THE 911 COMMISSION AND THE

“MISSING” REDACTED 28 PAGES!!

THE STORY OF HISTORY’S MOST

IMPORTANT INVESTIGATION!!
ILLEGALLY BLOCKED FROM JUSTICE
AND LEGAL TASK COMPLETION!!
 EVIDENCE OF TREASON!! PHILLIP
ZELIKOW’S HIGH CRIMES AND
OBSTRUCTION OF JUSTICE!!

A QUICK NOTE PRIOR TO READING TIMELINED ARTICLES: Philip

Zelikow actually created the 911 Commission Report Outline and
Chapter Titles (ie “There Were Some Planes”) and Investigative
Team Names and Taskings (ie Saudi Connection Investigators) in
secrecy before the 911 Commission began to investigate anything
and before Zelikow even personally chose its investigators!! So, any
reference to any foreign country by name is completely his creation
and was done prior to the initiation of any formal 911 Commission
investigative process….ie The Saudi Connection Investigators Team
should not be taken to imply anything except what one Phillip
Zelikow wanted future investigators and report readers to frame
their perceptions through!! The depth and intricacies of his
deception are nothing short of well seasoned actions of a highly
trained specialist! An Excerpt From: “The Commission” By Philip
Shenon pages 388-389 (complete excerpt at end of this document)

By March 2003, with the commission’s staff barely in place the two
men had already prepared a detailed outline, complete with
“chapter headings, subheadings, and sub-subheadings.”

TIMELINED ARTICLES FOLLOW:

Context of 'April 2003: 9/11 Commission’s Zelikow Blocks Access to
Key Document by ‘Saudi Connection’ Investigators'

http://www.historycommons.org/context.jsp?
item=a0403zelikowblocksredacted&scale=1#a0403zelikowblocksredacted

April 2003: 9/11 Commission’s Zelikow Refuses to Approve Half of

Interview Requests for ‘Saudi Connection’ Investigators
Two investigators on the 9/11 Commission, Mike Jacobson and Dana Leseman,
compile a list of interviews they want to do to investigate leads indicating that two
of the 9/11 hijackers, Khalid Almihdhar and Nawaf Alhazmi, were linked to elements
of the Saudi government. The list is submitted to Philip Zelikow, the commission’s
executive director, for approval. However, a few days later Zelikow replies that the
twenty interviews requested is too much, and they can only do half the interviews.
Leseman, a former Justice Department lawyer, is unhappy with this, as it is
traditional to demand the widest range of documents and interviews early on, so
that reductions can be made later in negotiations if need be.

'We Need the Interviews' - Leseman tells Zelikow that his decision is “very
arbitrary” and “crazy,” adding: “Philip, this is ridiculous. We need the interviews. We
need these documents. Why are you trying to limit our investigation?” Zelikow says
that he does not want to overwhelm federal agencies with document and interview
requests at an early stage of the investigation, but, according to author Philip
Shenon, after this, “Zelikow was done explaining. He was not in the business of
negotiating with staff who worked for him.”

More Conflicts - This is the first of several conflicts between Zelikow and Leseman,
who, together with Jacobson, had been on the staff of the 9/11 Congressional
Inquiry and had researched this issue there. Shenon will write: “Leseman was that
rare thing on the commission: She was not afraid of Zelikow; she would not be
intimidated by him. In fact, from the moment she arrived at the commission’s
offices on K Street, she seemed to almost relish the daily combat with Zelikow, even
if she wondered aloud to her colleagues why there had to be any combat at all.”
[Shenon, 2008, pp. 109-111]

Later Fired, Evidence Deleted from Final Report - Zelikow will later fire Leseman
from the commission for mishandling classified information (see April 2003 and
(April 2003)) and will have the evidence of the Saudi connection gathered by
Jacobson and Leseman’s successor, Raj De, deleted from the main text of the
commission’s report (see June 2004).

April 2003: 9/11 Commission’s Zelikow Blocks Access to Key

Document by ‘Saudi Connection’ Investigators

9/11 Commission Executive Director Philip Zelikow prevents two investigators, Mike
Jacobson and Dana Leseman, from viewing a key document they need for their
work. Jacobson and Leseman are working on the ‘Saudi Connection’ section of the
commission’s investigation, researching leads that there may have been a link
between two of the 9/11 hijackers, Khalid Almihdhar and Nawaf Alhazmi, and
elements of the government of Saudi Arabia. Zelikow is also involved in another,
related dispute with Leseman at this time (see April 2003).
28 Pages - The classified document in question is part of the 9/11 Congressional
Inquiry, 28 pages that were redacted in the final report and concerned possible
Saudi government support for two of the 9/11 hijackers (see August 1-3, 2003). The
28 pages were actually written by Jacobson and are obviously relevant to his and
Leseman’s work at the 9/11 Commission, but Jacobson cannot remember every
detail of what he wrote.

Stalled - Leseman therefore asks Zelikow to get her a copy, but Zelikow fails to do
so for weeks, instead concluding a deal with the Justice Department that bans even
9/11 commissioners from some access to the Congressional Inquiry’s files (see
Before April 24, 2003). Leseman confronts Zelikow, demanding: “Philip, how are we
supposed to do our work if you won’t provide us with basic research material?”
Zelikow apparently does not answer, but storms away. [Shenon, 2008, pp. 110-112]

Leseman Later Fired - Leseman later obtains the document through a channel other
than Zelikow, and will be fired for this (see (April 2003)).

(April 2003): Zelikow Fires ‘Saudi Connection’ Investigator from

9/11 Commission in Dispute over 28 Redacted Pages from
Congressional Inquiry

9/11 Commission Executive Director Philip Zelikow fires one of the commission’s
investigators, Dana Leseman, with whom he has had a number of conflicts (see
April 2003). Leseman and a colleague were researching a possible link between two
of the 9/11 hijackers, Khalid Almihdhar and Nawaf Alhazmi, and elements of the
government of Saudi Arabia.

Blocked - The firing stems from a dispute over the handling of classified information.
Leseman asked Zelikow to provide her with a document she needed for her work,
28 redacted pages from the 9/11 Congressional Inquiry report she had helped
research herself, but Zelikow had failed to do so for some time (see April 2003 and
August 1-3, 2003). Leseman then obtained a copy of the report through a channel
other than Zelikow, which is a breach of the commission’s rules on handling
classified information. Some colleagues will later say that this is just a minor
infraction of the rules, as the document is relevant to Leseman’s work, she has the
security clearance to see it, and she keeps it in a safe in the commission’s offices.
However, she does not actually have authorisation to have the document at this
point.

'Zero-Tolerance Policy' - Zelikow will later say she violated the commission’s “zero-
tolerance policy on the handling of classified information,” and that she “committed
a set of very serious violations in the handling of the most highly classified
information.” Zelikow is supported by the commission’s lawyer Daniel Marcus, as
they are both worried that a scandal about the mishandling of classified information
could seriously damage the commission’s ability to obtain more classified
information, and will be used as a stick to beat the commission by its opponents.

Fired, Kept Secret - Zelikow is informed that Leseman has the document by a staffer
on one of the commission’s other teams who has also had a conflict with Leseman,
and fires her “only hours” after learning this. Luckily for the commission and
Leseman, no word of the firing reaches the investigation’s critics in Congress.
Author Philip Shenon will comment, “The fact that the news did not leak was proof
of how tightly Zelikow was able to control the flow of information on the
commission.”

'Do Not Cross Me' - Shenon will add: “To Leseman’s friends, it seemed that Zelikow
had accomplished all of his goals with her departure. He had gotten rid of the one
staff member who had emerged early on as his nemesis; he had managed to eject
her without attracting the attention of the press corps or the White House. And he
had found a way to send a message to the staff: ‘Do not cross me’.” [Shenon, 2008,
pp. 110-113] Zelikow will later be investigated for mishandling classified information
himself, but will apparently be exonerated (see Summer 2004).

Before April 24, 2003: 9/11 Commission Executive Director Zelikow

Cuts off Commissioners’ Access to Congressional Inquiry Files

9/11 Commission Executive Director Philip Zelikow strikes a deal with the Justice
Department to cut the 9/11 Commission’s access to files compiled by the 9/11
Congressional Inquiry (see July 24, 2003) until the White House is able to review
them. However, he keeps the agreement secret from the commissioners and, when
Commissioner Tim Roemer, who had actually sat on the Congressional Inquiry and
already seen the material, goes to Capitol Hill to read the files on April 24, he is
turned away. Roemer is furious and asks: “Why is our executive director making
secret deals with the Justice Department and the White House? He is supposed to
be working for us.” [Associated Press, 4/26/2003; Shenon, 2008, pp. 90] He adds,
“No entity, individual, or organization should sift through or filter our access to
material.” [Associated Press, 4/30/2003] Author Philip Shenon will comment,
“Roemer believed, correctly, that it was a sign of much larger struggles to come
with Zelikow.” [Shenon, 2008, pp. 90]

