture'arebeingusedtomanageselfmotivated,flexiblynetworkingandteamformingstaffthrough
ideasofempowerment,itisevenmoreimportantthatanalystsshouldnot,asorganizationalstudies
havetendedtodointhepast,takeamanager'sperspectiveonworkersastheobjectsofstudy(Wright
1994).Thefocusshouldbeonhowmanagersaredeployingbotholdandnewideasof'culture'in
ordertogainworkers'activeparticipationinnewwaysoforganizingproduction,profitandpower.

Cultureanddevelopment
Inmythirdcase,'culture'isenteringanewdomain,overseasdevelopment,withthehelpof
anthropologists.Twoexamplesareused,whichbothrefertooldideasof'culture'.Inthefirst
example,aninternationalagency,UNESCO,initsvisionofanewethicalworldorder,mapsouta
worldmadeof'cultures'asdiscreteentities,withoutengagingwiththeissueofcontestationoverthe
powertodefine.Incontrast,inthesecondexampleKayapoleadershaveusedethnographicfilmto
asserttheirowndefinitionoftheir'culture'andusedthestrategiesothershaveusedagainstthemto
challengetheprocessesthathavemarginalizedthem.
UNESCO's(1995)reportOurCreativeDiversitymarkstheculminationoftheUNdecadeforculture
anddevelopment.Thiswasanopportunityforanthropologiststohaveanovertinfluenceontheuseof
theconcept'culture'andseveralworldfamousanthropologistscontributedtoitsdefinition.5The
reportarguesfortwodefinitionsof'culture'.First,ittakesuptheargumentmadebydevelopment
anthropologiststhat'culture'isnotjustonedomainoflife(likeeconomics,politics,religion)butis
'constructive,constitutiveandcreative'ofallaspectsoflifeincludingtheeconomyanddevelopment.
Second,itarguesthattheworldismadeupofdiscrete'cultures'orpeoples.Theneglectof'culture'in
thefirstsensewithin'cultures'inthesecondsensehascauseddevelopmenteffortstofail(1995:7).
Frustratedexpectationscoupledwithglobalization,andthecollapseofthebipolarworldorder(1995:
9,28),itisargued,haveledtoconfrontationsbetweennarrowgroupidentitiesoverscarceresources
(1995:9)whichhavebeenmanipulatedintoviolence(1995:16).Whereasfaileddevelopmentgives
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risetothisdestructiveaspectofculturalidentitiesof'peoples',successfuldevelopmentwouldresultin
aflourishingofculture,creativityandprogress.
Thisargumentrestsonaparticularviewofculturaldiversity.AnintroductoryquotefromMarshall
Sahlinsdefinescultureas'thetotalanddistinctivewayoflifeofapeopleorasociety'(1994quotedin
UNESCO1995:21).Thisoldviewof'culture'issupportedbyapaperbyL<130>viStrauss(initially
writtenforUNESCOin1952andrevisedin1973),6fromwhichthetitleofthereportisdrawn.Levi
StraussputforwardwhatEriksen(1997)callsanarchipelagovisionoftheworldasmadeupof
'peoples'eachwitharadicallydifferent'culture'likeastringofseparateislands(theviewcontestedby
Merry,above).Inthereport,sometimesa'people'isequatedwithacountry,althoughitisalsosaid
thattheworldconsistsof10,000distinctsocietiesin200states(1995:16).Unfortunately,according
tothereport,peoplearemixingasneverbefore(1995:9).Instead,theirdistinctivenessshouldbe
encouraged,asitisbylookingacrossboundariesbetweendistinctculturesthatpeoplegainideasfor
alternativewaysofliving.Thereport'srecipeforcreativity,experimentation,innovationandthe
dynamicofprogressisadiversityofdistinctentitieswithclearboundaries(1995:15).Human
civilizationdependsoncreativediversity.