August 1-3, 2003: Leaks Hint at Saudi Involvement in 9/11

In the wake of the release of the 9/11 Congressional Inquiry’s full report,
anonymous officials leak some details from a controversial, completely censored
28-page section that focuses on possible Saudi support for 9/11. According to leaks
given to the New York Times, the section says that Omar al-Bayoumi and/or Osama
Basnan “had at least indirect links with two hijackers [who] were probably Saudi
intelligence agents and may have reported to Saudi government officials.” It also
says that Anwar Al Aulaqi “was a central figure in a support network that aided the
same two hijackers.” Most connections drawn in the report between the men, Saudi
intelligence, and 9/11 is said to be circumstantial. [New York Times, 8/2/2003] One
key section is said to read, “On the one hand, it is possible that these kinds of
connections could suggest, as indicated in a CIA memorandum, ‘incontrovertible
evidence that there is support for these terrorists… On the other hand, it is also
possible that further investigation of these allegations could reveal legitimate, and
innocent, explanations for these associations.’”(see August 2, 2002) Some of the
most sensitive information involves what US agencies are doing currently to
investigate Saudi business figures and organizations. [Associated Press, 8/2/2003]
According to the New Republic, the section outlines “connections between the
hijacking plot and the very top levels of the Saudi royal family.” An anonymous
official is quoted as saying, “There’s a lot more in the 28 pages than money.
Everyone’s chasing the charities. They should be chasing direct links to high levels
of the Saudi government. We’re not talking about rogue elements. We’re talking
about a coordinated network that reaches right from the hijackers to multiple places
in the Saudi government.… If the people in the administration trying to link Iraq to
al-Qaeda had one-one-thousandth of the stuff that the 28 pages has linking a
foreign government to al-Qaeda, they would have been in good shape.… If the 28
pages were to be made public, I have no question that the entire relationship with
Saudi Arabia would change overnight.” [New Republic, 8/1/2003] The section also is
critical that the issue of foreign government support remains unresolved. One
section reads, “In their testimony, neither CIA or FBI officials were able to address
definitely the extent of such support for the hijackers, globally or within the United
States, or the extent to which such support, if it exists, is knowing or inadvertent in
nature. This gap in intelligence community coverage is unacceptable.” [Boston
Globe, 8/3/2003]

THE FOLLOWING SNIP SHOWS JUST A QUICK SEARCH RESULT

LISTING OF ZELIKOWS FRAUD!!
THE FOLLOWING CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SHOWS THE QUASHING
OF AN AMENDMENT TO MAKE PUBLIC THE REDACTED 28 PAGES OF
THE JOINT INTELLIGENCE REPORT ON 911 (THESE PAGES EXISTENCE,
AND EVEN WHERE THEY MIGHT BE LOCATED IN THE FINAL REPORT,
IS IMPOSSSIBLE TO DERTIMINE DUE TO THE DECEPTIVE WAY THE
FINAL REPORT WAS PUBLISHED)…IF IN DOUBT SEE THE REPORT AS
EXCERPTED HERE:
Congressional Record: October 28, 2003 (Senate)

Page S13349-S13372

FOREIGN OPERATIONS, EXPORT FINANCING, AND RELATED PROGRAMS

APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2004--Continued

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Nevada.

Mr. REID. Mr. President, Senator Leahy asked that I fill in for him
for the next little bit. We have an amendment to offer. We have no one
here from the majority, but I am very confident there is no problem
with the Senator from North Dakota offering an amendment. I ask
unanimous consent that the pending amendment be set aside so the
Senator from North Dakota can offer his amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The Senator from North Dakota.

Amendment No. 1994

Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report.
The assistant clerk read as follows:

The Senator from North Dakota [Mr. Dorgan], for himself and
Mr. Schumer, proposes an amendment numbered 1994.

Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of

the amendment be dispensed with.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

[[Page S13350]]

The amendment is as follows:

(Purpose: To urge the President to release information regarding

sources of foreign support for the 9-11 hijackers)
 At the appropriate place, insert the following:
Sec. . Sense of the Senate on declassifying portions of
the Joint Inquiry into Intelligence Community Activities
Before and After the Terrorist Attacks of September 2001.
(a) Findings.--The Senate finds that--
(1) The President has prevented the release to the American
public of 28 pages of the Joint Inquiry into Intelligence
Community Activities Before and After the Terrorist Attacks
of September 2001.
(2) The contents of the redacted pages discuss sources of
foreign support for some of the September 11th hijackers
while they were in the United States.
(3) The Administration's decision to classify this
information prevents the American people from having access
to information about the involvement of certain foreign
governments in the terrorist attacks of September 2001.
(4) The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has requested that the
President release the 28 pages.
(5) The Senate respects the need to keep information
regarding intelligence sources and methods classified, but
the Senate also recognizes that such purposes can be
accomplished through careful selective redaction of specific
words and passages, rather than effacing the section's
contents entirely.
(b) Sense of the Senate.--It is the sense of the Senate
that in light of these findings the President should
declassify the 28-page section of the Joint Inquiry into
Intelligence Community Activities Before and After the
Terrorist Attacks of September 2001 that deals with foreign
sources of support for the 9-11 hijackers, and that only
those portions of the report that would directly compromise
ongoing investigations or reveal intelligence sources and
methods should remain classified.

Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, this amendment is a sense-of-the-Senate

amendment. I note there are other sense-of-the-Senate amendments in
this legislation. I will at the end of my statement ask consent that we
consider waiving points of order.
Let me describe what the amendment is and why I have offered the
amendment. I offer this amendment on behalf of myself and Senator
Schumer from New York.
The Congressional Joint Intelligence Committee inquiry into the
intelligence community activities before and after the terrorist
attacks of September 2001 finished its work. This past summer, when the
report was finally authorized for release by the administration, we
discovered that the report, which took 9 months to write and 7 months
to declassify, contained 28 pages that had been redacted by White House
lawyers.
I will quote a couple of people, one who is in the Chamber now. I
will quote Senator Shelby and Senator Graham, the chair and ranking
member of the Intelligence Committee while this inquiry was underway.
As I indicated, 28 pages of this report were redacted by White House
lawyers. That means the American public cannot see what was in that
report. We will have no knowledge and no information about what was
contained in that rather exhaustive report.
The Bush administration has refused to declassify these pages, citing
concern for intelligence-gathering "sources and methods." I don't
think that is an insignificant issue, by the way. I think intelligence
gathering and the sources and methods for doing so are important. But
it is also important, it seems to me, to ask the question, Should these
28 pages have been redacted? Should the 28 pages have been outside the
view of the American people, given the fact that this report was done
in order to evaluate what happened leading up to 2001, what was
happening with respect to our intelligence community, what was
happening with respect to other countries?
There has been a great deal of speculation about Saudi Arabia. It is
assumed that somehow in these pages there is discussion about the
Saudis. The Saudi Government is implicated by some because 15 of the 19
hijackers were from Saudi Arabia. Even the leaders of the Saudi
Government, who some have said are the object of the redacted pages,
want it declassified. They are angry and embarrassed at being singled
out and want to defend themselves, and therefore they want this
declassified.
How much of the 28 pages could be declassified? Senators Graham and
Shelby, the former chair and cochair of the Intelligence Committee who
directed the report are quoted saying the following: "I think they are
classified for the wrong reason," the former vice chairman of the
Senate Intelligence Committee told NBC's "Meet the Press." "I went
back and read every one of those pages thoroughly. My judgment is 95
percent of that information should be declassified and become
uncensored so the American people would know." Asked why the section
was blacked out, Shelby said: "I think it might be embarrassing to
international relations."
Senator Bob Graham of Florida, who was the chairman of the committee
investigating this, also called for declassification. He said releasing
the report would permit "the Saudi Government to deal with any
questions which may be raised in the currently censored pages and allow
the American people to make their own judgment about who are our true
friends and allies in the war on terrorism." Senator Graham made that
request in a letter to President Bush.
This is a very important issue and it has gone on for months and
months and months. This report was developed after an extensive amount
of study and investigation. The report was then published after being
edited by the Bush administration and the White House. And a rather
substantial portion of that report--most speculate dealing with the
Saudis--was censored, classified, or redacted. That is, the American
people are not permitted to see that which is included in the report on
those 28 pages.
Again, the chairman and vice chairman of the committee that led or
that directed the preparation of this report say most of that
information of the 28 pages should be declassified, implying, I
believe, since they are not quoted directly, that declassifying that
would not compromise sources and methods and not compromise our
intelligence community.
My hope is that the Senate, with a sense-of-the-Senate resolution,
will weigh in on this in a very significant way and say to the
administration these 28 pages should be made available.
Now, in the sense-of-the-Senate resolution, I point out that it is
the sense of the Senate that in light of the findings--and I have a
series of findings--the President should declassify the 28-page section
of the joint inquiry into intelligence community activities before and
after the terrorist attacks of 2001 that deal with the foreign sources
of support for the 9/11 hijackers and that only those portions of the
report that would directly compromise ongoing investigations or reveal
intelligence sources or methods should remain classified.
In point of fact, those whose expert opinions I respect have said
they have read the redacted or the censored or classified portions very
carefully and believe most of it should not have been classified; most
of it should have been made available to the American people. If that
is the case, and if the Saudi Government itself has said this
information ought to be declassified, let us deal with it on the public
record. Then I believe the American people ought to expect a right to
see this information.
My hope is we will have a vote on this amendment, a sense-of-the-
Senate amendment that will allow the Senate in this forum to send a
message to the President and to the White House that we believe the
bulk of this 28-page redaction should be made available to the American
people posthaste.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Florida.
Mr. GRAHAM of Florida. Mr. President, I commend my colleague, the
Senator from North Dakota, for having offered this sense of the Senate.
The sense of the Senate has an additional significance as we face some
fundamental issues in the closing days of this session.
First, I will talk about the base concerns. As the Senator from North
Dakota said, the principal purpose of the joint inquiry was to
determine what had been the role of the intelligence community in the
events leading up to September 11. In many instances in the course of
that pursuit, the committee staff came to unearth FBI reports, CIA
reports, and other intelligence community reports. We were not in a
position, either in terms of our staff capabilities or our
jurisdiction, to then go behind those reports to attempt to validate
them. These were reports written by

[[Page S13351]]

agents of these appropriate intelligence agencies, but we could not,

from primary sources, validate them. The FBI, primarily--and some other
intelligence agencies, as well--were tasked to do exactly that, to find
out if their own documents in many cases could be substantiated.
 Those requests were made approximately a year ago. Still, today, many
of those requests have not been answered. The administration has said,
either directly or in some cases through intermediaries, that our
report is deficient in that there is not second- and third-party
confirmation of the statements we include. We included exactly what the
FBI or CIA or other agencies had written. We asked the appropriate
agencies, primarily FBI, to pursue these to determine if they were
substantiated, and in many instances that has not occurred.
There is also an issue not of micro but of macro importance: This
report makes a very compelling case, based on the information submitted
by the agencies themselves, that there was a foreign government which
was complicitous in the actions leading up to September 11, at least as
it relates to some of the terrorists who were present in one part of
the United States.
There are two big questions yet to be answered. Why would this
government have provided the level of assistance--financial,
logistical, housing, support service--to some of the terrorists and not
to all of the terrorists? We asked that question. There has been no
response.
My own hypothesis--and I will describe it as that--is that in fact
similar assistance was being provided to all or at least most of the
terrorists. The difference is that we happened, because of a set of
circumstances which are contained in these 28 censored pages, to have
an unusual window on a few of the terrorists. We did not have a similar
window on others. Therefore, it will take more effort to determine if
they were, in fact, receiving that assistance. That effort has, in my
judgment, been grossly insufficiently pursued.
An even more serious question is what would lead us to believe that
if there was this infrastructure of a foreign government supporting
some of the 19 terrorists, that as soon as September 11 concluded, as
soon as the last flames were put out at the Pentagon, the World Trade
Center and on the field in Pennsylvania, all that infrastructure was
immediately taken down? Again, this is my hypothesis: I don't believe
it was taken down. I believe that infrastructure is likely to still be
in place assisting the next generation of terrorists who are in the
United States.
Those are very fundamental questions, and if the public had access to
these 28 pages, they would be demanding answers.
As I mentioned in the beginning of my remarks, there is another issue
which is going to emerge in the next few days. We had a long debate in
this Chamber on the supplemental appropriations bill, the bill
providing $87 billion for the reconstruction and occupation of Iraq. We
had a long debate as to whether some of that reconstruction money
should be in the form of loans rather than, as the President has
insisted, all of it being in grants.
What is one of the practical effects of making all of the U.S. money
which will go into the reconstruction of Iraq a grant? The answer to
that question is that one of the consequences, ironically, will be that
we will make all of the countries which currently have loans to Iraq
that much more solvent because we will have, without any request for
repayment, made a significant investment in enhancing the economic
viability of Iraq and, therefore, the ability of whatever government is
placed in ultimate control of Iraq more capable of repaying those
loans.
There is a further irony that some of those countries, which are
disclosed in the 28 censored pages as having been complicitous with the
terrorists, are among the list of those creditors of Iraq that are
going to get this indirect economic benefit. I believe the Members of
Congress, who are going to be called upon to vote on whether we should
grant this indirect benefit to a country that has been less than
supportive of our Nation's war on terror, ought to know that before we
vote and then find out later the full consequences of what we have
done.
So there was an issue as to why these 28 pages should have been
released when the report was initially completed in December of 2002.
Those issues remain today. And there is the additional issue of whether
we are going to inadvertently grant a significant financial benefit to
a country that has been to say less than our ally in the war on terror
would be a gross understatement.
I commend the Senator from North Dakota for having offered this sense
of the Senate. It is a very important issue. I hope this Senate will
adopt the sense of the Senate. If not, if the President continues to
refuse to allow the American people to have access to this information,
then I hope the Congress will be willing to use some of the authorities
that it has to declassify information. Because the higher interest is
not in placating this administration's unwillingness to be forthcoming
on the issue. The higher interest in this democracy is that the people
have access to relevant information which is not an issue of national
security but which is a significant issue in terms of understanding the
consequences of decisions that we have and will soon be making.
I urge adoption of the sense of the Senate and again express my
admiration to the Senator from North Dakota for having presented it
this afternoon.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from North Dakota.
Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, let me make a few additional comments. My
colleague from Florida is in a very unique position. Having worked with
his colleague from Alabama, Senator Graham and Senator Shelby provided
a great public service as they initiated this inquiry.
The inquiry, as described by my colleague in part, is an evaluation
of whether there were other governments that participated in supporting
groups of terrorists who committed acts of terror against this country.
The answer to that question is very important. My colleague indicates
that if such a program were in place or had been in place by another
government to support groups of terrorists, what leads us to believe
that parts of that program are not continuing to still operate and,
therefore, continue to threaten our country?
The very important question with this sense-of-the-Senate resolution
is: Should we not have the ability to know, should full disclosure not
be the routine rather than the exception? Should the 28 pages that have
been withheld from the American people be made available to them so we
all are able to evaluate exactly the same set of information?
My conclusion is, yes, absolutely. It ought to be done sooner rather
than later.
I have been intending to offer two amendments to this appropriations
bill. One dealt with this sense of the Senate which I have just
offered. The second dealt with a sense of the Senate with respect to
the cooperation that is now being received or lack of cooperation by
the 9/11 Commission, the other commission that is headed by former
Governor Kean that is looking into 9/11 and the relationship of a
series of issues, both prior to 9/11 and following, by our intelligence
community and others.
One of my great concerns is reading in the newspapers just in recent
days about the 9/11 Commission. This is a blue-ribbon commission. One
of our former colleagues, Senator Cleland, is on the Commission. It is
a commission that has to finish its work by May of next year. It has a
relatively short timeframe. Now we hear that they have had to issue a
subpoena to one of the Federal agencies to get them to cooperate giving
information to them. There were other stories yesterday and the day
before. They are concerned about not getting information from the White
House.
We are not going to be satisfied until we have everything we need to
do our job. Governor Kean says--he is a former Republican Governor from
New Jersey--this is not about politics. It is about a blue-ribbon
commission having access to all of the information so it can do its
job.
I find it unbelievable that any agency or crevice or any corner of
this Government would not open its records and provide full and
immediate cooperation with the 9/11 Commission. That is the least we
should expect of every single

[[Page S13352]]

agency. They have had to subpoena information from the FAA and yet they
are not getting information from the White House that they are
requesting. Kean said in an interview that he will resume negotiations
with the White House this week and hopes to reach a resolution one way
or the other on documents the panel is seeking. The Commission has the
power to issue subpoenas and Kean says he does not rule out sending one
to the White House.
Why should we read this in the papers? I don't understand it. There
ought not be any agency, including the White House, that does not fully
cooperate in every respect immediately with the request for information
from this 9/11 Commission.
We have had two studies, one initiated by the Senate Intelligence
Committee. That is the one that was the focus of my first amendment.
The second was to have been the focus of the second amendment. Both
were sense of the Senate--first, to declassify the information so that
the American people will be able to see what was there. Don't censor
this material; give the American people information. The second is to
say to all Federal agencies, cooperate with the 9/11 Commission fully,
completely, and immediately.
Now, my understanding is, having consulted with the majority, they
will raise a point of order against the amendment I have offered just
moments ago because it is "legislating on an appropriations bill." My
second amendment would be the same. They would make a point of order
against them, and the point of order would stand, I expect. So when
such a point of order is made, I will regret it. I understand those are
the rules of the Senate. But on the very next piece of legislation that
comes to the floor--and I believe one is coming later this week that is
an amendable vehicle and is a nonappropriations bill--we will vote on
both of these sense-of-the-Senate amendments.
I might also say that while a point of order will be raised on these,
there are sense-of-the-Senate provisions, I believe, in the underlying
bill, or sense-of-the-Senate provisions to be added to it. I will not
raise similar points of order. My hope is that all Senators will join
me in understanding that this is not partisan or political, it is about
this country's interests--our interests in preventing future acts of
terrorism, our interests in finding out what happened, what went wrong,
and how we can improve the intelligence-gathering system in this
country. Who did what? Were foreign governments involved? If so, which
ones and to what extent? These questions need to be answered. Both of
my resolutions are designed to do one thing--provide more information
to the American people, No. 1; No. 2, to ask every corner of our
Government in every official working of this Government to decide that
they will completely, cooperatively, and immediately work with the 9/11
Commission to provide the requested information.
We ought not to have to come to the Senate floor to ask why the White
House, the FAA, or this or that agency has not already fully cooperated
with the 9/11 Commission. It is in this country's interest to see that
happen.
Mr. President, I ask for consideration of my amendment.
Mr. McCONNELL. Was consent requested, Mr. President? I am sorry, I
didn't hear.
Mr. DORGAN. I asked for consideration of my amendment. I ask
unanimous consent that we waive points of order and have my amendment
be considered.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objection is heard.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, in accordance with the precedent of May
17, 2000, I raise a point of order that the amendment is not germane.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The point of order is sustained. The amendment
falls.
Mr. McCONNELL. Thank you, Mr. President.
The following are excerpts from pages 388-389 of Philip Shenon's latest
book, "The Commission":

http://www.911blogger.com/node/17904

After he was approached by Kean and Hamilton in January 2003 about running the
investigation, Zelikow immediately telephoned May to discuss whether he should
take the job. May was at home in Cambridge, Massachussetts, not far from his office
on the Harvard campus, and he remembered that the call lasted more than an hour,
with two men agreeing that it was an extraordinary opportunity to try to produce a
"professional-quality narrative history" of a watershed moment in American history,
"on par at least with Pearl Harbor."