L<130>viStrausshasprovidedUNESCOwithamapofaflatworld.Themosaicofculturesis
reminiscentof1930ssocialanthropology.Itmissesthedimensionof'culture'asaprocessof
contestationoverthepowertodefineorganizingconceptsincludingthemeaningof'culture'itself.In
thereportanunidentifiedvoicedoesthedefininganddisguisesordisclaimsitsownpoweras
commonsense.Itisenvisagedthatinthispluralworld,nationstates,ratherthantryingtocreate
nationwideculturalhomogeneity,shouldencouragediverseethnicgroupswithintheirbordersto
contributetoaciviccommunitywithsharedvalues.Similarly,culturaldiversityintheworldshould
beprotectedbyacodeofglobalethics,onwhichthereportthinkstheworldcanreachconsensus.In
settingouttheparametersofthisglobalethicalcodetheundefinedvoiceofthereportbeginstomake
valuejudgments.Only'cultures'thathave'tolerantvalues'(whoseideaoftolerance?)wouldbe
respectedandprotectedbytheglobalcode.Ofcourse,'repulsive'(inwhoseview?)culturalpractices
shouldbecondemned(1995:54).Areportedcriticismofhumanrightsforfosteringanindividualism
whichisalientononwesternvalues,receivesthereply'Humanrightsisnotundulyindividualistic[by
whosecriteria]itisjustanappropriatewaytoregardallhumansasequal'(1995:41).UNESCO's
visionofacodeofglobalethicstoorderapluralworldrestsonacontradictionbetweenrespectingall
culturalvalues,andmakingvaluejudgmentsaboutacceptableandunacceptablediversity.
IncontrasttoUNESCO'stopdowngrandplanforapluralismofboundedcultures,eventheseold
ideasof'culture'workverydifferentlywhentheirdefinitionisinthehandsofindigenouspeople.
Wagner(1975)arguedthatintheveryactoffieldworkanthropologists'invent'a'culture'(intheold
sense)forapeople.Anthropologistsplungeintosituationswhicharebeyondtheirinterpersonaland
practicalcompetence.Tocopewiththis,theyencouragethemselvesbythinkingthattheyaredealing
witha'thing'andtheycanlearnhowit'works'.Somepeopleinthehostsocietygaininsightintothe
anthropologist'sperspectiveoftenwhilsttryingtocontrolanddomesticateherorhimandforthe
firsttimeperceivetheirdailylifeasathingthatworksinpatternedways.Theanthropologistproceeds
asifwhatisbeingstudiedis'aculture'.Intheprocess,whatpeoplehadhithertoexperiencedasan
embeddedwayoflifebecomesobjectifiedandverbalizedinWagner'sterms,inventedas'culture'.
TerenceTurnerprovidesanexamplefromhisfieldworkamongtheKayapoinBrazil.Twentyfive
yearsago,hefound700ofthe800membersofonegrouphaddiedofdisease.Missionariesprovided
medicineinexchangefortheKayapo'sadoptingwesternclothes,buildingtheirvillagealongastreet,
andsuppressingtheirceremonials.Astateorganizationcontrolledtheirtradeandcommunicationwith
theoutside,andembezzledtheircashfromthenutcrop.TheKayapofeltdependentandinasituation
overwhichtheyhadnocontrol.
Turnersawhisroleasananthropologistas'uncoveringtheauthenticsocialandculturalsystem
beneaththecorrosiveunderlay'(1991:291).Hefoundhisauthenticcultureinthesurvivingsocialand
ceremonialritualswhich,tohim,reproducedKayapoassocialpersonsinamoraluniverse.The
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Kayapodidnotseeitlikethat:itwasjustthewaytheydidthings.Theydidnothaveaconcept
throughwhichtoobjectifyandlabeltheireverydaylifeasa'culture'.Hearguedthattheyneededsuch
aconcepttodealwiththeirsituation:togivethemanidentityanddistinguishthemselvesasa'culture'
onaparwithotherindigenouspeopleandvis<133>visthedominantnationalsocietyinaninter
ethnicstatesystem.