After Pearl Harbor, both men knew, there had been no similar effort to explain the
disaster to the public. There was an effort at accountability in the Pearl Harbor
investigations--the navy's fleet commander in the Pacific and his army counterpart
were both relieved of their commands in disgrace--but there had been no effort to
put the 1941 attacks in historical context and explain the forces that had led the
Japanese to launch a surprise attack and why the military had left itself so
vulnerable. As a historian, it was exciting, May remembered, to think of producing a
report that would remain the reference volume on the September 11 attacks and
that would be "sitting on the shelves of high school and college teachers a
generation hence."

Zelikow initially wanted May's advice on how the final report should be structured,
and they went to work, secretly, to prepare an outline. May was given a desk in
Zelikow's office on K Street in Washington, which he used on his occasional visits
from Harvard. By March 2003, with the commission's staff barely in place the two
men had already prepared a detailed outline, complete with "chapter headings,
subheadings, and sub-subheadings."

He and May proposed a sixteen-chapter report that would open with a history of al-
Qaeda, beginning with bin Laden's fatwa against the United States in 1998. That
would lead to chapters about the history of American counterterrorism policy. The
White House response to the flood of terrorist threats in the spring and summer of
2001 were left to the sixth chapter; the events of September 11 were left to the
seventh chapters. Zelikow and May proposed that the tenth chapter he entitled
"Problems of Foresight--And Hindsight," with a subchapter on "the blinding effects
of hindsight."
Zelikow shared the document with Kean and Hamilton, who were impressed by their
executive director's early diligence but worried that the outline would be seen as
evidence that they--and Zelikow--had predetermined the report's outcome. It should
be kept secret from the rest of the staff, they all decided. May said that he and
Zelikow agreed that the outline should be "treated as if it were the most classified
document the commission possessed" Zelikow came up with his own internal
classification system for the outline. He labeled it "Commission Sensitive," putting
those words at the top and bottom of each page.

Kean and Hamilton were right to be wary. When it was later disclosed that Zelikow
had prepared a detailed outline of the commission's final report at the very start of
the investigation, many of the staff's investigators were alarmed. They were finally
given copies of the outline in April 2004. They saw that Zelikow was proposing that
the findings about the Bush Administration's actions before 9/11 would be pushed
to the middle of the report, which meant that readers would have to go searching
for them past long chapters of al-Qaeda history. Many assumed the worst when
they saw that Zelikow had proposed a portion of the report entitled "The Blinding
Effects of Hindsight." What "blinding hindsight"? They assumed Zelikow was trying
to dismiss the value of hindsight regarding the Bush administration's pre-9/11
performance. A few staffers began circulating a two-page parody of Zelikow's effort
entitled "The Warren Commission Report--Preemptive Outline." The parody's
authorship was never determined conclusively. The chapter headings included
"Single Bullet: We Haven't Seen The Evidence Yet. But Really. We're Sure."
ADDITIONAL ARTICLES ON ZELIKOW…

Report on a Conversation with Philip Zelikow

by Thomas Hansen, Ph.D.

Tuesday, Jun 7, 2005

Link to Original
It is nearly a year since the 9/11 Commission report was finished and the investigation of
the events of 9/11 officially came to a close. But unofficially, many Americans have
unanswered questions, and at least some of this hesitancy to close the book on 9/11 is
because of the long-standing connection between the Bush Administration and the man who
was the Executive Director of the 9/11 Commission, Dr. Philip Zelikow.

In a new book by Professor Emeritus David Ray Griffin of the Claremont School of Theology
(The 9/11 Commission Report: Omissions and Distortions, Olive Branch Press, 2005), the
case is made that the staff of the 9/11 Commission acted as gatekeepers who followed the
official explanation of events of 9/11, rather than acting as true independent investigators.
Griffin gives detailed and abundant evidence that he feels shows Philip Zelikow and his staff
did not thoroughly investigate information that was contrary to what the Bush
Administration had already accepted as the facts of 9/11.

Last fall I had a conversation with Zelikow, which I feel supports the ideas and evidence of
Professor Griffin’s book. But before I go into what Dr. Zelikow told me in person, let us look
at the facts of Zelikow’s association with members of the Bush Administration over the past
15 years. The reason I present this “bio” of Dr. Zelikow is that, while we expect any person
might receive a job offer based on whom they have worked with and have known in the
past, this was not an ordinary job. This job was to oversee the official investigation of a
most serious and consequential crime, and it occurred under the watch of President Bush’s
Administration. Dr. Philip Zelikow, despite his fine record of integrity and scholarship, was
clearly not independent from the Bush Administration. And since Bush, Cheney and Rice
were three of the witnesses who testified before the Commission, their relationship with
Zelikow is relevant.

Dr. Zelikow was on the National Security Council of President George H.W. Bush in the
1980s, working as an aide to National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft. Condoleeza Rice
was also an aide, working with Zelikow. In 1997, Zelikow and Rice co-authored a book. Also
in the 1990s, Zelikow directed the Aspen Strategy Group, which included Rice, Scowcroft,
Dick Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz and others. Then after President George W. Bush was elected
in 2000, Zelikow was appointed to the National Security Council transition team to provide
recommendations to Rice as she accepted the position of National Security Advisor to Bush.
Shortly after 9/11, Zelikow was appointed to President Bush’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory
Board. In 2003, he was appointed Executive Director of the 9/11 Commission, and took a
leave from his position as Director of the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of
Virginia.
After the 9/11 Commission Report was finished in July 2004, and the Commission was
dissolved, Zelikow returned to his previous Miller Center position for a few months. Recently
he left the Miller Center job completely and became Counselor of the Department of State,
as announced by new Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice on February 25, 2005. To quote
Rice in the U.S. State Department press release of that day, “Philip and I have worked
together for years, and I value his counsel and expertise. I appreciate his willingness to take
on this assignment.” To quote the State Department press release, “Though the position has
been vacant since 2001, the office of the Counselor is not new, having been part of the
Department’s organization since 1909. The Counselor is a principal officer of the
Department. As Counselor, Dr. Zelikow will serve as a senior policy advisor on a wide range
of issues and will undertake special assignments as directed by the Secretary.”

So we see from these facts that Philip Zelikow’s work with members of the Bush
Administration preceded his 9/11 Commission work for 15 years, and it has now resumed
again, fulltime. Apparently, we are supposed to assume that during 2003-2004, when he
was Executive Director of the 9/11 Commission, he was NOT “associated with” members of
the Bush Administration as he had been before, and is again now. He was somehow able to
distance himself from his past relationship with them, oversee the interviews of many
witnesses, thoroughly investigate all of the evidence, and supervise the writing of the final
9/11 Commission Report without being influenced by his past association with them. And
now he has been able to re-associate with them in good stead and be re-hired by the Bush
Administration fulltime in an important position.

Dr. Zelikow gave a lecture at the Miller Center at UVA on September 10, 2004, titled, “The
Road to 9/11,” and another on October 14, titled, “The Road From 9/11.” I attended the
second of the two lectures and had an opportunity afterwards to have a conversation with
him for several minutes. Among other things, I asked him why the Commission did not
report more evidence that would answer the specific conspiracy concerns and questions that
have been circulating regarding 9/11. I asked him why the Commission would let these
concerns go unanswered and cause unnecessary doubt and dissent in the country.

I pointed out to Dr. Zelikow that one of many reasons this conspiracy talk about 9/11
continues is that there have been no photos released of the Boeing 757 wreckage inside the
Pentagon, or outside either, as we normally see after a civilian plane crash. I asked if he has
seen photos that show the wreckage of the 757. He said, yes, they have photos, and that
he has seen them, and he also said that there are eyewitness reports from a dozen or so
rescue workers at the Pentagon who confirm seeing those airplane parts in the wreckage.
Well, I asked, can I or some other ordinary person see these photos? He said no. I asked if I
could see the rescue worker’s statements, and he said no. I told him I had seen photos of
the exterior Pentagon wall before it collapsed, and the hole where the plane entered
appeared to be only about 20 feet in diameter, with unbroken window frames on either side
of it where the wings and engines would have hit. This hole was much too small for a 757 to
enter, and no wreckage of the plane is shown on the ground outside. He said those photos
might have been “adjusted” in scale by someone to give the wrong impression. I asked if I
or anyone else could see the National Transportation Safety Board report about the crash,
or even about the 757 being picked up by radar as it approached Washington, and he said
no. He said that the air traffic controllers at Dulles saw on their radar that a plane was
approaching, without its transponder turned on, but they could not identify it just by radar.
It was not one scheduled to come into Dulles, so they assumed it was landing at Reagan
National, and when it dropped off their radar at the Pentagon they knew something was
wrong. This was 35 minutes after the second World Trade Center Tower had been hit. I told
him this explanation defied reason, but he said it is proven in the NTSB Report, which I
can’t see.

I told Dr. Zelikow that this secrecy of the 9/11 Commission is still fueling conspiracy
theories and distrust throughout the country and around the world. Then I asked him why
he and the Commission and the staff don’t simply release photos and other information to
the public so that we can rest assured that the Commission has fully investigated and
answered these and other persistent questions. His answer was that the staff, including
himself of course as Executive Director, made a conscious decision not to dignify these
“outrageous conspiracy theories” by investigating them or reporting on them. In my
opinion, this statement by Dr. Zelikow lends credence to Professor Griffin’s charge that
Zelikow’s staff acted as a filter of what would be investigated and reported. Dr. Zelikow then
told me he could see my point about the public wanting to know more, and he said he would
go back to the Commission staff and re-visit the question of what to release. We’re still
waiting.

Americans are concerned about the unanswered questions of 9/11. The reputable polling
firm, Zogby International, conducted a poll of State of New York citizens in August 2004.
Results showed that 49.3% of New York City residents and 41% of New York citizens overall
said that some of our leaders “Knew in advance that attacks were planned on or around
September 11, 2001, and that they consciously failed to act.” Nearly 30% of registered
Republicans agreed with this statement, despite the serious legal and political implications.
Only 36% of the total respondents believed that the 9/11 Commission had “answered all the
important questions about what actually happened on September 11th,” and 66% want
another full investigation of the “still unanswered questions.”

CSPAN2 recently broadcast, and rebroadcast, the speech Professor Griffin gave about his
book to a standing-room-only crowd at the University of Wisconsin. People are paying
attention and learning and speaking up. As the 9/11 Commission Report approaches its 1-
year anniversary, many Americans are not celebrating, nor are they letting it all just fade
away. We pay the salaries of those who have made conscious decisions to investigate and
report only what fits their own version of 9/11 events, and their own vision of what the
world should be like for them. It seems that “we the people” are considered by some
officials to be just bystanders, without the right to see the evidence that our leaders have
seen, and to decide for ourselves what is true. The Bush Administration has demonstrated a
pervasive pattern of secrecy, deception, and arrogance, not just related to the 9/11
investigation. They have left the rest of us in the dark, but we can see well enough to fear
that the Emperor has no clothes.

The truth about Zelikow and the Sept. 11 cover-up

commission
by Carol Brouillet
Stanford Daily
Wednesday, Oct 20, 2004
Link to Original
Philip Zelikow will speak at Kresge Auditorium, today, from 4:15 to 5:30 p.m. We plan to
protest the Sept. 11 cover-up and to raise questions about his role as executive director of
the 9-11 Commission and the Commission’s report.
Zelikow, a national security adviser to both Bush administrations and a principal author of
the official 9-11 Commission Report, was part of Bush’s transition team for the National
Security Council after the 2000 election. He was appointed to the President’s Foreign
Intelligence Advisory Board a month after the Sept. 11 2001 attacks.

The Family Steering Committee called for his resignation because of his obvious conflicts of
interests.

While Sept. 11 has been used to invade Afghanistan and Iraq, shred the Constitution and
Bill of Rights, construct a global police state, enrich weapons manufacturers and seize oil
assets, there have been no convictions in any courts of law supporting the government
conspiracy theory, particularly the Saddam Hussein / Al Qaeda link.

The 9-11 Commission failed to mention or address the multiple war games / exercises that
were being conducted that day, out of the White House. As many as five war game drills
were in process, some involving hijacked airliners, a plane crashing into a building, some
involving false blips deliberately inserted onto FAA and military radar screens.

One exercise pulled significant fighter resources away from the Northeastern United States
on Sept. 11.

These exercises involved North American Air Defense Command, the Federal Aviation
Administration, the Canadian Air Force, the CIA and the National Reconnaissance Office.

Coincidentally, in New York City, massive preparations were underway for a biochemical
attack drill involving FEMA, the Mayor’s Office of Emergency Management, the FBI, the U.S.
Department of Justice, Weill Medical College, the N.Y. Deptartment of Health, the N.Y. Fire
Department, the N.Y. Police Department, the American Red Cross and the Port Authority.

The Secret Service and Cheney’s overseeing role during the events of Sept. 11 were
overlooked. This was documented in Michael Ruppert’s new book “Crossing the Rubicon –
The Decline of the American Empire at the End of the Age of Oil.”

The Commissioners and Zelikow had deep conflicts of interest and many reasons to cover
up the truth about Sept. 11.

They are now engaged in a public relations effort to sell the official narrative and the war on
terrorism. Both the official inquiry and the Commission’s parameters were to support the
official story and justify the creation of Homeland Security Department.

The Stanford Institute for International Studies is sponsoring Zelikow’s talk, but the
Department of Homeland Security has awarded a 15-month $1.65-million contract to CISAC
and the Stanford Institute for International Studies to conduct research on how national and
local agencies improve the design and evaluation of future terrorist exercises of national and
local response systems.

The DHS research contract resulted from CISAC’s observation of last year’s spring State
Department-DHS-sponsored, full-scale exercise called TOPOFF2, designed to prepare
national, state and local officials to respond to potential terrorist attacks within the United
States.

The United States has a long history of training terrorists and launching covert operations
throughout the world.
Terrorism allows states to declare emergencies, label all opposition as terrorists and reduce
civil rights.

Carol Brouillet is an organizer for the International Inquiry into 9-11, a group that is
responsible for exposing information about Sept. 11.

WATERSHED

Catastrophic Terrorism: Tackling the New Danger

Ashton B. Carter, John Deutch, and Philip Zelikow
From Foreign Affairs, November/December 1998

Article preview: first 500 of 4,428 words total.

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chemical, or biological weapons catastrophe. With the right approach and organization, however, theCont
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before. More ominously, terrorists may gain access to weapons of mass destruction, including
nuclear devices, germ dispensers, poison gas weapons, and even computer viruses. Also new is the
world's dependence on a nearly invisible and fragile network for distributing energy and
information. Long part of the Hollywood and Tom Clancy repertory of nightmarish scenarios,
catastrophic terrorism has moved from far-fetched horror to a contingency that could happen next
month. Although the United States still takes conventional terrorism seriously, as demonstrated by
the response to the attacks on its embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in August, it is not yet prepared
for the new threat of catastrophic terrorism.
American military superiority on the conventional battlefield pushes its adversaries toward
unconventional alternatives. The United States has already destroyed one facility in Sudan in its
attempt to target chemical weapons. Russia, storehouse of tens of thousands of weapons and
material to make tens of thousands more, may be descending into turmoil. Meanwhile, the
combination of new technology and lethal force has made biological weapons at least as deadly as
chemical and nuclear alternatives. Technology is more accessible, and society is more vulnerable.
Elaborate international networks have developed among organized criminals, drug traffickers, arms
dealers, and money launderers, creating an infrastructure for catastrophic terrorism around the
world.
The bombings in East Africa killed hundreds. A successful attack with weapons of mass destruction
could certainly take thousands, or tens of thousands, of lives. If the device that exploded in 1993
under the World Trade Center had been nuclear, or had effectively dispersed a deadly pathogen, the
resulting horror and chaos would have exceeded our ability to describe it. Such an act of
catastrophic terrorism would be a watershed event in
American history. It could involve loss of life and property
unprecedented in peacetime and undermine America's
fundamental sense of security, as did the Soviet atomic bomb
test in 1949. Like Pearl Harbor, this event would divide our past
and future into a before and after. The United States might
respond with draconian measures, scaling back civil liberties,
allowing wider surveillance of citizens, detention of suspects,
and use of deadly force. More violence could follow, either
further terrorist attacks or U.S. counterattacks. Belatedly, Americans
would judge their leaders negligent for not addressing terrorism more urgently.
The danger of weapons of mass destruction being used against America and its allies is greater now
than at any time since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. It is a national security problem that deserves
the kind of attention the Defense Department devotes to threats of military nuclear attack or regional
aggression. The first obstacle to imagination is resignation. The prospects may seem so dreadful that
some officials despair of doing anything useful. Some are fatalistic, as if contemplating the possibility
of a supernova. Many thinkers reacted the same ...
End of preview: first 500 of 4,428 words total.