TurnersaysthattheKayapowerevisitedbymanyanthropologists25yearsagowhorespectfully
soughttolearnandrecordKayapo'culture'.Hesaysthatanthropologistswereinnocentofthepolitical
implicationsoftheirparticipantobservation.However,theKayaporealizedthatwhatmissionaries
andstateadministratorsusedasjustificationforsubordinationandexploitation,anothersetof
Westernersvaluedhighly.'Culture',whichhadseemedanimpediment,nowappearedasaresourceto
negotiatetheircoexistencewiththedominantsociety.
AfteraDisappearingWorlddocumentarywasmade,theKayaposoughtfurtherdocumentariessoas
toreachthesympatheticelementsinthewest.WhentheyarrangedtomeettheBraziliangovernment
toopposetheAltamiradam,theychoreographedthemselvesforthewesternmediainordertogain
supportofthewesternaudienceandaddpressureonthegovernment.Goneweretheshorts,Tshirts
andhaircutsthathadappeasedthemissionarieswithmen'sbarechests,bodyornamentandlongritual
dances,theKayapoperformedtheir'culture'asastrategyintheirincreasinglyconfidentoppositionto
thestate.
TheKayapowereexceptionalintheAmazonareainnotonlyobtainingfundingfortheirownvideo
camerasandtrainingfortheirfilmcrews,butalsoinsurvivinginsufficientnumbersandhavingthe
economicandphysicalstrengthtoresisttheiroppression.Turnersaysthatbythe1990stheKayapo
hadobtainedvideos,radios,pharmacies,vehicles,driversandmechanics,anaeroplanetopatroltheir
land,andeventheirownmissionaries.Supportedbymachineryhithertoassociatedwithdependency,
thesenowconsummateethnicpoliticianshadlearnttoobjectifytheireverydaylifeas'culture'(inthe
oldsense)anduseitasaresourceinnegotiationswithgovernmentandinternationalagencies.
Kayapopoliticiansseemtohavebeenfullyawareoftheconstructednessof'culture'.Theyseemto
havedealtwithcontestsamongthemselvesoverthepowertodefine.Theyexploitedthewaytheold
ideaof'culture'maskspowerdifferentialswithingroupsandtheyborrowedwesternfilmictropesof
realismandauthenticitywhichdeflectattentionfromquestionslikehowisauthorityconstructed,
whocontrolsthetechnology,whoholdsthecamera,whoisdepictedasactiveandwhoaspassiveand
marginal?(Moore,R.1994).Theypresentedthemselvesasahomogeneousandboundedgroup,'the
Kayapo',sosuccessfullythateventheanthropologist,whoshouldhavenoticedtheprocessbywhich
theycontestedandconstructedtheircommunal'authenticvoice',doesnotmentionit.
Theydefined'culture'forthemselvesandusedittosetthetermsoftheirrelationswiththe'outside
world'.Inahistoryspanningfortyyears,missionaries,governmentofficials,theKayapo,
anthropologists,internationalagenciesandnongovernmentagencieshadallcompetedforthepower
todefineakeyconcept,'culture'.Missionariesandgovernmentagenciesinitiallyhadusedtheconcept
todefineanentitythatcouldbeactedupon,producingdisempowermentanddependencyamongthe
Kayapo.TheKayapostrategytowrestcontrolofthisconceptfrommissionariesandgovernment
officialsandturnitagainstthemwaspartofastrugglenotjustforidentitybutforphysical,economic
andpoliticalsurvival.
Turnershowsthat'culture'canbeusedtoverydifferenteffect,dependingonwhoisdoingthe
defining.TheUNESCOReport,OurCreativeDiversity,seemstobeseekingthepositiveoutcomes
fromtheautonomousdefinitionofcultureevidentamongtheKayapo.Howeveritneglectstosee7
thattheflowsofcreativitythatitassociateswithvigorous'cultures'isaproductofcontinuous
assertionofthepowertodefineinapoliticalprocessinvolvinglocal,nationalandinternationalactors.
Thispoliticaldimensionofmeaningmaking,wellunderstoodbyKayapopoliticians,isadynamic
whichisabsentfromtheUNESCOreport.