The Zelikow Plan

"The Bush administration is deliberating whether to abandon U.S. reconciliation efforts with
Sunni insurgents and instead give priority to Shiites and Kurds, who won elections and now
dominate the government, according to U.S. officials." Wright
--------------------------------------------------------------------
The WAPO correctly "paired" these two articles on its website. They are examples of the closely
integrated fabric of goofiness that characterizes the administration's policy in the Middle East.
The Zellikow notion of "sponsoring" Shia and Kurdish subjugation of the Sunni Arabs is
breathtaking. It is so grotesque that it is virtually certain to be the policy choice of the moment.
Is this the Bush/Maliki deal? The idea seems to be that we would concentrate on arming the
already mostly Shia army and police while participating with them in an attempt to completely
subjugate the Sunni Arabs.
1- This proves that the neocons are still in charge of this administration's policy. An effort to
hand Iraq over to the Shia lay at the heart of neocon ambitions in Iraq. Evidently, it still does.
2- Does the Zellikow plan take into account what the reaction of the Sunni countries will be to an
American/Shia alliance against their co-religionists? Obeid, the Saudi government adviser,
warned last week in the WAPO that if the United States abandoned Iraq's Sunnis, then the Sunni
countries would feel it necessary to increase assistance to the Sunni Arabs of Iraq (read
insurgents). Gasoline on the fire, that is what the Zellikow plan amount to.
Answer me this: Why is it that Shia "opposition" in Lebanon is a bad thing but the Shia
government in Iraq is a good thing. Why is that? pl
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/11/30/AR2006113001710.html
"The official purpose of the third annual session of the U.S.-backed Forum for the Future was to
promote democracy around the world. But there were no plans for a joint statement on universal
freedoms, since efforts to compose such a missive at last year's forum meeting dissolved into
bickering." Kessler
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Let's see how this was supposed to "go down." First we get the governments to the meeting, then
we get them to sign some sort of "universal" declaration on human rights, then in a year or so we
declare them to be in "violation" of their own undertakings about "democracy," and therefore
rightly subject to sanctions or worse as "law breakers" of some sort.
Does this sound familiar? pl
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/12/01/AR2006120100384.html

"The Creation and Maintenance of Public Myths" (Who is

Philip Zelikow?)
He was. of course, co-author of a book with 'Condi' Rice; and, five years later,
(despite the vehement protests of the bereaved families) executive director of the
9-11 Commission.
But there's more to him than that. Another of his literary collaborators was a former
CIA chief, and their article, published in 1998, was just as remarkably prescient as
the PNAC team's premonition of a New Pearl Harbor.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------
- From an article by Mike Whitney, in the Online Journal, Oct 25, 2006:

"Stealing the midterm elections and the power of myth"

[...] In researching the Bush administration’s manipulation of public perceptions, I came across
an interesting summary of the State Department’s Philip Zelikow, who was executive director of
the 9-11 Commission, that greatest of all charades.

According to Wikipedia:

“Prof. Zelikow’s area of academic expertise is the creation and maintenance of, in
his words, ‘public myths’ or ‘public presumptions’ which he defines as ‘beliefs (1)
thought to be true (although not necessarily known with certainty) and (2) shared
in common within the relevant political community.’ In his academic work and
elsewhere he has taken a special interest in what he has called ‘searing’ or
‘molding’ events (that) take on 'transcendent’ importance and therefore retain
their power even as the experiencing generation passes from the scene. . . . He has
noted that ‘a history’s narrative power is typically linked to how readers relate to
the actions of individuals in the history; if readers cannot make the connection to
their own lives, then a history may fail to engage them at all.”

(“Thinking about Political History”, Miller Center Report, Winter 1999, pp. 5-7)

Isn’t that the same as saying there is neither history nor truth; that what is really important is
the manipulation of epochal events so they serve the interests of society’s managers? Thus, it
follows that if the government can create their own “galvanizing events,” then they can write
history any way they choose.
If that’s the case, then perhaps the entire war on terror is cut from whole cloth; a garish public
relations maneuver devoid of meaning.

Wikipedia helps to clarify this point by adding:

“In the Nov-Dec 1998 issue of Foreign Affairs he (Zelikow) co-authored with the
former head of the CIA) an article entitled 'Catastrophic Terrorism' in which he
speculated that if the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center had succeeded, ‘the
resulting horror and chaos would have exceeded our ability to describe it. Such an
act of catastrophic terrorism would be a watershed event in American history. It
could involve loss of life and property unprecedented in peacetime and undermine
America’s fundamental sense of security, as did the
Soviet atomic bomb test in 1949. Like Pearl Harbor, the event would divide our
past and future into a before and after. The United States might respond with
draconian measures scaling back civil liberties, allowing wider surveillance of
citizens, detention of suspects and use of deadly force.”

(Philip Zelikow, From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia)

That was written in 1998!

Amazing. It is almost like Zelikow knew what was going to happen on 9-11 and was drawing
attention to the “draconian measures” (scaling back civil liberties) which may seem attractive to
ruling elites in the policy establishment.

Now, (coincidentally) everything has evolved almost exactly as Zelikow predicted. Just like Pearl
Harbor, 9-11 has “divided our past and future into a before and after.” The post-9-11 world
relates to a world in which personal liberty is no longer protected, and where surveillance,
detention and the use of deadly force are all permitted. It is a world in which “America’s
fundamental sense of security” has been shattered and will continue to be shattered as a way of
managing public opinion.

As Zelikow presciently implies, the post 9-11 world depends entirely on “public myths”; fairy
tales invented by society’s supervisors which perpetuate the illusion of democracy, freedom and
the rule of law.
So, how does this apply to Karl Rove?

There are only two weapons in the imperial tool chest; force and deception. I expect that the
anticipated Democratic landslide will be preempted by massive voter fraud accompanied by
some type of “searing event”; that way the fantastical outcome of a GOP victory can be neatly
folded into a larger and all-pervasive "myth."

As we have been reminded many times: Reality no longer matters; only the perception
of reality. The power of myth reigns supreme.

- Full article here.

POSTED BY QLIPOTH AT 2:59 PM 13 COMMENTS

Sunday, October 29, 2006

For Lenin's Tomb and Alexander Cockburn
A 16-minute extract from a film.

They know why.

POSTED BY QLIPOTH AT 5:49 PM 0 COMMENTS

"We [the CIA] threatened grievous injury to his children"

From the former news-magazine Der Spiegel (affectionately known as "the house journal of the
CIA in Germany") comes the following pseudo-critical interview, in which we learn that:

- "The President likes to talk to operators" [i.e. torturers].

- There is such a thing as "hot waterboarding".

- When the CIA's secret prisoners refuse to talk even under torture, then "the operators"
threaten to torture the prisoners' kidnapped children.

- The CIA has considered using misinformation. (Don't laugh.)

- All of this torture has brought as good as no information at all from Ramzi Binalshibh and
Khalid Shaikh Mohammed.

- These two men are alleged to have been the two head honchoes in the September 11th attacks,
yet they will never be brought to trial.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

"The President Knows more than He Lets on"

One hundred suspected terrorists from all over the world are still being held in secret
American prisons. In an interview with SPIEGEL ONLINE, CIA expert [sic] Ron Suskind
accuses Washington of "running like a headless chicken" in its war against al-Qaida. He
reserves special criticism for the CIA's torture methods, which he argues are unproductive
[sic].

SPIEGEL ONLINE: Mr. Suskind, the Red Cross recently visited all of the prisoners at
Guantanamo who had been transferred from secret CIA prisons, including Khalid Shaikh
Mohammed and Ramzi Binalshibh. Do we know more about these CIA prisons, or "Black Sites"
as a result of this visit?

Suskind: We know that almost everything from the tool kit was tried: extraordinary
techniques that included hot and cold water-boarding and threats of various kinds. We tried
virtually everything with Binalshibh. But he was resistant, and my understanding of that
interrogation is that we got very, very little from it. At one point, there was some
thinking that we should put out misinformation that Binalshihb had been cooperative, he had
received money and he was living in luxury. So that would mean that his friends and family, who
obviously are known to al-Qaida, might face retribuition, and we ended up not doing that.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: And what happened to Khalid Shaikh Mohammed?

Suskind: He was really the prize. He is the 9/11 operational planner [in the same way that
SpongeBob is the Pope - Q.], a kind of general in the al-Qaida firmament. He was water-
boarded, hot and cold, all matter of deprivations, beatings, threats. He told us some things,
but frankly things that professional interrogators say could have been gotten
otherwise.

SPIEGEL ONLINE: With waterboarding, the prisoner is made to feel as though he is drowing,
even if he isn't really at risk of dying. There are reports that Mohammed was a kind of unoffical
record-holder when it came to waterboarding.

Suskind: With extraordinary minutes passing he earned a sort of grudging respect from
interrogators. The thing they did with Mohammed is that we had captured his
children, a boy and a girl, age 7 and 9. And at the darkest moment we threatened
grievous injury to his children if he did not cooperate. His response was quite clear:
"That's fine. You can do what you want to my children, and they will find a better place with
Allah." ...

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

The interview continues at this bloody site. Caveat lector.

POSTED BY QLIPOTH AT 1:15 PM 0 COMMENTS

Saturday, October 28, 2006

"I didn't go to school until I was 12 or so."
I didn't go to school until I was 12 or so. My parents thought that traveling in a house trailer was
as enlightening as sitting in a classroom, so I escaped being taught some of the typical lessons of
my generation: for instance, that this country was "discovered" when the first white man set foot
on it, that boys and girls were practically different species, that Europe deserved more textbook
space than Africa and Asia combined.

Instead, I grew up seeing with my own eyes, following my curiosity, falling in love with books,
and growing up mostly around grown-ups -- which, except for the books, was the way kids were
raised for most of human history.Needless to say, school hit me like a ton of bricks. I wasn't
prepared for gender obsessions, race and class complexities, or the new-to-me idea that war and
male leadership were part of human nature. Soon, I gave in and became an adolescent hoping
for approval and trying to conform. It was a stage that lasted through college.

I owe the beginnings of re-birth to living in India for a couple of years where I fell in with a
group of Gandhians, and then I came to the Kennedys, the civil rights movement and protests
against the war in Vietnam.

But most women, me included, stayed in our traditional places until we began to gather, listen to
each other's stories and learn from shared experience. Soon, a national and international
feminist movement was challenging the idea that what happened to men was political, but what
happened to women was cultural -- that the first could be changed but the second could not.

I had the feeling of coming home, of awakening from an inauthentic life. It wasn't as if I thought
my self-authority was more important than external authority, but it wasn't less important
either. We are both communal and uniquely ourselves, not either-or.

Since then, I've spent decades listening to kids before and after social roles hit. Faced with some
inequality, the younger ones say, "It's not fair!" It's as if there were some primordial expectation
of empathy and cooperation that helps the species survive. But by the time kids are teenagers,
social pressures have either nourished or starved this expectation. I suspect that their natural
cry for fairness -- or any whisper of it that survives -- is the root from which social justice
movements grow.

So I no longer believe the conservative message that children are naturally selfish and
destructive creatures who need civilizing by hierarchies or painful controls. On the contrary, I
believe that hierarchy and painful controls create destructive people. And I no longer believe the
liberal message that children are blank slates on which society can write anything. On the
contrary, I believe that a unique core self is born into every human being -- the result of
millennia of environment and heredity combined in an unpredictable way that could never
happen before or again.

- From here, via Dougald Hine.

POSTED BY QLIPOTH AT 9:27 AM 0 COMMENTS

Well, Hello Martial Law: Bush alters The Insurrection Act
Bush Moves Toward Martial Law

Frank Morales

October 26, 2006

In a stealth maneuver, President Bush has signed into law a provision which,
according to Senator Patrick Leahy (D-Vermont), will actually encourage the
President to declare federal martial law (1). It does so by revising the Insurrection Act, a
set of laws that limits the President's ability to deploy troops within the United States. The
Insurrection Act (10 U.S.C.331 -335) has historically, along with the Posse Comitatus Act (18
U.S.C.1385), helped to enforce strict prohibitions on military involvement in domestic law
enforcement. With one cloaked swipe of his pen, Bush is seeking to undo those prohibitions.

Public Law 109-364, or the "John Warner Defense Authorization Act of 2007" (H.R.5122) (2),
which was signed by the commander in chief on October 17th, 2006, in a private Oval Office
ceremony, allows the President to declare a "public emergency" and station troops anywhere in
America and take control of state-based National Guard units without the consent of the
governor or local authorities, in order to "suppress public disorder."

President Bush seized this unprecedented power on the very same day that he
signed the equally odious Military Commissions Act of 2006. In a sense, the two laws
complement one another. One allows for torture and detention abroad, while the other seeks to
enforce acquiescence at home, preparing to order the military onto the streets of America.
Remember, the term for putting an area under military law enforcement control is precise; the
term is "martial law."

Section 1076 of the massive Authorization Act, which grants the Pentagon another $500-plus-
billion for its ill-advised adventures, is entitled, "Use of the Armed Forces in Major Public
Emergencies." Section 333, "Major public emergencies; interference with State and Federal law"
states that "the President may employ the armed forces, including the National Guard in Federal
service, to restore public order and enforce the laws of the United States when, as a result of a
natural disaster, epidemic, or other serious public health emergency, terrorist attack or incident,
or other condition in any State or possession of the United States, the President determines that
domestic violence has occurred to such an extent that the constituted authorities of the State or
possession are incapable of ("refuse" or "fail" in) maintaining public order, "in order to
suppress, in any State, any insurrection, domestic violence, unlawful combination,
or conspiracy." ...

ZELIKOW CONTROLS 9/11 COMMISSION

Flaws in the Commission's Investigation

Conflicts of Interest in the Commission

One important reason for asking for a new truly independent commission is because of the
conflicts of interest of the 9/11 Commission members and staff, particularly Philip Zelikow,
Executive Director of the Commission. The 9/11 Family Steering Committee came to the
conclusion that each of the commission members was placed on the commission to protect
specific interests. For example, Jim Thompson's and Slade Gorton's law firms represented
the airlines. Jamie Gorelick was on the board of Schlumberger, a large defense contracting
company and had also served on a CIA advisory panel. John Lehman owned several
companies that provided military components to defense contractors or directly to the
government.

But the most profound conflict of interest, one that compromised the breadth and integrity
of the commission's investigation, was in the executive staff director, Philip Zelikow. He was
a close colleague of Condoleezza Rice, and at the specific request of Rice had served on the
Bush administration's transition team. This meant that as the Clinton administration was
leaving office and the Bush Administration was coming into office, it was Zelikow's job to
facilitate that transition. Because two of Zelikow's specialties are national security and
terrorism, he was briefed about al Qaeda and bin Laden by outgoing National Security
Advisor Sandy Berger, counter-terrorism czar Richard Clarke, and CIA Director George
Tenet. These briefings took place from late 2000 through early 2001. Zelikow's job was to
take that information and convey it to the Bush national security team. How could Zelikow
direct an investigation whose mandate was at least in part to investigate the role Zelikow
himself played in the transition time between the Clinton and Bush administrations-a
transition that went to the heart of why the Bush administration underestimated or ignored
the threat posed by al Qaeda and bin Laden?
While the commissioners were the public face of the Commission, the real work was carried
out behind the scenes by the staff-and there were about eighty staff members who were
divided up into several key areas. Zelikow was in charge of those eighty staffers and the
entire course of the investigation. He was the Commission's gatekeeper--all information that
ended up in the final report was there only because Zelikow thought it should be there. In
essence, the story told by the 9/11 Commission became the story that Zelikow wanted to
tell.

Zelikow, as Executive Director, was one of only two people from the Commission to be given
primary access to the executive branch documents. As such, he received all the
administration's documents relating to al Qaeda and 9/11. Zelikow provided a limited and
censored group of documents to the commissioners, but only in a secure location.
Commissioners could take handwritten notes about these documents, but these notes could
not be removed from the classified location nor used in writing the Commission's final
report.

Zelikow designed the investigation so that staff was divided into individual teams, each
team addressing one specific part of the investigation. Thus, no one segment of the staff
was seeing the whole picture. The official excuse for 9/11 is that "nobody connected the
dots," and yet Zelikow set up the Commission's own investigation so that no single
investigator could feasibly "connect the dots" of the failure that occurred on 9/11.

The other person given primary access to the administration's documents was
Commissioner Jamie Gorelick, who ironically was also interviewed by the Commission as a
witness regarding her former position as deputy attorney general in the Clinton
administration. The Family Steering Committee issued a press release indicating their total
dismay over the conflicts of interest exhibited by Zelikow and Gorelick.

We should note here that Philip Zelikow was the primary author of the Administration's
2002 version of the National Security Strategy (generally known as NSS 2002), which
turned the concept of 'preventive-preemptive warfare' into official American policy. The NSS
2000 said, among other things, "The events of September 11, 2001, . . .opened vast, new
opportunities." Zelikow apparently believed that 9/11 had turned out to be a "good" thing.
Then he wouldn't be inclined during the investigation to focus on any facts that would point
the finger at specific federal officials, as this might spoil those "opportunities."

The Myth Maker

As everyone knows, Philip Zelikow, the Executive Director of the 9/11 Commission,
is an administration insider whose area of expertise is the creation and
maintenance of "public myths" thought to be true, even if not actually true. We
all know that he controlled what the Commission did and did not analyze, then
limited the scope of the Commission's inquiry so that the overwhelming majority of
questions about 9/11 remained unasked (see this article and this article). Zelikow
is arguably the single most responsible person in covering up the truth about 9/11.
Well, it turns out that Zelikow also wrote a hit piece against Pearl Harbor truth for
the Council on Foreign Relations. I guess with all of the false flags that the U.S.
government carries out, there is alot of demand for a myth-maker like Zelikow.

Here's Zelikow's essay in full:

Stinnett revives another old argument: that Roosevelt knew about the Japanese
attack on Pearl Harbor and let it happen. (Even Buchanan did not stoop to this old
saw.) A persistent digger, Stinnett has uncovered some nuggets of new evidence,
but his most sensational items are premised on the false belief that American
intelligence had broken the Japanese naval code before the attack. In fact, it was
not decrypted until after Pearl Harbor. Aside from questioning the competence and
honesty of two officers in U.S. naval intelligence (in a case concerning the Japanese
fleet's radio silence and U.S. radio direction-finding), the book offers little new.
Stinnett never fashions his nuggets of research into a coherent argument, much
less a convincing portrait. It is odd that an otherwise respectable publisher did not
insist on such coherence before peddling this book with its sensational press
release. If Roosevelt was indeed maneuvering to have a war forced on the United
States, his maneuvers were aimed at Germany rather than Japan, which he and
Churchill simply hoped to deter. Pearl Harbor demonstrated their misjudgments, not
their shrewdness.

Using the tired old gatekeeper cliches of "nothing new, move along", "the
authorities deny it" and "they were just incompetent", Zelikow's review is
thoroughly dishonest. His argument that Roosevelt was really maneuvering to get
us into war against Germany and not Japan is wholly deceitful. If America got into a
war against Japan, it would also be at war again Japan's ally: Germany. Germany
never threatened to attack the U.S. directly. So when Roosevelt learned of Japan's
plans to attack Pearl Harbor ... voila, a perfect excuse to enter the war against Japan
and Germany. It doesn't take a rocket scientist to figure that out.