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Conclusion
Ihavedistinguishedbetweentwosetsofideasaboutcultureinanthropology:anoldersetofideas
whichequates'aculture'with'apeople'whichcanbedelineatedwithaboundaryandachecklistof
characteristicsandnewmeaningsof'culture',asnota'thing'butapoliticalprocessofcontestation
overthepowertodefinekeyconcepts,includingthatof'culture'itself.Earlierthiscentury,
anthropologistsusedtheoldideasof'culture',theconstructionofanobjectiveclassificationofpeople,
asastrategyforappearingoutsideofpolitics.Nowanthropologistswhoadoptnewideasof'culture'
arecompelledtorecognizethatacademicdefinitionsof'culture'arethemselvespositionedand
politicalandthereforearesourceforanthropologistsandotherstouseinestablishingorchallenging
processesofdominationandmarginalization.
'Culture'inbothitsoldandnewsenseshasbeenintroducedintomanynewdomainsinthe1980sand
1990s,includingculturalracismandmulticulturalism,corporatecultureandcultureanddevelopment.
Sometimesanthropologistshavebeendirectlyinvolved,asinpreparingtheUNESCOreportor
filmingtheKayapo.Sometimespoliticiansormanagershaveappealedto'anthropologicalideasof
culture'forlegitimacy.Eitherway,anthropologistsareimplicatedinthepoliticizationof'culture'.
Inthepoliticalstrategiesexploredinthispaper,actorshavedeployed'culture'inanumberofdifferent
waysandwithdifferentmaterialeffects.BritishNewRightpoliticianshaveappropriatedthenewidea
of'culture',turneditintoaeuphemismforrace,andmobilizedittoreinforceexclusionand
marginalization.In'corporateculture',oldandnewideasof'culture'havebeenusedastoolsof
management,oftenslidingfromonetotheother,instrategiestoharnessworkers'activeparticipation
inaprocessofmeaningmakingwhichmanagersultimatelyreservethepowertodefineandcontrol.
TheKayapoprovideanexampleofindigenouspoliticiansassertingtheirowndefinitionof'culture'
andusingittosetthetermsoftheirrelationswiththeoutsideworld.Theywereconsciouslyusingold
ideasof'culture'withanappreciationofthepoliticsofitsconstruction.ThevoiceofKayapo
politicians,presentinganapparentlyconsensual'authenticculture'of'theKayapo',hassucceededin
beingheardinnationalandinternationalforums.TheUNESCOreportaspiredfor'cultures'intheold
sensetohavethecreativityanddynamismoftheKayapo.However,thereportdidnotconfrontthe
centralissueintheKayapocase:thattheywereengagedinastrugglewiththestateandinternational
agenciesoverthepowertodefine.Instead,boththeUNESCOreportandtheBritishNewRight's
culturalracismdeployadisembodiedvoice,'we',toauthorizeatopdowndefinitionof'culture'asifit
werecommonsenseor'natural'.Thisstrategy,liketheoldanthropologicalstrategyofobjectification,
triestomaskorerasethepoliticizationofculture.
ItisdisappointingthattheopportunityprovidedbytheUNESCOreport,foranthropologiststomake
animpactonthepoliticaluseof'culture'inwayswhichwouldbenefitthedisadvantagedand
marginalized,wasnotusedmoreeffectively.Ifweaimtoinfluencelocal,nationalandinternational
processesbywhichpeopleareimpoverishedanddisempowered,itbehovesustoreflectonourown
anthropologicalanalysesofhowpoliticians,policyadvisersanddecisionmakersaredeployingold
andnewideasof'culture'.Wemightlearnfromouranalysesofthepoliticalstrategiesofothershow
tointervenemoreeffectivelyourselvesinthepoliticizationof'culture'.Inthecontextofrecent
lamentsaboutanthropology'slossofauthorityanddiminishingrelevancetothestudyof
contemporaryculturalprocesses(dueinparttotheadvanceofculturalstudies,GDAT1996),such
reflectionmightalsohelprestoreamuchneededcriticaledgetothediscipline.

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