It is interesting to see a slightly younger "myth-maker" polishing his skills prior to

landing the big role of whitewasher-in-chief concerning 9/11.
Philip D. Zelikow
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (FOR USE AS BACKGROUND ONLY UNLESS
BACKED BY REFERENCED DOCUMENTS)

Philip D. Zelikow

Philip D. Zelikow is best known as the executive director of the 9/11 Commission. He also acted
as the director of the Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia until February
2005 when he was appointed Counselor of the United States Department of State.
Philip Zelikow was born in 1954. After study at the University of Houston, he completed a B.A.
in History and Political Science at the University of Redlands, in southern California. He earned
a law degree from the University of Houston Law Center, where he was an editor of the law
review, and a Ph.D. from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.
•

Career
Zelikow practiced law in the early 1980s, but he turned toward the field of national security in
the mid 1980s. He was adjunct professor of national security affairs at the Naval Postgraduate
School in Monterey, California in 1984-1985, and served in three different offices of the U.S.
Department of State in the second Reagan administration.
Zelikow joined the National Security Council in the George Herbert Walker Bush
administration, at the same time as Condoleezza Rice. Zelikow left the NSC in 1991 and went to
Harvard, where from 1991 to 1998, he was Associate Professor of Public Policy and co-director
of Harvard’s Intelligence and Policy Program.
In 1998, Zelikow moved to the University of Virginia, where he directed, until February 2005,
the nation’s largest center on the American presidency, served as director of the Miller Center of
Public Affairs and, as White Burkett Miller Professor of History, held an endowed chair.
Philip Zelikow has co-authored many books. He wrote a book with Ernest May on The Kennedy
Tapes, and another with Joseph Nye and David C. King on Why People Don’t Trust
Government. He wrote Germany Unified and Europe Transformed with Condoleezza Rice.
Professor Zelikow's area of academic expertise is the history and practice of public policy. In
addition to the work on German unification, he has been significantly involved in contemporary
scholarship on the Cuban missile crisis, including the relation between this crisis and the East-
West confrontation over Berlin.
While at Harvard he worked with Ernest May and Richard Neustadt on the use, and misuse, of
history in policymaking. They observed, as Zelikow noted in his own words, that
"contemporary" history is "defined functionally by those critical people and events that go into
forming the public's presumptions about its immediate past. The idea of 'public presumption'," he
explained, "is akin to William McNeill's notion of 'public myth' but without the negative
implication sometimes invoked by the word 'myth.' Such presumptions are beliefs (1) thought to
be true (although not necessarily known to be true with certainty), and (2) shared in common
within the relevant political community."[1]"
Zelikow and May have also authored and sponsored scholarship on the relationship between
intelligence analysis and policy decisions. Zelikow later helped found a research project to
prepare and publish annotated transcripts of presidential recordings made secretly during the
Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon administrations (see WhiteHouseTapes.org) and another project to
strengthen oral history work on more recent administrations, with both these projects based at the
University of Virginia's Miller Center of Public Affairs.
In writing about the importance of beliefs about history, Zelikow has called attention to what he
has called "'searing' or 'molding' events [that] take on 'transcendent' importance and, therefore,
retain their power even as the experiencing generation passes from the scene. In the United
States, beliefs about the formation of the nation and the Constitution remain powerful today, as
do beliefs about slavery and the Civil War. World War II, Vietnam, and the civil rights struggle
are more recent examples." He has noted that "a history’s narrative power is typically linked to
how readers relate to the actions of individuals in the history; if readers cannot make a
connection to their own lives, then a history may fail to engage them at all."[1]
Zelikow has also written about terrorism and national security, including a set of Harvard case
studies on "Policing Northern Ireland." In the November-December 1998 issue of Foreign
Affairs, he co-authored an article entitled "Catastrophic Terrorism," in which he speculated that if
the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center had succeeded, "the resulting horror and chaos
would have exceeded our ability to describe it. Such an act of catastrophic terrorism would be a
watershed event in American history. It could involve loss of life and property unprecedented in
peacetime and undermine America’s fundamental sense of security, as did the Soviet atomic
bomb test in 1949. Like Pearl Harbor, the event would divide our past and future into a before
and after. The United States might respond with draconian measures scaling back civil liberties,
allowing wider surveillance of citizens, detention of suspects and use of deadly force. More
violence could follow, either future terrorist attacks or U.S. counterattacks. Belatedly, Americans
would judge their leaders negligent for not addressing terrorism more urgently."
Philip Zelikow served on President Bush's transition team in 2000-2001. After George W. Bush
took office, Zelikow was named to a position on the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory
Board [PFIAB], and worked on other task forces and commissions as well. He directed the
bipartisan National Commission on Federal Election Reform, created after the 2000 election and
chaired by former presidents Jimmy Carter and Gerald Ford, along with Lloyd Cutler and Bob
Michel. This Commission's recommendations led directly to congressional consideration and
enactment into law of the landmark Help America Vote Act of 2002.
In Rise of the Vulcans (Viking, 2004), James Mann reports that when Richard Haass, a senior
aide to Secretary of State Colin Powell and the director of policy planning at the State
Department, drafted for the administration an overview of America’s national security strategy
following September 11, Dr. Rice, the national security advisor, "ordered that the document be
completely rewritten. She thought the Bush administration needed something bolder, something
that would represent a more dramatic break with the ideas of the past. Rice turned the writing
over to her old colleague, University of Virginia Professor Philip Zelikow." This document,
issued on September 17, 2002, is generally recognized as a watershed document in the War on
Terrorism.
Because Philip Zelikow's significant involvement with the administration of George W. Bush,
some questioned the propriety of his position as executive director of the 9/11 Commission,
which examined the conduct of George W. Bush and Condoleezza Rice. Both the 9/11 Family
Steering Committee and 9-11 Citizens Watch demanded his resignation, due to this apparent
conflict of interest. The Commission co-chairs, Tom Kean and Lee Hamilton, shrugged off these
criticisms, as did other 9/11 family representatives.
Based on speeches and internal memos, some political analysts believe that Zelikow disagreed
with some aspects of the Bush administration's Middle Eastern policy.[2]
In 2002 Zelikow made remarks interpreted as alleging that the United States entered the Iraq
War to protect Israel, when he said:

"Why would Iraq attack America or use nuclear weapons against us? I'll
“ tell you what I think the real threat (is) and actually has been since 1990 --
it's the threat against Israel,"
"And this is the threat that dare not speak its name, because the Europeans don't care
deeply about that threat, I will tell you frankly. And the American government doesn't
want to lean too hard on it rhetorically, because it is not a popular sell."[3]
”
Zelikow has called attention to various fallacies in this argument. In addition to observing that
any use of nuclear weapons in the Middle East would threaten U.S. and world interests, he noted
that, though he publicly worried about the Iraq danger in 2002, he did not take sides in the debate
at the time between whether to deal with this problem with war or with further inspections and
other diplomatic measures. Nor did he think his views amounted to evidence one way or the
other about the Bush administration's motives, since he had not participated in or been privy to
the administration's deliberations on this problem.[4]
Philip Zelikow, foreign policy consultant to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, is known to
play a leading role in conceptualizing a peace regime for the Korean peninsula.
Controversy
Zelikow (a member of the Council on Foreign Relations), was appointed to the President's
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB) on October 8, 2001, by President George W.
Bush. He was later appointed as the Executive Director of the 9/11 Commission. People have
questioned his independence of mind, sighting the (co-authored) article "Catastrophic Terrorism"
Foreign Affairs, Vol. 77 no. 6 (November-December 1998), pp. 80-94 (see above). He has since
stated that the 9/11 Commission investigated many 'multiple universe' events of the days around
9/11, the final report being "the best fit". The 9/11 Commission was set up "to prepare a full and
complete account of the circumstances surrounding the September 11, 2001 attacks".
Works authored or co-authored by Philip Zelikow
Philip D. Zelikow

• Philip D. Zelikow with Condoleezza Rice, Germany Unified and Europe

Transformed: A Study in Statecraft Harvard University Press, 1995,
hardcover, 520 pages, ISBN 0-674-35324-2; trade paperback, 1997, 520
pages, ISBN 0-674-35325-0
• Philip D. Zelikow with Graham T. Allison, Essence of Decision: Explaining the
Cuban Missile Crisis 2nd edition Longman, 1999. 440 pages, ISBN 0-321-
01349-2
• Philip D. Zelikow with Ernest R. May, The Kennedy Tapes: Inside the White
House During the Cuban Missile Crisis Harvard University Press, 1997, 728
pages, ISBN 0-674-17926-9
• Philip D. Zelikow, American Military Strategy: Memos to a President (Aspen
Policy Series) W.W. Norton & Company, 2001, 206 pages, ISBN 0-393-97711-
0

References
1. ^ a b Philip Zelikow. Thinking About Political History. Miller Center Report,
Winter 1999.
2. ^ Cooper, Helene and David E. Sanger. Rice’s Counselor Gives Advice Others
May Not Want to Hear. The New York Times. 2006-10-28.
3. ^ Emad Mekay IRAQ: War Launched to Protect Israel Inter Press Service
News Agency. 2006-12-28.
4. ^ The Israel Lobby

External links
• Biography from US Department of State
• "Miller Center chief irks widows" article
• Foreign Affairs article co-authored by Zelikow in 1998 on catastrophic
terrorism and a hypothetical "transforming event" à la the attack on Pearl
Harbor